From albboschurch at juno.com Tue Jan 7 04:55:47 2003 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Tue, 7 Jan 2003 05:55:47 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shqiptaret Orthodokse Shprehin Shqetesim me Viziten te Gaixhit Message-ID: <20030107.063720.292.23.albboschurch@juno.com> Kryepeshkopata Orthodokse Shqiptare n? Amerik? Deklarat? p?r Shtyp: 4 Janar 2003 Shqiptar?t Ortodoks? Shprehin Shqet?sim n? Lidhje me Vizit?n e Fundit t? Gaixh n? Tiran? Boston - Ne nj? memorandum drejtuar Departamentit Amerikan t? Shtetit, zyrtar?t e Kish?s Ortodokse Shqiptare regjistruan "shqet?simin e shprehur nga an?tar? t? Kryepeshkopates n? lidhje me natyr?n dhe q?llimin e vizit?s s? fundit t? z. Nikolas Gaixh n? Shqip?ri dhe faktit q? Ambasadori Xhefri e shoq?roi at? n? takimet me zyrtar?t shqiptar? dhe udh?heq?sit politik. Komunikata deklaronte se: "Shum? e kan? interpretuar k?t? ngjarje si nj? mb?shtetje t? pik?pamjeve t? z. Gaixh n? lidhje me aspekte t? ndryshme t? politik?s s? brendshme e t? jashtme shqiptare. Shqet?sim t? ve?ant? kan? ngritur deklaratat e z. Gaixh t? cilat ekzagjerojn? jasht?zakonisht numrin e minoritetit grek n? Shqip?ri, pretendimet e tij t? gabuara se t? gjith? shqiptar?t orthodoks? jan? grek? etnik?, ngat?rrimin q? u b?n ??shtjeve q? kan? t? b?jn? me kosovar?t si dhe pik?pamjet e tij t? pamb?shtetura rreth historis? s? ?am?ve. Pozicionet q? ai nd?rmerr n? lidhje me k?to ??shtje jan? n? konflikt me t? dh?na dhe raporte autoritative t? p?rgatitura nga v?zhgues t? paansh?m dhe agjensi nd?rkomb?tare. P?r k?to arsye, ne jemi t? zhg?njyer nga n?nkuptimet q? kjo vizit? mund t? duket se ka; dhe aq m? shum? p?r mund?sin? e rizgjimit t? armiq?sive nga t? cilat nuk p?rfitojn? t? gjith? popujt e rajonit. Komunikata u n?nshkrua nga Hir?sia e Tij, Peshkopi NIKON, Kancelar i Dioqez?s, Shum? i Nderuari Artur Liolin dhe z. Uilliam Poist, Kryetar laik i K?shillit te kryepeshkopates. Mesazhi gjithashtu shkruante se: "Duke pare nivelin e shqet?simit n? mes t? komunitetit Shqiptaro-Amerikan dhe mund?sin? e ndikimit n? marr?dh?niet Shqiptaro-Amerikane, ne do t? ishim mir?njoh?s sikur Departamenti i Shtetit t? jepte nj? sqarim n? lidhje me k?t? ??shtje." "Dialogu dhe diskutimi midis atyre q? kan? pik?pamje t? kund?rta naturisht q? ?sht? gjithnj? p?r tu mb?shtetur. Ashtu si n? t? shkuar?n, arqidioqeza mb?shtet nisma konstruktive p?r t? p?rparuar bashk?punimin dhe mir?kuptimin midis kombeve dhe popujve t? Europ?s Juglindore." -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jan 7 21:36:43 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 Jan 2003 18:36:43 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Book Review: Kourvetaris et al. (eds), The NewEmilianKavalski Message-ID: <20030108023643.26579.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Balkan Academic News Book Review 1/2003 --------------------------------- George A. Kourvetaris, Victor Roudometof, Kleomenis Koutsoukis, Andrew G. Kourvetaris (eds.), The New Balkans: Disintegration and Reconstruction. Boulder: East European Monographs, 2002. 468pp., 62 USD, ISBN 0880334983 (hardback). Reviewed by Emilian Kavalski (University of Loughborough, UK) Email: E.R.Kavalski at lboro.ac.uk --------------------------------- Order Book from Amazon (By ordering this and other books through Amazon by following the link, you help support Balkan Academic News providing you with book reviews) --------------------------------- The collapse of the Soviet and East European communist regimes (if anticipated at all) has never been expected to be a peaceful affair; however, the violent forms it took in the southeastern corner of Europe challenged and shocked out of their place quite a number of seemingly well-lodged preconceptions. Thus, making sense of the Balkan ?crises? of the 1990s has been the topic of a number of recent analyses. The New Balkans: Disintegration and Reconstruction comes from a similar vein of scholastic explorations, while, at the same time, attempts to proffer itself as the authoritative voice in the field of Southeast European studies encompassing the dual nature of post-Cold War conflicts in the Balkans. On the one hand the volume focuses on the destruction and disintegration of the established pattern of statehood in the region. On the other, it endeavors to evince a new hope as well as prospects for building and reconstructing better futures for its peoples. In spite of the commendable effort as well as the collection of essays by established names in the field, this volume (like many other before it) fails to achieve its self-imposed goals and, most importantly, does not succeed to contribute new perspectives both on the origins of the current situation in the Balkans, let alone insightful ideas for chartering its prospects. At first glance, the volume seems well-organized into three sections exploring: (i) the historic background of the ethnic conflicts in the Balkans (which is also the largest part in the book, containing eight of the sixteen essays); (ii) economic and civil society development; and (iii) security issues. Perhaps, this structure outlines the editors? rendition of the triple-transition problematique. Divided in this way, the volume offers itself as a promising suggestion for the study of the Balkans. However, such aura is quickly dispelled when one embarks on perusing the pages of this volume. One of the main reasons for the misgivings of The New Balkans derives from the editorial mismanagement of its structure. It is obvious that the majority of contributors (if not all) take the term ?Balkans? in its wider (or what some might call its ?geographic?) meaning; that is: Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, Turkey, and the states that emerged after the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, an overwhelming number of essays (ten out of sixteen) focus on the issues and problems of the so-called ?Western Balkans?. Thus, a more appropriate title for the book would have been The New Post-Yugoslav Space, since it is the disintegration and reconstruction of Yugoslavia that is at the heart of the book. Said otherwise, The New Balkans fails to throw significant light on the post-communist (or as the editors would probably call it ?post-emotional?) transition of the region towards Euro-Atlantic structures. Instead the volume remains mired in some quasi-suggestions and semi-conclusions on the future of the ?region?, without making it clear is it the wider Balkans, or the particular post-Yugoslav environment that it has in mind. Another reason for the shortcomings of this volume is the fact that the bulk of the contributions were originally written for a 1996 special issue of the Journal of Political and Military Sociology. Although, that it is very often refreshing to be confronted with the conclusions and suggestions of the recent past (especially when revisiting studies undertaken during the height of the Yugoslav crises) The New Balkans does not make the grade in rendering its explorations into the language of the post-Milosevic and post-Tudjaman ?Western Balkans? and a closer and deeper association into the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization for ?Southeastern Europe?. In fact, the volume overlooks the important implication of such linguistic designation and, hence, division of the region, which emerged in the mid-1990s. In effect, it completely overlooks the suggestion that the Balkans is a region not because of its own awareness as such, but because of the external perception of the region?s political, economic and social environment. A third major flaw of the volume is the thinly veiled political agenda that it seems to drive forward. Its premise is an apparently uncritical usage of the volume?s terminology (i.e. ?nation? and ?power?). The New Balkans fails to account for the altered nature and especially content of such emotionally and ideologically laden concepts. In other words, the volume lacks a cognitive exploration of the ideas and concepts at the core of its terms (as is the case with the lacking explanation and understanding of the perception of ?the Balkans?). This organizational failure leads the editors to put forward the claim (of dubious academic value) that ?the current fervor of Albanian nationalists and that of Bulgarian nationalists during the pre-World War II period? are similar (p. 9). Strange as it may sound with its reminiscence of primordial essentialism such statements are common throughout the pages of the volume (see for instance the chapter on the name of Macedonia). Thus, one is left with the question what kind of reconstruction the volume would like to suggest for the Balkans: one that is going to bring the region closer to the Euro-Atlantic organizations and standards, or one that is going to plunge it even further into ?nationalist? fervor? Moreover, such statements put into question the real motivations of the editors of the volume? These are just few of the ideas one gets after reading The New Balkans. The volume fails to live up to the expectations that it sets out and perhaps the field of Balkan Studies could have done better without its presence. Strikingly enough, there is nothing new that The New Balkans offers to its readers. However, since it already exists probably the volume could be of some use as a reference source to students of the region, but one that needs to be approached with knowledge of its weaknesses. --------------------------------- This an earlier book reviews are available at: www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans --------------------------------- ? 2002 Balkan Academic News. This review may be distributed and reproduced electronically, if credit is given to Balkan Academic News and the author. For permission for re-printing, contact Balkan Academic News. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jan 7 21:46:22 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 Jan 2003 18:46:22 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conference on Minority Languages Message-ID: <20030108024622.23457.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Original sender: Birger Winsa Announcement for the ninth INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON MINORITY LANGUAGES (ICML-IX), to be held JUNE 6-7, 2003, in KIRUNA, SWEDEN Plenary speakers: Nancy H. Hornberger, University of Pennsylvania, USA Christer Laur?n, University of Vaasa, Finland Georges L?di, University of Basel, Switzerland Marilyn Martin-Jones, University of Wales, Aberystwyth, Cymru/Wales (UK) Deadline for abstracts, workshops and posters, January 31, 2003 Full Details on the Conference can be found at the following web site: WWW.finska.su.se (ICML) OR DIRECTLY: http://www.finska.su.se/konf03.html Please pass this information on to others who may be interested, and apologies in advance for any cross-posting. With best wishes -- Birger winsa Department of Finnish Stockholm University S-106 91 Stockholm Sweden Fax:+46-8-158871 E-mail: birger.winsa at finska.su.se --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jan 9 07:13:54 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 9 Jan 2003 04:13:54 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Interesting website on the Arberores Message-ID: <20030109121354.21164.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> http://go.to/arvanites/ --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jan 10 07:03:20 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 10 Jan 2003 04:03:20 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Conference: Minorities in Greece, 30.1.-1.2.2002, Berlin Message-ID: <20030110120320.40015.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Subject: Conf: Minorities in Greece - historical issues and new perspectives Historisches Seminar Universit?t Freiburg i.Br., Osteuropa Institut Freie Universit?t Berlin 30.01.2003-01.02.2003, Berlin Supported by Fritz- Thyssen- Stiftung (Cologne) Place of the Conference: Clubhaus Freie Universitaet Berlin Goetherstra?e 49 D-14163 Berlin (Underground Station "Krumme Lanke") Teilnahme nur nach Voranmeldung PROGRAMME Thursday, 30th January 2003 9:45 Opening Holm Sundhaussen (Berlin) Vice-Director of Osteuropa Institut, Freie Universit?t Berlin Director of Department: History and Culture 10:00 Peter Haslinger (Munich) Imagined Territories and Ethnoscapes - Ways to Conceptualize the Role of Minorities in International Settings Discussion 10:30 Christian Promitzer (Graz) The Body of the Other: "Racial Science" and Minorities in Southeastern Europe Discussion 11:00 Coffee break 11:30 Vemund Aarbakke (Oslo/Athens) Adjusting to the new international framework for minority protection - challenges for the Greek state and its minorities Discussion 12:00 Lunch Break 15:30 Konstantinos Tsitselikis (Salonika) Legal aspects of religious and linguistic otherness in Greece Discussion 16:00 Georgios Mavrommatis (Salonika/Athens) Constructing identities for the Thracian Muslim youth: the role of education Discussion 16:30 Coffee break 17.00 Tasos Kostopoulos (Athens) Counting the Other: official census and classified statistics in Greece (1830-2001) Discussion 17:30 Philip Carabott (London) The politics of constructing the "other": the Greek state and its Slavic-speaking citizens, ca. 1923-ca. 1949 Discussion 18:00 End Friday, 31st January 2003 9:30 Riki van Boeschoten (Volos/Brussels) "Bratstvo i Jedinstvo"? Macedonian political refugees in Eastern Europe Discussion 10:00 Georgia Kretsi (Berlin) >From landholding to landlessness. The Relationship between the Property and Legal Status of the Cham Muslim Albanians Discussion 10:30 Coffee break 11:00 Dora Lafazani (Athens) Migration as a tool in state's, group's and individual's strategies Discussion 11:30 Sevasti Trubeta (Berlin/Freiburg) 'Minorization' and 'Ethnicization' in the Greek society: comparative Perspectives on Moslem Migrants and the Moslem Minority Discussion 12:00 lunch Break 15:00 Christian Voss (Freiburg) Sociolinguistic perspectives for the Slavic minorities in Greek Thrace and Greek Macedonia Discussion 15:30 Alexandra Ioannidou (Athens) Linguistic research in Greece: The slavic dialects in Western and Central Macedonia. First observations and comments Discussion 16:00 Coffee break 16:30 Claudia Rossini (Zurich) Graecophiles and Macedonophiles: The clash of identities at village level Discussion 17:00 End Saturday, 1st February 2003 9:30 Thede Kahl (Vienna) Religious, linguistic and ethnic labels. The case of the Vlachs Discussion 10:00 Evangelos Karagiannis (Berlin) Pomaks of Bulgaria and Greece - comparative issues Discussion 10:30 Coffee break 11:00 Concluding Discussion 12:00 End of the conference For information, please contact the following e-mail addresses: Dr. Sevasti Trubeta trubeta.sevasti at berlin.de Dr. Christian Voss Christian.Voss at geschichte.uni-freiburg.de ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jan 11 06:06:02 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 Jan 2003 03:06:02 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Marredheniet Shqiptaro-Greke - Tartari ne Kohe Jone Message-ID: <20030111110602.90369.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Disa komente mbi marredheniet shqiptaro-greke Nga Agim I. Tartari/ Sipas asaj qe kam lexuar, "zevendeskryeministri dhe ministri i Jashtem, Ilir Meta, shprehet ne Kuvend pro kerkeses se politikes shqiptare per abrogimin nga ana e shtetit grek te ligjit te Luftes, qe eshte ne fuqi prej 68 vjetesh mes Greqise dhe Shqiperise. Gjithashtu, Ministri i Jashtem u shpreh pro edhe nisjes se bisedimeve mes te dy shteteve per ceshtjen e popullsise came per kthimin e pasurive dhe te pronave te tyre nga shteti grek. Sipas tij, heqja e ligjit te luftes ka lidhje edhe me ceshtjen e pronave dhe pasurive te cameve, te cilat u sekuestruan ne baze te ketij ligji. ...Greqia i shpalli gjendjen e luftes me Shqiperine me 28 tetor 1948 me dekret nr. 2636. ...Ky vendim solli me pas sekuestrimin e pasurive dhe te pronave, si dhe shpernguljen e popullsise came nga vendbanimet e tyre. ... ne vitin 1941, qeveria greke kuislinge e shfuqizoi kete ligj, Por pas clirimit te Greqise, qeveria e re ne 1944 e rivendosi perseri keteligj. Kete radhe gjendja e luftes ekzistonte vetem me Shqiperine dhe jo me Italine qe e pushtoi Greqine". Pervec kesaj, nga mediat elektronike mesova se zv.ministri i Mbrojtjes i Greqise gjate vizites se tij te fundit ne Shqiperi ka deklaruar se ligji i luftes nuk ka perse te shfuqizohet perderisa qeveria greke ka bere nje deklarate qysh ne vitin 1987 dhe me pas midis dy vendeve eshte perfunduar dhe nje Traktat Miqesie, Bashkepunimi dhe Fqinjesie te mire (21.3.1996). Sa siper me jep pershtypjen se lidhur me keto probleme ekzistojne paqartesira e moskuptime, vazhdimi i te cilave do ta beje te pamundur zgjidhjen perfundimtare te problemit qe realisht ekziston. Persa i perket asaj qe eshte shkruar ne gazeten "Shekulli", duke mos qene "ne gazete", nuk jam i sigurte se cili eshte deklarimi i sakte i zv.kryeministrit dhe keshtu ne te mund te kete dhe trajtime apo komente te gazetes. Sidoqofte, ne te konstatoj nje sere gabimesh si logjike ashtu dhe juridike. Aty thuhet se ligji i luftes eshte ne fuqi ka 68 vjet, me poshte thuhet se ai eshte miratuar me 28 nentor 1948 (pra 64 vjet me pare), me poshte thuhet se ne 1941 kete ligj e shfuqizoi qeveria kuislinge dhe e rivendosi ne fuqi qeveria e dale pas clirimit te Greqise ne 1944 dhe se ky ligj ekziston vetem me Shqiperine dhe jo me Italine qe e pushtoi. Me duket e tepert te humbitet kohe per te komentuar mishmashin e ketyre te dhenave qe na jep gazeta. Pavaresisht nga sa siper, sipas mendimit tim thelbi i problemit nuk eshte qenia apo jo ne fuqi e te ashtuquajturit "ligj i luftes". Problemi kyc eshte: ne kohen qe Italia sulmoi Greqine, dmth me 28 tetor 1940, Shqiperia a ishte shtet sovran dhe a mund te ishte nje shtet rmik i Greqise dhe ne gjendje lufte me te? Per historikun e kesaj ceshtjeje eshte diskutuar se tepermi, edhe publikisht, duke filluar qe nga viti 1991 (nga i nenshkruari: "Kosova", 29.9.1991: "Gjendja e luftes" midis Greqise dhe Shqiperise, "Republika 10.10.1999: Marredheniet shqiptaro-greke ne driten e se drejtes nderkombetare, "Shekulli" 21.8.2000: Edhe 4 vite kohe per te ndrequr padrejtesite 60-vjecare, etj). Kjo ceshtje u be sidomos e njohur nga z. Abdi Baleta nga deklarata e tij e 14 korrikut 1994 ne Kuvend. Shkurtimisht ky historik mund te permblidhet keshtu: me 28 tetor 1940 Italia sulmoi Greqine nepermjet territoreve te pushtuara te Shqiperise. Me 10 nentor 1940 parlamenti grek miratoi ligjin 2636/1940 "mbi veprimet juridike armiqesore dhe konfiskimin konservativ te pasurive armike" - i ashtuquajturi ligj i luftes. Ne te njejten date miratohet dhe nje dekret i Mbretit me kete permbajtje: "Percaktojme si shtete armike sipas kuptimit te ligjit te detyrueshem te lartpermendur, Italine me dominionet e saj, territoret perandorake dhe kolonite e saj dhe Shqiperine. Veme ne zbatim ne teresi dispozitat e ligjit ne fjale...prej dates 28 tetor 1940". Pa permendur hollesira te tjera, ne 1948 miratohet dekret-ligji nr. 1138 i cili, duke ndryshuar nenin 21 te ligjit 2636, sanksionon se marrja fund e dispozitave te ketij ligji behet me vendim te perbashket te kryetarit te qeverise dhe te ministrave te jashtem, te financave dhe te drejtesise, qe botohet ne Gazeten Zyrtare greke. Nga sa siper del qe Greqia e ka konsideruar Shqiperine si nje shtet nderluftues ne vitin 1940, megjithese arsye juridike per te mbeshtetur kete teze nuk ekzistojne. Sidoqofte, me 10.2.1947 u nenshkrua ne Paris Traktati i Paqes, dhe duke qene se edhe Shqiperia ne baze te dekretit nr. 480. dt. 9.10.1947 te Kuvendit Popullor aderoi ne kete Traktat, sipas nenit 88.1 te tij u konsiderua fuqi shoqe. Kjo eshte nje tjeter arsye per te perjashtuar gjendjen e luftes midis Greqise dhe Shqiperise edhe ne vitin 1940. Megjithate, deri sa u rivendosen marredheniet diplomatike midis dy vendeve, kjo gjendje ka ekzistuar dhe pretendimet fillestare te Greqise, megjithese jo te paraqitura formalisht ndonjehere - me sa di une - ishin per nje demshperblim edhe nga Shqiperia,pretendim i cili ishte i pabazuar, vec arsyeve te shumta juridike, edhe per faktin se per demet e pesuara nga lufta e 28 tetorit 1940 Greqia e mori nje here demshperblimin nga Italia. Rrjedhoje e drejtperdrejte e dekretit mbreteror dt. 10.11.1940, permendur me lart ishte qe te gjitha pasurite shqiptare ne Greqi u vune ne sekuester konservative nga shteti grek dhe per keto pasuri ky regjim vazhdon edhe sot. Per kete eshte vene ne dijeni edhe Ministria e Puneve te Jashtme qysh me 30 maj 1999 (shih artikullin "Marredheniet shqiptaro-greke ne driten e se drejtes nderkombetare", permendur me lart). Pra, sot problemi nuk eshte te shfuqizohet ligji i luftes per te cilin kerkohet nje procedure e percaktuar nepermjet parlamentit. Problemi eshte me i thjeshte: me nje vendim te perbashket te kryeministrit se bashku me ministrat e jashtem, te financave e te drejtesise te percaktohet se Shqiperia nuk ka qene ndonjehere shtet armik me Greqine dhe prandaj vendimi ne fjale te kete efekt prapaveprues (ex tunc). Ky vendim duhet domosdoshmerisht te botohet ne Gazeten Zyrtare te Greqise. Vetem kjo do te bente te mundur heqjen e sekuestros mbi pasurite eshtetasve shqiptare vene ne 1940 dhe t'u jepte pronareve apo trashegimtareve te tyre te drejten qe te rimarrin keto prona se bashku me te ardhurat e tyre qe shteti grek ka vjele e vazhdon te vjele qysh nga viti 1940 dhe te cilat deri sot vazhdojne te kalojne ne buxhetin grek. Eshte e vertete qe, ashtu sic deklaron zv.ministri grek i Mbrojtjes, qeveria greke ka bere nje deklarate ne vitin 1987 duke mos e konsideruar Shqiperine ne gjendje lufte, por kjo deklarate shtypi nuk ka lidhje me pasurite e sekuestruara ne 1940. Ketu nuk eshte fjala ne se ekziston apo jo gjendje lufte midis Shqiperise dhe Greqise, fjala eshte si e konsideron Greqia Shqiperine ne vitin 1940. Dhe kjo zgjidhet nga ai akt juridik qe kerkohet nga neni 21, i ndryshuar, i ligjit nr. 2636/40, i cili te botohet ne Gazeten Zyrtare greke. Kjo do te ishte ne perputhje e ne zbatim edhe te nenit 15 te Traktatit te Miqesise qe na kujton zv.ministri grek i Mbrojtjes, mbasi kjo dispozite percakton se "Secila nga Palet Konraktuese do te perballoje mundesine e heqjes brenda kuadrit te saj ligjor, te pengesave qe veshtiresojne gezimin e pasurive qe kane shtetasit e njeres Pale ne territorin e Pales tjeter". Persa i perket problemit cam, nga sa u permend shkurt me lart, ai nuk ka lidhje me konsiderimin e Shqiperise si shtet armik sipas dekretit mbreteror te 10 nentorit 1940 dhe i cili pati si rrjedhoje vendosjen e sekuestros konservative mbi pasurite e shtetasve shqiptare. Camet ne ate kohe ishin shtetas greke dhe jetonin ne tokat e tyre. Por, si pasoje e genocidit qe ushtroi Greqia ndaj tyre ne 1944, ata u detyruan te braktisnin pronat e tyre dhe te gjejne strehim ne Shqiperi. Keshtu qe camet nuk humben vetem pronat. Neni 15.2 i Deklarates Universale te te Drejtave te Njeriut sanksionon se "askush nuk mund te privohet nga shtetesia e tij...." e, megjithate, ata u privuan nga shtetesia e tyre dhe nga te gjitha te drejtat e tjera te tyre. Perballe persekutimit, te cilit iu nenshtrua populli cam, Shqiperia u dha atyre strehe duke marre persiper te gjitha pergjegjesite qe rridhnin nga ky veprim, pa permendur shpenzimet qe iu desh te perballojne kete rast. Kundrejt ketij veprimi, kundrejt shpenzimeve shume te medha per mundesite financiare te Shqiperise te asaj kohe, qeveria greke eshte pergjegjese ndaj Shtetit shqiptar, sepse ishte ajo shkaktare e vetme per kete situate. Prandaj problemi cam nuk mund te zgjidhet vetem me kthimin e tokave sepse demi i cameve eshte shume me i madh dhe pasuria e tyre nuk ishte vetem toka. Ky do te ishte nje likuidim teper i thjeshte i problemit cam. I konsiderova te nevojshme keto pak shenime vetem per te davaritur pak ate mjegullnaje qe krijon artikulli i lartpermendur, por problemet qe ekzistojne jane shume me teper se sa mund te trajtohen ne nje artikull te shkurter gazete. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jan 11 06:27:06 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 Jan 2003 03:27:06 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ligji Grek i Luftes dhe Shqiperia - I. Hajdini ne Shekulli Message-ID: <20030111112706.10296.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com> Ligji Grek i luft?s dhe Shqiperia Nga Izedin Hajdini* Historia e t? ashtuquajturit ?ligj i luft?s? ?sht? nj? problem q? ka t? b?j? me t? drejt?n nd?rkomb?tare, me politik?n e jashtme dhe diplomacin?. N? koh?n e sulmit t? Greqis? nga ana e Italis? fashiste, Shqip?ria kishte pushuar s? q?ni subjekt i pavaruar i s? drejt?s nd?rkomb?tare, sepse ishte pushtuar qysh prej afro nj? viti e gjysm? m? par? nga Italia. Ajo nuk ishte m? nj? shtet i pavarur, por pjes? e Mbret?ris? s? Savoj?s. Dhe kur populli shqiptar i braktisur, p?rpiqej t? mbrohej nga pushtimi i eg?r fashist, fqinj?t tan? t? jugut nuk harxhuan asnj? pik? boj? tipografike n? mbrojtje t? ?v?llez?rve pelazgjik??. Shqip?ria nuk i kishte shpallur asnj?her? luft? Greqis?. N? k?t? kuptim ligji i luft?s nuk ka t? b?j? fare me Shqip?rin?. Heqja e gjendjes s? luft?s midis Greqis? dhe Italis? pas kapitullimit t? k?saj t? fundit, e ezauronte edhe problemin e gjendjes s? luft?s me Shqip?rin?. Konferenca e Paqes n? Paris e radhiti Shqip?rin? n? an?n e vendeve fituese, an?tare t? koalicionit antifashisht, megjith? p?rpjekjet diabolike t? kryeministrit grek t? asaj kohe, Caldaris. Ajo u b? p?rfituese e reparacioneve t? luft?s nga Italia, ?ka tregonte n? m?nyr?n m? elokuente se Shqip?ria ishte viktim? dhe jo agresore. Vendosja e marr?dh?nieve diplomatike u parapri nga nj? seri bisedimesh midis p?rfaq?suesve diplomatik? t? t? dy vendeve. N? k?to bisedime u b? e qart? se vendosja e marr?dh?nieve diplomatike b?hej pa asnj? kusht nga secila pal?. Kjo do te thoshte nuk kishte m? asnj? pretendim as p?r ligjin e luft?s dhe as p?r t? ashtuquajturin Voirio Epir. Riv?nia e ?ligjit t? luft?s? m? 1944, heqja e tij m? 1987 dhe ?rivendosja? m? 1999 nuk ?sht? gj? tjet?r vet?m se nj? ekspedient politik i Greqis? n? p?rpjekjet e saj p?r t? arritur synimet e saj politike. Por edhe nga pik?pamja e legjislacionit grek, ?sht? tep?r e v?shtir? t? justifikohet vazhdimi i gjendjes s? luft?s me Shqip?rin?. Le t?i referohemi fakteve. N? muajin gusht 1987, n? prag t? vizit?s s? premtuar n? Shqip?ri t? kryeministrit grek Andrea Papandreu, q? p?r shkak t? keq?simit t? sh?ndetit t? tij nuk u krye asnj?her?, Qeveria greke deklaroi heqjen e ligjit t? luft?s me Shqip?rin? duke i dh?n? k?shtu fund nj? gjendje anormale n? marr?dh?niet midis dy vendeve. Sipas specialist?ve grek?, ligji u hoq me nj? akt qeveritar p?r arsye se gjendja e luft?s me Shqip?rin? ishte vendosur jo me ligj t? miratuar nga Parlamenti, por me nj? akt t? Mbretit. Pas heqjes s? ?ligjit t? luft?s?, n? Tiran? erdhi nj? delegacion ekonomik qeveritar grek me t? cilin u n?nshkrua Protokolli i bashk?punimit ekonomik midis qeverive t? dy vendeve. N? em?r t? qeveris? greke, Protokollin e n?nshkroi zoti Janos Papantoniu, ministri aktual i Mbrojtjes i Greqis?. N? preambul?n e Protokollit, me propozim t? pal?s greke, n? m?nyr? eksplicite p?rmendej ?heqja e ligjit t? luft?s nga qeveria greke dhe influenca e tij pozitive n? zhvillimin e gjithansh?m t? marr?dh?nieve midis dy vendeve?. Autori i k?tyre radh?ve, n? at? koh? ishte drejtor i Bashk?punimit Ekonomik n? Ministrin? e Pun?ve t? Jashtme, drejtoi bisedimet n? nivel ekspert?sh q? ?uan n? finalizimin e dokumentit, si dhe ndoqi gjith? procedurat ligjore sipas legjislacionit t? asaj kohe. Duke qen? se n? at? koh? qeveria shqiptare e konsideronte ligjin e luft?s si t? paqen?, ishte p?rcaktuar edhe q?ndrimi politik p?rkat?s q? n? t? gjitha aktet zyrtare dypal?she shqiptaro-greke nuk pranohej q? t? p?rmendej ligji grek i luft?s. P?rmendja p?r her? t? par? e ligjit n? nj? dokument zyrtar ka historin? e vet. Ne u nis?m nga arsyetimi se meq?n? se Protokolli do t? ratifikohej nga Parlamenti grek, do t? kishte nj? dokument zyrtar q? do t? konfirmonte heqjen e ligjit t? luft?s t? shpallur nga qeveria greke. Nga ana tjet?r, n? m?nyr? indirekte, Parlamenti grek do t? miratonte nj?koh?sisht me Protokollin edhe aktin e qeveris? p?r abrogimin e k?tij ligji fam?keq. Ky arsyetim u miratua nga nga presidenti dhe klauzola e propozuar nga pala greke u pranua. N? fund t? vitit 1987, pala greke me Not? Verbale njoftoi p?r ratifikimin nga Parlamenti grek t? Protokollit, nd?rsa n? fillim t? vitit 1988 pala jon? n?p?rmjet Ministris? s? Pun?ve t? Jashtme i komunikoi pal?s greke miratimin e dhen? nga K?shilli i Ministrave. N? arkivin e Ministris? s? Pun?ve t? Jashtme gjendet Nota Verbale e ambasad?s greke dhe numri i dekretit t? Parlamentit grek. ?sht? e kuptueshme q? n? se Parlamenti grek do t? kisht? v?rejtje p?r abrogimin e ligjit t? luft?s nga ana e qeveris?, ai nuk do ta ratifikonte Protokollin. Pra, nga pik?pamja legale, nuk ka asnj? dyshim q? abrogimi i ligjit t? luft?s me akt qeveritar ?sht? ratifikuar edhe nga Parlamenti grek, qoft? edhe n? m?nyr? indirekte. Gajt? paraqitjes se letrave kredenciale si ambasador i Shqip?ris? n? Greqi n? vitin 1988, autoritetet m? t? larta t? shtetit dhe qeveris? greke nuk lan? rast pa konfirmuar heqjen e ligjit absurd t? luft?s. Gjat? viteve pas 1987 shum? shtetas shqiptar? n?p?rmjet procedurave ligjore kan? marr? pasurit? e tyre q? m? par? ishin t? bllokuara nga vendosja e sekuestros konservative q? kishte sjell? pas vetes ligji mbi gjendjen e luft?s. Jo vet?m kaq, por tashm? ?sht? fakt i njohur se shum? shtetas shqiptar? kan? bler? pasuri t? patundshme n? Greqi, ?ka provon se ligji i luft?s dhe pasojat e tij ligjore nuk ekzistojn? m?. ?sht? pik?risht p?r k?t? arsye q? president?t e t? dy vendeve n?nshkruan Traktatin e miq?sis? dhe bashk?punimit midis t? dy vendeve. Historia e marr?dh?nieve nd?rkomb?tare nuk njeh asnj? rast q? dy vende n? gjendje lufte t? lidhin nj? traktat miq?sie. K?rkimi i shpjegimeve nga ana e Ministris? ton? t? Pun?ve t? Jashtme ne vitin 1999, n? se ?sht? e v?rtet? ajo q? njofton shtypi, ?sht? nj? gabim sa profesional aq edhe politik q? mund t? shpjegohet me d?min e madh q? p?soi diplomacia shqiptare nga humbja e kujtes?s administrative dhe diplomatike pas spastrimeve radikale q? u b?n? n? stafin e Ministris? s? Pun?ve t? Jashtme n? gjysm?n e par? t? periudh?s s? tranzicionit. Si kudo Shqip?ria edhe k?tu tregoi se ?sht? ?e para? dhe dha ?shembullin e saj udh?rrefyes? p?r vendet e Europ?s lindore, por q? si gjithnj? nuk u ndoq nga askush. Mendoj se do t? ishte nj? gabim tjet?r i madh n? se do t? vihej n? jet? propozimi i b?r? n? Kuvend ?p?r ngritjen e nj? grupi negociues mes dy parlamenteve p?r t? gjetur nj? zgjidhje efikase dhe t? shpejt? p?r abrogimin e ligjit t? luft?s? (cituar sipas gazet?s ?Korrieri? dat? 24.12.2002). T? negociosh heqjen e gjendjes s? luft?s me Greqin? do t? thot? q? t? pranosh q? Shqip?ria ?sht? n? gjendje luft? me Greqin? q? nga ana e vet do t? thot? se Shqip?ria i ka shpallur luft? Greqis?. Gjetja e zgjidhjes p?r nj? situat? t? till? zakonisht b?het duke arritur nj? kompromis p?r t? kompensuar d?met morale, politike dhe financiare q? i jan? shkaktuar viktim?s. Edhe n? se n? rastin m? t? mir?, pala greke do t? k?rkonte nj? kompensim moral, historis? s? Shqip?ris? do t?i vihej nj? njoll? duke i ngarkuar asaj pa t? drejt? fajin e nj? agresioni t? pakryer. N? se Kuvendi e konsideron si fakt real ekzistenc?n e gjendjes s? luft?s, at?her? si duhet shpjeguar fakti q? ai disa her? i ka akorduar Greqis? t? drejt?n p?r t? dislokuar ne territorin shqiptar nj?si t? forcave t? saj ushtarake? Problemi nuk shtrohet q? t? fshehim kok?n si struci, apo t? kthehemi n? Peer Gynt q? t? mohojm? ekzistenc?n e problemeve midis dy vendeve. E v?rteta ?sht? se problemi i gjendjes s? luft?s ?sht? nj? problem grek dhe i takon qeveris? greke t? mbyll ciklin e akteve ligjore q? mund t? ken? mbetur akoma pa ndryshuar qysh nga heqja e ligjit t? luft?s n? vitin 1987. Ky problem duhet trajtuar vet?m n? rrug? diplomatike direkt me pal?n greke dhe me miqt? tan? euroatlantik?. Parlamenti shqiptar mund t? luaj? nj? rol t? shquar n? takimet me parlamentar?t grek? dhe sidomos me ata europian?. Vizita e ministrit grek Jorgo Papandreu, q? ?sht? shquar si nj? politikan dhe diplomat modern me nj? vizion bashk?kohor, ?sht? nj? rast tjet?r i mir? p?r t? biseduar hapur problemet q? ekzistojn?. P?r m? tep?r ai ?sht? djali dhe nj?koh?sisht trash?gimtari politik i Andrea Papandreut, i cili me largpam?sin? dhe kurajon e tij politike kap?rceu mbi pengesat e qarqeve shoviniste greke duke hapur nj? er? t? re n? marr?dh?niet midis dy v?ndeve tona. Diplomacia greke duhet ta kuptoj? se taktika t? tilla duke p?rdorur ligjin e paq?n? t? luft?s si deterrent p?r t? penguar zgjidhjen e problemit ?am, nuk kan? jet? t? gjat?. ?am?t kan? qen? n?nshtetas grek? q? jan? shp?rngulur me nj? dhun? t? papar? nga tokat dhe pasurite e tyre. Grabitja e pronave t? tyre nuk ka asnj? lidhje me ligjin e luft?s, sepse sekuestroja konservative pas shpalljes s? gjendjes s? luft?s me Shqip?rin? u vu vet?m p?r pronat e shtetasve shqiptar?. Prandaj pala greke duhet ta kuptoj? se me gogolin e ligjit t? luft?s nuk tremb asnj? njeri n? Shqip?ri, por vet?m jep nj? shembull negativ p?r stabilitetin n? rajon. Opinioni publik shqiptar me t? drejt? pret t? shikoj? nj? politik? t? jashtme greke n? nivelin e politik?s s? Bashkimit Europian dhe t? pozit?s greke n? t? si kryetare e radh?s e BE-s?. *ish -Ambasador i Shqip?ris? n? Athin? --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jan 11 06:35:01 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 Jan 2003 03:35:01 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Pirro Misha ne Shekulli Message-ID: <20030111113501.11505.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com> Toleranca fetare apo pap?rgjegjshmeri? Nga Pirro Misha Tre fakte m? shtyn? t? ulem t? shkruaj. Nj? lib?r i botuar muajt e fundit n? Franc?, nj? artikull i botuar n? nj? t? p?rditshme n? Tiran?, nj? pamje n? sall?n e pritjes t? aeroportit t? Tiran?s. Si p?r t? treguar se radhitja e m?sip?rme ?sht? e rast?sishme, po e nis nga kjo e fundit. Aeroporti Aty nga fundi i muajit shtator, s? bashku me mikun tim Kujtim ?ashku po prisnim t? vinte koha p?r t?u nisur, kur na zuri syri at? grup prej rreth 10 djemsh e nj? vajze pak a shum? t? nj? moshe, q? rrinin t? ve?uar n? qoshen m? t? larg?t t? sall?s s? pritjes. N? fakt t? gjith? pasagjer?t kthenin kok?n p?r t?i par?. Djemt? mbanin t? gjith? mjekra t? gjata, nd?rsa vajza ishte e mbuluar me t? zeza, duke l?n? jasht? vet?m syt?. Dukej q? vinin nga fshati, ose nga ndonj? qytet i provinc?s. Nuk e di se ku shkonin? Libri E gjen sot n? ?do vitrin? librarie n? Franc?. Titullohet ?Diksioneri bot?ror i fondamentalizmit?*. E ka p?rgatitur nj? grup ekspert?sh nd?r m? t? njohurit n? Europ? p?r ??shtjet e Lindjes dhe t? radikalizmit islamik. Libri synon t? jap? nj? panoram? t? universit t? sot?m t? radikalizmit islamik. Nj? z? i ve?ant? n? t? i kushtohet Shqip?ris? ose, q? t? jem m? i sakt?, rrezikut t? fondamentalizmit n? Shqiperi. ??thuhet aty? N? nj? vend si Shqip?ria, q? krenohet p?r tradit?n e toleranc?s dhe t? bashk?jetes?s mes feve, prej dhjet? vjet?sh po veprohet p?r zevend?simin e islamit tradicional me nj? islam t? af?rt me konceptet whabite - pra t? islamit n? nj? nd?r format e tij m? radikale q? praktikohet n? Arabin? Saudite, si dhe n? disa nga vendet e tjera arabe t? ashtuquajtura t? Gjirit. Sipas librit, kjo p?rpjekje mb?shtetet me mjete t? fuqishme financiare. Gjithnj? sipas librit, gjat? periudh?s s? par? pas hapjes s? Shqip?ris? (periudh? kjo e p?rcaktuar deri n? vitin 1997) nuk synohej thjesht? mbushja e zbraz?tis? s? l?n? pas nga komunizmi n? institucionet p?rfaq?suese t? bashk?sis? muslimane. N? at? koh? synohej q? vet? politika e vendit t? orientohej drejt integrimit me bashk?sin? e vendeve islamike. Si promotor kryesor i k?tij projekti p?rmendet emri i B.Gazidedes, i cili, sipas autor?ve t? librit, mbante lidhje t? ngushta me sh?rbimet e fshehta t? disa vendeve arabe, si dhe me ato iraniane. Nd?rkoh?, v?nien n? jet? t? projektit e mor?n p?rsip?r nj? s?r? organizatash t? ashtuquajtura ?bamir?se? apo ?kulturore? arabe. ?N? Shqip?ri veprojn?, thuhet n? lib?r, rreth 30 organizata t? tilla t? financuara kryesisht nga Arabia Saudite, t? cilat punojn? p?r nj? objektiv q?, ???sht? e drejta, ato s?e kan? fshehur kurr? ? ri-islamizimin e Shqip?ris?.? Libri b?n nj? analiz? t? holl?sishme t? m?nyr?s se si veprojn? k?to organizata, q? edhe pse disi t? reduktuara k?to dy tre vjet?t e fundit, prap? jan? mjaft t? pranishme. Objektivi i tyre kryesor ?sht? ??komb?tarizimi? i islamit lokal n? em?r t? nj? islami ?universal?. P?r k?t? q?llim s?mjafton thjesht? predikimi i vizionit t? um?s**, por k?rkohet t? nxiten ndjenjat antiper?ndimore, duke shfryt?zuar pasigurin? apo zhg?njimin e natyrsh?m q? ndjejn? shum? njer?z n? kushtet e ?oroditjes q? sjellin ndryshimet rr?nj?sore dhe kriza e tranzicionit. N? fakt m?nyra se si veprojn? k?to organizata ?sht? tep?r e sofistikuar. Nga nj?ra an? ato ushtrojn? presion mbi grupe t? caktuara t? popullsis? p?r t? arritur at? ?ka ata e konsiderojn? sjellje ?islamike? ? grat? t? mbulohen, f?mijt? t? ndjekin shkolla kuranike, meshkujt t? mbajn? mjek?r etj. Mjeti m? efektiv i presionit mbetet e ashtuquajtura ndihm? ?bamir?se? ekonomike e sociale. N? fillim kjo iu jepet t? varf?rve, jetim?ve, nevojtar?ve e pakusht?zuar, pastaj gradualisht kalohet n? privilegjimin financiar e materjal t? atyre q? ndjekin porosit?. S? fundi, jo rrall?, ndihma b?het krejt?sisht e kusht?zuar. Nj? r?nd?si e posa?me i kushtohet hapjes s? shkollave islamike me m?sues, s? paku fillimisht, arab?, furnizimit me literatur? propagandistike t? p?rkthyer n? shqip, si dhe d?rgimi i t? rinjve shqiptar? p?r shkollim n? vendet arabe. K?ta t? fundit zen? nj? vend t? r?nd?sish?m n? planet afatmesme t? k?tyre organizatave, sidomos p?r realizimin e objektivit t? shkat?rrimit t? trash?gimis? fetare e historike lokale. Synimi ?sht? q? t? vendosen n? institucionet e bashk?sis? muslimane shqiptare. Po t? nj?jtit q?llim i sh?rben dhe ndryshimi i specifik?s arkitekturore t? xhamive t? trash?guara nga Perandoria Otomane - nd?rhyrja shkon deri n? dekoracionin e tyre t? brendsh?m - p?r t?i zev?nd?suar ato me austeritetin e rrept? whabist. (Por kjo e fundit, p?r mendimin tim, ?sht? sidoqoft? nj? tem? m? vete, sepse diskutimi mund t? shtrihet dhe n? stilin e kishave ortodokse q? po nd?rtohen n? vend.). Sipas librit, NGO-t? e Arabis? Saudite kan? ngritur deri tani mbi 200 xhami t? tilla n? Shqiperi, me nj? stil krejt t? ndrysh?m nga ai tradicional. N? pjes?n kushtuar Shqip?ris? p?rmenden, ???sht? e v?rteta, shum? detaje, emra organizatash e individ?sh, lidhjet e tyre direkte apo indirekte me qarqe radikale apo dhe fondamentaliste e terroriste. Nj? vend, ndon?se jo shum? i madh, i kushtohet dhe veprimtaris? s? organizatave apo fondacioneve t? ndryshme bamir?se, fetare apo kulturore iraniane, q? veprojn? n? Shqip?ri n? drejtim t? bektashinj?ve, si dhe atyre fetare turke. Kosova dhe Maqedonia kan? kapituj m? vete. Artikulli (dhe interneti) Pak a shum? n? t? nj?jt?n koh? q? m? ra n? dor? ky lib?r, n? nj? t? p?rditshme t? Tiran?s botohet shkrimi me titull ?Al-Mustafa kund?r Ervinit? (Tema, 8 shtator 2002.) Autori i shkrimit quhet Olsi Jazexhi, nj? em?r q? ndeshet here pas here koh?t e fundit n? k?t? gazet?. Esht? nj? artikull shqet?sues. Jo thjesht? p?r mllefin e madh, q? s?do p?rb?nte ndonj? ?udi n? panoram?n e shtypit shqiptar, sesa p?r gjuh?n e referencat q? p?rdor. Nj? gjuh? e huajtur nga universitetet e fanatizmit e radikalizmit islamik. Sa p?r t? sqaruar lexuesit, duhet shtuar se ky artikull u botua si nj? nd?rhyrje e autorit n? nj? polemik? t? zhvilluar aso kohe mes Mustafa Nanos dhe Ervin Hatibit p?r ??shtjen e muslimanizmit t? shqiptar?ve, nj? polemik?, q? pavar?sisht nga tema ?delikate? apo ndonj? fjal? a shprehje e pavend, mendoj se ishte krejt normale. Pa b?r? komente, do mjaftohem duke cituar nga artikulli. Olsi Jazexhi i sulet Mustafa Nanos, duke e akuzuar se b?n pjes? n? ?renegat?t bes?thyes Per?ndimofil? q? ngren? lart flamujt e pederastis?, feminizmit, anti-maskulizmit, antishqiptarizimit, antinacionalizmit dhe ?far? t? urdh?roj? blloku m? i fort? i koh?s.? P?r shkruesin e artikullit armiqt? e v?rtet? t? shqiptar?ve na qenkan ?Imperializmi kristiano-europian dhe mashat e tij.? ?Varf?ria akute e k?tij populli dhe p?rdhosja q? Europa Kristjane i ka b?r? dhe i b?n atij prej 100 vjet?sh, shkruan O.J. n? ?Tema?, ka shtyr? dhe shum? jetim? te civilizmit Osman t? Shqip?ris? q? t? marrin vendin e renegatit. Viktimat shqiptare nga kryq?zata Europiane sot shihen p?rball? ambasadave greke dhe italiane n? Tiran?.? Ose m? tej: ?Mustafa Nano ka lindur n? shekullin e XX-t?, kur shqiptar?t n? vend q? t? d?bojn? princat kristjan? n? Dar-al-Islam?, jan? detyruar q? t? d?bohen nga trojet e tyre amtare n? Kosov?, ?am?ri, Mal te Zi dhe Maqedoni?N? sh.XX dhe XXI, shqiptar?t nuk jan? m? mbrojt?s t? nderit t? civilizimit Islamik, si? ishin n? koh? t? Hajredin Barbaros?s. N? k?t? shekull ata jan? kthyer n? prostituta t? semafor?ve t? Kristendomit per?ndimor.? Besoj se mjafton. Gjuha e O.J. ?sht? nj? shartim termash modern? me koncepte t? dala nga mesjeta, si Dar-al-Islam***, luft?ra t? shenjta, princ?r t? krishter? (em?rtimi i vendeve t? sotme ballkanike), kryq?zata etj. Nj? hibridizim paradoksal mes demagogjis? panislamiste, aludimeve pseudohistorike e hiles tashm? t? njohur pseudonacionaliste, q? e ndeshim jo rralle vitet e fundit, kur teorira t? tilla mundohen t? b?hen t? besueshme duke i veshur me nj? vello nacionaliste. S??sht? e v?shtir? ta kuptosh zanafill?n e nj? gjuh? t? till? krejt t? huaj p?r mend?sin? shqiptare! Esht? pak a shum? e nj?jta p?rzjerje q? gjen n? mesazhet e Bin Ladenit, kur veprimet e tij tashm? t? njohura p?rligjen duke iu referuar imperializimit kristian, kryq?zatave mesjetare, apo ngjarjeve t? tjera historike, t? ndodhura kushedi se kur. Sigurisht, me k?t? s?dua t? b?j asnj? aludim t? pavend. Po mendoj se n?se v?rtet po kalohet n? nj? faze kur propagandues t? nj? fantizmi t? till? fetar, apo t? internacionalizmit islamik s?jan? m? thjesht? misionar?t arab?, por qytetar? shqiptar?, at?here ndodhemi para nj? rreziku q? s?mund t? injorohet. Nj? rrezik, ???sht? e v?rteta, ende margjinal, por q? mund t? b?het shqet?sues n? se dukurive t? tilla s?i kund?rvihet askush. T? kuptohemi, k?tu s??sht? fjala thjesht? p?r artikujt e nj? t? riu t? kthyer nga studimet n? Malajzi, q? n? fund t? fundit ka t? drejt?n e tij t? botoj? at? q? mendon. T? ishte me kaq, as q? do t?ia vlente t? p?rmendej. Por ??shtja, p?r fat t? keq, nuk ?sht? kaq e thjesht?. P?r k? d?shiron t? m?soj? di? m? shum? p?r k?t? tem? e k?shilloj t? k?rkoj? n? internet. Le t? klikoj? psh., sa p?r fillim, emrin e Olsi Jazexhiut nga faqja personale e t? cilit n? internet mund t? kalohet n? s?r? linkesh q? ai rekomandon dhe do t? kuptoj? se artikulli i m?sip?rm s??sht? ve?se maja e ajsbergut, n?n t? cilin fshihet nj? realitet m? kompleks, plot me t? papritura. Do njihesh psh me nj? s?r? qendrash mjaft aktive (e me sa duket mir? t? financuara, shum? syresh n? Maqedoni), q? p?rhapin nj? mori materjalesh propagandistike n? shqip p?r variantin arab t? islamit, p?rpjekje t? shumta p?r revizionimin e plot? t? asaj q? njihet si histori e shqiptar?ve, duke hedhur balt? mbi thuajse gjith? figurat qendrore t? saj, q? nga Skenderbeu, P.Bogdani, deri tek Fan Noli e Fishta, p?r t?i zev?nd?suar ato me figura t? tipit Haxhi Qamili. Ka studime qindrafaqshe, polemika, tjerrje fetare, ose kureshti t? tilla si p.sh. stem?n apo flamurin q? na paska patur Haxhi Qamili. Historia, ???sht? e v?rteta, mbetet nj? terren i preferuar. Duhet krijuar nj? histori tjet?r q? shqiptar?t t? binden se vendi i tyre natyral ?sht? n? Lindje, aleancat e tyre t? natyrshme jan? ato me vendet islamike, nd?rsa armiku, sigurisht, Europa e pafe dhe Per?ndimi. Nj? bot? e t?r? paralele ku punojn? shum? njer?z p?r t? v?n? n? qarkullim nj? informacion alternativ (e jo pak disinformacion) t? p?rditsh?m nga Shqip?ria, Kosova, Maqedonia, diaspora e sidomos v?llez?rit e nj? feje n? Dar-al-Islam. Mund t? lexosh psh, t? p?rkthyera n? shqip materjalet e konferenc?s s? fundit Islamike, fjalimin e mbajtur nga ministri i jashtem i Malajzis? apo Arabis? Saudite, apo pse jo edhe thirrje p?r xhihad n? s?di cilin ishull t? arqipelagut indonezian. A ekziston tek ne rreziku i arabizimit t? Islamit? Paraqita disa fakte dhe tani ?sht? m? se e natyrshme t? b?het pyetja: A ka vend edhe tek ne p?r at? shqet?sim q? shprehu para pak jav?sh shkrimtari dhe publicisti shqiptar nga Maqedonia Kim Mehmeti kur n? nj? takim n? Tiran? me njer?z t? letrave foli p?r rrezikun e arabizimit t? Islamit shqiptar! Natyrisht, ai i referohej Maqedonis?. Ai e b?ri k?t? koment, duke iu p?rgjigjur pyetjes se si shpjegohej q? nj? pjes? e madhe e botimeve shqip nga Maqedonia t? ekspozuara n? panairin e fundit t? librit n? Tiran?, ishin libra propagande fetare arabe. Vet? Kimi ?sht? besimtar, ai foli nd?rkoh? dhe p?r rolin e r?nd?sish?m q? ka luajtur feja n? kontekstin maqedon si nj? faktor q? mbrojti shqiptar?t nga asimilimi. Por, sipas tij, kjo s?duhet t? b?j? t? mbyllen syt? p?rpara nj? situate q? mund t? ket? pasoja n? radh? t? par? p?r shqiptar?t. A ka vend, pra, t? flasim p?r nj? rrezik t? till? edhe n? Shqip?ri? Sigurisht, situata ne Shqip?ri ndryshon jo pak nga ajo n? Maqedoni. N? fakt dukuri si ato q? p?rm?nda s?kan? t? b?jn? aspak me bashk?sin? muslimane shqiptare, apo institucionet e saj p?rfaq?sues, q? mbeten shembuj t? tradit?s t? toleranc?s fetare. Kushdo q? e njeh sot Shqip?rin? e di se fakte t? tilla jan? margjinale dhe aspak p?rfaq?sues t? realitetit fetar n? Shqip?ri. Por kjo s?do t? thot? se p?r to duhet heshtur. P?rvoja e popujve t? tjer? na tregon se toleranca dhe bashk?jetesa fetare ?sht? nj? lule e ?muar, por edhe e brisht?, e cila thahet e prishet, po s?u tregua kujdesi i duhur. N? se i besojm? tablos? q? na jep libri francez at?here ka v?rtet ar?sye p?r t?u shqet?suar, n? mos p?r sot, p?r nes?r. Jo se shqiptar?t do u kthekan nga sot n? nes?r n? fanatik?, por sepse problemeve tona do t?iu shtohet nj? tjet?r problem, ndoshta m? i v?shtiri, kur ke parasysh pesh?n e madhe q? ?sht? duke marr? n? boten p?rreth faktori fetar. Sigurisht, s?jam n? gjendje t? gjykoj faktet e sjella nga libri, por di?ka e di: disa gj?ra i kemi parasysh. Para syve tan? sa vin? e shtohen n? rrug?t e Tiran?s t? rinjt? mjek?rosh? apo vajzat e mbuluara. Disa vite m? par? kalimtar?t kthenin kok?n me ?udi kur shihnin rrug?s ndonj? vajz? t? mbuluar, tani me ??duket askujt s?i b?n m? p?rshtypje. Di?ka p?r ??shtjen shamive dhe t? mjekrave N? t? v?rtet? b?het fjal? ende p?r nj? pakic? thuajse t? pap?rfillshme. E megjithat?, fjala s??sht? thjesht? tek mjekra q? mbajn? ca t? rinj, apo shamija me t? cil?n mbulohen ndoca vajza. Problem ?sht? mend?sia q? k?to simbole jo rall? p?rfaq?sojn?. Disa pedagog? t? Fakultetit Gjuh? Let?rsi m? tregonin p?r nj? studente kok?mbuluar q? kishte dal? nga klasa sepse sipas saj feja ia ndalonte t? d?gjonte kur aty flitej p?r Naim Frash?rin, nd?rsa nj? tjet?r kishte refuzuar tez?n e provimit ngaq? n? t? i kishte r?n? t? fliste p?r Fisht?n. E pra ?sht? absurde q? shembuj t? till? fanatizmi, q? duhen analizuar e kuptuar, kalohen thjesht? si ca ?udira kureshtare! N? t? v?rtet? njer?zit edhe diskutojn?, por privatisht, sepse ?sht? krijuar nj? ide sikur p?r ??shtje t? tilla ?sht? mir? t? mos debatohet publikisht. T? kuptohemi, s?jam p?r kalimin n? ekstrem, duke mos lejuar p.sh. hyrjen n? institucionet publike t? grave t? mbuluar, apo burrave me mjek?r alla islamik?e, si? ndodh bie fjala n? Turqi. Po ashtu do t? ishte nj? marr?zi q? t? shohim tek ?do i ri me mjek?r, apo vajz? e mbuluar nj? fanatik. N? fund t? fundit toleranca p?r k? mendon ndryshe b?n pjes? n? sistemin e vlerave t? qytet?rimit europian q? k?rkojm? t? b?jm? tonin. Por kjo tolerance s?duhet t? na b?j? t? druhemi t? hapim nje debat, ku t? tregohet se mbulimi me shami, apo mbajtja e mjekr?s n? nj? form? t? caktuar q? dallon besimtar?t e disa vendeve arabe, m? shum? se sa k?rkes? e fes?, ?sht? pjes? e nj? konteksti kulturor q? ndryshon krejt?sisht nga yni. K?to dukuri jan? pjes? e kontekstit social e kulturor t? disa vendeve q?, duke evidentuar diferenc?n nga kultura per?ndimore, rreken t? afirmojn? identitetin e tyre. Esht? fjala p?r vende q? prej dekadash, p?r nj? s?r? ar?syesh q? s??sht? vendi k?tu t?i shtjellojm?, kalojn? nj? kriz? sociale, ekonomike, kulturore, p?r t? cil?n ata ia ven? fajin Per?ndimit dhe pik?risht p?r k?t? ar?sye refuzojn? modelet e simbolet per?ndimore. Esht? nj? dukuri q? s?e ndeshim p?r her? t? par? n? historin? moderne. Veshja ?sht? shpesh shenja e par? e pranimit apo refuzimit t? modeleve. N? Indi p.sh. gj?ja e par? q? b?ri Mahatma Gandhi, kur nisi l?vizjen e tij kund?r anglez?ve, ishte braktisja e xhaket?s dhe kravat?s p?r t?u veshur me rob?n tradicionale indiane. Mao Ce Duni ndaloi veshjen euopiane, duke imponuar uniform?n ?revolucionare?. N? Iran, pas revolucionit islamik t? Khomeinit, masa e par? e nd?rmarr? ishte imponimi i nj? stili t? caktuar veshjeje dhe sidomos mbulimi i grave. Pra, kemi t? b?jm? me simbolik?n e nj? reagimi antiper?ndimor e antieuropian, ku feja s??sht? ve?se nj? pretekst, nj? element p?r t? arritur mobilizimin emotiv n? nj? projekt q? n? thelb mbetet politik. A s?ia vlen t? hapet ky debat? ??shtja e imazhit Sigurisht, ?sht? nj? shqet?sim q? s?ka ar?ye pse t? fshihet. Nj? vend si Shqip?ria s?ka asnj? interes q? t? perceptohet si nj? vend islamik. Aq m? tep?r po t? kihet parasysh konteksti i sot?m bot?ror! K?tu s??sht? fjala thjesht? p?r pragmatiz?m, por p?r t?i b?r? bot?s t? njohur realitetin e Shqip?ris? si nj? vend multikonfesional, q? s?e identifikon veten me asnj? fe. T? sqarohet se nuk ka sens ta quash Shqip?rin? nj? vend t? moderuar islamik (si? b?nte ?The Economist? ve? pak jav? m? par?), duke iu referuar t? dh?nave t? shtat?dhjet? vjet?ve t? shkuar, sepse Shqip?ria e 2003 ?sht? e ndryshme nga ajo e 1938, nga ku vin? t? dh?nat e fundit p?r p?rkat?sin? fetare. Sa jan? njer?zit sot n? Shqip?ri q? nuk identifikohen me asnj? fe? Po numuri i martesave t? p?rzjera? T? ??feje duhen llogaritur f?mijt? e dal? nga k?to martesa! Por m? kryesorja ?sht? q? Shqip?ria ?sht? sot nj? vend q? mund t? merret si shembull i bashk?jetes?s fetare. Nj? vend ku vet? Islami s?ka asnj? lidhje me shfaqjet e fanatizmit q? gjen sot n? disa vende. Islami shqiptar ?sht? dhe duhet t? mbetet pjes? integrale e qytet?rimit europian. Kjo duhet b?r? e ditur. Tek shkruaj k?to fjal? m? vjen nd?rment reagimi i Faik Konic?s m? 1936, (aso kohe ambasador i Shqip?ris? n? Uashington) kur tek po shihte nj? dokumentar kushtuar Shqip?ris?, d?gjon ta quajn? Shqip?rin? vend musliman. ?Pastaj gati sa nuk brofa nga vendi nga habija?shkruan ai. Shqip?ria nuk ?sht? nj? vend musliman. Ajo ?sht? nj? vend me tre besime dhe pik?risht p?r shkak t? k?saj rrethane nuk ka fe shtet?rore?Me zgjimin e komb?sive n? Europ? dhe kur goj?taria e Gledstonit kishte ngritur kund?r turqve nj? l?vizje t? krahasueshme me kryq?zatat n? mesjete, grek?t dhe serb?t, k?ta fqinj? t? ndersh?m t? Shqip?ris?, nuk vonuan t? rroknin p?rfitimin q? do t? nxirnin po t? ngat?rrohej feja me komb?sin?. N? ?do rast vihej gishti mbi fen? myslimane, q? e kishte nj? pjes? e madhe e shqiptar?ve pas pushtimit, dhe n? saj? t? ?hipnotizimit nga p?rs?ritja?, kishte shpresa q? bota do b?hej t? besonte se shqiptar?t na ishin ?turq?.? Me q? jemi tek tema e imazhit, a s??sht? koha q? Shqip?ria t? sqaroj? nj? her? e mir? ambiguitetin e saj t? zgjatur n? lidhje me antar?sin? n? Konferenc?n Islamike! Dikur, ngurimi p?r t? dal? nga kjo organizat? p?rligjej me nevoj?n e votave t? vendeve arabe kur votoheshin rezolutat p?r Kosov?n n? OKB. Si? dihet, kur erdhi koha e luft?s s? Kosov?s pik?risht k?to vende mbajt?n qendrime n? mos kund?rshtuese, nga m? t? ftohtat p?rsa i takon nd?rhyrjes nd?rkomb?tare n? Kosov?. At?here, ??e p?rligj vazhdimin e q?ndrimit n? k?t? konferenc?! N? vend t? p?rfundimeve N? fakt, sot p?r sot gjykoj se s?ka ar?sye serioze p?r t? ven? alarmin. Ajo q? t? shqet?son ?sht? indiferenca e pap?rgjegj?shme e qeveritar?ve dhe, n? p?rgjith?si, e elitave intelektuale e politike p?r nj? problem q? q? nga Rilindja e k?tej konsiderohej si nj? nd?r problemet q? meritonte vemendjen m? t? madhe pik?risht p?r potencialin p?r?ar?s q? mbartte, duke q?n? n? t? nj?jt?n koh? nj? terren leht?sisht i manipuluesh?m nga jasht?. Un? s?b?j pjes? nd?r adhuruesit e periudh?s s? Zogut, p?rkundrazi, e megjithat? gjykoj se sot kemi ??t? m?sojm? nga politika q? ndoqi Zogu n? ??shtjen e fes?. I vet?dijsh?m p?r ?problemin e trash?guar fetar? Zogu b?ri ?mos q? kisha ortodokse t? b?hej autoqefale, q? prirjet autonomiste t? katolik?ve t? mbaheshin n?n kontroll, dhe musliman?t sunit? shqiptar? t? ve?oheshin nga ?do ndikim nga jasht?, p?r t'u futur n? rrug?n e reformimit e modernitetit. P?r t? neutralizuar ?do problem, Zogu mbante n?n kontroll t? rrept? shkollat fetare, duke kufizuar shum? numurin e tyre, dhe mbi t? gjitha s?lejonte subvencionimet e institucioneve fetare nga jasht?, pa aprovim t? qeveris?. (Konferenca e bashk?sis? sunite shqiptare e vitit 1923 mori nj? s?r? vendimesh t? r?nd?sishme n? drejtim t? reformimit dhe europianizimit t? islamit shqiptar.) A s??sht?, pra, koha q? shteti shqiptar t? hartoj? nj? politik? t? qart? n? ??shtjen e fes?, duke u nd?rgjegj?suar se kjo ?sht? nj? fush? q? s?mund t? lihet jasht? vemendjes n? em?r t? bindjes na?ve se ne shqiptar?t na q?nkemi ca q?nie t? ve?anta, t? lindura me nj? toleranc? fetare, t? cil?s s?ka armik q? i b?n dot gj?! Kaq e v?shtir? qenka t? kuptohet q? l?nia shkolla fetare jan? di?ka q? s'mund t? lihet jasht? vemendjes! Q? shteti detyrimisht duhet t? vendos? n?n kontroll subvencionimet e ardhura nga jasht?, sidomos m?nyr?n se si p?rdoren! ?ka k?rkon, sigurisht, q? institucioneve fetare t?iu krijohen kushtet p?r t? qen? t? pavarura financiarisht, duke iu kthyer atyre me prioritet pronat e trash?guara. P?rndryshe, ?do p?rpjekje p?r t? shmangur cil?ndo bashk?si fetare e institucionet e tyre nga tradita jon? e bashk?jetes?s e toleranc?s fetare mund t? jet? me pasoja t? paparashikueshme. Traditat tona fetare jan? nj? pasuri q? duhet ta ruajm?, nj? nd?r ato vlera q? me mburrje mund t?ia ofrojm? edhe vet? Europ?s, n? rrug?n ton? drejt integrimit. N? realitetin shqiptar ka shum? nevoj? p?r toleranc?, por toleranca s'duhet kthyer n? pap?rgjegjshm?ri. ------------------ * Dictionnaire Mondial de l?Islamisme ? Plon, 2002 ? me autor? Khattar Abou Diab, Patrick Karam, Richard Labeviere, Julien Larierge, Olivier Roy, Antoine Sfeire, n? bashk?punim me Les Cahiers de l?Orient. ** Umma ? Fjal? arabe q? do t? thot? bashk?si e muslimaneve. ***Sipas konceptit mesjetar islamik bota ndahej n? dy pjes?: Dar-al-Islam (territoret e Islamit) dhe Dar-al-Harb (vendet n? luft?, ose vendet kund?r t? cilave muslimanet e kan? p?r detyr? t? luftojn?) Pra, sipas konceptit te O.J. detyra e shqiptar?ve duhet t? ishte lufta p?r ?lirimin e Ballkanit p?r ta kthyer at? s?rish n? tok? t? Islamit. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jan 11 06:48:19 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 Jan 2003 03:48:19 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare Message-ID: <20030111114819.79479.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> SARANDE/ Binjak?zim me nj? qytet n? SHBA Vazhdojn? lidhjet e nd?rsjella t? Sarand?s me qytete te ndryshme te bot?s. Sipas shefit t? zyr?s p?r mar?dh?nie me jasht? n? Bashkin? e Sarand?s, Gjergji Mano, qyteti do t? binjak?zohet s? shpejti edhe me qytetin Hamtranck, n? Mi?igan t? SHBA-s?. Mano ka b?r? t? ditur se n? nj? takim pune t? organizuar s? fundi n? Sarand? me ambasadorin amerikan Xhefri, diplomati amerikan, pas interesimit p?r zhvillimet n? Sarand? premtoi p?r mb?shtetjen e k?tij procesi binjak?zimi dhe p?rshpejtimin e tij. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jan 13 08:17:24 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 13 Jan 2003 05:17:24 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Theodor-Heuss-Kolleg for Students from SEE Message-ID: <20030113131724.77922.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> The Theodor-Heuss-Kolleg of Robert Bosch Foundation encourages students and young people from the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, South Eastern Europe and the Community of Independent States to apply for a yearlong education (accompaying regular studies) in projectmanagement starting in summer 2003. Participants are invited to seminars to dicuss political and social issues and receive training in projectmanagement as well as internship opportunities. Applicants should - be at the age of 18 to 24 - be able to follow a seminar in German language - be willing to engage in societal issues and conduct their own project. Deadline for application: Febuary 28, 2003. ___________________________________________________________________ THEODOR-HEUSS-KOLLEG DER ROBERT BOSCH STIFTUNG http://www.theodor-heuss-kolleg.de info at theodor-heuss-kolleg.de AKTUELLE AUSSCHREIBUNG (bitte weiterleiten) ========================================================== Interkulturelle Zusammenarbeit lernen - lokales Engagement f?rdern im Theodor-Heuss-Kolleg der Robert Bosch Stiftung - einj?hrige studienbegleitende Ausbildung in Projektarbeit f?r junge Erwachsene zwischen 18 und 24 Jahren - aus Deutschland, den L?ndern Mittel- Ost- und S?dosteuropas und den GUS-Staaten mit Deutschkenntnissen - internationale 14-t?gige Seminare - Projektentwicklung, Projektstipendium und Begleitung - Beginn im Sommer 2003 - Bewerbungen bis 28.Februar 2003 ========================================================== S T U D I E N B E G L E I T E N D E A U S B I L D U N G Das Theodor-Heuss-Kolleg der Robert Bosch Stiftung bietet 100 gesellschaftlich engagierten jungen Erwachsenen die Chance, eigene Projektideen zu verwirklichen und dabei grundlegende Qualifikationen und Erfahrungen in Projektmanagement zu erwerben. Das Programm richtet sich an Teilnehmer aus Deutschland, den L?ndern Mittel- Ost- und S?dosteuropas und den GUS-Staaten. I N T E R N A T I O N A L E S O M M E R S E M I N A R E Die Kollegiaten werden zun?chst zu internationalen Seminaren eingeladen, die Erfahrungen in interkultureller Zusammenarbeit und praktisches Wissen ?ber M?glichkeiten der B?rgerbeteiligung vermitteln. Folgende Seminarthemen stehen zur Auswahl: - "?ber Grenzen streiten, schreiten, schreiben" - "Ost-West-Bilder in unseren K?pfen" - "Zivilcourage im Alltag" - "Nationalismus im kulturellen Wandel" - "Das Fremde in mir, das Eigene im Fremden" P R O J E K T S T I P E N D I U M Bei den Sommerseminaren entwickeln die Heuss-Kollegiaten ein Projekt, mit dem sie sich in ihrem konkreten Umfeld gesellschaftlich engagieren m?chten. Erfahrene Projektleiter beraten sie bei der konzeptionellen Vorbereitung und der Erstellung der Kosten- und Zeitpl?ne. Ein Projektsipendium der Robert Bosch Stiftung erm?glicht anschlie?end die Umsetzung der besten Projektideen. W?hrend der Durchf?hrung werden die Heuss-Kollegiaten von Mentoren betreut und zu Fortbildungen und Praktika eingeladen, die grundlegende Kenntnisse in Projektmanagement und ?ffentlichkeitsarbeit vermitteln. Mit einem Bilanzseminar wird das Kollegjahr abgeschlossen. Erfolgreiche Projekte k?nnen mit einer Weiterf?rderung rechnen. B E W E R B U N G E N f?r die internationalen Sommerseminare des Theodor-Heuss-Kollegs k?nnen bis zum 28.Februar 2003 eingereicht werden. I N F O R M A T I O N E N zum Theodor-Heuss-Kolleg, zu den Sommerseminaren und ein Online-Bewerbungsformular gibt es unter: http://www.theodor-heuss-kolleg.de info at theodor-heuss-kolleg.de -- Theodor-Heuss-Kolleg der Robert Bosch Stiftung Karen Hauff Schillerstr. 57 10627 Berlin Telefon +49 - (0)30 - 31 51 74 83 Telefax +49 - (0)30 - 31 51 74 89 www.theodor-heuss-kolleg.de www.spinne-magazin.de ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jan 14 06:39:06 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 14 Jan 2003 03:39:06 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Regional grant for youth cooperation in SEE Message-ID: <20030114113906.70113.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Allavida SEE announces its Grants Programme enabling youth co-operation within South-East Europe, funded by Allavida, UK and implemented initially for a period of two years in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania and Serbia. The Programme's aim is to encourage sharing of skills, knowledge and experience between young people across South-East Europe, in order to increase their visibility and to encourage and strengthen their involvement in their local communities and beyond. The Programme is based on tolerance and respect for others, whatever ethnic, religious or political differences exist between them. It encourages equal opportunities and environmental concern as well as protection of human rights and children's rights. Applicant groups should consist of young people (16-30 years old) or work with people in this age range and should come from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania or Serbia. The scope of activities include training workshops, seminars or study visits covering skills development; joint projects, campaigns or other events; volunteer placements/exchanges in other youth organisations and action-oriented joint research. Participation by individuals in regional events, such as conferences where genuine grass-roots access is rare, may also be considered. It is hoped to award 50-60 grants, over four rounds, not exceeding 3000 Euro. The Programme will be managed for Allavida from Sofia, Bulgaria, in partnership with other organisations from SEE. The first deadline for applications will be 1 February 2003, The second will be 1 May 2003. Full details of its guidelines, application and decision-making procedures can be obtained from the websites: www.allavida.org, www.suncokret.hr, www.oiabih.info or by mail from Richard Cunningham (info at allavida.org ), Monica Christova (mhristova at wcif-bg.org), Marlena Plavsic (suncokret-pula at pu.tel.hr) or Jelena Kuzmanovic (oia at oiabih.info). ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jan 17 13:37:39 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 17 Jan 2003 10:37:39 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [EURO-LEX] Master of Laws (LL.M.) in Comparative, European and International Law Message-ID: <20030117183739.11931.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Ellen Vos wrote:From Ellen Vos Fri Jan 17 08:49:33 2003 X-Apparently-To: aalibali at yahoo.com via 216.136.172.37; 17 Jan 2003 08:49:43 -0800 (PST) Return-Path: Received: from 192.88.97.5 (EHLO mail.listserv.dfn.de) (192.88.97.5) by mta187.mail.scd.yahoo.com with SMTP; 17 Jan 2003 08:49:43 -0800 (PST) Received: from mail.listserv.dfn.de (192.88.97.5) by mail.listserv.dfn.de (LSMTP for OpenVMS v1.1a) with SMTP id <7.45776BE2 at mail.listserv.dfn.de>; Fri, 17 Jan 2003 17:49:39 +0100 Received: from LISTSERV.DFN.DE by LISTSERV.DFN.DE (LISTSERV-TCP/IP release 1.8e) with spool id 47107027 for EURO-LEX at LISTSERV.DFN.DE; Fri, 17 Jan 2003 17:49:35 +0100 Received: from um0003.unimaas.nl (137.120.1.3) by mail.listserv.dfn.de (LSMTP for OpenVMS v1.1a) with SMTP id <14.4229DD30 at mail.listserv.dfn.de>; Fri, 17 Jan 2003 17:49:34 +0100 Received: from mail001.unimaas.nl (mail001.unimaas.nl [137.120.1.31]) by um0003.unimaas.nl (Postfix) with ESMTP id C57355801 for ; Fri, 17 Jan 2003 17:49:33 +0100 (MET) Received: by mail001.unimaas.nl with Internet Mail Service (5.5.2653.19) id ; Fri, 17 Jan 2003 17:49:33 +0100 MIME-Version: 1.0 X-Mailer: Internet Mail Service (5.5.2653.19) Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Message-ID: Date: Fri, 17 Jan 2003 17:49:33 +0100 Reply-to: "EURO-LEX (All EUROpean Legal Information EXchange List)" Sender: "EURO-LEX (All EUROpean Legal Information EXchange List)" From: Ellen Vos Subject: [EURO-LEX] Master of Laws (LL.M.) in Comparative, European and International Law To: EURO-LEX at LISTSERV.DFN.DE Precedence: list Content-Length: 795 APOLOGIES FOR CROSS-POSTING Dear colleague, The Faculty of Law of the Universiteit Maastricht (the Netherlands) offers an English-language postgraduate programme, the Magister Iuris Communis programme, leading to the degree of Master of Laws (LL.M.) in Comparative, European and International Law. This one-year, revised, programme is open to students who, upon successful completion of their basic legal education, wish to acquire the specialised knowledge and skills necessary for a European or international legal career. To this end, the programme provides an in-depth introduction to the law and policies of the European Union and further allows students to choose one of the five distinct specialisations offered by the programme: 1) Comparative Law and Ius Commune 2) Globalisation and Human Rights 3) Globalisation and Economic Regulation 4) European Law and Tax Regulation 5) European Economic and Social Regulation You'll find more information about this programme in the attached flyer and on the website: http://www.rechten.unimaas.nl/mic/. I would be very grateful if you could share this information with your colleagues and students. Best wishes, Peter Van den Bossche Ellen Vos -------------------------------------------------------------- EURO-LEX info: list object and policy, subscribers, countries, subscribe/signoff procedures, list archive, searches, contact. Send a mail to listserv at listserv.gmd.de, text = info euro-lex -------------------------------------------------------------- --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Sat Jan 18 16:49:28 2003 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Sat, 18 Jan 2003 17:49:28 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Will wonders never cease Message-ID: <20030118.175032.4400.38.albboschurch@juno.com> Macedonian Writers Association - Promotion of Anthology of Macedonian Poetry in Tirana (Utrinski Vesnik, 29.8.2002) - In the presence of the diplomatic corps and high Albanian officials, as well as representatives of Macedonian associations in Albania and organisations of Macedonians from Dolna Prespa, the Anthology of Macedonian Poetry in Albanian Language, which has been published recently by the biggest publishing house in Albania ?Nufri? will be promoted in hotel ?Rogner? in Tirana Thursday. The promotion is an important act, before all a presentation of the first book translated from Macedonian to Albanian before the Albanian public. Macedonian Ambassador to Albania Risto Nikovski, president of Macedonian Writers Association Vele Smilevski, anthology collector Gane Todorovski and translator Resul Sabani will speak at the promotion, followed by interpretation of verses by Macedonian poets Gane Todorovski, Rade Sijlan, Resul Sabani, Vele Smilevski and Stevo Simski. The meeting marks the end of the diplomatic mission of Macedonian Ambassador Risto Nikovski in Albania. Writers at Promotion in Tirana (Vest, 30.8.2002) - The Anthology of Macedonian Poetry in Albanian Language, which has been recently published by the biggest publishing house in Albania ?Nufri?, was promoted in Tirana Thursday. This is the first book in Macedonian language that is published there. Macedonian Ambassador to Albania Risto Nikovski organised the promotion. Several Macedonian writers went to Albania on this occasion, led by president of the Macedonian Writers Association Vele Smilevski. The Anthology was presented by its selector academic Gane Todorovski and translator Resul Sabani, who along with their colleagues Rade Siljan and Stevo Simski presented part of their poetry. >From September 17th to 24th in Ohrid - World Congress of the International PEN (Nova Makedonija, 6.09.2002) - The 69th World Congress of the International PEN will take place from September 17th to 24th at the Metropol Hotel in Ohrid. The congress will be attended by over 260 participants from Macedonia and world, renowned writers, editors and intellectuals. The Macedonian PEN Center was supposed to host the World Congress of the International PEN last year, but it was postponed because of the war in the country. The president of the Macedonian PEN Dimitar Basevski at yesterday?s press conference said that the congress is an important event in the field of literature and culture in our country, owing to the prestige and activity that the Macedonian PEN has with the International PEN and the support that the it gives to the Macedonian center. The declaration of the International PEN, said Basevski, its main determinations contains the freedom of writing, the individual rights of the writer, lingual rights in general and lingual rights of smaller groups, but also the support of the translation of literature and other works. The preparations are going well, says Basevski, and so far we have received the conformation for the participation of over 220 participation from at least 80 PEN centers from 75 countries in the world, among which 30 from Macedonia. Cultural Space ?Tocka? - Young Macedonian Poetry in Three Languages Note: "I", "Dhe", and "And" below: (Vecer, 11.07.2002) - The publisher ?Templum? will promote its new edition ?I/DHE/AND? tonight at 20.30 at the public cultural space ?Tocka?. It is a three-language selection (in Macedonian, Albanian and English) of young Macedonian poetry by nine poets. The editors of the edition are Iskra Gesovska and Dzabir Ahmeti and it includes the poetry of Lidija Dimkovska, Lindita Ahmeti, Ivan Dodovski, Salajdin Salihu, Suzana V. Spasovska, Ivica Antevski, Ljuljzim Haziri, Nikola Madzirov and Natasa Bunteska. The promoter of the book is Nikola Gelevski and during the promotion there will be a discussion on the subject ?What is the Subject of Macedonian Literature??. The moderator of the debate is Robert Aladjozovski and the participants are Elizabeta Seleva, Suzana V. Spasovska, Ivan Dodovski, Muruse Hodza, Nikola Gelevski and others. ------------------------------------------------ The oldest and most famous International Poetry Festival in Europe ( Macedonia ) in Struga During the last 42 years, nearly 4000 poets, essayists and literary critics from over hundred countries participated at the Struga Poetry Evenings, including such world famous poets as Adonis (Syria), Genadii Aigi (Russia), Rafael Alberti (Spain), Yehudi Amihai (Israel), Yves Bonnefoy (France), Josif Brodski (USA), Mak Dizdar (Bosnia), Hans Magnus Enzens-berger (Germany), Allen Ginsberg (USA), Eug?ne Guillevic (France), Seamus Heaney (Ireland), Ted Hughes (UK), Arthur Lundkvist (Sweden), Pablo Neruda (Chile), Eugenio Montale (Italy), Macoto Ooka (Japan), Slavko Mihalic (Croatia), Miodrag Pavlovic (Yugoslavia), Yannis Ritsos (Greece), Tadeus Rozewitz (Poland), Edoardo Sanguinetti (Italy), Leopold Sedar Senghor (Senegal) with an audience of thousands of people! -------------------------------------------------- Miruse Hodza in the New ?Denes? ? The Entire Problem Lies in the Heavy Emotions (Makedonija Denes, 11.04.2002) - Miruse Hodza, an assistant at the Department for Albanian language and literature, an intellectual par excellence, thinking with her own, and what is more important, cold head, from the aspect of the Sufism as an object of her scientific interest, speaks about what happened in Macedonia. ?The Sufism is a way of realisation of a complete person. I would say ? wisdom, despite this being a not very popular word. The teaching of the Sufism, in the contemporary context might be employed through the full comprehension of the situations, self-observation and the searching through the one?s own heavy emotions. The entire problem lies within the heavy emotions. The wars happen because of the heavy emotions present in the people who are leaders of the world. The heavy emotions are the depression, anger These emotions create our strategies in the relations towards the Other. For example, in a given stress situation one reacts with withdrawal and one with aggression. It should be examined what stands behind the heavy emotions and how can we enter the subconscious, and not to guide ourselves only by the ego-identification, that is ?this is mine and I should own this?. We look for the monopoly somewhere outside and not within our selves?. ---------------------------------- Here are the two authors / editors of the ground-breaking anthology of Macedonian poetry in Albanian translation, as documented above. Resul Sabani (Shabani) was the translator, too. ?ABANI Resul, b. 1944, Kali?ta near Struga, Republic of Macedonia. Poet, prose writer, playwright. Writes in Albanian. Education: graduated from a teachers' college at Sts. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje, Republic of Macedonia. Works as a journalist in the daily newspaper Flaka e v?llaz?rimit published in Albanian in Skopje. Publications: poetry ? Fish, 1975; Hamlet with Black Skullcap, 1978; The Lake Fairy, 1983; Waterscript of the Field, 1987; Oh America, 1992; The Non-existent Sin, 1995; short stories ? The Lake, 1974; The Holy, 1978; The Wet Eyelashes, 1990; novels ? The Captain's Love, 1988; plays ? The Old Boat, 1978; Rain in Uertomonto, 1979; Salt and Water, 1983; Fani Comes Alone, 1984; The Milky Way, 1985; Monotony, 1987. Has translated into Albanian the following authors: Bla?e Koneski, Vlado Maleski, Dimitar Solev, Kosta Racin, Eftim Kletnikov, etc. Most of his plays have been performed by professional theatres in Macedonia. Memberships: Macedonian Writers' Association, Macedonian P.E.N. Centre. |poetry| |poetry| |poetry| ------------------------------------- SMILEVSKI Vele, b. 1949, Novo Selo near Demir Hisar, Republic of Macedonia. Poet, essayist and critic. Education: PhD in Philology, Sts. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje, Republic of Macedonia. Has been a journalist and editor in various publishing houses. Currently he is a research fellow with the Institute of Literature at the Faculty of Philology and professor at the Faculty of Journalism, Sts. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje. One time president of the Struga Poetry Evenings festival. Publications in Macedonian: poetry ? The Burning Painting, 1974; Cage, 1978; Breathe Deeply, 1985; In Response to the Breath, 1987; Moving Points, 1990; (selections of poetry) -Spawning in the Tap, 1989; essays and criticism ? Crossroads of the Word, 1987; Critical Notebook, 1988; The Poetics of the Dream, 1988; Literary Epistles, 1991; Processes and Works (selection), 1992; Aspects of Macedonian Literature 1945-1985, 1993. Editor of the anthologies: Macedonian Literature in Literary Criticism (in five volumes), 1974; Macedonian Poetry of the 20th Century, 1989; Macedonian Short Stories, 1990. Represented in several anthologies of Macedonian poetry. Selections in other languages: Cage (in Serbian), 1979; Cage (in Albanian), 1980. Awards: (domestic) ? Mlad Borec, 13 Noemvri. Memberships: Macedonian Writers' Association, Macedonian P.E.N. Centre. |poetry| |poetry| ---------------------------------------------------------- -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: pen.centar.jpg Type: application/octet-stream Size: 5203 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: poezija.literatura.sivo.jpg Type: application/octet-stream Size: 5967 bytes Desc: not available URL: From albboschurch at juno.com Sun Jan 19 19:27:58 2003 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Sun, 19 Jan 2003 20:27:58 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] HEMINGWAY BOOK CLUB OF KOSOVA Message-ID: <20030120.053328.1452.2.albboschurch@juno.com> The Hemingway Book Club of Kosovo by Paula Huntley Home | The Book | Donate | Students Paula Huntley To order this book on-line, click here Media/press inquiries? Or interested in interviewing Paula Huntley? Contact Kelly Groves at: Jgroves at penguinputnam.com The Hemingway Book Club of Kosovo by Paula Huntley Published by Jeremy P. Tarcher, Penguin/Putnam. Available in your favorite bookstore February 10, 2003 >From the publisher: In the spring of 1999 the world watched as 850,000 ethnic Albanians poured over the borders of Kosovo, bringing with them horrific stories of rape, massacre and ethnic cleansing. A year later, Paula Huntley's husband signed on with the American Bar Association to help build a modern legal system in the rubble of Kosovo, and she reluctantly agreed to leave their California home to accompany him. Not sure how she could be of any service in a country that had suffered so much, Huntley found a position teaching English as a second language to a group of Kosovo Albanians. In this extraordinary journal -- all the more powerful because it was never intended to be published as a book - Huntley describes in rich, compelling detail her own experiences in Kosovo, the lives of the young Kosovar students she came to know and love, and the remarkable book club they created together. The First Meeting of the Hemingway Book Club of Kosova. November, 2000. To buy this book on-line on BookSense, click here, or Buy The Hemingway Book Club of Kosovo through Amazon, or Order The Hemingway Book Club of Kosovo on-line through Barnes and Noble Edona, Granit 2 and Luan at the going-away party for "Teacher" - Spring, 2001 Quick Links Donate to the Paula Huntley Kosovar Scholarship Fund of the SUNY New Paltz Foundation (Be sure to indicate your donation is for Paula's Kosovar Fund!) If you would like to learn of other ways to help Kosovars, please e-mail me. "Sometimes a small story tells a far larger one. Such is the case with The Hemingway Book Club of Kosovo. Paula Huntley shows us the common humanity that can heal even the most terrible wounds." - Ambassador Richard Holbrooke Meet the Author Praise for The Hemingway Book Club of Kosovo Created by The Authors Guild A note for users of older versions of Internet Explorer, Netscape, or AOL: This site will look a lot better in a newer browser. Download one for free! Internet Explorer: Windows Mac | Netscape: Windows Mac Other For AOL users, please choose Internet Explorer above. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: paulahuntley-140-Huntley.jpg Type: application/octet-stream Size: 5427 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: paulahuntley-140-Hemcov.jpg Type: application/octet-stream Size: 3714 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: paulahuntley-340-005_5.jpg Type: application/octet-stream Size: 12853 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: paulahuntley-340-029_29.jpg Type: application/octet-stream Size: 12089 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: findauthors.gif Type: image/gif Size: 1315 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: hit.php?qiPageID=11144 Type: application/octet-stream Size: 36 bytes Desc: not available URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jan 20 09:42:44 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 20 Jan 2003 06:42:44 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Student conferences=Important updates Message-ID: <20030120144244.74874.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Note: forwarded message attached. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- An embedded message was scrubbed... From: fatmir curri Subject: [balkans] Student conferences=Important updates Date: Thu, 16 Jan 2003 13:53:17 -0800 (PST) Size: 7729 URL: From albboschurch at juno.com Tue Jan 21 09:41:20 2003 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Tue, 21 Jan 2003 10:41:20 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ftese per te vizituar albemigrant.com Message-ID: <20030121.104716.2424.8.albboschurch@juno.com> Albemigrant eshte faqja me e re shqiptare kushtuar emigranteve shqiptar. Ajo eshte duke u ndertuar por Ju mund te perfitoni qe tani nga rasti te vizitoni forumin, mailing listen, te shikoni lajmet dhe pse jo te ndihmoni ne ndertimin e kesaj faqeje. Admin albemigran.com q? t? ngelemi gjithmon? shqiptar... http://www.albemigrant.com -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jan 23 07:04:11 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 23 Jan 2003 04:04:11 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Minorities in European Union Message-ID: <20030123120411.25275.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Report on the Helsinki Conference CREATION OF JOINT STRUCTURES FOR HISTORICAL LINGUISTIC MINORITIES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION (From the Press Release by the Greek Committee of EBLUL) Naousa 16 October A delegation from the Greek Committee of EBLUL, consisting of Athanasios Parisis, Committee Chairman, and Sotiris Bletsas, Deputy Chairman, attended the recent Conference of the European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages (EBLUL), held in Helsinki, Finland, on 11-12 October. The topic of the Conference was the Creation of joint structures for the historical linguistic minorities in the European Union. The Conference was organized by the Swedish Assembly of Finland, the National Finnish Association of Sweden, the EU Mission, and the Ministry for Language of the Welsh Assembly. The Greek delegation also contributed to the work of the EBLUL Conference. The Conference was addressed was Bojan Brezigar, President of EBLUL, Paavo Lipponen, Prime Minister of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari, former President of Finland, Viviane Riding, EU Commissioner for Education and Culture, Asrid Thors, Finnish Euro MP, Ulpu Livari, Euro MP, Jean-Luc Dehaene, former Prime Minister of Belgium, and Colin H. Williams, Minister for Wales. The topic of the Conference, which is most timely and relevant to the problems we are currently facing, focused on two pressing issues: the impending expansion of the European Union, and the control of developments in southeastern Europe following recent upheavals. Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, who chaired the Conference, spoke inter alia of the necessity of ensuring the protection of human rights and diversity in the current member states. During the discussion on the role of the European Union in respect to minority languages, it was agreed that efforts must be made to encourage the development of basic standards in accordance with which the member states will take appropriate measures on the basis of their individual cultures. Given that the protection of linguistic rights is problematic in several of the member states, the EUs role as coordinator for the development of these standards is of great importance. Mr. Jean-Luc Dehaene, former Prime Minister of Belgium, stressed that the EU must play its part in matters concerning linguistic diversity in a future Europe. He also stressed the need for a strong constitutional foundation that would commit the Union to its stance on linguistic and cultural difference. The future European Constitution must also clarify that all languages have the same value and the same dignity. Ms. Vivian Riding, EU Commissioner for Education and Culture, described the current agenda for future EU policy on linguistic diversity. A draft bill is to be published before the end of 2002, which will put forth the future measures for linguistic diversity and language education in a European framework. This process will result in an exchange of views and the cooperation between the European Parliament and the European Commission on the launching of an action plan. EBLUL President Brezigar stressed the need to define minimum standards for the protection and promotion of minority languages and their inclusion in future EU legislation. This will benefit the linguistic communities as well as the EU itself, since it will help avoid future tension and possible conflicts within the new member states. In addition, Mr. Brezigar made note of the fact that respect for minorities is required among the entry criteria that candidate states must meet, as designated in Copenhagen in 1993. Lastly, Prime Minister Lipponen of Finland spoke of the status of linguistic groups in his own country and described the measures being taken to develop linguistic and cultural diversity. Finland has two national languages recognized by its Constitution, Finnish and Swedish. He reminded the audience that the Swedish linguistic minority comprises only 6% of the population to indicate the courage and flexibility required: courage for the minority to speak its mother tongue, and flexibility on the part of the Finnish majority to support this. He also emphasized the demand that Swedish be used where required. Flexibility is necessary to the understanding that the fundamental principle of equality cannot be applied automatically. The Finnish speakers, who make up 92% of the population, must be encouraged to learn another language in order to be able to understand the situation. The Chairman Athanasios Parisis First International Conference of the Greek Committee of the European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL) The 1st International Conference on Linguistic Diversity in Greece,organized by EBLUL Brussels (European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages) took place in Thessaloniki on Friday, 15 November 2002. Participants in the Conference included delegates from the European Parliament, the Council of Europe, EBLUL, and a variety of professionals in the field of minority-language issues. Representing Greece were spokespersons for linguistic minorities including the Aroumounic (Vlach), Macedonian, Turkish, Pomak and Arvanite languages. The opening speech was made by Mr. Bojan Brezigar, President of EBLUL. Following this was the welcoming address by Mr. Athanasios Parisis, President of the Greek Member State Committee of EBLUL. Mr. Lambros Baltsiotis then spoke on behalf of the Minority Language Research Center (KEMO Kentro Erevnas ton Meionotikon Glosson). A general discussion followed, and a press conference. The afternoon session presented the best practices for the promotion of minority languages. Professor Peter Nelde of the Brussels Research Center on Multilingualism expanded on the issue of whether lesser-used languages require a common European language policy. Mr. Domenico Morelli, President of the Italian MSC (CONFEMILI) compared the legislation in Greece and in Italy on lesser-used languages. The changes and limits set by the European Union was the topic of a presentation by Mr. Gabriel Nikolaij von Toggenburg, Researcher at the European Academy. An open discussion followed. Speakers at the evening session expanded upon the topic of what Europe can do for lesser-used languages in Greece. Participants included: Ms. Marieke Sanders, Member of the European Parliament, Ms. Teresa Condeco, Administrator at the DG for Education and Culture at the European Commission, Ms. Regina Jensdottir, Administrator of the Charter for Regional and Minority Languages at the Council of Europe, Mr. Wolfgang Meier, Member of the Society for Threatened Peoples, Mr. Bela Toncovic, Member of the Federal Union of European Nations (FUEN). Afterwards there was an open discussion with conclusions, followed by the closing ceremony. On Saturday, 16 November, participants visited regions in which lesser-used languages are spoken. (? <8 2e;8c Original sender: Andy Cunningham **CALL FOR SHORT ESSAYS**CALL FOR SHORT ESSAYS**CALL FOR SHORT ESSAYS** http://carnegiecouncil.org/themes/humanrights.html January 10, 2002 Human Rights Dialogue, a semiannual publication of the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, is seeking essays for its Spring 2003 issue. In the coming issue, Human Rights Dialogue explores the effectiveness of the human rights framework in addressing the ethical challenges posed by the process of increasing economic, cultural, and political integration; phenomena commonly referred to as 'globalization.' Discussions of the relationship between human rights and globalization have tended to emphasize the ways in which expanded global communications have facilitated the formation of transnational networks of activists, north-south NGO partnerships, and transborder linkages of a broad spectrum of social movements. Thus, globalization has often been credited with enhancing the popular legitimacy of human rights worldwide. Globalization, however, can also pose serious challenges for groups that use a human rights framework. Increasingly, people's rights are being threatened by problems that are often beyond the control of national governments. And while the rights enunciated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were indeed universal - equally possessed by and equally binding upon every human being-, the scope of these rights was more restricted, in that they were interpreted as rights that people held against their own governments. Individuals' rights against states of which they are not citizens were far less extensive, and rights against non-state actors are only vaguely alluded to. The extensive legal human rights instruments that have been developed in recent decades have further entrenched this understanding of human rights. This state-based framework of human rights obligations has become quite problematic in a world in which the fulfillment of rights in developing countries often depends on the political and economic institutions of developed states, powerful nonstate actors, and the structure of international institutions. Many people suffer because their governments lack the resources to provide them with access to basic health care and education. These resource constraints are often caused by changes in patterns of foreign investment, trade flows, world market prices, interest rates, high external debts, or failure to gain access to heavily protected markets in developed countries. Moreover, dependence on foreign creditors and international institutions can limit the capabilities of a country's citizens to participate meaningfully in the choice of its policies and institutions. Submissions should examine whether and how activists are choosing to use the framework of human rights to address these challenges. Essays are especially welcome from activists or practitioners in countries grappling with financial crises, environmental degradation, severe public health problems, inequitable resource extraction policies, human trafficking, or abusive labor practices. Authors should address one or more of the following questions by analyzing a concrete case study based on firsthand knowledge: - How have you addressed the problem of the increasingly complex causes of human rights violations? Are you changing your tactics to fit changing circumstances? - Have you found the human rights framework a useful advocacy tool for addressing the challenges posed by globalization? - Has your understanding of specific human rights changed? How, for example, have rights, such as the right to participation, been applied to decision-making within international institutions? - Are you increasing your focus on international institutions and transnational actors and their role in causing human rights abuses? If so, how are you attempting to hold them accountable? - To what extent is your advocacy group working with other actors such as anti-poverty groups, labor unions, and even national governments to address problems related to globalization? Submissions should be no more than 1,200 words and written in English. We seek essays written in an engaging, informal, and testimonial style. Footnotes are discouraged. Authors may use interviews in their essays. For previous issues of Human Rights Dialogue, please visit www.cceia.org/publications/hrd.html. Publication in Dialogue is competitive. Authors whose submissions are selected for publication must be prepared to respond to editorial comments and queries. Due to space constraints, submissions that exceed the stated word length will be shortened. The authors of the selected essays will be asked to provide a biographical note, contact details for the organizations that they are affiliated with as well as those mentioned in their articles, and, if possible, a personal photograph. Please also be prepared to provide photos or art to be considered for publication with the article. There is a $100 honorarium awarded upon publication. The deadline for submissions is Friday, February 28. We encourage those planning to submit an essay to contact us about their plans for their articles as soon as possible. Interested parties should direct their inquiries to: Erin Mahoney emahoney at cceia.org tel: 212-838-4120 or fax: 212-752-2432. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jan 24 20:42:18 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 24 Jan 2003 17:42:18 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Human Rights Visiting Fellowships, Harvard Law School Human Rights Program Message-ID: <20030125014218.94786.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> > I write to inform you about visiting fellowships of > the Human Rights > Program at Harvard Law School. Given your close > contact with activists and > scholars engaged in human rights defense in the > field, I thought you might > be aware of promising candidates for this > fellowship. > > Founded in 1984, the Human Rights Program organizes > a series of projects > designed to promote scholarship and field work on > human rights throughout > the world. Among these, our visiting fellowships > figure prominently. > > Through the fellowships, the Harvard Law School > Human Rights Program seeks > to give thoughtful individuals with a demonstrated > commitment to human > rights the opportunity to step back and conduct a > serious inquiry in the > human rights field. Women and men who become fellows > at the Program are > usually scholars with a substantial background in > human rights, or > experienced activists. On occasion, they have > included young committed > workers in the field with the capacity and interest > to develop as teachers > or activists. A number of fellows have also come > from the judiciary. > > Typically, fellows come from outside the United > States. They spend from > four months to one year in residence at the Law > School and devote the bulk > of their time to research and writing on a specific > human rights topic. > During this time, they may also audit courses in > human rights and related > subjects. > > The fellows form an essential part of the human > rights community at the > Harvard Law School. With reasonable exceptions for > brief trips, they are > expected to remain in residence during the term of > their fellowship and to > participate actively in bi-weekly lunch discussions. > Each fellow is > required to make a presentation to Program staff, > faculty and other fellows > on at least one occasion. Fellows are also > encouraged to participate in a > number of other Program activities. > > In order to profit from the fellowship, fluent oral > English is essential. > While the Program does not currently require a > formal exam, it may request > proof of such fluency. > > The Program provides six to ten fellows annually > with a shared office > space, access to computers for word processing and > basic internet > applications (instruction is available at the start > of the academic year), > and use of the Harvard library system. The Human > Rights Program does not > charge fellows for the services and space that it > provides. On the other > hand, the Program cannot provide secretarial > services for fellows, who must > be prepared to take care of their own needs such as > correspondence, > photocopying, and so on. The Program does not, as a > general matter, fund > fellows or provide them with living expenses. When a > fellow from a > developing country cannot afford to come to HRP > without additional aid, HRP > will make every effort to provide such aid within > the limits of its > available funds. The Program will provide letters in > support of fellows' > applications for funding to foundations and other > institutions. > > Should you desire more information about our > visiting fellows or if you > would like to direct a potential applicant to the > right person, please > contact me at jcavalla at law.harvard.edu. You may > also reach me by phone at > the HRP offices, at 1-617-495-5204. > > Best regards, > Jim Cavallaro > Associate Director > > > __________________________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now. http://mailplus.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jan 27 17:37:28 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 27 Jan 2003 14:37:28 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Events at Harvard Message-ID: <20030127223728.92575.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> http://www.law.harvard.edu/cgi-bin/webevent.cgi?cmd=listevent&ncmd=listevent&cal=cal4&id=22905&ncals=&sib=1&sort=m,e,t&ws=0&cf=cal&set=0&swe=1&sa=0&de=0&tf=0&sb=0&stz=Default&d=27&m=01&y=2003 --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jan 27 18:12:46 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 27 Jan 2003 15:12:46 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] European Union and Albania Message-ID: <20030127231246.23645.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> RFE/RL: THE EU TAKES A FRESH LOOK AT THE BALKANS, PART 1 RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 7, No. 12, Part II, 21 January 2003 THE EU TAKES A FRESH LOOK AT THE BALKANS, PART 1 By Patrick Moore The countries of the western Balkans all seek rapid integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. The EU seems on the way to realizing that it must offer them serious prospects of membership, much as NATO already has. On 14 January, the "Frankfurter Rundschau" published an interview with Christoph Zoepel, who is one of the leading Balkan policy experts within Germany's governing Social Democratic Party (SPD). He warned the EU not to be "arrogant" toward the countries of the western Balkans -- Albania, Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Yugoslavia -- nor to leave them outside that organization. To neglect the five countries would be a great "historic mistake," he added. Zoepel thinks one way to defuse tensions surrounding such delicate issues as the status of Kosova would be to hold out the prospect of a common European citizenship to Serbs and Albanians alike. To give weight to his argument, he suggested that Belgium would have split up long ago along ethnic lines if it were not for that country's membership in the EU. (And he might have also recalled the positive role that European integration played in Western Europe as a whole in the decades since World War II, particularly in terms of Franco-German reconciliation.) The Social Democratic legislator also noted that people throughout the Balkans are enthusiastic about joining the EU, adding that he has not met a single serious politician there who is opposed to membership. Zoepel recalled that Kosovar President Ibrahim Rugova once told him that an independent Kosova could do without its own foreign minister and leave that job to the EU. Zoepel added that he has not seen such eagerness to delegate prerogatives to Brussels anywhere else. To bring the countries of the western Balkans into the EU, he continued, amounts to nothing more than carrying out a decision that was, in effect, made already in 1981 when the then-European Community voted to admit Greece. Zoepel stresses that the decision in favor of Greece meant Brussels accepted in principle that "everything to the northwest of Athens" would some day belong to the EU. That decision is well on its way to being realized by holding out prospects of admission in 2007 to Romania and Bulgaria, he continued. What Zoepel now misses is a readiness to engage the other five countries of the region and give them realistic possibilities for membership. He noted there are several obstacles to doing so. One is simple ethnic prejudice, particularly against peoples of Islamic heritage, such as the Bosnian Muslims and many Albanians. This prejudice is more intense than those against, for example, Poles or Czechs and ignores the fact that Albania is a highly secular country, much more so than Turkey. When asked whether the five should be admitted as a group, Zoepel suggested that Croatia is farther along toward meeting the EU's criteria for membership than the others and could proceed ahead of them. But the other four, in his view, are so "interdependent" when it comes to ethnic and religious disputes that it would not be practical or wise to separate them on the road to membership. Zoepel noted that Macedonia has met the criteria for membership that the EU leaders set down at their recent Copenhagen summit -- but only formally. Albania is a democracy and has a market economy, but has problems bringing its institutions into line with European standards. Bosnia and Yugoslavia are handicapped by what he called "unresolved status questions." But the SPD legislator does not feel the EU should wait for the five countries to meet its standards before engaging them. On the contrary, he argued that they can develop modern market economies only when they have a clear perspective for EU membership. And that, Zoepel concluded, could be a reality in 10 years. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jan 27 18:17:38 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 27 Jan 2003 15:17:38 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU and Albania II Message-ID: <20030127231738.84656.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> RFE/RL: THE EU TAKES A FRESH LOOK AT THE BALKANS, PART 2 ADVERTISEMENT RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 7, No. 13, Part II, 22 January 2003 THE EU TAKES A FRESH LOOK AT THE BALKANS, PART 2 By Patrick Moore Many people in the western Balkans concluded by the end of 2002 that the EU had little time for them. NATO did not invite any of them to join the alliance at its Prague summit in November. But NATO at least held out some prospects for membership in the next round of expansion for Partnership for Peace members Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia. Bosnia and Yugoslavia are not so far along the road to NATO, but the Bosnians at least know that setting up a common Defense Ministry is the main obstacle keeping them from membership in Partnership for Peace. The authorities in Belgrade, for their part, are fully aware that membership for them depends on cooperation with the war crimes tribunal in The Hague, establishing transparent civilian control over the military, and purging the officer corps of war criminals. The EU has been less forthcoming with criteria and timetables than NATO, to the point that many in the Balkans have concluded the five countries will be kept indefinitely in limbo. This could be particularly problematic in the cases of Bosnia and Yugoslavia, which are the farthest from meeting EU, as well as NATO criteria. The danger there is that these two countries could become centers of organized crime, smuggling, and corruption in such a way as to become a sort of "black hole" in the midst of the EU. Croatia could pose a problem of a different sort. As the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" wrote on 28 December, many Croats fear they have been lumped together with four countries less advanced along the road to meeting EU standards than they are. Those Croats feel their country has been sacrificed like a pawn in a chess game to plans by some powerful forces in Brussels to recreate a regional Balkan association based in Belgrade -- and kept outside the door of full membership in the EU. If such perceptions continue and become widespread, the EU could discover some day that it has unwittingly helped anti-European, nationalist politicians on the right to come to power in Zagreb. But matters are looking up for those in the western Balkans who want to join the EU. The "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" reported from Brussels on 11 January that a recent EU study showed that Albania, Kosova, and Yugoslavia have made great economic progress since the Kosova conflict ended in 1999. One might suggest that any such progress looks impressive because these countries were so badly off that they had nowhere to go but up. Nonetheless, the fact that an EU report drew such a conclusion suggests Brussels might be moving away from the message it only recently sent even to Croatia: Don't call us; we'll call you. Indeed, there seems to be movement in the EU toward encouraging the countries of the western Balkans, without lowering Brussels' standards. The catalyst appears to be the Greek EU Presidency, which began at the start of this year. From 13-15 January, Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou made a whirlwind tour of the five countries, where his message was largely positive. For example, he let Croatia know that its hopes of catching up with Romania and Bulgaria and joining the EU in 2007 are realistic. He also reassured Albania that stabilization and association talks will begin soon. Even EU Commission President Romano Prodi has been upbeat on the Balkans recently, saying that the bloc's "doors are open" to the countries of the region. Meanwhile, the Greek EU Presidency can be expected to provide the leadership for its neighbors that many had wished that Greece -- as the only Balkan country belonging to both the EU and NATO -- had provided as soon as communism collapsed in the region over a decade ago. The Greek EU Presidency will be followed by that of Italy for the second half of 2003, and Albania in particular is expecting good things from its powerful neighbor. Questions, of course, remain. The biggest issue is perhaps whether Yugoslavia and Bosnia can put their houses in sufficient order to meet even minimal EU standards, particularly where the roles of mafia structures in politics, business, and the military are concerned. Second, the EU will have to take great care not to let those two countries fall so far behind the others that Bosnia and Yugoslavia become isolated. At the same time, Brussels cannot afford to lower its standards for the two, lest Croatia and other hopefuls feel that they have become the victims of a policy of double standards and some sinister Western plot to reestablish Belgrade as the dominant regional center. Third, all five countries have their homework to do in meeting EU criteria for membership. Politicians in some of them might start by showing more responsibility by rejecting the culture of boycotting parliaments and other institutions that is endemic in much of the region. Fourth, the status question will have to be addressed sooner rather than later where Kosova is concerned, and probably Montenegro as well. The EU should respect the decisions of the majority of the voters who live there and not try to impose solutions from outside. Zoepel's suggestion regarding the prospect of a common EU citizenship should not be overlooked. Finally, everyone concerned should be realistic about their expectations. People in the region are deluding themselves if they expect that EU membership will automatically bring them Dutch living standards and a massive infusion of money without efforts and sacrifices on their part. It will in any event be interesting to see how the EU evolves once its expansion into Eastern Europe and the Balkans is complete. Will it become an increasingly bloated bureaucracy in which important issues can be settled by a telephone call between the French president and German chancellor, or will it develop into a more transparent and democratic community of which all its citizens can be --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jan 28 13:43:02 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 28 Jan 2003 10:43:02 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Nano ne Kuvend per Nicholas Geixh Message-ID: <20030128184302.51112.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> > > Interpelance me kryeministrin NANO per ceshtjen > Geixh > Mbajtur nga Kryetari i Grupit Paralmentar te Partise > Demokrate, Nard NDOKA, n? sesionin e dyte t? > Punimeve t? Parlamentit p?r vitin 2003 > Tirane me,27.01.2003 > > > Z.Kryeminister! > > Kam kerkuar k?t? interpelance me ju nje muaj me > pare, por impenjimet tuaja te shumta, kane detyruar > vete Z.Pellumbi t? thyeje rregulloren e Kuvendit, > duke u paraqitur n? Kuvend nj? muaj me vonese. > > Megjithate, me mire vone se kurre. > > > > Problemi p?r t? cilin kam kerkuar k?t? interpelance > ?sht? p?r mendimin tim dhe t? Partise q? une > perfaqesoj nj? problem delikat dhe q? p?r fat t? keq > ?sht? manaxhuar n? menyren me t? keqe t? mundshme > nga Ju personalisht si Kryeminister i vendit, si > edhe nga nj? segment tjeter i opozites. > > > > Menyra se si ju pritet, komunikuat dhe e percollet > Z.Gejxh, ka shqetesuar jo vet?m nj? pjese t? > pergjegjshme t? politikes shqiptare, t? pozites dhe > opozites, por edhe shoqerine civlile, si dhe me e > rendesishmja t? gjitha organizatat e diaspores q? > jetojne n? Shtetet e Bashkuara. > > > > P?r k?t? arsye, mendoj se duhet t? pergjigjeni me > seriozitetin me t? madh pyetjeve q? ju kam drejtuar, > sepse ?sht? n? loje jo thjesht dinjiteti i Fatos > Nanons, por dinjiteti i Kryeministrit t? Shqiperise, > q? ?sht? n? t? njejten kohe Kryeminister edhe i > atyre q? votojne p?r ne, opoziten, dhe i atyre q? > kane shpenzuar kohe, para dhe energji p?r t? punuar > p?r ceshtjen shqipetare, p?r t? jetuar me t? dhe p?r > tu perballuar me ekstremiste t? pandreqshem, sic > ?sht? z.Nikollas Geixh. > > > > > > Ardhja n? Tiran? e greko-amerikanit Nikos Gaxojanis > (i njohur edhe si > Nikollas Geixh), dhe ve?an?risht pritja zyrtare e > rezervuar p?r t? nga ana e > qeveris? shqiptare, shkaktuan polemika t? shumta dhe > reagime nga t? gjith? shqiptar?t kudo q? ndodhen, jo > vet?m p?r vizit?n e Geixhit, por dhe p?r rolin e > diaspor?s n? zhvillimet e ndryshme n? Shqip?ri e m? > gjer?. > > > > Shtypi shqiptar pasqyroi letrat e m?rgimtar?ve ne > Greqi, Itali, Angli e gjetk?, dhe media raportoi > reagimin e shum? politikaneve shqiptar?, si > ish-Presidenti Mejdani, z.Genc Pollo, Znj.Jozefina > Topalli, zot?rinjt? Sabri Godo, Sabit Brokaj, > Pjet?r Arbnori etj. > > > > Shumica e tyre shpreh?n rezervat p?r personin n? > fjal?, pik?pamjet q? ai p?rfaq?son, ashtu dhe p?r > m?nyr?n se si ai u trajtua. > > > > Falenderojme median qe me ndihm?n e vet? zotit Geixh > e ka b?r? tashm? t? qart? se ai nuk ?sht? nj? mik as > i Shqip?ris? dhe as i shqip?tareve, e mbi t? > gjitha, ai nuk p?rfaq?son ndonj? element t? > sh?ndosh? t? shoq?ris? apo > qeveris? greke q? ka n? gjirin e saj greko-amerikan? > t? nderuar si Ministri > i Jasht?m z.Papandreu. > > > > Nuk duhet t? harrojm? se jo shum? koh? m? pare, Ju > dhe nj? segment tjeter i partise tuaj, mohuat me > ngulm se kishit takuar grekun Gaxojanis n? nj? > ishull t? Greqis?, mbase t? shqet?suar nga efekti q? > mund t? kishte ky "takim sekret" n? karrier?n tuaj > politike, sidomos n? atmosfer?n kacafyt?se t? asaj > kohe. > > > > ?far? ka ndryshuar q? at?here q? takimet tuaja me > Geixhin jo vet?m nuk fshihen por meritojn? nj? > pritje protokollare?! Asgj? p?r sa i p?rket > pik?pamjeve t? Geixh. Megjith?se n? m?nyr? m? t? > moderuar, edhe gjat? k?saj vizite z.Geixh ruajti te > njejtin qendrim antishqiptar qe > ka demonstruar dekaden e fundit. > > > > Ai iu permbajt perseri tezave q? 30% e shtetasve ne > Shqip?ri jan? grek?, (pra rreth nj? milion banor?), > q? Shqip?ria nuk mund t? k?rkoj? t? drejta p?r dy > million shqiptar?t e Kosov?s pa i dh?n? m? par? t? > nj?jtat t? drejta minoritetit grek, dhe q? cam?t e > merituan d?bimin e dhunsh?m, pasi ata paskeshin qen? > bashk?puntor? t? nazist?ve gjermane. > > > Duke qen? se veprimtaria anti-shqiptare e Geixhit > zhvillohet kryesisht > n? Amerik?, ishte m? se e natyrshme q? midis > shqiptar?ve q? reaguan m? shum? e m? ashp?r p?r k?t? > ngjarje, ishin shqiptar?t e Amerik?s, midis t? > cil?ve edhe K?shilli Komb?tar Shqiptaro Amerikan, t? > cilin kam kenaqesine ta falenderoj dhe ti shpreh > nderimin tim p?r rolin e pazevendesueshme q? ka > luajtuar dhe vazhdon t? luaje p?r ceshtjen Shqiptare > dhe intersat kombetare. > > > > Pavar?sisht se t? gjith? ne e kuptojm? q? takimet > qoft? dhe me "armiqt?" jan? pjes? e jet?s politike, > p?r shumic?n ton? dhe me sa duket dhe p?r nj? pjes? > t? sh?ndosh? t? publikut shqiptar dhe spektrit > politik, ishte e habitshme q? Shqip?ria zyrtare, > p?rfshir? dhe nj? pjes? t? opozit?s, diskutuan me > z.Geixh vet?m axhend?n e k?tij t? fundit dhe aspak > q?ndrimet e tij t? m?sip?rme e t? p?rs?ritura. > > > > I armatosur tashm? me fotografit? dhe buzeqeshjet q? > ka marr? n? Tiran?, > zoti z.Geixh tani mund t? b?j? "parada" pa frik? n? > Kongresin Amerikan (si? ka b?r? disa here n? t? > shkuar?n) e t? vazhdoj? ti mbush? mendjen atyre p?r > persekutimin e minoritetit grek n? Shqip?ri; p?r m? > tep?r, ti thot? q? tani > ka dhe mb?shtetjen e gjith? faktor?ve politik? n? > Tiran?. > > > > Prandaj z.Kryeminister, p?r t? gjitha arsyet e > mesiperme, ju kerkoj edhe nj? here t? jeni serioz > dhe i ndershem n? pergjigjen tuaj. > > > > Duhet t? kuptoni q? une dhe partia ime nuk ?sht? > duke luajtur rolin e nacionalisteve ekstreme, > perkundrazi mendojme se e ardhmja e vendit dhe > politikes se tij ?sht? ballafaqimi i ideve, hapja > ndaj botes, si dhe integrimi. > > > > Por ne nuk mund t? heshtim kur t? gjitha konceptet e > mesiperme nuk ruajne dinjitetin e postit q? Ju > perfaqesoni. P?r fat t? keq! > > > > Jam n? pritje t? pergjigjes tuaj, faliminderit p?r > vemendjen. > > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > > > > > Zoti Kryeminister > Trajtimi i pritjes se nje personi te tille si nje > ceshtje protokollare apo ne frymen e re eshte e > pritshme prej jush. Normalisht te ishte per persona > te tjere, publike apo private qe ju keni takuar para > kamerave apo larg tyre, as une dhe as ndokush > tjeter, nuk do te kishte marre mundimin per t'ju > drejtuar pyetje e per t'ju kerkuar sqarime. > > Por rasti ne fjale eshte i vecante, sic eshte e > vecante edhe sjellja e re dhe e vjeter e ketij > individi. Pike se pari per tu sqaruar te gjithe mund > te biem dakord se nuk eshte aspak e udhes ne kete > shekull te ri qe u hap nen shenjen e integrimit qe > te kthehemi ne praktika te panevojshe perzenjesh te > cilat kane ndodhur fatkeqsisht me pare, me vend e pa > vend, ne situata krizash e tensioni. Shqiperia eshte > e duhet te jete nje vend i hapur. Edhe ata qe e > kane koken plot paragjykime te shekullit te kaluar > duhet te kene nje shans per te ardhur dhe per ta > njohur direkt realitetin. Kjo vlen edhe per > mysafirin tuaj te dates 4 dhjetor. > > Por ky rast i vecante na sjell ne vemendje ndjenjen > e veterespektit dhe dinjitetit qe duhet te kene > shtetaret e larte per funksionet qe mbajne. Une e > respektoj funksionin e kryeministrit, dhe ajo qe me > irriton eshte kur konstatoj se vete personi qe mban > kete funksion nuk ka respektin e duhur per te dhe > nuk e trajton me dinjitetin e duhur. Sic eshte p.sh. > largimi dy jave ne drejtim te paditur. > > Mysafiri juaj zoti kryeminister ka pikepamje shume > te cuditshme; ai eshte babai i tezes se Shqiperia e > Jugut- ne gjuhen e tij Vorioepiri - duhet te k?t? te > njejtin status si Kosova. Kete pikepamje ai e > parashtroi serish gjeresisht ne median tone, e > vetmja per te perziere sensacionalizmin me > provincializmin. > > Ju zoti kryeminister ne takimin tuaj heshtet per > kete ceshtje. Nuk patet guximin as te verenit se kjo > paralele nuk qendron. Nje tjeter ne vendin tuaj do > ti kishte thene atij zoterise se po derdelliste > brockulla. Dhe do te ishte me i inderuar. Por, ju > mund te ngushelloni vetveten se homologu juaj ne > opozite beri saktesisht te njetjen gje. > > Fjala e duhur ne momentin e duhur mund te te > shpetoje faqen. Nuk mund t'ju akuzoj me per takimin > ne Krete me Milloshevicin sepse ju ka shfajesuar ai > qe ju paditi i pari, por mund te them se nqs. kur > dolet nga takimi dhe pasi ai qe sot eshte i burgosur > ne Hage deklaroi se Kosova eshte ceshtje e brendshme > e Serbise, dhe ju te kishit thene vetem se nuk ishit > dakord me kete mendim, kjo do t'u kishte vene emrin, > respektin e dinjitetin ne vend tek shume shqiptare, > brenda e jashte kufirit tone shteteror. Por ju as > atehere dhe as tani nuk e bete dot kete. > > Ju i sqaruat Geixhit te drejtat e pakices greke ne > Shqiperi. Nuk e kam kuptuar se c`mandat mund te kete > ky person qe nuk perfaqeson as pakicen, as Greqine, > dhe as Ameriken, por nje tufe ektremistesh > orembetur. > > Une do te preferoja qe per te drejtat e pakices ne > radhe te pare te flisja me perfaqsuesit e saj qe > jane te zgjedhur ne kete Kuvend pasi besoj se me ta > mund te merremi vesh shume me mire edhe per te > zgjeruar gamen e te drejtave dhe sidomos zbatimin e > tyre. > > Dhe ne fund te fundit nuk e kuptoj pse duhet ta > prisnit personalisht ju. Justifikimet diplomatike > nuk qendrojne per kedo qe i njeh keto rrethana. Nese > duhej te merrej nje kontakt atehere per kete keni > keshilltare e sekretare pafund. Do te shpreh ketu > konsideraten per Presidentin e Republikes qe diti te > qendroje jashte kesaj vorbulle ndryshe nga ju e nje > pararendes i tij. > > Dhe se fundi edhe ju mund te mesoni dicka nga > reagimet e komunitetit te madh shqiptaro-amerikan. > Ky komunitet ka bere jo pak per shqiptaret dhe ne > nje demonstrim uniteti te rralle per te, shprehu > indinjate per sjelljen tuaj e te homologut tuaj ne > opozite. Mendoj se zeri i tyre duhet degjuar me me > vemendje, dhe ambasadoret tuaj nuk duhet te lejohen > te leshojne fyerje ne adrese te > shqiptaro-amerikaneve sic ka ndodhur fatkeqesisht. > > Ju > faleminderit > > > > > > __________________________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now. http://mailplus.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jan 29 19:03:57 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 29 Jan 2003 16:03:57 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Conference: No Man's Land, Everyone's Image: Cinema in the Balkans, New Haven, 6-9.2.2003 Message-ID: <20030130000357.83691.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> > Everyone's Image: Cinema in the Balkans, New Haven, > 6-9.2.2003 > > No Man's Land, Everyone's Image: Cinema in the > Balkans > > a conference at Yale University > Whitney Humanities Center, 53 Wall Street > New Haven, Connecticut > > February 6-9, 2003 > > Keynote: Fredric Jameson > Directors: Rajko Grlic > Panels: space, identity, history, genres, Kusturica > > Screenings: ten films (six in 35mm) > Videotheque: assortment of Balkan films running > continuously > > For more information: > www.yale.edu/filmstudiesprogram/Balkan.html > E-mail: susan.hart at yale.edu > Phone: 203-436-4668 > > Sponsors: European Studies Council, Hellenic > Studies, Film Studies > and the Whitney Humanities Center > > > __________________________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now. http://mailplus.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jan 30 11:07:53 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 30 Jan 2003 08:07:53 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nje film per emigrantet shqiptare ne Greqi - Koha Jone Message-ID: <20030130160753.21289.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Username [input] Password [input] [input] NJE FILM, DASHURI DHE URREJTJE PER SHQIPTARET Ndricim Nero/ Fama e telefilmit "Dashuria erdhi nga larg" eshte bere kohet e fundit objekt diskutimi ne Greqi. Debatet mbi temen e trajtuar ne telefilm kane pushtuar televizionet me te medha te Greqise dhe gazetat me prestigjioze duke filluar nga "Elefterotipia", "To Vima", "Kathimerini" etj, qe i kane kushtuar filmit speciale disafaqeshe. Ne shtypin e shkruar telefilmin dhe regjisori i tij gjen vleresimet me te mira. Filmi shihet nga analiste te njohur greke si nje perpjekje per te ligjeruar permes artit integrimin e bute te emigrantit shqiptar ne shoqerine greke dhe eshte nje shuplake per racizmin e shfaqur gati dhunshem keto 13 vitet e fundit ne Greqi. Nga tjeter kendveshtrim kane dashur ta shohin telefilmin gazetaret e medias vizive. Pa arritur dot qe filmin ta kthejne ne nje veper heretike dhe regjisorin e saj ne nje bukeshkale si dikur te madhin Agjelopulos, permes te ftuarve te zgjedhur nga kontigjenti i shqiptarofobise greke, drejtues emisionesh televizive jane perpjekur te perdhosin romantiken e filmit dhe damkosin si "tradhtare" aktoret "shqiptare" te filmit. Kjo ka ndodhur ne emisionin e dites se hene te transmetuar nga kanali televiziv ANT1 "Me syte e Elis", te drejtuar nga gazetarja greke Elis Stai, ku te ftuar ishin aktoret kryesore te filmit, regjisori i tij, Manusaqis dhe deputeti i Demokracise se Re, Andreolakos. Ne lidhje te drejtperdrejte ishin edhe dy aktoret shqiptare, Laert Vasili dhe Armando Dauti, si dhe kryetari i shoqates se Emigranteve Shqiptare (njera nga shume shoqatat shqiptare ne Greqi) Tahir Mici. I pranishem ne emision ishte edhe perfaqesuesi i policise se Atikes, Filiopulos dhe nje perfaqsues i Pasokut. Por ajo qe mund te konsiderohet si nje provokim ndaj shqiptareve ishte prania e Kryetarit te Shoqates se Shtepive te Vjedhura (?) nje personazh klloun qe nuk vlen t'i permendet emri. Debatet gjate emisionit kane qene aq te ndezura saqe polici i ftuar ne emision, Filiopulos, e kercenoi hapur shqiptarin Mici per perbaltje te figures se policise se demokratizuar greke. Por, nga ana tjeter, pergjigjja e shqiptarit Mici ka qene e prere se policia greke ka keqtrajtuar emigrante shqiptare dhe per kete mjafton te beje nje shetitje nga vendet ku ajo pret cdo dite me autoburgje ne rruget kryesore te Athines. "Dashuria erdhi nga larg", flasin protagonistet Aktori Kostas Sommer rikonfirmoi mendimin e tij se shqiptaret kane qene shpesh objekt i demonizimit ne shoqerine greke. "Ata jane njerez si te gjithe te tjeret, kane boten e tyre, kane traditat dhe historine e tyre qe e meriton te respektohet", tha Somer gjate emisionit. Somer vecoi se asgje e keqe nuk i kanosej Greqise nga emigrantet shqiptare dhe solli per kete shembulin e kombeve te civilizuara si Amerika dhe Kanadaja, si shembull te respektimit te te drejtave te njeriut pa dallim race apo feje. Aktorja Lino Saka shprehu indiferentizmin e saj ndaj politizimit te temave te trajtuara ne telefilm dhe i pohoi me ironi drejtueses se emisioit se "do te mendohej disa dite ne banesen e saj para se te jepte nje pergjigje per ceshtjet e ngritura gjate ketij emisioni". Aktori Paskalis Zaharuas tha se ekzagjerohej me krimet e kryera nga shqiptaret dhe se duhej bere qarte dallimi mes atyre qe shkelin ligjin dhe atyre qe e respektojne ate. "Krimi nuk ka kombesi", tha aktori grek duke qartesuar se me kete opinion nuk kishte aspak nder mend te merrte anen e shqiptareve te inkriminuar. Regjisori i filmit Manusos Manusaqis tha se filmi ka per qellim te njohe nje ane tjeter te shqiptareve. "Shoqeria greke duhet te mesohet me pranine e emigranteve shqiptare ne Greqi. Nga integrimi i tyre ne shoqeri asgje e keqe nuk i vjen Greqise", tha Manusaqis, duke pergezuar njekohesisht bashkepunimin me aktoret shqiptare ne realizimin e filmit te tij. Aktori shqiptar, Laert Vasili, vleresoi lart lojen aktoreske te Kostas Somer. "Une te siguroj se, nese do te vije kandidaturen per deputet ne Shqiperi, do te fitoje njeqind per qind te votave", tha Vasili duke ju drejtuar aktorit grek. Aktori tjeter shqiptar, Armando Dauti, tha se ngjarjet e zhvilluara ne film jane nje pjese e realitetit te jetes se emigrantit shqiptar. "Une ne film luaj rolin e nje vrasesi dhe pranoj se shume nga ne (shqiptaret) ju futen botes se krimit si nje menyre e keqe per te siguruar te ardhura, por ju siguroj se kjo s'do te thote aspak te kriminalizosh nje popull te tere", tha Dauti. Subjekti i filmit Ilia (aktori grek Kostas Somer) shqiptar eshte nje emigrant qe ka ardhur ne Greqi disa vite me pare se bashku me shokun e tij te femijerise Omerin (interpretohet nga aktori shqiptar Armando Dauti) dhe bashkefshatarin e tij Agronin (shqiptari Aleksander Rrapi). Disa vite me pare, ai la me dhimbje vendlindjen e tij, Dukatin ne Vlore dhe te fejuaren Silvia (interpretuar nga aktorja greke Athanasia Puluzi) ne kerkim te nje jete me te mire jashte kufijve te Atdheut. Pas shume sorollatjesh ne vende te ndryshme te Greqise, ai perfundoi ne nje qyteze greke afer Larises, ne veri te Greqise. Punetor i palodhur, i ndershem dhe fjalepake, Ilia ra ne sy te nje pronari vreshtarie, Argjiri (interpretuar nga aktori grek Paskalis Zaharuos) qe e punesoi duke i siguruar madje edhe strehimin fare prane shtepise se vet. Temperamenti i vecante i emigrantit shqiptar, por sidomos bota e tij e madhe shpirterore, i rrembyen zemren grekes se bukur Vasiliqi (aktorja greke Lino Saka). Kjo e fundit nuk ishte e lumtur ne martesen e saj me Argjirin, i cili e tradhtonte me nje kengetare kabareje. Dashuria e lindur mes afendikeshes dhe shqiptarit, vec pasionit te zjarrte, detyroi edhe nje dhimbje te pafund per dy te dashuruarit. Nga njera ane Vasiliqia e ka te veshtire te tradhtoje bashkeshortin e saj qe per cudi tregohet shume i dashur me te, por nga ana tjeter nuk mund te rrije dot qofte edhe nje minute larg shqiptarit. Por Ilia e vuan dashurine qe provon per gruan e afendikoit te tij. Ky i fundit nuk u kursye per gjetjen e nje avokati te zote, gjate kohes kur Ilia ishte futur ne burg padrejtesisht. Ngjarjet e filmit futen ne nje rrjedhe akoma me dramatike kur ne Greqi vjen edhe e fejuara e Ilias, Silvia, se bashku me vellane e saj (aktori sarandiot Laert Vasili). Silvia e dashuron Ilian, por duket se nuk arrin dot te njohe endrrat e verteta te tij dhe nuk i pershtatet personalitetit qe ai ka krijuar gjate viteve te mergimit. Perkundrazi, asaj i duket se jeta eshte thjesht e bukur, duke harruar madje se ne Greqi emigranti e ka te veshtire ta beje jeten ashtu sic deshirn ai. Filmi erotiko-social, ne qender te tij ve temen e emigrantit shqiptar ne Greqi, veshtiresite e integrimit te tij ne shoqerine greke, por edhe kundershite e kesaj te fundit per ta pranuar ate ne gjirin e vet. Filmi trajton nje problematike me te gjere jo vetem nga jeta e emigranteve shqiptare ne Greqi, por edhe probleme te perditshme te shoqerise greke. Telefilmi dhe racizmi, ose "e bukura dhe bisha" Elis Stai eshte nje gazetare e zonja. Ne emisionin e saj te perjavshem (cdo te hene ne mbremje) tek ANT1 behet cope e shkreta qe te afroje sa me shume teleshikues. Shpesh edhe ia arrin, kjo fale edhe syve te saj te bukur. Kur fjala eshte per shqiptaret ajo e ka gjetur celesin e reaksionit. Mjafton te ftoje ne emisonin e saj kryetarin e shoqates me emrin unikal ne bote "Shoqata e Shtepive te Vjedhura" per ta bere me te lehte realizimin e misionit te saj. Ky njeri i cuditshem, me nje emer e mbiemer dymbedhjeterrokesh, leshoi gjate emisionit aq kumbulla saqe i beri te skuqen te ftuarit e nderit ne emision, stafin realizues te filmit. Ky personazh komik para mrekullise se Manussaqis meshironte bishen e eger perballe te bukures. Atij i kishte hyre frika ne palce se pas 20 vjetesh kunati i tij do te ishte shqiptar dhe nipcja do t'i harronte kesisoj greqishten. Vete Elis, nga ana e saj, u perpoq me nderhyrjet e shpeshta te shkaktonte reagime negative ndaj shqiptareve. Me tej perpiqej t'i kapercente problemet fale pervojes se saj si gazetare. Stai e ka shprehur edhe ne mjaft emisione te tjera televizive antipatine e saj per shqiptaret. Sic pritej te ndodhte edhe gjate emisionit te djeshem ajo u kujdes te rikthente imazhin e koheve te arta te televizionit grek, kur shqiptareve u faturoheshin edhe krime te kryera ne Bregun e Fildishte dhe Indonezi. Eshte rasti te kujtohet nje vrasje makaber e disa viteve te shkuara ne Greqi, kur nje i ri grek e paketoi ne valixhe trupin e te dashures se tij amerikane, nje top modele e njohur ne vendin e saj. Derisa u gjend fajtori shigjetimet e shtypit vendas ishin drejtuar te gjitha mbi emigrantet shqiptare. Edhe kur vete autori i krimit makaber pohoi aktin e tmerrshem, gazetare te cuditshem televizive u ndjene keq ne deshtimin e krimit te tyre mediatik. Jo me shume se vera e kaluar nje i ri shqiptar u etiketua nga media greke per krimin e vrasjes se tre gjahtareve. Kjo shenoi nje tjeter rast te tendences televizive greke per te kriminalizuar shqiptaret, ndersa kthimi triumfues i shqiptarit per t'u rikthyer ne Greqi ne nje perballje me drejtesine greke, zhduku cdo iluzion tek shikuesi i mashtruar grek. Gazetarja Stai, ndonese me elegance dhe me buzeqeshjen historike dyshuese helene, i kerkoi regjisorit ne formen e diskutimit te pranonte se "as qe behej fjale ne Greqi te ndodhte qe nje argat shqiptar te binte ne dashuri me afendikeshen e saj te bukur". Nderhyrja e aktorit shqiptar Armando Dauti qe ne film luan rolin e shqiptarit vrases se pohimi i saj mohues nuk i pergjigjej aspak te vertetes. Sic duket, gazetarja greke ende nuk eshte e gatshme te pranoje ate qe Manusaqis ka afirmuar aq bindshem artistikisht ne kryevepren e tij regjisoriale. "Dashuria erdhi nga larg", nen komentin e Elis Stai, ishte thjesht "nje trill artistik larg cdo perputhjeje me realitetin grek". Por audienca e paparashikuar e telefilmit, per fatin e saj te keq, ka deshmuar per te kunderten. Para bukurise se telefilmit dhe ndjenjave te larta njerezore qe ai percon, Elis Stai, per fatin e keq te botekuptimit te saj, nuk ishte nekrahun e se bukures, por te kryetarit me emrin 12-rrokesh te shoqates se "Shtepive te Vjedhura" ose te "bishes". Debatet mbi filmin e Manusaqis Filmi i Manusaqis ka ngjallur mjaft reagime ne Greqi. Kjo u duk qarte ne emisionin "Me syte e Elis". Deputeti i Demokracise se Re Andreolakos shprehu ne debatin per filmin vijen e ashper te partise se tij ndaj emigranteve. Megjithese foli per nje emigracion te organizuar, ai la te kuptohej se situata e deritanishme ishte kaotike duke ia lene faturen per kete qeverise greke. Pikepamjen e tij Andreolakos e shfaqi gjate diskutimit te temes mbi kriminalitetin shqiptareve dhe vendit real qe kjo problematike zinte ne film. Andreolakos nuk mungoi as t'i referohej shembujve te historise qe sipas tij deshmonte per nje egersi te hershme te shqiptareve. "Te mos harrojme se shqiptaret u bene pale me italianet kunder ushtrise sone gjate Luftes se Dyte Boterore", tha deputeti grek. Aktori shqiptar Laert Vasili solli shembullin e gjyshit te tij qe ishte vrare nga italianet ne Sarande, pasi ishte bashkuar me greket kunder invazionit fashist. Por akuza me e rende e Andreolakos ishte per policine shqiptare. "Vellezerit tane vorioepiriote vuajne nen dhunen dhe terrorin e policise shqiptare, ne ndryshim me qendrimin e bute te policise greke ndaj emigranteve shqiptare", rimori idene e tij te preferuar deputeti grek duke shtuar se me ardhjen ne pushtet te Demokracise se Re "do te forcohej kufiri me Shqiperine per te ndaluar cdo kembe shqiptari te shkele ne Greqi si ne nje vreshte pa zot". "Kur te vijme ne ne pushtet Kostas Somer do ta cojme Ambasador te Greqise ne Shqiperi", ironizoi deputeti grek aktorin grek Somer per konsideratat pozitive qe ai ka shprehur per Shqiperine. Perfaqesuesi i larte i policise se Atikes, Filiopulos, tha se nga rreth 9 mije persona pergjegjes per krime ne zonen e Atikes, 2600 jane shqiptare. "Sic shikohet ne nje perqindje te larte kriminaliteti zihet nga emigrantet shqiptare duke deshmuar tendencat e nje pjese te konsiderueshme te ketij komuniteti per krim", komentoi polici grek. Ai eshte kundershtuar nga kryetari i Shoqates se Emigranteve Shqiptare, Tahir Mici. Z.Mici tha se "nuk eshte asapak e vertete se shqiptaret jane burim i se keqes ne Greqi, por, perkundrazi, ata jane angazhuar me kohe ne ndertimin e Greqise se Re". "Ju duhet ta shikoni se cfare bejne shqiptaret ne Greqi, ju duhet ta vleresoni punen e tyre", tha Mici duke shtuar se gjate gjithe ketyre viteve atyre u jane mohuar te drejtat themelore te qytetarit te ketij vendi. Kryetari i shoqates me emrin e cuditshem "Shtepite e Vjedhura" reagoi, duke thene se shqiptaret jane vjedhes dhe kriminele dhe se per kete mjafton t'iu referoheshe statistikave. "Turp per shtetin qe nuk reagon", tha ai duke paralajmeruar se pas 20 vjetesh shqiptaret nga 800 mije qe jane sot, do te behen disa milione dhe atehere kryetari i Bashkise se Athines i takon te jete shqiptar". Shprehje te ketij lloji u ndeshen ne reagimin e forte te perfaqesuesit te PASOK-ut ne emision dhe te shqiptareve te pranishem aty. Nje teme delikate e prekur gjate emisionit ishte edhe shkollimi i shqiptareve. Sipas Andreolakos dhe perkrahesve te tij, qytetaret greke ishin te detyruar t'i conin femijet e tyre nga shkollat publike ne shkollat private per shkak te pranise se shtuar te femijeve te emigranteve shqiptare. Kjo ngjalli reagimin e kryetarit te shoqtes Mici, i cili rikujtoi episodin e pashembullt te disa viteve me pare ne Selanik kur nxenesit me te mire nuk iu lejua te ngrinte flamurin grek pasi ai ishte shqiptar. "Ky eshte nje rast unikal qe besoj te mos kete ndodhur ne ndonje vend tjeter te botes", tha Mici. Ne te vertete per shfaqjen e atehershme te egersise shqiptarofobe greke ndaj nxenesit shqiptar reagoi edhe ish-ministri i Jashtem grek, Pangallos. "Une jam ndjere dy here i turperuar nga shqiptaret, tha Pangallos. Njehere kur u ndalua nxenesi shqiptar i Selanikut te ngrinte flamurin dhe per te dyte kur humbi kombetarja greke e futbollit ne Tirane". Pangallos nuk e ka fshehur asnjehere origjinen e tij arvanitase. Ai eshte nje nga politikanet me me emer te Greqise. Gjithsesi, banaliteti dhe paraqitja komike e sharlataneve te asaj pjese te politikes dhe shoqerise greke u humben vetiu para bukurise se filmit te Manusaqis dhe lojes se perkryer aktoreske te trupes qe ka marre persiper realizimin e telefilmit te suksesshem. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jan 30 11:15:47 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 30 Jan 2003 08:15:47 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shekulli Message-ID: <20030130161547.55253.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com> Manipulimet me ?The leaders of the world" Nga Gery Kokalari Nj? lajm i ?uditsh?m ?sht? botuar nga agjencia shqiptare e lajmeve ATSH, dt 22 janar 2003 dhe m? pas n? gazeta, shoq?ruar me nj? imazh t? librit t? titulluar ?Lider?t e bot?s? me foton e Ilir Met?s n? kopertin?, dhe me fjal?t: ?Botohet Antologjia ?Lider?t e Bot?s?, fotoja e Met?s ?sht? zgjedhur si e vetmja p?r kopertin?n e k?saj antologjie?. ?sht? e qart? se q?llimi i ATSH-s? ?sht? t? manipulohet ajo pjes? t? publikut q? p?r arsye t? ndryshme ?sht? n? pamund?si p?r t? kontrolluar. Un? urrej ta l? k?t? lajm t? marr? dhen? dhe kjo balon? e vog?l shpifjeje t? fluturoj? e lir?. Esht? koincidenc? e habitshme, por kam qen? i pranish?m n? nj? takim t? Kombeve t? Bashkuara dy muaj m? par?. Po at? dit? po zhvillohej edhe nj? ceremoni pik?risht p?r botimin e antologjis? n? fjal?. Autorja, Marilyn Perry, ishte atje. Vura re di?ka t? ve?ant?: Edhe pse librat ishin t? nj?jt?, kopertinat kishin versione t? ndryshme, pra fotot n? kopje t? ndryshme t? librit, ishin t? ndryshme. N? thelb kjo ka t? b?j? me nj? artific? marketingu. Sepse n?se nj? ?lider? do t? donte t? merrte nj? lib?r n? vendin e tij e t? thoshte ?Shihni kush ?sht? n? kopertin??, kjo do t? t? b?nte p?rshtypje. Meta dhe lideri i Zambias jan? ?n? t? nj?jt?n gjat?si vale?. N? lajmin e ATSH-s?, thuhej: ?Antologjia voluminoze ?The leaders of the ?orld" u publikua n? Nju Jork dhe u shp?rnda n? t? gjith? bot?n. Antologjia p?rmban fjalime t? mbajtura n? sesionin e 57 t? Asambles? s? Kombeve t? Bashkuara n? Shtator 2002. N? k?t? Antologji Shqip?ria prezantohet me fjalimin e mbajtur nga zv/ministri dhe ministri i jasht?m Ilir Meta gjat? sesionit t? 57-t?. N? t? nj?jt?n koh? fotoja e Met?s ?sht? zgjedhur si e vetmja p?r kopertin?n e Antologjis??. Nd?rsa n? gazet?n ?The Times of Zambia? publikuar n? dt 15 janar 2003, thuhet: ?Sipas p?rfaq?suesit t? p?rhersh?m t? Zambias n? Kombet e Bashkuara, M?el?a Musambachime, producentja e International Byline n? studiot e Kombeve t? Bashkuara, Marilyn Perry, ka botuar nj? lib?r me 589 faqe ku p?rfshihen t? gjith? kryetar?t e sheteve dhe qeveritar? q? mor?n pjes? n? sesionin e 57-t? t? Asambles? s? P?rgjithshme p?r Kombet e Bashkuara n? vitin 2002. P?r kopertin?n e k?tij libri t? madh ?sht? zgjedhur fotoja e Shk?lqesis? s? tij, Presidentit Levy Patrick M?ana?asa. Z. Musambachime tha se ky ?sht? nj? nder i madh p?r Zambian dhe popullin ton??. Pra ?sht? m? se e qart? q? libri ?sht? p?rdorur si mjet propagande p?r ?lider?t?, q? k?ta t? fundit ta trumpetojn? n? vendet p?rkat?se, si? b?ri dhe Meta n? Shqip?ri. Kjo tendenc? ?sht? m? e prekshme sidomos n? demokracit? e brishta, dhe n? vende si Shqip?ria ku ka nevoj? konstante q? politikan?t t? legjitimojn? veten. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jan 30 19:37:32 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 30 Jan 2003 16:37:32 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Statement by Th. Pangalos Message-ID: <20030131003732.31026.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Parliamentary Assembly session : 27-31 January 2003 Theodoros Pangalos : the Council of Europe can be of considerable benefit to the European Union Mr Pangalos, you have just presented to the Parliamentary Assembly a report on the "Contribution of the Council of Europe to the Constitution-making process of the European Union". Underlying the title of the report is the question of the future of the Council of Europe after the enlargement of the European Union from 15 to 25 members. Question : What do you see as the answer to this question? Theodoros Pangalos : I have been aware, in my discussions in the Council of Europe, of a sense of unease, particularly in the Assembly, its representative body, concerning the future of the Council in connection with the enlargement of the European Union. In geographical terms, the Union is to become bigger. Of the Council's 44 members, 25 will become members of the Union in one year's time, and ultimately 30 or 35. That brings with it a number of problems, first and foremost the question of duplication and overlap. For example, the European Court of Justice is beginning to take an interest in human rights, which has hitherto not been the case; the European Court of Human Rights here in Strasbourg functions in a very effective and positive way. In addition, the European Commission is increasingly becoming involved in areas such as the protection of public health, the environment, education and culture, which so far have been the exclusive preserve of the Council of Europe. I do not want to protect private hunting grounds, rather I want to ensure that our efforts are co-ordinated. I think that the Convention on the future of Europe and the Treaty which will emerge will provide us with a very timely opportunity. So we need to be discussing these matters now and define the respective role of each organisation. In certain fields - such as the protection of human rights, the Council of Europe's experience and expertise are widely acknowledged. This is why the Convention should be included into the future European Constitution and it should be made possible for the European Union to accede to the Convention, so that the protection of human rights, which is a political commitment set forth in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Union, becomes an institutional and legal reality. Question : Apart from this very important field of human rights, what do you feel are the other fields of competence which the Council should retain in the future? Theodoros Pangalos : Human rights, of course, with conventions such as the anti-torture convention, the status of foreigners, etc; but in addition, the Council has drafted some extremely important texts in fields such as youth, education and sport, health, not to mention bioethics and cyber-crime. This is not, however, a complete list. Question : How is the Council of Europe better suited to deal with these topics? Theodoros Pangalos : The Council's achievements, which I have just referred to, are not the result of chance or of greater intelligence. For the European Union, the economic criterion is fundamental given that it represents first and foremost a common market, an agricultural policy, an economic, monetary and structural policy. This criterion is not to be found in the Council of Europe. Which means that the Council may sometimes make mistakes, but it also means that it can be more courageous or imaginative. Question : In your report you make an innovative proposal, putting forward the idea of European citizenship. Why? Theodoros Pangalos : The thinking behind it is the following: states refuse the idea of European citizenship on the grounds of the principle of sovereignty. They do not yet feel mature enough to relinquish national sovereignty. This is why we are proposing a European citizenship which is based not merely on where or to whom you are born (ius soli or ius sanguinis) but which also takes a residence criterion into account. Obviously, such a criterion would need to be properly defined in relation to concepts of permanent residence, minimum period of residence, integration etc. This citizenship would confer a number of rights, the right to free movement, and economic and social rights. Everything reflected in the body of Community law. Why should these rights be limited to nationals alone and exclude millions of people who have been living among us for years, who are familiar with our laws and the behaviour we expect in order to live in a harmonious society, in short, people who have become fully-fledged Europeans? --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jan 31 16:12:13 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 31 Jan 2003 13:12:13 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Transnationalism in the European Union, Workshop, 20-22.6.2003, Portsmouth Message-ID: <20030131211213.7237.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> European Science Foundation Workshop Bursaries for European PhD Students Transnationalism in the European Union The European Science Foundation will fund 10 PhD students from contemporary history, political science/International Relations, sociology and social science-informed law to participate in an ESF Exploratory Workshop on Transnationalism in the European Union to take place at the University of Portsmouth in England from 20-22 June 2003. The workshop bursary will cover APEX flight, accommodation and subsistence at Portsmouth. PhD students from Southern Europe and East-Central European applicant states are especially encouraged to apply. The workshop bursaries will be allocated on a competitive basis. Interested PhD students should send a short e-mail explaining their interest in attending the workshop, together with (as attachments in Word for Windows) a) a short CV (1 page) and b) short description of their PhD project (1 page, including subject area and supervisor) to Wolfram.Kaiser at port.ac.uk (copied to Peter.Starie at port.ac.uk) by 15 March 2003. The successful applicants will be informed by 20 March 2003 and will then receive further instructions. Draft Workshop Programme Friday, 20 June 2003 14.30-15.00 Introduction Wolfram Kaiser and Peter Starie (Portsmouth) 15.00-15.30 Transnationalism in Western Europe after 1945 Wolfram Kaiser (Portsmouth) 15.30-16.00 Transnational Co-operation of Trade Unions in the EC 1958-1972 Patrick Pasture (Leuven) 16.00-16.45 Discussion 16.45-17.15 Coffee Break 17.15-17.45 Transnational Networks in the European Union Peter Starie (Portsmouth) 17.45-18.15 Christian Democrat and Conservative Party Networks in Europe Karl Magnus Johannson (Stockholm) 18.15-19.00 Discussion 20.00 Dinner for ESF-funded participants Saturday, 21 June 2003 09.00-09.30 Class and Power in European Transnational Economic Relations Bastiaan Apeldoorn (Amsterdam) 09.30-10.00 The Eurogroup as a Generator of Informal Resources: Transnational Economic and Monetary Policy-Making Uwe P?tter (Belfast) 10.00-10.45 Discussion 10.45-11.15 Coffee Break 11.15-11.45 European Public Space, Socialisation and Social Learning Frank Schimmelfennig (Mannheim) 11.45-12.15 Party Foundations, Social Learning and the Europeanisation of Spain and Eastern Europe Peter Zervakis (Bonn) 12.15-13.00 Discussion 13.00-14.30 Buffet Lunch 14.30-15.00 Transnational Legal Governance in the EU: Problems and Perspectives Antje Wiener / Guido Schwellnus (Belfast) 15.00-15.30 Transnational Police Cooperation in Europe Monica den Boer (Brussels) 15.30-16.15 Discussion 16.15-16.30 Conclusion and end of conference 17.00-18.30 Discussion of future collaboration (paper-givers only) 19.30 Dinner for ESF-funded participants Sunday, 22 June 2003 Departure ----------------------------- Philippa Rowe, Administrator ESF Exploratory Workshops European Science Foundation 1 quai Lezay Marnesia FR-67080 Strasbourg Cedex Tel: +33 3 88 76 71 60 Fax: +33 3 88 76 71 80 philippa at esf.org www.esf.org/workshops ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jan 31 16:34:55 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 31 Jan 2003 13:34:55 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Events at Harvard Message-ID: <20030131213455.42492.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Monday, February 24, 2003 4:00PM "Albania: Transition? - Destabalization?" Miranda Vickers, Author and Political Analyst for International Crisis Group "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Kosovo: Peace or War?" James Pettifer, Author Malkin Penthouse JFK School of Government __________________________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now. http://mailplus.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jan 31 16:54:37 2003 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 31 Jan 2003 13:54:37 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Doing business in E. Europe Message-ID: <20030131215437.58627.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com> Harvard denies owing damages in Russia case By Marcella Bombardieri, , Globe Staff, 1/31/2003 arvard University sharply denied yesterday that it owes damages to the federal government because two of its employees made personal investments in Russia, while they were working under a government contract, that allegedly harmed relations between Washington and Moscow. Harvard contends the civil suit against it is ''an attempt on the part of the government to achieve a more than $100 million windfall.'' Federal prosecutors argued last December in US District Court that Harvard should pay a fine of up to $102 million because two Harvard employees, Andrei Shleifer and Jonathan Hay, used their influential positions as advisers to the Russian government from 1994 to 1997 to make insider investments in Russia's securities market and oil industry. The prosecutors said the investments caused lasting damage to US-Russia relations and tainted at least $350 million in US projects. In a strongly-worded response filed yesterday, Harvard said that, although prosecutors said Shleifer and Hay's dealings harmed US-Russia relations, the US Agency for International Development has spent years touting the benefits of the pair's work. ''Shleifer's and Hay's contributions to Russian reform have been described by current and former United States and Russian officials with words like ''brilliant,'' ''ingenious,'' ''fantastic,'' and ''colossal,'' the university said. Harvard lawyers asked US District Judge Douglas P. Woodlock to rule that the government cannot prove actual damage and is therefore not entitled to compensation. A lawyer for Harvard added that the project encompassed much more than the work of the two men. Shleifer, an economics professor, led the project with Hay, a legal specialist, as his deputy at the Harvard Institute for International Development. ''The government's claim that the work on the project was valueless is an insult to the scores of HID employees and consultants who gave their soul'' to rebuilding Russia, said attorney David J. Apfel, representing Harvard. Prosecutors say Harvard should return the $34 million the government paid to the university from July 1994 to May 1997. But under the False Claims Act, Woodlock could levy triple damages -- a total of $102 million. The government contends triple damages are warranted because Harvard ''refused'' to remove Shleifer and Hay until after the government canceled the contract. Marcella Bombardieri can be reached at bombardieri at globe.com. This story ran on page B2 of the Boston Globe on 1/31/2003. ? Copyright 2003 Globe Newspaper Company. __________________________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Plus - Powerful. Affordable. Sign up now. http://mailplus.yahoo.com