[Kcc-News] Elections and Political Crime (AIM Pristina, September 1, 2000 published 03 SEP 2000) (fwd)

[Mentor Cana]

http://www.aimpress.org/dyn/trae/archive/data/200009/00903-002-trae-pri.htm

SUN, 03 SEP 2000 16:58:45 GMT

Elections and Political Crime

AIM Pristina, September 1, 2000

The census of Kosovo population above the age of 16 was the most
significant phase in preparing the October municipal elections in
Kosovo. The census was successful in the statistical, but not completely
in political sense. About twenty parties and coalitions have registered
to participate in the elections, along with a few citizens' initiatives
and a number of independent candidates. They come from all ethnic
communities except the Serb. All possible codeces of behavior of the
candidates and the media have been adopted, including the rules on
financial expenses. That is the technical side of the problem. In
political sense the process is much more complicated due to which there
is and will be plenty of obscurity and disagreement. During the census
it was impossible to register even one thousand Serbs. Demanding
previous return of displaced Serbs and creation of conditions for their
full safety, questioning the power of UNMIK to organise the census and
the elections, and discontented with their position in general, the
Serbs boycotted the census. Because of the demand that Turkish become
the third official language of Kosovo, the census was also boycotted by
a part of the Turks. However, their parties were not united in their
demand, so it is assumed that only a minor number of the Turks have not
been registered. According to the pre-determined rules, all those who
have not been registered during the three-month census campaign will not
have the right to vote in October elections. This means that neither the
Serbs nor a part of the Turks will be permitted to vote. In view of the
complexity and decisive influence of ethnic relations on the total
situation and processes, they will therefore always be able to pose the
question of legality and legitimacy of the elected agencies.

As assumed, the boycott did not interrupt the preparations for the
elections in October. A representative of the Serb National Council in
Gracanica declared that the Serbs would not participate in the elections
for the same reasons they had boycotted the census. However the Council
from Gracanica assessed that it would not in fact boycott the elections,
because it would not oppose possible nomination of Serb representatives
in municipal assemblies by civil administrator Kouchner. All things
considered, the question of representing the Serbs after the elections
will be resolved in this way. There are no indications that in the
foreseeable future separate elections will be organised in Serb
enclaves. Representatives of the Serbs from the northern part of
Mitrovica and Kosovo, refused to accept any compromise about the census
or the elections.

Due to the numerousness of the Albanians, the problems which arise on
their side have a much greater influence on the elections and the
developments in Kosovo in general. Until a few years ago, mutual
personal and political intolerance among the parties and politicians was
mostly not known to the public. Together with the media they
persistently tried to create the image of unity of Albanian political
forces concerning the main goals, primarily concerning independence of
Kosovo. That is what the people also wished and those who dared "probe"
into these matters risked to be suspected of destroying the unity. For
the world and the public occasional information about internal Albanian
political quarrels were inexplicable and inconceivable. However, a
bitter struggle for political primacy was going on under the surface and
it has never ceased. On the outside it seems to be somewhat milder but
under the surface it is merciless. It seems that it even costs some
people their lives, and people fear that there will be even more of that
in the forthcoming weeks when the election campaign blazes up. In the
past weeks mostly local activists of Rugova's Democratic League were the
victims. It should be said, though, that showdowns among the Albanians
with the use of firearms which are believed to be cases of political
violence, are no novelty. They were quite numerous in the past two or
three years, and mostly members of Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and
Democratic League were the victims. Despite plenty of vagueness
concerning the assumed political violence and crime in general,
Democratic League launched its campaign of political defence. However,
other parties and numerous public personalities assessed that this party
activity is in fact permeated by election aspirations. To direct
criticism that Democratic League is exaggerating in presenting itself as
the victim because this can bring it additional votes in the elections,
its presidency replied that the attacks against its members and
criticism of other parties were a campaign against freedom, independence
and democracy in Kosovo which additionally stimulates violence. It
estimated that political violence was used by individuals - profiteers
and groups which strive to maintain their positions in Kosovar society
and forcible survival on the political scene of Kosovo. Because of
certain shows about Democratic League its presidency sharply criticised
Kosovo Radio-Television and especially daily Koha Ditore which is openly
suspected of stimulating violence. It was demanded that UNMIK and KFOR
banish individuals from secret services of certain neighbouring
countries who are striving to further unstable the situation in Kosovo.
The question of the presence of foreign agents was formulated in the
form which suggests that there is sufficiently convincing evidence about
it.

Kosovar parties and their membership have no experience in multi-party
struggle for votes. They take politics too personally, primarily as a
means for acquiring a reputation - for their family, clan, region, and
personal wealth, of course. If this is observed within the framework of
rules of behavior in traditional societies it becomes more
understandable why in Kosovo we have constantly a state of strained
inter-partisan relations, especially between the two Albanian political
blocks. On the eve of the elections, one should add to it, the
atmosphere has been created of a belief that the struggle for votes is
not just a competition in which positions of the winners and the
defeated can be changed in certain periods of time, but also as a
showdown which will enable getting even with a rival once and for all.
This is the origin of the assumption that some of the so-called
enigmatic murders and injuries were committed for political reasons.
None of these cases has had an epilogue in court or some convincing
official explanation. Representatives of the international community in
Kosovo are greatly concerned because of the possibility of flaring up of
this form of crime and crime in general which would jeopardise not only
the election process but also the efforts of the international community
altogether.

Increase of crime rate is also expected by commander of KFOR, general
Ortuno. Several weeks ago UNMIK and KFOR founded a special group which
will investigate all cases of this form of crime. Establishment and
activities of this group were agreed with New York where a few days ago
assistant Secretary General for peace operations published special
security measures before the elections. According to it, police
priorities will be changed in order to investigate and resolutely
prevent political crime. For that purpose, measures will be taken to
protect certain personages when a high level of risk exists. As
officially stated, security services of UNMIK have already made lists of
priorities, that is, of the most endangered parties and candidates who
will be offered special protection during election campaign. The names
of the candidates and the parties have not been made public yet.

It would be interesting to know what changing of priorities might mean.
It can be assumed that it refers to improvement of security. However,
from the point of view of the current situation and experience in
persecuting crime, there is little chance to make a real shift. It is
impossible to eliminate the slackness and inefficiency in just a few
weeks. Security is becoming one of the most acute problems of Kosovo.
Causes are many-sided among other because this issue is not just a
problem for the police.

People feel less and less safe, there is no hope for development, no
system for defence of the society, so it is understandable that the fog
is becoming thicker. For the first time the people here can personally
experience that the worst society is the one which cannot efficiently
fight against crime. There are many assumptions why this is so. One of
them is that crime is calculated into certain political and diplomatic
objectives. It is unbelievable that crime is flourishing and that forces
which consider safety to be in their sole jurisdiction, UNMIK and KFOR,
can do nothing much to at least slow down this social evil which
endangers literally everybody and everything - the people and all the
vital functions of the society.

An all-inclusive security system must be established in Kosovo. A
partial approach to the problem is an illusion or manipulation aimed at
achieving certain political and diplomatic goals. The ruined economy
which has no prospects for the future is in danger, and so is the main
political process - the elections which are expected to establish the
very first foundations of Kosovar institutions, in fact everything that
could lead to normalisation is in danger. It is unthinkable that all
this can happen in a small space where more than 40 thousand soldiers
and about three thousand international policemen are engaged in the
business of safety. Why are they allowing the whole society and they
themselves be overshadowed by crime? Nobody speaks about it or perhaps
nobody actually knows in what direction Kosovar society ought to be
going, but where it is going at this moment, is more than obvious.

AIM Pristina
Fehim REXHEPI