[Prishtina-E] [AMCC-News] 1) Macedonia's inter-ethnic relations heat up again; 2) Macedonians Threaten Revolt Over Decentralisation

[Albanians in Macedonia Crisis Center News & Information]

---------------------------------------------------------------------
                                 AMCC
                    http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 
1. Macedonia's inter-ethnic relations heat up again
2. Macedonians Threaten Revolt Over Decentralisation

### 1 ###

http://www.isn.ethz.ch/infoservice/secwatch/index.cfm?service=cwn&parent=det
ail&menu=8&sNewsID=9332

Macedonia's inter-ethnic relations heat up again  

Plans to reorganize the country's administrative structure have rekindled
ethnic tensions in Macedonia and are straining the nation's internal
cohesion.

30.07.2004     
By Ekrem Krasniqi for ISN Security Watch

The Macedonian government's proposal to grant more rights to the country's
largest minority group has cast doubt on Macedonia's internal stability.
Only three years after clashes between ethnic Albanian guerrillas and
Macedonia's security forces almost caused a civil war, ethnic tensions are
heating up again after massive protests against a proposal that would
devolve more power to the regions and make Albanian a second official
language in regions where ethnic Albanians form more than 20 per cent of
population. The proposal is a crucial part of the 2001 Ohrid Agreement that
ended an ethnic Albanian uprising and is seen by the government as an
important step towards EU membership. But opposition parties, preparing for
local elections set to take place in the autumn, successfully mobilized
hundreds of thousands of Slav Macedonians against what they see as a threat
to the integrity of the small Balkan state. Observers say that the
opposition to devolution is an additional obstacle for Macedonia's bid to
join the EU, which is already burdened by a slow and ineffective judiciary,
corruption, organized crime, and a poor economy. 

Ethnic politics

Macedonia, a former republic of the Yugoslav Federation, declared its
independence in November 1991, hard on the heels of the secession of
Slovenia and Croatia. The newly independent Republic of Macedonia became
involved in a dispute with Greece, which saw the name as a potential
territorial claim against its northern province, also called Macedonia. In
April 1993 the UN admitted the republic with the unwieldy title "Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" (FYROM) until an as yet unrealized
settlement with Greece could be reached. The position of ethnic minorities,
especially Albanians, became more acute as Macedonia tried to forge an
identity independent of the broader Yugoslav union. In the 1994 census,
official records say that ethnic Albanians represented 23 per cent of the
total 1'936'877 inhabitants of north-west Macedonia, a percentage which rose
to 25 per cent at a 2002 census, out of total population of 2'022'547. Even
when Macedonia was within the Yugoslav Federation, Albanians where never
satisfied with their position, as they felt they were treated as
second-class citizens dominated by the Slav Macedonian majority,
discriminated against on language rights and in education, public
administration, and in state institutions such as the army and police. For a
while, ethnic Albanian and Slav Macedonian politicians were able to ensure
solid electoral backing by playing on ethnic divisions during elections, and
then joining forces in coalition governments. During the last two
governments, ethnic Albanian parties such as the Democratic Party of
Albanian (DPA) and the Party of Democratic Prosperity (PDP) secured a few
cabinet seats and diplomatic missions, but in 2001, the ethnic divisions,
which had been fostered by mainstream politicians, overflowed into armed
confrontations between ethnic Albanian guerillas and the state. 

Brink of civil war

At the very moment when it was being praised by the West for avoiding ethnic
bloodshed, the inherent contradictions of its political development pushed
the country to the brink of the civil war in 2001 during seven months of
fighting between ethnic Albanian insurgents led by Ali Ahmeti (now the
leader of Democratic Union for Integration, DUI). But war was avoided as all
political parties agreed to the Ohrid Agreement (sponsored the EU, NATO, and
the US), which granted more rights to ethnic Albanians. Since the end of the
2001 crisis, most of the agreement has been legislated for with no problems.
Proportional ethnic representation in public administration, state central
and local structures, and in the security forces has been accepted by
legislators. Since the Ohrid Agreement, Albanian participation in all public
administration sectors has grown, and in some areas doubled. Ahmeti's DUI
party has been in a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party
(SDSM) and the Liberal Party (LDP) since September 2002. 

Application for EU membership

Encouraged by a positive assessment of reforms on minority rights by the
Western powers, the government, then led by Branko Crvenkovski (now
president of the country since the death of former president and Ohrid
signatory Boris Trajkovski in a plane crash), applied for EU membership.
Croatia's application to enter EU integration negotiations has already been
accepted at the beginning of this year. Croat officials hope their country
will join EU together with Rumania and Bulgaria in 2007. The EU has said
that it will include the Balkan states, but only when they have met the
political and economic criteria set by Brussels. According to EU officials,
the Ohrid Agreement has become Macedonia's additional condition on its road
to Europe. Emma Udwin, European Commission spokeswoman told ISN Security
Watch, "We have said in our March report, that we want full implementation
of the Ohrid Agreement and especially on the decentralization package. It's
an essential condition but not the only one," Udwin said. Decentralization
was one of the "tickets" towards EU membership, but reforms in the economy,
governance, law and order must also be done properly as well, she told ISN
Security Watch, just days before the government reached its deal on
decentralization two weeks ago. Macedonia's March 2004 application to join
the EU is only the first step towards even being considered for membership.
Macedonia's application must first be assessed by the European Commission
before permission to enter negotiations is granted. The EU took 14 to 15
months to consider Croatia's application, but Macedonia could take even
longer, especially because of the controversy over the decentralization
package.


### 2 ###

http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr3/bcr3_200407_509_2_eng.txt

Macedonians Threaten Revolt Over Decentralisation 

Street protests calling for a plebiscite on laws that Macedonians say grant
too much to Albanians have brought ethnic tensions to boiling point.

By Tamara Causidis in Skopje (BCR No 509, 30-Jul-04)

While parliament debates a controversial law on new municipal boundaries,
opponents who claim it concedes too much to Macedonia's Albanian minority
this week claimed they had gathered more than 90,000 signatures aimed at
forcing the government to hold a referendum on the issue.

Legal experts say that if the opposition collects 150,000 signatures - the
figure stipulated in law as the number needed to oblige the authorities to
call such a vote - the government will have to go ahead with a poll. 

They will have to do so by August 23, however, as the law says those calling
for a referendum have a maximum of six months to collect the minimum number
of signatures; the six-month period expires on August 23.

The outcome of the vote will be delays to the process of decentralisation -
a key part of the 2001 Ohrid agreement that ended an ethnic Albanian armed
revolt - and the possibility of more referendums and protests to come,
intensifying ethnic tension and mistrust.

Most analysts agree ethnic tensions have not been so severe since 2001, when
Albanian guerrillas launched their insurgency demanding greater civil
rights. The six-month conflict ended with a western-brokered peace deal that
conceded to many of their demands.

But the last, crucial part of the Ohrid deal, laws on decentralisation,
which are seen as a key condition for the country's ambitions to join the EU
and NATO, have brought to light popular anger among the Macedonians about
the peace deal's provisions.

On July 26, thousands of Macedonians stood for hours in pouring rain in
front of the parliament in Skopje protesting against proposed new municipal
boundaries, which will see mainly Albanian communities merged into
municipalities dominated until now by Macedonians.

The Macedonian critics of the new laws say the moves to grant greater powers
to local authorities over health, education, some taxes and local economic
development, will enable Albanians to quietly "ethnically cleanse" the
districts under their control. 

Anger has focused on a clutch of Macedonian-majority towns that stand to be
merged into larger Albanian-majority districts, which Macedonians fear will
then lose their former character.

One flashpoint is Struga, in south-west Macedonia, where Macedonian
protesters on July 29 attacked the headquarters of the ruling Social
Democrats, trapping a government minister who had been sent to calm tensions
for hours inside a building. More than 40 people were injured in the clashes
between police and the crowd.

Another grievance centres on the future status of the capital. Skopje is to
become bilingual, with street signs and documents in both languages. There's
irritation over the fact that two Albanian villages will be incorporated
into the city to boost the number of Albanians and make Skopje eligible for
bilingual status. 

The peace deal stipulates that a minority language can only be made an
official one where an ethnic minority comprises more than 20 per cent of the
population. At present, Albanians make up 15.3 per cent of Skopje's
population but with the merger of these two villages, that figure will rise
to 21 per cent.

Defence Minister Vlado Buckovski, a key player in the negotiations over the
deal, said although it was clear that ethnic tensions in the country had not
dissipated over the past few years, it was too late now to renege on the
decentralisation laws.

"We now see that the efforts we made to boost trust between the communities
in the period since the crisis have not been enough to heal all the wounds,"
he said.

But he added that decentralisation was still a step that needed to be taken.
"In four years this will probably seem ridiculous," he said, referring to
the current furore. "Right now, it is something we have to do."

Analysts say the explosion of popular discontent stems partly from the way
the government and its coalition partners conducted their talks over more
than 40 days, with much hard bargaining between Macedonian and Albanian
representatives.

Mirjana Maleska, an expert on ethnic relations, told IWPR that the
protracted haggling had accentuated problems. "The way the government
negotiated on this issue caused chaos and ethnic tensions even were they did
not exist before, such as in Struga, where local people feel betrayed," she
said.

Even before the government had reached a final agreement on the new
boundaries, opponents had staged 41 municipal referendums all over the
country against the proposal. The government did not take them seriously,
however.

Maleska says a new, nationwide poll may be inevitable, but is unlikely to
achieve anything. "I'm afraid a referendum cannot bring much good but it
seems the Macedonians have no choice," she said. "They have their backs
against the wall."

Trifun Kostovski, an independent parliamentary deputy who supports a
plebiscite, says that it may be the only way to force the government to
change its course, adding that it has missed the main objective of
decentralisation by allowing the debate to focus on ethnicity.

"With this proposal, the government is creating a bi-national state and so
destroying the concept of Macedonia as a multi-ethnic state, which will only
worsen ethnic relations," Kostovski said.

The opposition parties endorse this view. Several parties, led by the
nationalist VMRO-DMNE, along with various NGOs last week adopted a
declaration condemning the proposals. "The national ethnic structure is
being artificially changed [in a way] that could only jeopardise
inter-ethnic relations," the declaration said.

They urged people to support the referendum initiative, launched by a
diaspora association called the Macedonian World Congress, led by Todor
Petrov.

"The only constitutional mechanism to stop this law is a state level
referendum," said Petrov, who runs the Skopje-based association, aimed at
promoting the interests of Macedonians at home and abroad. "I believe we
will collect enough votes for one." 

Legal experts say that if the opposition collects the 150,000 signatures
needed by the August 23 deadline, the parliament will have no choice but to
announce a plebiscite. "If a referendum is successful and over 50 per cent
vote against the law, parliament will not be able to pass the proposed law,"
said Renata Deskoska, a law professor at Skopje University. "If already
adopted, it will have to be withdrawn." 

However, even the initiative for a referendum, regardless of the outcome,
has already severely damaged ethnic relations, deepening the gulf between
Macedonia's two main communities. Moreover, the Macedonian call for a
referendum has met an echo among Albanians who are threatening to organise a
counter-referendum.

Vladimir Milcin, director of the Open Society Institute in Skopje, told IWPR
that a vote could open up an alarming scenario.

"In this referendum, Albanians will not participate," he said. "They will
make their response in a counter-referendum that could open up a process of
destabilisation and make way for a real division of the country."

Milcin added that the present initiative was "a very dangerous and
irresponsible game" and the work of people "who think they can profit from
the frustrations of the Macedonians. While screaming against the possible
division of the country they are de facto dividing it".

Analyst Ferid Muhic has a similar view. "Unlike Israel's concrete walls, we
are building walls of stupidity," he said. "Every delay [to the
decentralisation plan] will only worsen the situation."

The ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration, DUI, led by Ali
Ahmeti, which is part of the government, has also warned of what it calls a
pattern of referendum and counter-referendum.

"This is not an appropriate moment for such an initiative, as it will plunge
the country into an endless cycle of similar initiatives to collect
signatures in both communities," Ahmeti said.

Ahmeti, a former guerrilla chief, has repeatedly reassured Macedonians that
he opposes any division of the country. "Macedonia is our country, my
homeland and together we will build the true values that lead us towards
Europe," he said recently, in an open letter.

Attempts to renegotiate the terms of the deal are unlikely to win support
from abroad. The international community has already given full support for
the government's package, repeating that the laws are a condition for
progress on Macedonia`s ambitions to join the EU and NATO.

Diplomatic sources warned that a plebiscite - "though a legitimate
democratic right," as one put it - will stall the decentralisation process
and move the country further away from the EU.

But voices urging calm have to struggle to make themselves heard against the
background of popular agitation, in which many ordinary people have been
caught up. 

"The Albanians are really pushing it. Macedonians will not accept becoming a
minority in their own country," said Nikola, 45, from Skopje. "Macedonians
will not stay to live in municipalities where Albanians are in control for
the Albanians have shown in the past and especially in 2001 that they have a
hidden agenda - a Greater Albania." 

On the other side of town, Muhamed, 26, an Albanian, said anti-Albanian
prejudice was all that lay behind Macedonian opposition to the new
territorial boundaries. "The main problem is simply that we are Albanians,"
he said. "What this revolt shows is that the Macedonians never really
accepted the peace deal."

"The way the Macedonians react about Struga one would think that somebody
was planning literally to take Struga and move it out of Macedonia," Gzim
Ostreni, vice-president of the DUI, commented. "This law will not make any
dramatic changes."

The next days will be crucial, as the municipal boundaries bills have to be
adopted by parliament by an August 7 deadline if local elections are to go
ahead as planned on October 17. If parliament fails to meet the first
deadline, local elections may also have to be postponed.

Some analysts say that the government is already showing signs of panic.
Government members have already hinted that they doubt the validity of the
signatures that have been collected.

"The referendum initiative is making them nervous," agreed Pande Lazarevski,
an analyst with the Institute for sociological, legal and political research
in Skopje.

Tamara Causidis is a journalist with Radio Free Europe in Skopje.

______________________________________________________________
If you wish to unsubscribe, send a blank message to:
amcc-news-unsubscribe at alb-net.com , or visit AMCC-NEWS's page at:
http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news