From naac at naac.org Thu Nov 1 11:38:01 2001 From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC) Date: Thu Nov 1 11:38:01 2001 Subject: [Prishtina-E] Interview with Janusz Bugajski Message-ID: <001301c162ee$94c9b4b0$0301010a@sokol> National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001 Tel: (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Web: www.naac.org Email: naac at naac.org _________________________________________________ For Your Information Dear Friends, We wanted to share with you an interview that Janusz Bugajski, Director of the Eastern Europe Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, gave to the Albanian daily Koha Jone. Bugajski: 'The anti-Albanian campaign aims at discrediting the US in the Balkans' October 11, 2001 Interview by Keida Kostreci, Koha Jone 1. In a recent article, you have warned for the Balkans to be careful in their approach of the terrorism issues, in the aftermath of the attacks in the US. Could you be more specific on this topic? Balkan states must be careful not to manipulate the threat of international terrorism to try and gain advantages over their neighbors. Unless proven, provocative accusations of alleged ties between some activists in the region and the Bin Laden network should be viewed as deliberate disinformation that actually undermines US efforts to eradicate the scourge of organized terrorism. On the other hand, Balkan governments must cooperate fully in the struggle against terrorism and assist the U.S. and NATO in every conceivable way. Ultimately, this is to everyone's advantage. 2. How would you characterize the position taken from Albania and Albanians, after the attacks? Albanians in Albania, Kosova, and elsewhere have taken a stellar position in support of the United States. This was visible not only in government statements but in the actions and expressions of ordinary citizens. Such support will long be remembered and appreciated by Washington. In the long struggle ahead, verbal support must turn into concrete actions in several areas: crime fighting, intelligence work, penetration of militant cells, and so on. 3. Would you consider Albania more risky than other countries in Europe, regarding the presence of fundamentalists? Religious fanaticism is not a significant phenomenon anywhere in the Balkans. Certain political interests in the Middle East tried to plant fundamentalist cells in places such as Bosnia, Kosova, and Albania. But their efforts did not fall on fertile ground. Nevertheless, the links between terrorists and criminals need to be comprehensively monitored and severed as both phenomena are a threat to democracy and security. In this respect Albania must eliminate its "criminal fundamentalists" who ultimately play into the hands of anti-American terrorists. 4. Which would be your comment on the campaign that some of Albania's neighboring countries, such as Greece, Serbia and Macedonia, have recently undertaken, in order to present Albania as a terrorists' "nest" and Albanians as supporters of fundamentalism? Unfortunately, certain political leaders in the region have deliberately scapegoated Albanians as terrorists because this conveniently shifts attention from their own failures to control domestic radicalism and criminality. The notion that Albanians are "fundamentalists" is clearly seen in Washington as a forgery. The authors of such disinformation campaigns are increasingly viewed as opportunists who seek to distract America from its mission to eradicate international terrorism. 5. Do you think these positions aim at dismissing the Albanians' claims for more rights in Macedonia and also the reasons of fighting against the Milosevic regime in Kosovo? Clearly, the anti-Albanian campaign is intended to diminish the position and aspirations of the Albanian population throughout South East Europe. It is also aimed at discrediting the NATO missions and American leadership while assisting Russia in its efforts to regain influence in the region. 6. Is the decision of the Clinton administration in 1999, to support the war of Albanians in Kosovo, to be seen under a different approach, after the recent developments? I don't think so. The Clinton administration supported full rights for the Albanians in Kosova and sought to eliminate the chief state terrorist, Milosevic. No one in the Bush administration has seriously opposed this approach. Recent developments have not changed the equation. 7. Do you think that the US needs a presence in the Balkans (such as the ones in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia), also to gather necessary information on terrorism activities, as part of the global campaign with this regard? The US needs a long-term presence in several global trouble spots not only to gain information on terrorism but to prevent any territory from becoming a haven for terrorists. In this respect, the construction of credible institutions and authoritative and legitimate governments is essential in the campaign of " terrorism prevention." 8. What the Balkans ought to do in order to comply with the need of as less as possible conflict hot spots in the world? Balkan governments and all major political players need to find points of collaboration in a number of areas such as institution building, economic cooperation, crime fighting, minority rights, and the marginalization of political, ideological, and religious radicalism. Such initiatives will help to cool down the Balkan "hot spot." This is essential in order not to distract American attention away from the broader struggle against international assassins and murderers. 9. How would you comment on recent protests in Greece against US military actions against terrorism? In one word: shameful. One wonders where Greece will turn if the upcoming Olympic Games in Athens were shattered by a murderous terrorist attack that left thousands dead and mutilated. I am certain that in such a disaster America would be first in line to assist the Greek government and population in hunting down the culprits. All Greek people should try to distinguish between friends and enemies. 10. Sen. Hillary Clinton has said in a recent interview at CBS's Late Show with David Letterman that the two last US wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, were to protect the Muslims. Do you have any comment on that? The US interventions in both Bosnia and Kosova were designed to end wars that were targeting nations in which the majority are Muslims. America does not discriminate according to religion but it discriminates between the guilty and the innocent and it supports the innocent. ### -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From naac at naac.org Thu Nov 1 11:38:06 2001 From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC) Date: Thu Nov 1 11:38:06 2001 Subject: [Prishtina-E] Dr. Brovina's Editorial in The New York Times Message-ID: <008c01c162f0$b5a929c0$0301010a@sokol> National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001 Tel: (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Web: www.naac.org Email: naac at naac.org ____________________________________________________________ For Your Information Dear Friends, We wanted to share with you the following editorial by Dr. Flora Brovina that appeared in yesterday's New York Times. THE NEW YORK TIMES October 31, 2001 Will Serbs Take a Chance on Kosovo? By FLORA BROVINA PRISTINA, Kosovo -- More than two years after air strikes by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization ended the harrowing of Kosovo by Slobodan Milosevic, Kosovo's Serbs remain beset by anxieties. Perhaps half of all Kosovo's Serbs have left for fear of retribution. Hundreds remain missing and unaccounted for. Half of the Serbs still in Kosovo live in small, fortified enclaves where they feel safe only thanks to the presence of NATO troops. Many Serbs cite these conditions, and the fear of Kosovar independence, as reasons for not voting, on Nov. 17, in the first free general elections Kosovo has ever had. But they are seeing the world upside down. These elections are the great opportunity for them, as they are for us, Kosovo's Albanians. As the first anniversary of my early release from a Serbian prison approaches - I was convicted of terrorism - I am hoping to become president of Kosovo Province as the candidate of the Democratic Party of Kosovo. As part of this election, I would like to challenge Serbia to a duel: not to see who is quicker on the draw, but to see who will be faster in building democracy. I believe Kosovars have good reason to feel optimistic about our chances. Since being freed, one of the most heartening things I witnessed in Kosovo was the gracious acceptance of defeat after last year's municipal elections by my party and the Alliance for Kosovo's Future. (The Kosovo Democratic Alliance prevailed.) I heard former fighters say words of which any statesman could be proud: No one lost, Kosovo won. Many former armed fighters are in my party. They knew they had not prepared well for the elections. Perhaps more important, many had lived in Europe and North America and knew firsthand the beauty of a system in which power is transferred peacefully. Now the people of Kosovo must redouble their efforts in fashioning a democracy. For Kosovo Albanians, the biggest challenge will be to renew contact with those we associate with years of suffering - most of all, the Serbs. No measure of Kosovo's maturity will be as important as our ability to ensure that all our people can live in peace and dignity. No group can do this hard work alone; our Serbian neighbors must summon the courage to meet us halfway. The simplest and most constructive step would be for Kosovo's Serbs, who boycotted the last elections, to participate on Nov. 17. They have many justified fears. But our fears cannot guide us now; there are too many of them, and they are too common. Everyone in Kosovo knows what it is like to live in fear. Thousands of Kosovo Albanians remain missing, and some 250 are still in Serbian prisons. After 19 months in one of those prisons, I know what it is like to dread tomorrow. I also know that tomorrow comes anyway. The only way forward is forward. Many of Kosovo's Serbs fear that voting would give the Assembly a legitimacy that the Albanian majority would use to carry Kosovo to independence. No one can know what the future holds, and it is true that many, many Kosovars cherish the desire for independence. Most international observers, and most observers in Belgrade, admit at least in private that Belgrade's authority will never return to Kosovo. A boycott would not change this reality. On the contrary, by appearing intransigent, Serbs may well make it easier for Albanians and the international community to ignore them. But if Serbs do vote in sufficient numbers, they may well elect the second or third biggest party in the Assembly. The Albanian vote is divided among three major parties; the Serb vote is aggressively sought by just one party. Beyond that, the Serb minority is already guaranteed, by regulation, 10 Assembly seats. If Serbs vote, they could win an unprecedented opportunity to air their grievances and make their arguments, both to other residents of Kosovo and to the international community. The hard truth is that Kosovo Serbs have just two options: to vote and take a hand in shaping their destiny or to mark their hopelessness by beginning a slow political decline. I hope for Kosovo's sake that they will take the gamble of democracy. Flora Brovina, a pediatrician and poet, is president of the Albanian Women's League of Kosovo and a candidate for president of Kosovo. ### -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jeton at hotmail.com Fri Nov 2 20:25:01 2001 From: jeton at hotmail.com (Jeton Ademaj) Date: Fri Nov 2 20:25:01 2001 Subject: [Prishtina-E] USA out of K ??? Message-ID: hello everyone This is a crosspost from the group shqiperia at yahoogroups.com . Apparently it was too hot for this group, and they'll only post my news articles. So I unsubscribed just now. i'm still pissed so i'm posting this rant here, along with the thread that preceded it. feel free to comment..... Agim, it's with great sadnesss that I remind you of the ease with which you could hasten the departure of American troops from Kosova. Just get some friends together, convince them that America is evil and that Iran, Iraq, the Taliban, Crown Prince Abdullah and Hasan Turabi all have Albanian interests at heart. You tell your (please Allah don't LET them be Albanian) friends that once American troops leave, Kosova could call the Arabian, Iranian and Pakistani armies to defend it from the avalanche of Serbian, Russian, Greek and Bulgarian forces that would fall upon her! Tell your friends that democracy is garbage unlesss it can be used as a vehicle to eventually force women under robes and everyone under one religion. Then you and your friends can ambush a few American soldiers and release a humiliating torture video to world news outlets...there, was that so hard? See how easy it is to destroy Albanian's hopes forever, just to give 'Empire' some egg-on-the-face? Allah does love us. THAT'S why he chose us to be the bridge between the Islamic World and the most militarily powerful country Earth has ever known, the USA. WE are the perfect bridge to pajtim between these two great civilizations, the perfect mechanism to infect each with the BEST attributes of the other. Our circumstance means we could, by our very existence, help prevent a conflagration that could make religion irrelevant by leaving no one left to worship. THAT would make Allah unhappy! Let's get gratuitous for a moment. Let's imagine that an even more terrible terrorist attack hits the US, something that kills tens or hundreds of thousands of people or more. Let's say this drives the US into beserk fury (u BET it would) and that racial profiling rises to mere genocide of any middle eastern or Islamic people. Let's say Al-Quaida somehow successfully recruits white Albanians, chinese from Indonesia and black Nigerians, and that one of these groups achieves ANOTHER major attack on America...what do you think would happen? Do you think the 'Empire' will topple? Do you imagine some resurgent militant Islamic civilization achieving either global dominance or even global equilibrium? Don't bet the Earth on it!!!!! The Pentagon is probably, as we speak, working on all kinds of worst case scenarios. If America truly feels it's existence threatened, it will do anything to anyone. America's infrastructure is stronger than anyone else's in almost every sense, and already D.C. is dropping hints that they'll fight fire with holocaust. Last Sunday, on ABC's morning news/interview program "This Week with Sam and Cokie", a pentagon medical expert ended the interview segment by stating that "you know, I would hope that any scientist that's working for a dictator, say, that's being told by his dictator to make that bioweapon usable against the US, I would hope that that scientist, as a scientist, would know to tell his dictator that 'Sir, the US has a much stonger public health system than we do. what if they decide to use this against us?'" In other words, America's anthrax is worse than Al-Quaida's, America's ebola and nukes and VX nerve gas (and stranger, weirder and more menacing technologies) are stronger than all Islamic nations put together, and as of 9/11/01 America intends to keep it that way for decades or centuries to come! In a 21st Century War of Annihilation, America would be left with a few million angry, paranoid white folk, the World would be left with tens or hundreds of millions of bewildered people (with maybe 500-10,000 Muslims of various ethnicities on the run, hiding out wherever they could) living in a poisoned environment and the dust of the Stone Of The Kabah would left under several miles of radioactive glass. Is this what the Koran calls for? Are you kidding? You cannot say Albanians' alliance with America is a mistake unless you believe that America's enemies are Albanians' friends. If you can produce ANY evidence from the last thousand years to prove that, I'd love to read it. If we Albanians all got our acts together better we could help bring understanding and justice to the situation. We have a chance to have Kosova be, among other things, a shining example of cooperative nation-building (get outsiders to help you build a state is itself remarkable. The irony is that if we as Albanians embraced those efforts wholeheartedly, we'd be too strong and too cohesive and too saavy to EVER be anyone's "puppet"!) and we're not far from blowing that chance. I hope that we as Albanians don't drown in the violent fantasies of foreigners who share a more primitive version of our faith, and have stamped that faith with all the ignomies of their particular national culture, like genital mutilation and suppression of dissent. I hope that we don't jump on the WWIII bandwagon, and in fact I have great faith that we won't. Furthermore, I hope we take advantage of our unique opportunity to be the bridge between these two sides of humanity. We've been on the crap end of history for over 2,000 years, let's not stay there. Tung everyone. Jetoni > >Dear Friends, >How we can get out USA from our land ? >what we can say to them ? "Okey, your job done. Thanks and go home" Is it >so? I think NOT ON LOUR L?FE! >Albanians prefered a wrong way. I'm very sad for this. >But I'm praying that Allah (c.c.) will forgive us. Of course if we prefer >Him faith. >Allah, He is a our realy lover and we will come back Him. >Agim > > >From: "Olta Hajri" > >Reply-To: shqiperia at yahoogroups.com > >To: shqiperia at yahoogroups.com > >Subject: Re: [shqiperia] Albanian Children can help the President > >Date: Thu, 01 Nov 2001 17:47:22 +0000 > > > > Hi e.s. > >We don't have to be "puppets" of any country. You are expressing >yourself > >so wrong! We live in a democratic society which respects the rights of > >individuals, and we as citizens of this society have to support what is > >right and beneficial for our lives to be free. You better chnage your >mind > >and think positive. :) > > > > > > >From: "e.s." > > >Reply-To: shqiperia at yahoogroups.com > > >To: > > >Subject: Re: [shqiperia] Albanian Children can help the President > > >Date: Thu, 1 Nov 2001 15:49:49 +0200 (WET) > > > > > >better to be puppets of usa (when this brings profit to our national > > >question) than to be puppets of greeks, don't you think so? > > >e.s. > > > > > > > > > > > > > > >On Thu, 1 Nov 2001, agim recebi wrote: > > > > > > > Dont forget: USA didn't come to Ballkans only for us. USA wanna a >new > > >region > > > > for himselves. Albanias have been one pupet. > > > > Agim > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > >From: "Olta Hajri" > > > > >Reply-To: shqiperia at yahoogroups.com > > > > >To: shqiperia at yahoogroups.com > > > > >Subject: Re: [shqiperia] Albanian Children can help the President > > > > >Date: Wed, 31 Oct 2001 23:51:46 +0000 > > > > > > > > > >I totally agree what Gary is suggesting in his message. We need to > > >build an > > > > >open relationship with Muslim children all over the world and to >let > > >them > > > > >know that we need peace on earth and no wars anymore in our lives. > >We > > >all > > > > >can give our help and suuport in this matter and not arguing about > > >religion > > > > >as we albanias often do in writting each-other. > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > >From: gqkokalari at aol.com > > > > > >Reply-To: shqiperia at yahoogroups.com > > > > > >To: shqiperia at yahoogroups.com > > > > > >Subject: [shqiperia] Albanian Children can help the President > > > > > >Date: Fri, 26 Oct 2001 23:21:12 EDT > > > > > > > > > > > >To all Albanian American children who are followers of Islam, > > > > > > > > > > > >The article below is about President Bush's call to American > >children > > >to > > > > > >write to Muslim pen pals to promote better understanding between > > >American > > > > > >children and children in Islamic countries. Albanian American > >Muslim > > > > > >children can play a very important and special role in this >effort. > > >By > > > > > >writing to Muslim penpals in the Arab world, as fellow Muslims, > >your > > > > > >message > > > > > >can be especially meaningful. Please participate in this program > >and > > > > >adopt > > > > > >a > > > > > >pen pal. Tell your penpal that Americans do not want war with > >Islam, > > >and > > > > > >also > > > > > >tell them that America fought to bring freedom to your Albanian > > >Muslim > > > > > >brothers and sisters in Kosova and Macedonia. By >participating, > > >you > > > > >will > > > > > >be helping to bring peace to the world. And for those adults >who > > >read > > > > > >this, > > > > > >please encourage the children of your family to help President > >Bush. > > > > > >Gary Kokalari > > > > > > > > > > > >Bush Asks Kids to Spread Message in Terrorism War > > > > > >Children May Write to Muslim Pen Pals > > > > > > > > > > > >By Patricia Wilson > > > > > >Reuters > > > > > > > > > > > >WASHINGTON (Oct. 25) - President George W. Bush enlisted school > > >children > > > > >in > > > > > >his war effort on Thursday, urging them to spread the message >that > > >the > > > > > >United > > > > > >States had no "beef" with Muslims by choosing a pen pal in the > > >Islamic > > > > > >world. > > > > > > > > > > > >"We're here talking about how we can best conduct a war against > >evil, > > >and > > > > > >you > > > > > >can play a part," Bush told students at Thurgood Marshall > >Elementary > > >in > > > > > >Northeast Washington. "You can be an integral part of that by > > > > >establishing > > > > > >friendship." > > > > > > > > > > > >Announcing a "Friendship Through Education" program to help >bridge > > > > >American > > > > > >and Muslim cultures, Bush said: "It is very important for us to > > >combat > > > > >evil > > > > > >with understanding. It's very important for us to reinforce our > > >message > > > > >in > > > > > >all ways possible to the people in the Islamic world, that we >don't > > >hold > > > > > >you > > > > > >accountable for what took place." > > > > > > > > > > > >Since U.S.-led air strikes began in Afghanistan almost three >weeks > > >ago in > > > > > >response to the Sept. 11 suicide plane attacks in New York and > > > > >Washington, > > > > > >the Bush administration has sought to reassure Muslims that its >war > > > > >against > > > > > >terrorism was not aimed at all Muslims, but at those believed > > > > >responsible. > > > > > > > > > > > >"As you all know, our nation is at war right now," Bush told a > > >gymnasium > > > > > >full > > > > > >of students and teachers. "We are not at war with Muslims. We >don't > > >have > > > > >a > > > > > >beef with Muslims. We want to be friends with Muslims and Muslim > > > > >children." > > > > > > > > > > > >But the president said the United States did have a beef with >"the > > >evil > > > > > >people." Bush has blamed Saudi-born militant Osama bin Laden and > >his > > > > >hosts, > > > > > >the Taliban rulers of Afghanistan, for the assaults that killed > >about > > > > >5,000 > > > > > >people. > > > > > > > > > > > >"I want to assure the boys and girls, these attacks didn't come > >from > > >a > > > > > >nation > > > > > >or a religion," he said. "These attacks are from some people who > >just > > >are > > > > > >so > > > > > >evil it's hard for me to describe. ... It's just hard for all of >us > > > > >adults > > > > > >to > > > > > >explain." > > > > > > > > > > > >"Friendship Through Education" is the second program aimed at > > >children > > > > >Bush > > > > > >has announced in as many weeks. At a news conference on Oct. 11, >he > > >asked > > > > > >all > > > > > >American youngsters to give $1 to help their counterparts survive > >war > > >and > > > > > >winter in Afghanistan. The White House relief effort has received > > >226,000 > > > > > >letters so far, spokeswoman Anne Womack said. > > > > > > > > > > > >SPREAD THE MESSAGE > > > > > > > > > > > >Both are modeled on past initiatives. In 1938, President Franklin > > > > >Roosevelt > > > > > >asked children to donate a dime to fight polio and in 1956 > >President > > > > >Dwight > > > > > >Eisenhower launched his "People to People Program." > > > > > > > > > > > >Eisenhower's granddaughter, Mary Eisenhower, is executive >director > >of > > > > > >People > > > > > >to People, one of almost a dozen private groups involved in > > >Friendship > > > > > >Through Education. > > > > > > > > > > > >"We're going to ask schools all across the country to join with > > >schools > > > > >in > > > > > >other countries, to spread the message that we care for each >other, > > >that > > > > >we > > > > > >want to understand each other better," Bush said, urging them to >do > > >so in > > > > > >letters, e-mails, pictures and drawings. > > > > > > > > > > > >Schools from the communities most directly affected by the Sept. >11 > > > > >attacks > > > > > >will be first to participate. In addition to Thurgood Marshall, > >they > > > > > >include > > > > > >Patrick Henry Elementary in Arlington, Virginia, and Mott Hall > >School > > >in > > > > > >New > > > > > >York City. > > > > > > > > > > > >Their sister schools are Al-Raja Elementary in Manama, Bahrain, > > >Dawood > > > > > >Public > > > > > >School in Karachi, Pakistan, and Abbass El Akkad Experimental > > >Language > > > > > >School > > > > > >in Cairo, Egypt. > > > > > > > > > > > >The program's ultimate goal is to link an American school in >every > > >state > > > > > >with > > > > > >a school in countries with Muslim populations in the Middle, Near > >and > > >Far > > > > > >East. > > > > > > > > > > > >Speaking directly to Muslims, Bush said: "The average citizen in > > >America > > > > > >harbors no ill will toward you. As a matter of fact, the average > > >citizen > > > > >in > > > > > >America would like to do everything we can to explain what our > > >country's > > > > > >about, to explain what our future is about." > > > > > > > > > > > >Bush told the children he was determined to fight terror, but > >equally > > > > > >determined to build ties of trust and friendship. > > > > > > > > > > > >"Americans believe in patriotism. We don't believe in prejudice," > >he > > > > >said. > > > > > >"I > > > > > >think the best way to handle the attacks of Sept. 11 is to fight > >fear > > > > >with > > > > > >friendship, is to fight fear with hope, is to remind people all > > >around > > > > >the > > > > > >world we have much more in common than people might think." > > > > > > > > > > > >Reuters 15:17 10-25-01 > > > > > > > > > > > >Copyright 2001 Reuters Limited. All rights reserved. >Republication > > >or > > > > > >redistribution of Reuters content, including by framing or >similar > > >means, > > > > > >is > > > > > >expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of >Reuters. > > > > >Reuters > > > > > >shall not be liable for any errors or delays in the content, or >for > > >any > > > > > >actions taken in reliance thereon. All active hyperlinks have >been > > > > > >inserted > > > > > >by AOL. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp From naac at naac.org Mon Nov 12 08:06:02 2001 From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC) Date: Mon Nov 12 08:06:02 2001 Subject: [Prishtina-E] Press Notice: NAAC, Walker to Travel to Kosova Message-ID: <006a01c16977$88efb4c0$0301010a@sokol> National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001 Telephone: (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Web: www.naac.org Email: naac at naac.org ________________________________________________________________________ For Immediate Release: November 9, 2001 Contact: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900 PRESS NOTICE NAAC and Ambassador William Walker to Travel to Kosova; Will Observe First Free General Elections Washington, DC November 9, 2001 - Representatives of the National Albanian American Council and Ambassador William Walker, former Head of the OSCE Mission in Kosova, will visit Kosova from November 15, 2001 until November 18, 2001 to observe the first free general elections in the country. Upon arrival on November 15, the delegation will travel to Drenica to pay a visit to the family of Adem Jashari, the freedom fighter who was killed along with several members of his family by the Serb army. During its stay in Kosova, the delegation will hold meetings with representatives of the international community at the US Office, UNMIK, and OSCE, as well as with Albanian political leaders. On Election Day, they will join official monitoring groups traveling across Kosova to observe the election process. On Sunday, November 19 at 12:30, the delegation will hold a press conference at the Grand Hotel to present its conclusions and to discuss other projects. WHAT: NAAC DELEGATION TRIP TO KOSOVA WHO: US AMBASSADOR WILLIAM WALKER NAAC MEMBERS: Richard Lukaj, Chair, Ilir Zherka, President, Dino Erbeli, Gjevalin Gegaj, Musa Dakaj, Halil Mula, Ndua Ivezaj, Aferdita Rakipi, Rezart Spahia, and Katarina Alexander WHEN: NOVEMBER 15 - NOVEMBER 18TH PRESS: PRESS CONFERENCE, GRAND HOTEL SUNDAY, November 18, 2001, 12:30 PM The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs. ### -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jeton at hotmail.com Tue Nov 27 05:59:30 2001 From: jeton at hotmail.com (Jeton Ademaj) Date: Tue Nov 27 05:59:30 2001 Subject: [Prishtina-E] Report from British Helsinki Human Rights Group Message-ID: Hi all what follows is a report from a general critic of the Kosova War, but it includes interesting summations of the current poltical dynamic in K... http://www.bhhrg.org/faking_democracy_and_progress_in1.htm Faking Democracy and Progress in Kosovo - BHHRG Report on the Provincial Elections, 17 November 2001 1. Background ?This was an extraordinary election.?[i] The pronouncement of US Ambassador Daan Everts, OSCE Mission chief, running the elections was very apt. These elections were truly extraordinary in many respects. One extraordinary aspect is that they were held in a legal vacuum. Kosovo is neither an independent state nor any longer under the government of Serbia or the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The question of statehood is to be postponed to the indefinite future while the United Nations assumes the responsibility for governing the province, through the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) headed by the Secretary-General?s Special Representative (SGSR) the former Danish foreign minister, Hans Haekkerup. The provincial government elected on 17 November reflects this lack of international legal framework. The new post-election arrangements are outlined in a document titled ?A Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo?.[ii] This is not a constitution but a ?framework? for a constitution and not self-government but ?provisional? self-government. The ill-defined legal and political status of the former Yugoslav province, reflects Western powers? diminished respect for state sovereignty and the crumbling formal framework of international legal and political equality. Kosovo is an ?extraordinary? political experiment because the system of ?dual power? of an international governing administration alongside a subordinate, domestically-elected administration, which developed in an ad hoc manner in Bosnia-Herzegovina, is here for the first time officially institutionalised. The new framework for a ?constitution? of Kosovo, is the first modern political constitution to explicitly rule out democracy. The preamble states that the ?will of the people? is to be relegated to just one of many ?relevant factors? to be taken into account by the international policy-makers.[iii] The executive and legislative powers of the UN Special Representative remain unaffected by the new constitutional framework. Chapter 8 of the framework lists the powers and responsibilities reserved for the international appointee, which include the final authority over finance, the budget and monetary policy, customs, the judiciary, law enforcement, policing, external relations, public property, communications and transport, housing, municipal administration, and the appointment of regulatory boards and commissions. And, of course, the power to dissolve the elected assembly if Kosovo?s representatives do not show sufficient ?maturity? to agree with his edicts.[iv] 2. Sham Elections Many international plenipotentiaries, including US President George Bush, Nato Secretary-General Lord George Robertson and United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, urged the Kosovo public to turn out to vote, particularly the Kosovo Serbs. When it emerged that around 60% of the Albanian and 50% of the Serb voters had taken part, the elections were loudly hailed by the international organisers and observers to be a ?glorious day in the history of Kosovo? and as a ?huge success?.[v] The question of why the international community chose to spend millions of dollars holding elections for a provincial administration with token office-holders with highly circumscribed powers was, unfortunately, rarely asked. These elections were extraordinary in the importance attached to them, not just because of the lack of power awarded to the victors, but also the fact that the results were largely irrelevant once the electoral ?engineering? of the OSCE and UNMIK was taken into account. The largest party, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), led by Ibrahim Rugova, which won 46% of the votes, would not have been able to form the government even if they had won a land-slide victory. This was because the seats in the seven-member presidency and positions in the new ministries were already divided in a fixed ratio in advance. For example, the largest party and second largest party, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) under Hashim Thaci, with 25% of the votes, were to have two seats in the presidency with the third party holding one seat, the two remaining seats were reserved for Serb and other minorities. This system of dividing the seats before the elections made the international pressure on Belgrade to encourage Kosovo Serbs to vote, in order that they might have more of a say in the future of the province, rather bizarre. The Serb community was already guaranteed 10 reserved seats in the 120 seat assembly, a seat on the presidency and at least one of the nine ministries, regardless of whether any Serbs voted at all. I was monitoring the Kosovo elections on behalf of the British Helsinki Human Rights Group with the official international observation mission of the Council of Europe. It did not take long to see why the extravagant hype had taken over from the mundane reality of the elections. At the start of the Council of Europe observer training, Lord Russell Johnstone, the President of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly, put the elections in the broader context of international intervention today. ?The international community needs to prove that intervention was benign [in Kosovo and East Timor] and will create better conditions. These elections are a proving exercise.? Lord Johnstone is probably correct to see the November elections as little more than a ?proving exercise? for the international institutions involved in the violation of Yugoslav sovereignty and the promotion of ?military humanitarianism? in Afghanistan and elsewhere. This would seem to be confirmed in the stated concern of the OSCE organisers to achieve an election that made the international mission appear ?legitimate and credible?.[vi] Bearing in mind the international importance of the ?success? of the Kosovo elections, the ?independent? observation mission of the Council of Europe claims that the provincial elections were ?free and fair? should not necessarily be taken at face value.[vii] It is highly doubtful that these elections would have been passed as ?free and fair? had they taken place outside the international supervision of the OSCE. The election conditions, in which there was a complete absence of freedom of movement for minority communities, and many of the OSCE election regulations covering the media and political parties, failed to meet basic internationally accepted standards, such as those laid out in the OSCE?s 1990 Copenhagen Declaration on Democracy and Political Pluralism.[viii] The following sections compare the claims of the OSCE against the reality of Kosovo in more depth. 3. Creating Multi-Ethnic Society? Without visiting the region it is difficult for outside observers to imagine the depth of fear and insecurity which pervades the province despite more than two years of government by the international community?s expansive ?peace-building? mission. There has been a highly restricted number of Serb and minority returns to Kosovo, and the UNHCR estimates that since the UNMIK administration took over more minorities may have left the province than returned.[ix] One reason for this is that Serb and other ethnic minorities still have no freedom of movement in Kosovo. The lack of movement could be seen when we visited the allegedly multi-ethnic ?zone of confidence? in Mitrovica, which has no Serb minority and is basically a Bosnian Muslim settlement policed by a 24-hour UNMIK armed guard. Or when we walked further along the Ibar to the uninhabited ruins of the Roma ?Malhalla?, formally the largest Roma settlement in the Balkans, destroyed after the war. It is not yet possible for any of the 7,000 former residents to return in safety. The ethnic-apartheid ruled over by UNMIK also had a direct impact on the election campaign and election monitoring. The Council of Europe election observation teams were told not to enter minority Serb or Albanian areas within their allocated municipalities because it would be too dangerous for their drivers and interpreters. Apart from indicating the complete separation of the Serb and Albanian communities, this instruction also meant that the ?independent? observers had a highly restricted view of the elections. One further impact of the lack of security for ethnic minorities was the fact that the voters? list, the basic tool to guide election campaigning, was considered to be sensitive information. The voters? list was not available to be used by political parties and could only be consulted if no notes or photographs were taken, making full transparency impossible.[x] Far from admitting to the failures of the Nato intervention or the subsequent ?peace-building? programmes of the UNMIK administration, and the ethnic-apartheid, which is in place, the OSCE had boasted that the elections were overcoming ethnic divisions. One reason for this statement was that there were allegedly minority members on the polling station committees. I was observing in the north of the Mitrovica area, in Leposavic, a moderate-dominated Serb area, I saw no minority committee members and asked an OSCE polling station supervisor if the policy had been dropped. He replied that the polling station committee were all minority community members as they were all Serbs. Classifying mono-ethnic polling station committees as minority ones makes the OSCE election organisation look artificially multi-ethnic. This artificial ?engineering? to create multi-ethnic institutions on paper is also promoted as an important outcome of the elections themselves. Every level of government, including the Presidency, the Ministries and the Assembly will have reserved places for minority community members. These minority members will be bussed in to meetings from minority enclaves under heavy military guard. Multi-ethnic government will be created by edict, but this will not reflect the divided society, nor help to break down inter-ethnic barriers. The insecurities of minority and majority communities are not caused by ignorance or irrational prejudice but by rational concerns that the artificial and temporary nature of the current settlement imposed by UNMIK can not be sustainable. The lack of refugee return and poor treatment of non-Albanian minority communities, was one reason for the low turn-out in some minority areas of Kosovo, particularly in the Serbian enclave north of the Ibar river which divides the town of Mitrovica. At some polling stations turn-out was under 10%.[xi] In Leposavic around a third of the 6,500 population were refugees. I visited the refugee centres for Roma and Serbs displaced from southern Kosovo. I spoke to Gushanig Skandir the head of the Roma camp, who showed us around the overcrowded and poorly funded site, where large families were forced to share single rooms and use outside toilet and washing facilities despite the winter cold. He told me that after waiting three years their centre had received a new roof 20 days ago, he believed this international aid was because he encouraged the adults in the camp to register to vote and to encourage the Roma refugees to vote on election day. He was sceptical about the elections but felt the Roma might receive more aid from the international community if they voted. The following day I saw him at the polling station in the local school. Gushanig may have made the pragmatic choice to vote but many other refugees and displaced people in similar situations told us that voting could make no difference especially as the leading Serb representatives would have seats in the Assembly anyway. In an attempt to portray the low turn-outs as unconnected to the lack of freedom of movement and alienation of minority communities, Daan Everts declared: ?The only thing which marred what was a glorious day in Kosovo?s history was that some Serbs in the north of Kosovo were too intimidated by other people in their own community to come out and vote?.[xii] This claim was repeated on BBC World television, in international press headlines and in the post-election International Crisis Group report, which stated that ?the intimidation of would-be Serb voters marred the election in Serb-controlled region north of the Ibar river?.[xiii] The intimidation claims were news to the independent observers in the region. I attended the Mitrovica area debriefing for the Council of Europe observers after the elections and intimidation was not mentioned, the observation team for the north Mitrovica municipality received not one report of intimidation. At a post election party for internationals the mystery was clarified when I spoke to the OSCE regional trainer for the Mitrovica area who told me that his boss?s claims of intimidation were based on highly dubious allegations ?of people staring outside polling stations and looking inside them?. 4. Political Pluralism, Free Press and Civil Society? The OSCE and UNMIK regard the Kosovo political parties as a hindrance rather than a help in addressing the problems of the province. They are seen to be lacking maturity and in need of ?continuous support from the OSCE Democratization Department to enhance their organisational capacity and to increase their political and social possibilities to advocate for democratic changes?.[xiv] Daan Everts argued that the political parties were so out of touch that the international community was, in effect, more democratic and more representative of popular opinion. He stated that the OSCE needed to inform the political parties of the concerns of the people and to encourage them to respond to the demands of the electorate.[xv] As part of the process of making political parties more ?accountable? there are a host of restrictive regulations of the political sphere. These include the fining of newspapers if they favour a major political party. Epoka e Re was fined DEM 1,000 for ?a clear bias in favour of the PDK in its election political reporting? while Bota Sot was fined DEM 2,750 for coverage which was favourable to the LDK.[xvi] I asked Lucia Scotton, the Council of Europe?s Mission in Kosovo?s media monitoring officer, how these fines squared with the OSCE?s claim to be encouraging a free and independent media. Her view was that although it was an international norm for a free press to take a political position favouring a particular party in election campaigns, the fines were ?reasonable? because the press in Kosovo was not professional or mature enough to act freely and independently yet.[xvii] The OSCE Code of Conduct for political parties also breaches internationally accepted democratic norms by holding political parties responsible for the actions of their supporters.[xviii] I asked Adrian Stoop, the Chief Commissioner of the OSCE Election Complaints and Appeals Commission about whether this regulation complied with international standards.[xix] He replied that ?In Holland this law would be unthinkable.? He explained that the internationally-appointed Commissioners supported regulations which they would not accept in their own countries because the international administrators found it hard ?to get a grip on what is happening? and ?didn?t speak the language?. In order to give the international regulators greater control, the rules had to be more pragmatic and flexible to try to influence the political parties and the political climate. The OSCE election ?engineers? also sought to limit the influence of the political parties once they got into power. Daan Everts stated at a training session for Council of Europe observers that ?these elections force a certain degree of power-sharing?, undermining the power of the larger parties by restricting their positions and influence in the new institutions.[xx] He added that the OSCE had learnt from the municipal elections last year ?to impose a bit more?. The flexible ?framework? for a ?constitution? allows the line between international and domestic responsibility to be easily blurred. Firstly, UNMIK has established ?international advisors? for the President, Prime Minister and ministers and each ministry will also be overseen by an international ?Principal Advisor?. Secondly, the functions reserved for the UN?s Special Representative are so vaguely defined that they cover much of the responsibilities ?devolved? to the nine ministries. However, in the true spirit of transparency and accountability the UNMIK spokesperson says that at this stage ?it is hard to describe? what powers will be needed to carry out these reserved functions.[xxi] While the political parties were being restricted at least it appeared that one area of political life was booming, civil society. The growing strength of civil society was indicated by the fact that this year there was more than twice the number of domestic observers as last year, representing 1% of the electorate. Daan Everts described the elections as the ?best monitored elections this century?.[xxii] In fact, according to the OSCE, there ?could be the highest proportion of election observers to voters in the world?.[xxiii] One does not have to be a hardened cynic to wonder why 1% of the population would be so keen to observe the elections. I thought it would be interesting to find out. When I asked the NGO observers more about how they got involved I was surprised to find out that many did not know what ?their? NGO did or what its? initials stood for, and had got involved through being invited by a friend. This was particularly true for those observing on behalf of one of the best represented domestic NGOs, the KMDLNJ (Council for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms) based in Pristina. The reason the KMDLNJ had so many observers was probably because they were paying people DEM 80 to take part. CeSID a Serbian-based NGO with close links to the OTPOR student movement was paying people DEM 25 to observe. The other NGO observers were paid somewhere between the two. The dynamism of civil society, like every other aspect of these elections was a fake. In the regional de-briefing back in Pristina, all the observers noted that the domestic observers were rather disinterested in the proceedings. It seems likely that the OSCE and its international sponsors? actions of buying-in civil society NGOs will have little positive impact in the longer run. It hardly encourages people to take communal responsibility for democracy if people are paid half-a-month?s wages to ?volunteer? to be part of the democratic process. The statistics for domestic observers may have looked good on paper but the OSCE?s approach of artificially ?engineering? the effect it wanted may only set back any genuine attempt to involve the Kosovo public in the political process. If civic NGO involvement is promoted as an election-related job, like interpreting and driving for the internationals, then this undermines, rather than promotes, the idea of voluntary civic engagement. 5. Conclusion The November 17 elections in Kosovo were phoney in every major respect. They were phoney in that under the fiction of multi-ethnic government they helped legitimise a society that provides no normal existence for ethnic minorities, merely imprisonment in ethnic enclaves and military escorts to visit family cemeteries or former homes and villages. They were phoney in that through the fiction of ?staring? Serbs the responsibility for the low turn-out in some regions was seen to be the fault of minorities themselves, rather than the ethnic segregation overseen by the international community. They were phoney because under the guise of promoting media freedom and independence, freedom of expression and political debate were further restricted. They were phoney because under the guise of promoting political pluralism, majority rule was replaced by a consensus imposed by the UN?s Special Representative. They were phoney because under the fiction of a vibrant civil society the OSCE and its partners corrupted the process of encouraging civic engagement. Most importantly, they were phoney because under the fiction of democratic autonomy for the people of Kosovo, they legitimised a constitution that openly replaced the ?popular will? with the unaccountable power of an international protectorate. The OSCE and UNMIK are celebrating the elections as a major international success. They may have secured some international legitimacy for their tin-pot protectorate and won kudos for their ?success? in encouraging ?democracy? and ?peace? in Kosovo. However, phoney elections can only create phoney consultation bodies. The reduced election turn-out among the Albanian voters and the low turn-out for the Kosovo Serbs suggests that the domestic legitimacy of the international protectorate may be the real sticking point for the future. This report was compiled by Dr David Chandler, Policy Research Institute, Leeds Metropolitan University. He is the author of Bosnia Faking Democracy After Dayton (Pluto Press, 1999, 2000) and From Kosovo to Kabul: Human Rights and International Intervention (Pluto Press, March 2002). He can be contacted at D.Chandler at lmu.ac.uk. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [i] ?First Official Results in Kosovo Election Announced?, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 19 November 2001. [ii] ?A Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo?, UNMIK/REG/2001/9, 15 May 2001. [iii] ?A Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo?, UNMIK/REG/2001/9, 15 May 2001, p.4. [iv] For further background information on the framework for provisional self-government, read: Simon Chesterman, Kosovo in Limbo: State-Building and ?Substantial Autonomy?, International Peace Academy, August 2001. Available from: ; Independent International Commission on Kosovo, The Follow-Up: Why Conditional Independence? September 2001. Available from: ; International Crisis Group, Kosovo Landmark Election, November 2001. Available from: . [v] ?Kosovo?s Election Hailed a Huge Success?, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 17 November 2001. [vi] International Crisis Group, Kosovo: Landmark Election, Balkans Report, No.120, Pristina/Brussels 21 November 2001, p.1. [vii] ?Kosovo Assembly Elections Bring Democracy Forward and Strengthen regional Stability?, Council of Europe Election Observation Mission in Kosovo Press Release, Pristina, 18 November 2001. [viii] Document of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the OSCE. Available from: . [ix] Interview with Leonard Zulu, Senior Protection Officer, UNHCR, Pristina, 13 November 2001. [x] Information provided by Peter Urban, Director of Elections, OSCE, Council of Europe Training Programme, Pristina 13 November 2001. [xi] Information provided by OSCE Spokesperson Claire Trevena, 21 November 2001. [xii] ?Kosovo?s Election Hailed a Huge Success?, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 17 November 2001. [xiii] Nicholas Wood, ?Serbs ?Face Threats at Polls??, Observer, 18 November 2001; International Crisis Group, Kosovo: Landmark Election, Balkans Report, No.120, Pristina/Brussels 21 November 2001, p.i. [xiv] Kosovo?s Concerns: Voters? Voices (Pristina: OSCE Mission in Kosovo, 2001), p.iii. [xv] Daan Everts, ?Foreword?, Kosovo?s Concerns: Voters? Voices (Pristina: OSCE Mission in Kosovo, 2001), p.iii. [xvi] ?Fines Given for Political Violence and Reporting Bias?, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 10 November 2001; ?Newspaper Sanctioned for Photo?, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 16 November 2001. [xvii] Interview, Pristina, 18 November 2001. [xviii] ?The Code of Conduct for Political Parties, Coalitions, Citizens? Initiatives, Independent Candidates, Their Supporters and Candidates?, Electoral Rule No.1 1/2001, OSCE Mission in Kosovo, Central Election Commission. Available from: . [xix] At the Council of Europe Training Programme, Pristina, 13 November 2001. [xx] Speech at the Council of Europe Training Programme, Pristina, 13 November 2001. [xxi] UNMIK-OSCE-EU-UNHCR Press Briefing, 22 November 2001. UNMIK Unofficial Transcript. [xxii] ?Calls for Kosova?s Serbs to Vote?, RFE/RL Newsline, Vol.5, No.214, Part II, 9 November 2001. [xxiii] ?Plea to Election Observers: Be Patient?, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 9 November 2001. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp From jeton at hotmail.com Wed Nov 28 18:50:06 2001 From: jeton at hotmail.com (Jeton Ademaj) Date: Wed Nov 28 18:50:06 2001 Subject: [Prishtina-E] Fwd: FW: Event/Muslims in Greece/ModernGreekStudiesAnthropologyMiddleEastand Asian (fwd) Message-ID: Hi all, this lecture may well be of interest to people... >From: "Kevin Hallinan" >To: "Othereurope \(othereurope\)" >Subject: FW: Event/Muslims in >Greece/ModernGreekStudiesAnthropologyMiddleEastand Asian (fwd) >Date: Wed, 28 Nov 2001 15:05:19 -0500 >>The Department of Anthropology, >The Department of Middle East & Asian Languages & Cultures, >and the Program in Hellenic Studies at Columbia University > >Invite you to join us in welcoming > >Prof. Fotini Tsibiridou >Department of History and Ethnology >Democritus University of Thrace, Greece > >who will deliver a lecture entitled > >"Being Moslem and Marginal. A Pomak Case from Thrace, >Greece" > >as part of the Franz Boas Lecture Series. > >Monday >December 3 >The Department of Anthropology >Columbia University >963 Schermerhorn Ext. >6:00 pm. > >(Reception to Follow) > > _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp