[AMCC-News] 1. Albanian Exodus; 2. Conflict in Macedonia: Human Rights Watch researcher Fred Abrahams discusses the effects hostilities have had on the Slavic and ethnic Albanian populations of Macedonia.

[Mentor Cana]

1. Albanian Exodus: The fighting in Macedonia has prompted tens of
   thousands of Albanians to flee across the border into Kosovo
   (IWPR 7/4/2001)

2. Conflict in Macedonia: Human Rights Watch researcher Fred Abrahams
   discusses the effects hostilities have had on the Slavic and ethnic
   Albanian populations of Macedonia. (June 27, 2001)

3. Links to HRW reports on Macedonia


===== 1 =====

http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr/bcr_20010704_4_eng.txt

Albanian Exodus
IWPR

The fighting in Macedonia has prompted tens of thousands of Albanians to
flee across the border into Kosovo.
By Nehat Islami in Kacanik, Kosovo (BCR No. 261, 4-Jul-01)


"Macedonian paramilitaries wearing masks came and told us to leave if we
wanted to save our skins," said an elderly Albanian woman from Skopje,
surrounded by her family's suitcases in the newly-opened transit camp at
Kacanik.

Afrim Aliu, from Gulmova near Lake Treska, west of Skopje, said he and his
neighbours were forced to leave because the Macedonian armed forces would
not let them harvest their land. "We live on it! We're peasants," he said.

They were among the 14,000 Albanians from Macedonia who entered Kosovo last
weekend as EU envoy Javier Solana hammered out a fragile truce between the
Skopje authorities and the National Liberation Army.

The camp at Kacanik, on the Skopje-Pristina highway, was opened on June 24
by the UN High Commission for Refugees. "UNHCR must be prepared for a
worst-case scenario," said the agency's regional envoy Eric Morris.

Two years and 15 km separate this new wave of Albanian refugees from the
legendary Blace camp, across the Macedonian border, where half a million
Kosovo Albanians found sanctuary after their lives were threatened by
Serbian security forces in 1999.

Since fighting broke out in Macedonia in late February, nearly 1,000
Albanian refugees a day have been entering Kosovo. When the NLA seized
Aracinovo, 8 km north of Skopje, at the end of May, the number soared to
4,000 a day.

The Skopje authorities have established a sand-bagged checkpoint at an
intersection 10km from Blace, where police and soldiers search the
refugees' vehicles and inspect their documents.

"Many families report that they had tried two or three times to cross the
frontier but were turned back (by Macedonian police)," said UNHCR
spokeswoman Mercedes Rose. "Others, exhausted after five hours of waiting,
decided to return home and try again the next day."

Burhamedin Qazimi had just crossed the border at Hani I Elezit with his
wife and two small daughters, having fled the fighting in Lisec, near
Tetovo."The Macedonian police checked me four times," he said, "they were
very rude. I am sorry that the girls had to experience this. Those scenes
in Lisec will be forever in their minds."

"There won't be peace in Macedonia unless the NATO troops arrive," said
another man, bathed in sweat and newly arrived at Kacanik. "We are shelled
by helicopters and jets bought with our own taxes."

On June 26, the UNHCR appealed for $17.5 million to provide emergency
assistance to more than 65,000 refugees in Kosovo and 35,500 registered by
the Red Cross as internally-displaced in Macedonia.

Designed to accommodate 14,000 people, Kacanik camp provided shelter for
only 10 per cent of the 2,000 new arrivals on its first day of operation
about 10 days ago. After registration, the refugees wash, eat and make
their way to other parts of Kosovo.

Most settle close to the border - in communities such as Dragash, Hani I
Elezit, Kacanik, Vitina, Ferizaj and Gjilan - so as to be free to slip
across the border and visit their homes as soon as the fighting dies down.
Many are living in houses, without doors, windows, water or electricity,
still being repaired after the ravages of the Kosovo war. The population of
Kacanik has almost doubled in the last few weeks.

The Kosovo Red Cross pays 40 German marks per month to local families for
each refugee they house. "It's not enough," said shopkeeper Hysen Syla in
Ferizaj, "but we use our family reserves." He is sheltering 20 refugees in
his home.

The current influx largely comes from villages between Skopje and Tetovo.
"Luckily, the refugees from the Presevo valley, who came to Kosovo months
before, are now going back home," said Red Cross secretary Qerim Spahiu.
But there are still big problems with overcrowding.

Adem Salihaj, mayor of Ferizaj, said that 200 families with 1,100 members
had arrived on June 25 alone, mostly from the suburbs of Skopje, increasing
the number of refugees in the district to 12,000. He called on other
Kosovan towns to share the burden by taking in more people.

The Red Cross is currently using Kacanik as a centre from which to trace
and re-unite relatives who became separated in the rush to leave Macedonia.
"We've managed to establish contact between four children from Slupcan and
their parents," said Ylber Tufa. "Slupcan, near Kumanovo, has been totally
destroyed by army shells. The parents are still living in the cellar of
their house there."

Nehat Islami is the IWPR project manager in Kosovo.


===== (2) =====

http://discuss.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/zforum/01/world_abrahams_062701.htm
Conflict in Macedonia
With Frederick C. Abrahams
Authour, Human Rights Researcher
Wednesday, June 27, 2001; 11:00 a.m. EDT

European Union envoy Javier Solana secured a limited cease-fire agreement
Sunday in Macedonia. The Post's R. Jeffrey Smith reports that government
forces will halt offensives in exchange for a European-monitored withdrawal
of ethnic Albanian guerillas near Skopje, the Macedonian capital. Still,
tensions are high and a permanent cease-fire throughout the country remains
elusive.

Frederick C. Abrahams, a project fellow at the Open Society Institute
focusing on developments in Kosovo and Macedonia since 1989, will be online
Wednesday, June 27, 2001 at 11 a.m. EDT to discuss the effects hostilities
have had on the Slavic and ethnic Albanian populations of Macedonia.

Many Macedonian citizens have been forced to flee their homes to escape
violence with as many as 56,000 Albanians traveling to neighboring Kosovo.

Abrahams was a senior researcher for Human Rights Watch monitoring events
in the southern Balkans from 1994 to 2000. He also provided research and
analysis for the Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavian in The Hague. Since 1989, Abrahams has
conducted research and worked in Albania and is writing a book on the
country.
Editor's Note: Washingtonpost.com moderators retain editorial control over
Live Online discussions and choose the most relevant questions for guests
and hosts; guests and hosts can decline to answer questions.

washingtonpost.com: Mr. Abrahams, could you please describe the situation
facing Macedonian citizens in light of ongoing violence?
Frederick C. Abrahams: I don't want to be fatalistic, but the current
situation in Macedonia is dire. The experience of the past decade shows how
violent wars in the Balkans can be, especially for civilians. And a
conflict in Macedonia would be no different,and perhaps worse. The capital
Skopje, for instance, is at least 20% ethnic Albanian, so fighting there
would be tragic.

Rolling Meadows, Ill.: Why don't NATO and the U.S. send troops to Macedonia
to stop the violence before it becomes another Kosovo? Why Wait so long so
we can dig the graves years later? Since you have been doing research in
that part of the Balkans, you know the kind of people the Albanians are
dealing with, people that kill kids and women or unarmed innocent
civilians.
Thank You Mr.Abrahams
Frederick C. Abrahams: I agree that NATO and the West generally should be
more involved now to avoid bloodshed later. As you say, the West has acted
to late in the past, at the expense of civilian lives.

I believe there are people in the U.S. government and in NATO who agree
with this. But there are also many people and certain institutions that are
reluctant to intervene. For one, the Bush administrations stated aim has
been to play less of a role in the Balkans, leaving it more to Europe.
There are also those who do not believe that intervention is in the U.S.
national interest. In my opinion, U.S. involvement is crucial, not only to
avoid bloodshed in Mac. but also to help avoid a wider regional conflict.

Skopje, Macedonia:
THE QUESTION IS: How can we explain to Macedonians in order to understand
once and forever that their crisis of identity can not be cured by
violating rights of Albanians?
Thank You in advance
Vullnet POSHKA, TV Editor, Skopje
Frederick C. Abrahams: I don't have a set answer for this. But I do believe
that the international community shares some of the blame. First, the UN
sanctions against Yugoslavia during the war (1992-1995) and the embargo on
Macedonia by Greece (because of Greece's objection to the name "Macedonia")
both hurt Macedonia economically. The West did not do enough to provide
Macedonia with economic assistance during this difficult time. Unemployment
is currently around 37%, which affects people of all ethnicities. I believe
this economic factor is one of the factors behind this conflict.

washingtonpost.com: What type of intervention or involvement in Macedonia
by the U.S., NATO and/or the EU would you like to see?
Frederick C. Abrahams: Although I have my criticisms of US foreign policy,
I do believe that resolving the Mac. crisis requires US leadership. For
one, the EU is too divided and full of competing agendas to act
effectively. The US has the ability to act with one voice. In addition, the
Albanian rebels -- the NLA -- have the most trust for the US.

As for the type of intervention, I personally believe that an expanded
military presence of NATO will be required to guarantee any political deal
that is reached. A kind of MFOR (Macedonia Force) is in order, but only on
the invitation of the Mac government, of course.

Duluth MN.: Frederick C Abrahams: What is the position of the State
Department at this time, beyond the assistance of troops for
withdrawal?...Are refugees being stacked like cordwood in villages already
overflowing with refugees?
Is it 'too little too late' or what would aid the situation most
effectively at this late date?(what could our State Department do now, to
effect a possible peace and deactivate this 'powderkeg'?)
Frederick C. Abrahams: Although I don't know all the inner opinions of the
State Dept., I believe there are competing ideas. As I said, the Bush
administration has been trying to play a less active role in the Balkans.
But others understand that this is simply not possible. The US must play a
major role in Kosovo, Bosnia and now Macedonia.

My personal opinion is that State, together with the EU, must apply strong
pressure on all sides - the Mac. government and the NLA - to reach a
political solution. An escalation of violence will certainly be a disaster
for ALL involved, and this must be avoided. The US should also be ready to
provide troops to enforce a political settlement.

Brooklyn, NY: Was the ethnic Albanian population of Macedonia subject to
-human rights- abuses before the current conflict, i.e. active political
repression and abuse as distinct from less overt forms of discrimination?
Frederick C. Abrahams: The ethnic Albanians of Macedonia were not treated
as badly as Albanians in neighboring Kosovo - but it is not correct to use
Slobodan Milosevic as the yardstick for human rights.

Albanians in Macedonia had some legitimate complaints:
* police abuse
* discrimination in unemployment (underrepresented in state jobs)
* restricted access to Albanian-language education (especially on the
university level)

In general, they were treated as second-class citizens. I would call it an
ongoing and low to middle level discrimination. They were, for instance,
very free to have their media, conduct business, organize politically etc.
Blatant repression there definitely was not.

I would say that, while many ethnic Albanians in Mac. do not agree with the
violence of the NLA, the rebels do represent an extreme form of the
frustration that many Albanians in Mac. share. And, of course, as the gov't
confronts the rebels in an indiscriminantly violent way, more Albanians
will join the militaristic cause.


Cumberland, Md.: I have seen statements that there are approximately
120,000 illegal Albanian immigrants in Macedonia and this has contributed
to the crisis. Would you care to comment on this?
Frederick C. Abrahams: I don't know exactly how many illegal Alb workers
are in Mac - I am sure there are some from Albania. But I don't believe
this has much or any impact on the current crisis.

Cumberland, Md.: What has it taken NATO/K-FOR so long to control the border
between Kosovo and Macedonia?
Frederick C. Abrahams: This is a very interesting question. Some,
especially people in the Mac. gov't, hase suggested that NATO purposefully
allowed Albanian rebels to remain active in the border region. I believe it
has more to do with force protection. NATO troops (and the sector along the
Kosovo-Mac border is run by US forces) are primarily concerned with
avoiding casualties of their own.

Also, the border is very difficult to patrol. The mountainous terrain makes
for easy smuggling, arms transfers etc.

New York, NY: Do you think the international community has thus far played
a positive role in mediating this conflict? Do you think they have a united
plan of action with regard to solving this crisis?
Frederick C. Abrahams: Firstly, the international community has failed in
Macedonia over the past ten years. Since the country achieved its
independence, the West has been concerned with protecting its territorial
integrity and stability. The first ever UN preventive deployment force was
sent there, I believe in 1992 (UNPREDEP). The OSCE was there too.

But the West's approach has always been to support the government without
pressing it to improve its human rights record - against ethnic Albanians
as well as other citizens. As far as conflict prevention is concerned, the
West totally failed.

Now the situation is much more complicated, and there is the definite
danger that the conflict will spill out of control. And I am not convinced
that the international community is satisfactorily of the same mind to act
effectively.

Cumberland, MD: Doesn't the recent outbreak of anti-NATO rioting in Skopje,
underscore the point that NATO and the US are both viewed as too
pro-Albanian to have any leverage with Macedonian authorities, short of
financial blackmail?
Frederick C. Abrahams: It is true that many ethnic Macedonians, in and out
of gov't, increasingly view NATO and the US as pro-Albanian. But I don't
believe that this precludes the West's strong involvement in resolving this
crisis. First, it is important to know that there are different opinions
within the Mac government. President Trajkovski, for instance, has been
much more willing to pursue political dialogue and make concessions, whiile
PM Georgievski has pursued the military option, along with the Minister of
Interior. Also, as you say, the West can bring tremendous pressure to bear,
economically and politically, on the Mac authorities, as well as the NLA,
to resolve this politically.

Rockville, MD: Mr Abrahams, what inn of democratic institutions, and
perhaps even regional security structures should be examined.

Lastly, as I mentioned above, the status of Kosovo must be addressed.

Quince Orchard, MD: The Balkans has been a killing zone for centuries.
Memories are long and thirst for revenge is handed down like family
heirlooms. Why should we put our children at risk by sending in troops when
the locals seem to view the bloodsheed as ongoing history that cannot be
avoided?
Frederick C. Abrahams: While it is true that the Balkans has a long history
of ethnic hatred and fighting, I strongly dispute the notion that this
fighting is unavoidable. On the contrary, the fighting in former Yugoslavia
is the result of concrete actions by individuals and institutions.

As for putting US troops at risk, I would admittedly have a difficult time
convincing a parent in Idaho or New Jersey to send their child into a
Balkan war. But I do believe that the US government is in a position to
help avoid major bloodshed in a region of the w
Frederick C. Abrahams: Without question, the ethnic Albanian community in
Mac. also shares some of the blame, for various reasons. First, the
Albanian politic cannot always agree on what it wants. There is intense
competition for power within the Albanians that sometimes prohibits them
from agreeing. Also, there are clearly certain politicians and individuals
who benefit from Albanians' second-class status. They require the
"oppression" of the state to maintain their positions. Lastly, the Albanian
community has been plagued by corruption (as has Mac. generally).
Individuals in positions of power, such as in the gov't., prefer to stay
there because of the economic benefits they enjoy.

I would also add something not pleasant for Albanians to hear but, in my
opinion, true and relavent. That is the Albanians' inferiority complex,
which is a factor in Mac and Kosovo. After years of oppression, they are
used to being victims. They are comfortable in that role. This does not
mean that they don't strive for imprarly as bad as in Kosovo, but this does
not lessen their grievances.

As for the aims of the NLA, there are many. I believe that some individuals
within the NLA are genuinely fighting for improved rights. But there are
clearly many others who are striving for at least the federalization of
Macedonia, or even succession. Flush from "victory" in Kosovo, many
Albanians see this as a historical opportunity to correct the wrongs done
to them in the past (i.e. change borders). There are also those motivated
by profits and crime. After the fall of Milosevic in Serbia, there has been
a mad rush for control of the illegal activities and smuggling routes in
the region - both Albanians and Macedonians have taken part in this. It is
not a coincidence that the NLA's activities started in the village of
Tanushefci on the Kosovo-Mac border, a place long known for its smuggling
activity.

Tirana, Albania: What is the possibility that escalating conflict in
Macedonia can involve neighbouring countries, like Albania, Greece and
Bulgaria?
Frederick C. Abrahams: The possibility of the conflict spreading is real,
but it is also not inevitable. First, I am still hopeful that this will not
come to war inside Macedonia. I believe there is enough awareness in the EU
countries and the US that something must be done to reach a political
agreement.

washingtonpost.com: Thank you for joining us today Mr. Abrahams.

Check back at washingtonpost.com for more coverage of the situation in
Macedonia and other live discussions on the Balkans.
Frederick C. Abrahams: Thank you for the provocative questions.


===== (3) =====

_______________________________________________________________________
http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/macedonia/

Conflict in Macedonia

Transcript of Washington Post chat with Fred Abrahams
EXTERNAL LINK
http://discuss.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/zforum/01/world_abrahams_062701.htm
Human Rights Watch researcher Fred Abrahams discusses the effects
hostilities have had on the Slavic and ethnic Albanian populations of
Macedonia.
June 27, 2001

Macedonia: Pamphlet Raises Ethnic Tensions
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/06/macedon0625.htm
As tens of thousands of Macedonians gathered in the streets of Skopje
tonight, Human Rights Watch warned that the threat of ethnic violence in
the country was rising sharply. Army and special police forces were seen
joining the crowd, which took over the parliament building.
June 25, 2001

NATO: Unfinished Business in the Balkans
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/06/nato0613.htm
As NATO leaders convened in Brussels today, Human Rights Watch pressed
for steps to curb the mounting violence in Macedonia. Peacekeeping
efforts in the Balkans, NATO expansion, and missile defense are expected
to feature prominently at the NATO meeting, which marks the second stop
on U.S. President George Bush's European tour.
June 13, 2001

Macedonia: Rioters Burn Albanian Homes in Bitola
Police Fail to Stop Violence, Some Actively Participate
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/06/Bitola0608.htm
Police in the Macedonian city of Bitola did not attempt to stop rioting
crowds on Wednesday night, and some police officers actively
participated in the violence, Human Rights Watch said today. As a
result, dozens of ethnic Albanian homes and as many as 100 shops were
burned by the mob.
June 8, 2001

Macedonia: Albanian Rebel Abuses of Serb Civilians
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/06/albabuses0607.htm
The National Liberation Army (NLA) physically abused eight ethnic Serb
civilians whom it arbitrarily detained in the Macedonian village of
Matejce last week, Human Rights Watch charged today. Altogether, at
least 21 ethnic Serb men, many of them elderly, were detained by the
Albanian rebel group.
June 7, 2001

Macedonian Police Abuses Documented
Ethnic Albanian Men Separated, Tortured at Police Stations
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/05/macedonia0530.htm
Macedonian forces are systematically separating out ethnic Albanian
males fleeing fierce fighting in northern Macedonia, and severely
beating some of the men at police stations, Human Rights Watch said
today. In the most severe cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the
ill-treatment appears intended to extract confessions or information
about the National Liberation Army (NLA) and amounts to torture. The
fear of violence at the hands of the Macedonian police is also stopping
many ethnic Albanians from fleeing to safety into government-controlled
territory.
May 31, 2001

Macedonian Government Abuses in Runica Village
International Community Should Push for a Full Investigation
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/05/runica0529.htm
Macedonian government forces arbitrarily shelled and burned the ethnic
Albanian village of Runica and beat some of its civilian inhabitants
last week, Human Rights Watch stated today. Six members of one family
were wounded by mortar fire and one man was killed. Seven others
civilians were severely beaten.
May 29, 2001

Macedonia Conflict Endangers Civilians
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/05/macedonia-0507.htm
May 7, 2001

Letter to Macedonian Prime Minister Ljupce Georgijevski
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/05/macedonia_ltr2.htm
Letter to Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/05/macedonia_ltr1.htm
Letter to NLA Political Spokesman Ali Ahmeti
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/05/macedonia_ltr3.htm
May 4, 2001

Macedonia Must Keep Border Open To Refugees
International Community Should Continue With Aid
http://www.hrw.org/press/1999/apr/kosov401.htm
April 1, 1999

http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/macedonia/images/mosque.jpg
A village mosque vandalized by rioters. On the exterior wall of the
mosque, rioters had painted swastikas and written "Death to the
Shiptars." The term "Shiptar" is an ethnic slur when used by
non-Albanians. © Peter Bouckaert/Human Rights Watch, 2001


Audio

Police abuse in Macedonia
http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/macedonia/audio/police1.mp3
mp3,   2:54,   2.67 Mb

Macedonian army's attack on civilians in the village of Ruinica
http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/macedonia/audio/runica1.mp3
mp3,   1:48,   1.66 Mb

Investigation into the context of the attack on Ruinica
http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/macedonia/audio/runica2.mp3
mp3,   2:54,   2.81 Mb


http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/macedonia/images/beatings3.jpg
After being separated from women and children, Albanian men from the
village of Matejce arrive at the Kumanovo police station where many were
brutally beaten. © Peter Bouckaert/Human Rights Watch, 2001


Overview of the events of 2000 from HRW World Report 2001
http://www.hrw.org/wr2k1/europe/macedonia.html

Past World Report chapters:
2000, http://www.hrw.org/wr2k/Eca-14.htm
1999, http://www.hrw.org/worldreport99/europe/macedonia.html
1998 http://www.hrw.org/hrw/worldreport/Helsinki-18.htm#P858_201303

PUBLICATIONS

Police Violence in Macedonia April 1998
http://www.hrw.org/reports98/macedonia/

A Threat To "Stability": Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
http://hrw.org/reports/1996/Macedoni.htm
June 1996