From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov  1 09:22:37 2002
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 FORUM <forum at sanx.net> wrote:From FORUM Tue Oct 29 09:56:57 2002
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Subject: Shqip?ria,_kavia_e_p?rfaq?suesve_t?_FMN_Nga_
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Shqip?ria, kavia e p?rfaq?suesve t? FMN


Nga Gjergj Buxhuku 

Draft buxheti qeveritar i vitit 2003, q? ka marr? bekimin e p?rfaq?suesit t? FMN, ndryshe nga 2-3 vitet e m?parshme nuk ka parashikuar n? struktur?n e tij t? ardhurat nga privatizimi i nd?rmarrjeve strategjike t? mbetura publike shqiptare. Fakti i m?sip?rm ?sht? pozitiv, sepse n? vetveten e tij p?rb?n shk?putjen e par? nga praktika e deritanishme e nd?rtimit t? nj? pjes? t? konsiderueshme t? buxhetit duke p?rdorur m?nyr?n m? t? leht? t? sigurimit t? t? ardhurave: mbushjen me parat? e siguruara nga privatizimi i sforcuar i nd?rmarrjeve publike. N? thelbin e tij formatimi i buxhetit sa m? sip?r ?sht? edhe nj? k?rkes? p?r buxhetin e vitit 2002, q? u korrigjua duke u kthyer n? normalitet pik?risht n? mesin e vitit financiar, megjith? pasojat e r?nda makroekonomike t? nj? fakti t? till?. Ana tjet?r e medaljes, ?sht? domosdoshm?ria e analiz?s s? dukuris? t? shmangieve t? q?ndrimeve personale t? p?rfaq?suesve t? FMN-s? n? Shqip?ri nga q?llimet afatgjata t? institucionit t? tyre n? vendin ton? dhe pasojat e rend at? q?ndrimeve t? tilla subjekteve. Q?llimi i prezenc?s s? FMN n? vendet n? zhvillim ?sht? sigurimi i oponenc?s profesionale p?r arritjen e stabilitetit makroekonomik afatgjat? t? vendit dhe monitorimi i politikave qeveritare p?r respektimin e marr?veshjeve financiare bilaterale: Shqip?ri-FMN. Por praktika e deritanishme ka treguar se p?rfaq?suesit e k?tij institucioni shum? t? r?nd?sish?m, n? m? shum? se nj? rast jan? shmangur ndjesh?m nga roli i oponenc?s profesionale dhe neutrale politikisht, duke u b?r? ortake me qeveritar?t shqiptar? n? politika financiare dhe ekonomike. Shembulli m? i keq i nj? prezantimi t? till? ?sht? paraardh?si i p?rfaq?suesit aktual t? FMN-s?, q? mburrej, pa u skuqur nga roli i lakeut, sigurisht p?r arsye t? p?rfitimeve personale korruptive, n? t? nj?jtin kor me qeverin? e viteve 2000-2002 p?r "stabilitetin" makroekonomik t? vendit, pavar?sisht se nj? stabilitet i till? artificial ishte siguruar parat? e privatizimeve t? AMC, licenc?s s? dyt? celulare, etj., q? shiten vet?m nj?her? n? jet?n ekonomike t? ?do vendi. Sepse, si pasuri strategjike, q? u takojn? brezave, ?sht? krejt?sisht e amoralshme dhe d?nueshme politikisht, ekonomikisht dhe financiarisht t? shiten n? koh? dhe m?nyra t? pap?rshtatshme, duke u shkrir? m? pas n? tendera korruptive qeveritare t? nj? ose dy viteve dhe p?r m? shum? t? p?rdorura politikisht n? fushata zgjedhore!
Sepse, stabiliteti makroekonomik shqiptar ka treguar n? m?nyr? t? p?rs?ritur gjat? gjith? viteve t? tranzicionit se ?sht? nj? "ekuilib?r n? prehje" pa impakt dometh?n?s n? zhvillimin e ekonomis? reale, i c?nuesh?m edhe me goditjet m? t? vogla. 
Sepse, shitja n? m?nyr? t? sforcuar e pasurive publike strategjike shqiptare, t? vetmen vler? ka komoditetin fals t? p?rkohsh?m t? p?rfaq?suesve t? FMN-s? n? Shqip?ri p?r t? justifikuar pun?n ndaj shefave n? Uashington, sigurisht n? kurriz t? nxirjes s? imazhit afatgjat? t? k?tij institucioni t? r?nd?sish?m. 
Shqip?ria ka nevoj? s? pari, p?r politika financiare, q? do t? ?ojn? drejt stabilitetit dhe zhvillimit ekonomik real t? vendit si gjenerues i vet?m i burimeve financiare afatgjata dhe s? dyti ka nevoj? p?r reforma t? thella organizative dhe ligjore n? administrat?n fiskale p?r t? ulur evazionin gjigant aktual, q? ka pasoja d?rrmuese n? arritjen e liberalizimit real t? ekonomis?, pengimin e konkurrenc?s s? lir?, krijimin e monopoleve dhe bllokimin e investimeve prodhuese. Qeverit? shqiptare kan? treguar, se p?r t? patur sa m? shum? para n? duar p?r t? prishur gjat? koh?s q? jan? n? pushtet, nuk e kan? p?r gj? t? shesin edhe interesat themelore komb?tare m? afatgjat? t? vendit. Prania e p?rfaq?suesve t? institucioneve nd?rkomb?tare si FMN, ?sht? pik?risht p?r t? penguar dhe jo nxitur q?ndrime t? tilla t? pap?rgjegjshme. Deri m? sot kemi patur rastin e keq t'i provojm? dy t? parat. Le t? shpresojm? se tashm? do t? fillojm? t? provojm? t? kund?rt?n.

G. Shekulli




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From mentor at alb-net.com  Fri Nov  1 05:09:54 2002
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Fri, 1 Nov 2002 05:09:54 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] liste per shkencen ne internet (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.GS4.4.44.0211010505060.15431-100000@alb-net.com>


---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Thu, 31 Oct 2002 21:22:43 -0800 (PST)
From: Niko Qafoku <niko_qafoku at yahoo.com>
To: alb-club at alb-net.com
Subject: [AlbClub] liste per shkencen ne internet

                  *** AlbClub Discussion List ***

Lista Alb-Shkenca do te jete nje liste e moderuar qe
do te bashkoje ne internet shqiptaret qe kane interes
per shkencen dhe punojne si kerkues shkencore. Aty do
te shkembehet eksperience dhe do te diskutohet
kryesisht per probleme te bashkepunimit shkencor.  Do
te diskutohen gjithashtu kriteret per botim ne
revistat shkencore dhe cilat jane revistat me te
pershtatshme per botime te ndryshme, kriteret per te
hyre ne shkollat pasuniversitare ne Amerike apo edhe
vende te tjera, mundesite per te bere kerkim shkencor
si post-doc apo post-master, si dhe se si mund te
gjendet mbeshtetja financiare per projekte shkencore
qofte ketu ne Amerike apo edhe ne vende te ndryshme te
botes.

Me vone, neqoftese lista do te jete e sukseshme dhe do
te mbushet me antare kerkues shkencore te degeve te
ndryshme, do te behet e mundur qe te diskutohen edhe
probleme te mirefillta shkencore dhe lista do te
sherbeje jo vetem si forum bashkepunimi dhe shkembimi
eksperience, por do te kete edhe funksion nxites te
debatit shkencor.

Per me shume informacion si dhe per tu bere antare te
listes shkoni tek:

http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo

dhe klikoni tek alb-shkenca.


Ideatoret:

Niko Qafoku
Mentor Cana


=====
*****************************************************
Niko Qafoku Ph.D.
Battelle-Pacific Northwest National Laboratory
Richland, WA 99352
USA
Tel (shtepi): (509) 943-3041
*****************************************************


From Kshtenja57 at aol.com  Fri Nov  1 00:09:19 2002
From: Kshtenja57 at aol.com (Kshtenja57 at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 01 Nov 2002 00:09:19 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
Message-ID: <3AD46777.5256D4CC.0C065EF8@aol.com>

Te nderuar bashkeatedhetar pranoni pershendetejet e mija.Une quhem Riza Milla jame udheheqes i radio emisinit ne gjuhen shqipe ne Chicago qe shtate vite-Zeri i Shqiptareve.Kete vite jame emruar kryetar i keshillit oganizativ per kremtimin e festes se Flamurit.Po pergaditemi qe kete 90 vjetore ta festojme ne menyre soleme .Ju kisha lutur neqoftese ndonjeri ika vellimet e shkrimtarit Ismail Kadare -pikerisht me duhet poema "Pushka e gjate" dota  pergadisim si monolog per feste ju lutem te ma dergoni neper mes te imillit.Presim qe ne kete feste te marrin pjese afer 2000 veta.

               Me nderime Riza Milla Chicago
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From mentor at alb-net.com  Fri Nov  1 05:18:44 2002
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Fri, 1 Nov 2002 05:18:44 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] 
 MACEDONIA: FORMER REBELS BECOME MINISTERS (Balkan Crisis Report No. 377)
Message-ID: <Pine.GS4.4.44.0211010518250.15431-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
---------------------------------------------------------------------
                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
              http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm
                    http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 

http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr2/bcr2_20021029_1_eng.txt

MACEDONIA: FORMER REBELS BECOME MINISTERS.  Ex-Albanian guerrillas get
cabinet posts to the fury of Macedonian nationalists.  Ana Petruseva
reports from Skopje.

****************** VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: www.iwpr.net ****************

MACEDONIA: FORMER REBELS BECOME MINISTERS

Ex-Albanian guerrillas get cabinet posts to the fury of Macedonian
nationalists.

By Ana Petruseva in Skopje

Macedonia's new government will take the unprecedented step of including
posts for former rebels involved in the ethnic Albanian uprising, which
brought the country to the brink of civil war last year.

The development follows the September 15 election in which the moderate
Social Democrats, SDSM, became the largest ethnic Macedonian party in
parliament and opted to link up with the biggest Albanian political force,
the Democratic Union for Integration, DUI.

The DUI sprang from the now disbanded National Liberation Army, NLA, which
launched an armed conflict against government forces in February 2001 to
demand improved civil rights for Albanians.

The conflict ended six months later with the western-sponsored Ohrid
agreement, which promised improved rights in exchange for the NLA handing
over a portion of their weapons. When an amnesty for the rebels was
proclaimed early this year, they formed the DUI and moved into mainstream
politics.  They won 16 of the 120 seats in parliament in the September
poll.

Branko Crvenkovski, prime minister-designate and leader of the SDSM, has
offered the DUI four ministerial posts - education, justice, health and
transportation - and one vice-premiership. The Social Democrats insisted
that no commanders directly involved in last year's fighting could be
included in government.  Parliament will vote on the new administration on
October 31.

The coalition enraged Macedonian nationalists, especially the VMRO which
was swept from power in the election.  "It's disgraceful," said party
spokesman Vlatko Gorcev. "This government list reflects a military, legal
and spiritual capitulation for Macedonia."

Sections of Albanian opinion also expressed some scepticism. Lirim
Dullovi, deputy editor-in- chief of the influential Albanian language
newspaper Fakti, commented,  " We have to see whether the DUI will be a
relevant factor or become marginalised like previous Albanian parties in
government."

But most moderate Macedonians and Albanians believe the arrangement
represents real progress.  "We have to accept reality because otherwise we
get lost in the past," Saso Colakovski, senior editor at the daily
Utrinski vesnik told IWPR.  "This government is a bit
controversial but it presents a compromise between the Macedonian and the
Albanian blocs."

The new alliance has already been nicknamed "The Guns and Roses"
government - a reference to the DUI`s rebel background and SDSM`s logo
featuring a red rose.

Of the Albanian inclusions in the government, sections of the Macedonian
press were particularly scathing of the appointment of Rexhep Suleimani's
as health minister and Musa Xhaferi as vice-premier. The former headed the
rebel's improvised hospital in the Kumanovo area during the conflict and
the latter doesn't speak Macedonian and is a citizen of Albania.

Apart from the Albanians, the rest of the 14 government ministries were
divided among the SDSM and their other partner the Liberal Democratic
Party, LDP.  The former took the interior, foreign and defence portfolios;
the latter finance, labour and agriculture.

The biggest surprise was Crvenkovski's decision to appoint an ethnic
Vlach, Hari Kostov, a banker, as interior minister. Analysts say the
choice was related to plans to investigate corruption in Ljupco
Georgievski's former nationalist government. Kostov was among the few who
stayed loyal to Crvenkovski after the SDSM lost power in 1998. He was
often targeted by tax and financial officials from the outgoing
administration with whom he was involved in several public disputes.

Diplomats say Kostov has a difficult task ahead of him because the
interior ministry is in need of root and branch reform. "The ministry must
be restructured to conform to normal European standards. Kostov will have
to start by reforming the police, disbanding the 'Lions' paramilitary unit
and resolve delicate border issues," said one envoy.

Under the hawkish former interior minister, Ljube Boskovski, the police
were transformed into the paramilitary arm of VMRO and were heavily
criticised by the international community as unprofessional and a threat
to stability.

Crvenkovski said recently that "restoring peace and stability and reviving
the economy will be the main priorities for the new government".  He also
promised to fight against corruption; and promote Euro-Atlantic
integration and the full implementation of the reforms promised in the
Ohrid peace accord.

Katerina Blazevska, senior editor of the daily Dnevnik, told the
independent Forum magazine, "I hope those ministers won't end up sitting
around as bureaucrats. They must work hard to push Macedonia's political
and economic clocks forward into the 21st century."

Ana Petruseva is a journalist with the magazine Forum in Skopje.

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov  3 18:16:33 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 3 Nov 2002 15:16:33 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info]
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Message-ID: <20021103231633.47259.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Note: forwarded message attached.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov  4 04:14:57 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 4 Nov 2002 01:14:57 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Workshops: EU Accession Criteria,
	Birmingham
Message-ID: <20021104091457.50940.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Brigid Fowler <B.Fowler at bham.ac.uk> wrote:From Brigid Fowler Fri Nov 1 05:05:48 2002
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Date: Fri, 1 Nov 2002 13:05:48 GMT
Subject: [balkans] Workshops: EU Accession Criteria, Birmingham
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Assessing the Accession Criteria


A series of four one-day workshops at the European 
Research Institute, University of Birmingham, UK, 
supported by the EU's Phare programme. 


November 30 2002 

Political dimensions of the accession criteria


February 8 2003 

The impact of the accession criteria I: Economies and the 
internal market


May 3 2003 

The impact of the accession criteria II: Public 
administration and judiciaries


June 28 2003 

Assessment and looking ahead, including a public forum


The workshops will bring policy-makers from the ten 
Central and East European EU applicant states together 
with counterparts from the UK and EU institutions and 
researchers to discuss the rational, operation and impact 
of the accession criteria, as the next EU enlargement 
process reaches its conclusion. 


The workshops are free and open to all. For further 
details, see www.eri.bham.ac.uk/phare or contact Brigid 
Fowler (B.Fowler at bham.ac.uk). Programmes for each 
workshop will be circulated and posted nearer each 
event. 



Brigid Fowler
Honorary Research Fellow
Centre for Russian and East European Studies
European Research Institute
University of Birmingham
Birmingham B15 2TT
UK
Telephone: (work) (0)121 414 6350 (direct), 6346/6347 (CREES office); (home) (0)121 458 6273; (mobile) 078141 53536
Fax: (CREES office) (0)121 414 3423
Email: B.Fowler at bham.ac.uk
Homepage: www.crees.bham.ac.uk/staff/fowler




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov  5 04:29:52 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 5 Nov 2002 01:29:52 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Wall Street Journal Book Review
Message-ID: <20021105092952.37383.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

The Wall Street Journal: Greece's Balkan Ghosts (M. Kaminski reviews "The Unholy Alliance" by T. Michas, 21-10-02)



Bookshelf:
Greece's Balkan Ghosts
----
By Matthew Kaminski

The Wall Street Journal Europe via Dow Jones

UNHOLY ALLIANCE

By Takis Michas


The fortunes of Greece's tourism industry depend on cultivating a popular myth abroad of a latter-day Periclean Athens, the cradle of democracy and Western
civilization. European and American policymakers have discovered, often to their discomfort, that the Greeks themselves are far more consumed and shaped by
their recent history.

Modern Greece, entering its third century of existence, is a Balkan country by virtue of geography and heritage. This description riles many Greeks proud of their nation's place in the European Union and NATO. But lest we forget,
Greece was brought into the Western fold, particularly into the EU in 1981, to shore up a struggling state on the Continent's edge. The West's experience with
Greece --it is the EU's easternmost (with Finland), poorest and only eastern Orthodox member -- is of great interest to us as the EU gets ready to take in 10 new members and deepen ties with others beyond its eastern frontiers.

As Takis Michas relates in "Unholy Alliance," Greece hasn't fitted into the European mainstream comfortably. His study has, overtly, a narrower aim: Greece's relations with Serbia during the bloody dissolution of Yugoslavia.
Far from working together with its Western allies, Greece routinely obstructed NATO and EU initiatives, starting with the independence of Macedonia in 1991 to the Kosovo war in 1999. Its political and business class as well as the Greek
Orthodox Church collaborated with the Serbia of Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serbs under Radovan Karadzic.

Public opinion sympathized with the Serbs and turned a deaf ear to reports of Serb war crimes and ethnic cleansing against the Muslims and Catholics. In seeking to understand Greek behavior, Mr. Michas holds up a mirror to his
nation's collective psyche. He produces a polemic about Greece's tortuous path to modernization as much as an account of the time.

As history, Unholy Alliance fills a gap in the large body of work on the Balkan crises. Athens was an important side actor whose policies and motivations are well discussed here. Whether left or right, successive governments
during the 1990s thought they had found a kindred spirit in Mr. Milosevic. We get a few insights into Balkan-style diplomacy. Antonis Samaras, the foreign minister
in the early 1990s, evidently entertained Mr. Milosevic's grand schemes for dividing up Yugoslavia. In the fall of 1991, the Serb dictator suggested to the Greek chief diplomat he was even willing to carve up Macedonia to create a common Serb-Greek border. Mr. Samaras, who could have used his position to dissuade the Serbs from launching a series of disastrous wars, merely demurred. The Greek political establishment was too taken with leader of this "kindred
Orthodox" state to notice his deadly designs.

The hard-line toward Macedonia over the use of its name and the courting of Serbia dates back to the government of Constantine Mitsotakis. But the man who most shaped Greece in these days was still Andreas Papandreou, who ruled
throughout the 1980s and returned to power as prime minister in 1993. As with Mr. Milosevic, he was a Socialist who whipped up a new sort of nationalism after the end of the Cold War. Looking back, it is a wonder the Balkan wars
didn't spread beyond the territory of the former Yugoslavia.

Not thanks to Greece. Mr. Papandreou helped Serbia bypass the U.N.-imposed trade embargo, feeding the Milosevic war machine. Mr. Michas says the Greeks supplied oil and guns, and its banks were safe homes for Belgrade's cash,
"with the knowledge -- if not the approval -- of the Greek government." Others have uncovered stronger evidence of business collusion with Milosevic's Serbia
than is presented here.

Mr. Michas gets a few scoops of his own. We learn about the Greek paramilitaries who fought alongside the Bosnian Serbs. When Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic took Srebrenica and massacred 7,000 Muslim men, the worst atrocity in Europe since World War II, a Greek flag went up over the fallen
city. The government knew but did nothing. Other interesting tidbits include the lengths the Greek Orthodox Church went to host Mr. Karadzic during his visits and to stop any domestic protests.

It turns out, as well, Greece routinely denied visas to members of the Serbian democratic opposition which today rules that country. And of course during NATO's 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia -- military action that Greece signed up
to in Brussels -- 95% of Greeks opposed the bombing and easily dismissed reports of atrocities against Kosovar Albanians. Greece sympathized not only with Serbia,but "with Serbia's darkest side."

Why? Mr. Michas, a journalistic heretic within Greece and contributor to these pages, says "the events of the last decade have demonstrated the weakness of Greek society, its vulnerability to the sirens of intolerance and willingness to fall under. . . the `spell' of ethno-nationalism." Greek
leaders openly questioned that the collapse of Yugoslavia could yield peaceful, multiethnic successor states, implicitly saying that ethnic cleansing was not only
inevitable but good. A mixed Bosnia or Kosovo would undermine Greece's own founding myth as an ethnically pure Greek nation descended directly from Pericles.

If Greece is to become a truly modern European state, it must have the confidence to face up to a different reality: like its neighbors who were also carved out of the Ottoman Empire, Greece is home to large minorities, among
them an estimated 200,000 Slavs whose existence Athens denies to this day. While Brussels never says so, Turkey isn't the only country which needs to treat its ethnic minorities better.

Greece's insecurity over northern frontiers, created only in the early 1990s,and self-denial of its own multi-ethnic character dates back to the Greek civil war of 1945-48 when many Slavs sided with the Communists. The failure to
burythose ghosts shaped Greek foreign policy in the 1990s, and helps explain the misguided approach toward Belgrade. Mr. Papandreou promoted the idea that Greece was under threat-from tiny Macedonia, from the U.S., from Turkey --
and spun conspiracy theories to justify his policies. It continues to this day. Two years ago, a court in Athens sentenced a Greek citizen to 15 months in jail for
promoting the language of the Vlachs, another small minority that lives alongside the Slavs in Greek Macedonia.

Mr. Michas makes an emotional case -- and a brave one for a Greek. For the general reader, the book could use more balance and political and historical context. He also chooses to ignore recent shifts in Greek foreign policy
initiated by George Papandreou, the son of Andreas, who has sought to improve ties with Turkey and play a more constructive role in the Balkans. Greece pushed for a NATO peacekeeping mission to Macedonia last year; it's the biggest investor in that country.

The name dispute, alas, remains unresolved. Greece joined the euro, an achievement that further ties it to the European mainstream. Earlier this year,Athens at last arrested leaders of the anti-Western November 17 terrorist
group. I think the Balkans can suffer from too much fatalism. There are real signs ofprogress, in Greece and elsewhere.

But let others write the straight history. Mr. Michas's impassioned and often obsessive account deserves to be taken seriously for exposing mistakes that must not be repeated.

---

Mr. Kaminski, an editorial page writer, reported on the Balkans for The
Journal in 1997-2001.

WJEviaNewsEDGE
:PAGE: A10
Copyright (c) 2002 Dow Jones and Company, Inc.
Received by NewsEDGE/LAN: 10/21/02 5:28 AM


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov  6 03:39:27 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 6 Nov 2002 00:39:27 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Border Crossings in the Balkans, Oxford, 05/2003
Message-ID: <20021106083927.67660.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:From Florian Bieber Tue Nov 5 07:48:52 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Tue, 05 Nov 2002 16:48:52 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfP: Border Crossings in the Balkans, Oxford, 05/2003

OXFORD UNIVERSITY BALKAN SOCIETY

CALL FOR PAPERS

'BORDER CROSSINGS IN THE BALKANS'

The Oxford University Balkan Society organises a two-day conference
under the general theme 'Border Crossings in the Balkans' for Trinity
Term (May 2003), at St. Antony's College, University of Oxford.

This event aims to be an interdisciplinary study, which will cover
various aspects (political, economic, social, cultural, religious) of
border crossings in the Balkan Peninsula. Historically, the Balkan
region has been characterised by the exchange of populations, cultures,
languages and religions. Today, the concept of borders is challenged, on
the one hand, by various types of legal and illegal crossings, and on
the other, by a necessity for regional cooperation to enhance social and
political values and institutions.

The following themes are proposed as guidelines for contributions:

1. Border disputes: conflict and its consequences
2. Economic cooperation and economies of border regions
3. Cultural and religious interaction
4. Illegal crossings: migration and smuggling
5. Regional cooperation and development
6. Transborder identities

We hope to bring together contributions from academics, policy makers,
diplomats, and journalists with an expertise in the field, as well as
postgraduate students whose work is now in progress.
Participants need to submit an abstract of paper no more than 250 words,
together with a CV. The abstract should explain briefly the scope and
focus of the proposed topic, its broader significance and the
methodology employed. Proposals could be sent by email to:

Dimitris Antoniou <dimitris.antoniou at sant.ox.ac.uk>
and
Aspasia Papadopoulou <aspasia.papadopoulou at sant.ox.ac.uk>

Or by post to:

Aspasia Papadopoulou
University of Oxford, St.Antony's College
Oxford OX2 6JF
United Kingdom

Deadline for submissions is the 10th of January 2003.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
Aspasia Papadopoulou
University of Oxford, St.Antony's College
Oxford OX2 6JF
United Kingdom
<aspasia.papadopoulou at sant.ox.ac.uk>



______________________________________________

Balkan Academic News

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From albboschurch at juno.com  Wed Nov  6 15:06:08 2002
From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church)
Date: Wed, 6 Nov 2002 15:06:08 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] HOLIDAY BAZAAR   Saturday, December 7, 2002
Message-ID: <20021106.151229.-243487.35.albboschurch@juno.com>


                           HOLIDAY BAZAAR 2002
              Hosted by the Daughters of Saint George Cathedral

                     Saturday, December 7 from 10 am - 3 pm
       Parish Fellowship Halls at 523 East Broadway in South Boston

             You are cordially invited to attend our Holiday Bazaar
                            on two floors, which features:

        * Ethnic Luncheon Cafe   
                featuring sauteed lamb and other specialties
         * Select Boutique 
        * Collectibles & Attic Treasures
        * Albanian and Seasonal Pastries 
               featuring Spinach and Leek pies, Brushtull & Baklava     
        * General Store
        * Books and Videos
        * Toy Table
        * Christmas Gifts: imported and domestic selections
        * Religious & Ethnic Shoppe
        * White Elephant Mementos

   All proceeds benefit the Cathedral's Educational  Program, Charities
and Restoration Projects
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  7 18:41:05 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 7 Nov 2002 15:41:05 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] Workshop: Fostering Institutional Transfrontier
 Cooperation in  the fields of Higher Education and the Media:
 Towards the  Establishment of a Euroregion in the Lake Prespa/Ohrid
 Region,  8-9.11.2002, Korca
Message-ID: <20021107234105.43325.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


Towards the
Establishment of a Euroregion in the Lake Prespa/Ohrid Region,
8-9.11.2002, Korca

EASTWEST INSTITUTE

Fostering Institutional Transfrontier Cooperation in the fields of Higher Education and the Media::
Towards the Establishment of a Euroregion in the Lake Prespa/Ohrid Region
8-9th, November 2002
Korca, Albania

Second Set of Round Table Discussions on Transfrontier Cooperation in The Prespa/OhridRegion in the Spheres of Media and Higher Education

Background

The EastWest Institute has been engaged in supporting intensified Transfrontier Cooperation and the establishment of a Euroregion in the Prespa/Ohrid area since the latter half of 2000. A project for the creation of a Prespa Economic Task Force and a cross-border regional economic development strategy has already been launched by EWI and its local partner organizations to solidify economic cooperation as a concrete underpinning to the future Euroregion. EWI?s initiative, ?Prespa/Ohrid Round Tables on Inter-community Cooperation? is intended to compliment work underway in developing institutionalised cooperation in the sphere of economic development by encouraging cooperation in a number of key additional sectors- namely media, education and the NGO sector- vital to the establishment of an inclusive and functional Euroregion.  

The first Round Table Meeting laying the foundations for a number of more specialized sector-specific Round Tables took place on 26-27 April, 2002 in Bitola, FYROM. Over 60 participants (national government officials, mayors, local government officials, NGO sector and other civil society representatives, media, and members of the business community) attended. 

Per one of the recommendations of the first Round Table meeting on Media and Education, and at the kind offer on the part of The Regional Development Agency in Korca for the city of Korca to host this event, the EastWest Institute is pleased to organize the Second Set of Round Table Discussiosn on Transfrontier Cooperation in the Spheres of Media and Higher Education on November 8-9, 2002, in Korca, Albania. 

Objectives

With this Second Round Table Discussions on Transfrontier Cooperation in the Spheres of Media and Education (Korca, 8-9th November), the organizers aim to build on the achievements of the First Conference and exploratory Round Table Discussions on Transfrontier Cooperation in the spheres of Media, Education and the NGO sector (Bitola, 26-27th April) and capitalize on the interest expressed by local actors in a longer-term process for systematizing cooperation. The meeting intends to specifically focus on the recommendations for follow up adopted at the First Round Table Discussion with an emphasis on:

?       Cross-border Exchange of Information, Transfer of Experience and Practical Sector-specific Networking of Education and Media actors
?       Elaboration of Systematized Practices and strategies for Cross-border cooperation in the fields of Media and Education
?       Identification of Priority Initiatives for the Prespa/Ohrid region in the spheres of Media and Education

The Second Set of Round Table Discussions on Transfrontier Cooperation in the Spheres of Media and Higher Education will consist of the following sessions:

A. General Plenary Session 

The Common Needs of the Prespa/Ohrid Region and the Benefits of Institutionalising Cooperation  Opening
Speeches

B. Technical Plenary Session 

Technical Plenary Session: Lessons Learned and, Transfer of Experiences and Opportunities forin Cross-border Cooperation 

C.1 Round Table on Education

Cost Benefit Analysis of Transfrontier Cooperation Among Educational Establishments in the Prespa Region

Assessment of Cooperation to Date (positive and negative lessons learned). Identification of Priority Initiatives for Cooperation of Educational Establishments in the Prespa Region

Development of Systematized Practices and an Institutional Structure for Cooperation of Educational Establishments in the Prespa Region

C.2 Round Table on Media

Cost Benefit Analysis of Media Transfrontier Cooperation

Assessment of Cooperation to Date (positive and negative lessons learned). Identification of Priority Initiatives for Media Cooperation the Prespa Region

Development of Systematized Practices and an Institutional Structure for Media Cooperation in the Prespa Region

D. Summary Session  Educating the Public trough Media

Exploring the Potential for Cooperation between the Educational Establishments and the Media in their TFC Efforts for a Better Synergy

Systematisation of Sectoral Cross-border Cooperation 

For more information, please contact:

Bohdana Dimitrovova
Programme Associate 
TFC SEE
EastWest Institute, Prague
Phone: 4202/21984210
Fax: 4202/24917854
Mobile: 420 728 150 008
bdimitrovova at iews.org   

Silvena Nikolova
Project Manager
Transfrontier Cooperation Programme, SEE
EastWest Institute
Mobile: +359 89 506921
Tel/Fax: +359 2 9588309
E-mail: snikolova at iews.org
Website: http://www.iews.org

______________________________________________

Balkan Academic News

Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com
Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net
Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com
Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com

Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ 

Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. 




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  7 18:58:58 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 7 Nov 2002 15:58:58 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Prof. Pango ne Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20021107235858.1934.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

  


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Nov  9 12:07:50 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 9 Nov 2002 09:07:50 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] Language School: Intensive Ottoman & Turkish Summer
 School,  1.7-15.8.2003, Turkey
Message-ID: <20021109170750.95051.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com>

function SetDomain(d) { document.domain = d; }


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 10 14:39:01 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 10 Nov 2002 11:39:01 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: The New York Times; In Destitute Albania, the Mercedes Rules the Road
Message-ID: <20021110193901.25235.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 FORUM <forum at sanx.net> wrote:From FORUM Sun Nov 10 06:45:08 2002
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Subject: The New York Times; In Destitute Albania, the Mercedes Rules the Road
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In Destitute Albania, the Mercedes Rules the Road

By DANIEL SIMPSON 
The New York Times
TIRANA, Albania, Nov. 9 ??? This may be one of the poorest countries in Europe and its bumpy, winding roads a world away from the German Autobahn, but the most popular car in Albania is the Mercedes-Benz.

More than a decade after Communist rule collapsed in the Balkans, most Romanians still drive copies of the boxy Renault 12, made by the local car company, Dacia. Traveling around Serbia, you are more likely to find yourself stuck behind a sluggish Yugo or Zastava than overtaken by the latest BMW.
But Albania is different.

Touring the dirt roads, mountain passes and highways of this coastal nation of 3.5 million people, it is possible to spot virtually every model of Mercedes produced since the 1970's. From the plushest new S-Class to battered sedans from a bygone era, they outnumber all other brands by as much as two to one.

Roadside shacks in remote villages advertise "Mercedes Service," and hawkers at city traffic lights peddle accessories like alloy hubcaps and steering wheel covers.

Where do all these luxury cars come from? Certainly not from the official Mercedes dealership on the outskirts of Tirana, the Albanian capital.

"We expect to sell about 50 cars this year," said Sokol Kodra, the showroom's chief salesman. "The people who come to us for a new vehicle are only interested in the most expensive models, and they have to pay cash."

On average, that means handing over a pile of banknotes worth $65,000 ??? an amount that a majority of Albanians would take a lifetime to earn on their current salaries.

But for many Albanians who can afford a car at all, a Mercedes is the only option worth considering.

"They're robust and powerful ??? ideal for the awful roads in this country ??? and spare parts are easy to find," said Ilir Mansaku, a Tirana taxi driver who owns a 1990 version of the model that evolved into the E-Class. "They're also a bit of a status symbol. Who wants to drive anything else if you can have a Mercedes?"

At the main used-car market outside Durres, Albania's second-largest city, the going rate for some of the older sedans is around $4,000. There are plenty to choose from.

Several hundred polished Mercedes, mostly with German or Italian registration plates, are parked in formation in a muddy field strewn with litter and the livestock tended by subsistence farmers who live nearby.

"Have a look around," said a man in a leather jacket, brandishing a mobile phone. "If you can't see what you're looking for, you can leave us your number. There's always a good chance something will come in."

Most of the used vehicles on sale here have been imported perfectly legally. Many still bear the temporary registration plates that allow cars to be driven out of Germany and sold abroad, most often in Eastern Europe.

Back in 1990, when Albania threw off the Stalinist regime that had kept it isolated from the outside world for half a century, the first cars to pour into the country were decrepit old Fiats from Italy.

But an exodus of Albanians seeking work abroad soon transformed the market. Before long, people were driving back to visit their families in more impressive cars ??? and leaving them behind when they returned to Western Europe.

Around one million Albanians emigrated during the last decade as the economy collapsed and the country at one point descended into anarchy. The remittances they send home help keep their relatives afloat and make the dream of car ownership an attainable reality.

More important, the ??migr??s keep the supply of Mercedes flowing.

"Every time I come back to Albania, I bring a Mercedes with me to sell," said Arjan Bano, who lives in Germany but returns to visit his family at least once a year. "I can't afford expensive cars, but you can pick up an older one for a couple of thousand dollars and make enough money to cover the cost of your trip."

Such entrepreneurship, more typical among Albanians than most of their Balkan neighbors, does not always respect the law.

"Many of the newest top-class cars that you see on the roads have been stolen," an Albanian government official said. "But they invariably come with keys and valid papers, usually because the owner has agreed to the theft in order to defraud their insurance company."

Once in Albania, almost every Mercedes is legitimately registered with the authorities in Tirana without further checks, making it difficult to trace stolen vehicles. DaimlerChrysler, the German company that owns the Mercedes brand, wants the system changed so that chassis numbers are compared with foreign police databases before Albanian plates are issued for a car.

"This system is in force all over Europe ??? except in Albania," said Mr. Kodra, the salesman. "It destroys our business if people can buy the same car from someone else for a fraction of the price."





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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 13 07:51:10 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 13 Nov 2002 04:51:10 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: Beyond the Greek Paradox: Conference Advisory and Registration Request
Message-ID: <20021113125110.17570.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote:From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Tue Nov 12 12:00:50 2002
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Subject: Beyond the Greek Paradox: Conference Advisory and Registration Request
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On behalf of its co-organizers, The Kokkalis Program on Southeastern and
East-Central Europe invites you to attend the following conference:

[Please note, the conference sessions are free and open to the public,
however registration is required and can be submitted at:
http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/update_form/Registration/index.html ]

Beyond the Greek Paradox: Greece in the Era of Globalization
December 7, 2002
John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
Malkin Penthouse, Littauer Building, Penthouse Level
79 JFK Street, Cambridge, MA

Co-organized by the Kokkalis Program on Southeastern and East-Central
Europe, the Cambridge Foundation for Peace and the Press Office of the
Consulate General of Greece in Boston, with the Sponsorship of the Greek
Ministry of Press and Mass Media.


The point of departure for "Beyond the Greek Paradox" is the 1995
conference "The Greek Paradox," which explored Greece's promise versus
performance in the economic, political, and security spheres. Seven years
later, as Greece has cemented its position in the EMU, has emerged as a key
regional security broker, is about to assume the EU presidency, and is
preparing to host the Olympic Games of 2004, a reconsideration of the
nature and extent of the gap between Greece's potential and performance is
now appropriate. The aim, therefore, of the "Beyond the Greek Paradox"
symposium will be to analyze those competencies where Greece's performance
has improved, and also probe areas of continuing, or new, underperformance.

AGENDA

Saturday, December 7, 2002

8:45 AM
Welcome:
H.E. Christos Protopappas, Minister of Press and Mass Media of Greece

9:00 AM ? Panel I
Greece in a New Era: Contemporary Security Concerns
--Moderator: Elizabeth Prodromou, Executive Director, Cambridge Foundation
for Peace and Assistant Professor of International Relations, Boston
University
--Speakers:
Alex Rondos, Ambassador at Large, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece
Kostas Ifantis, Assistant Professor of International Relations, University
of Athens
Spyros Economides, Lecturer in International Relations and European
Politics, London School of Economics and Political Science
Kostas Tsipis, Retired Professor and former Director of the Program in
Science and Technology for International Security, Massachusetts Institute
of Technology

11:30 AM ? Panel II
Politics and the Economy
--Moderator: Dimitris Keridis, Director, The Kokkalis Foundation and
Associate Professor of Balkan Studies, University of Macedonia
--Speakers:
Lukas Papademos**, Vice President, European Central Bank
Miranda Xafa, Consultant, The Monitor Company
Kevin Featherstone, Venizelos Professor of Contemporary Greek Studies,
London
School of Economics and Political Science
Takis Pappas, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of
Thessaloniki

4:00 PM ? Panel III
Politics, Culture and the Media
--Moderator: Richard Parker, Lecturer in Public Policy and Senior Fellow,
Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F.
Kennedy School of Government
--Speakers:
Alexis Papahelas, Senior Diplomatic Correspondent, To Vima
Kerin Hope**, Balkans correspondent, Financial Times
Ino Afentouli, Press Officer, Liaison Office of Greece to NATO
Bruce Clark, International Security Editor, The Economist

6:00 PM
Concluding Remarks

Please note: ** Indicates participation subject to final confirmation.

For updates and additional information, please visit our website at
http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/kokkalis/GrkParadox.html





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From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 13 Nov 2002 14:50:11 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Upcoming Event
Message-ID: <20021113225011.72805.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote:From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Wed Nov 13 12:05:25 2002
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On behalf of all the organizers, the Kokkalis Program invites you to the
following symposium:

US-EU RELATIONS
European Enlargement from Central European Perspective

Thursday, November 14, 2002
6:00 pm
ARCO Forum of Public Affairs
79 John F. Kennedy Street, Cambridge, MA

A PANEL DISCUSSION WITH FOUR AMBASSADORS:
H.E. Martin Butora
Ambassador of Slovakia to the United States
H.E. Przemyslaw Grudzinski
Ambassador of Poland to the United States
H.E. Martin Palous
Ambassador of the Czech Republic to the United States
H.E. Andras Simonyi
Ambassador of Hungary to the United States

James Cooney (Moderator)
Executive Director, Harvard's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs

Co-Sponsored by:
European Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Government
Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Institute of Politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government
Kokkalis Program on Southeastern and East-Central Europe, John F. Kennedy
School of Government
Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University

For more information, please email Martin Bruncko (bruncko at ksg.harvard.edu)










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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 14 06:22:12 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 03:22:12 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: BU School of Law's Business Law Center Fall Forum on Risk Management
Message-ID: <20021114112212.3502.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Silva Misho <silvy at bu.edu> wrote:From Silva Misho Wed Nov 13 16:25:40 2002
From: "Silva Misho" 
To: 
Subject: BU School of Law's Business Law Center Fall Forum on Risk Management
Date: Wed, 13 Nov 2002 19:25:40 -0500


Greetings,

Please join the Business Law Center's Fall Forum on Risk Management.  Come listen to two panels of experts on directors and officers and general business liability insurance risks and the latest legal trends.   Whether you are company counsel, outside counsel, a corporate officer, or an insurance professional, you will find the seminar interesting and useful.   

If you cannot attend, please feel free to forward this. 

For more information and to register:  https://www.bu.edu/law/fallforum/ . 

 

 

 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 14 06:24:44 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 03:24:44 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Bastet e humbura te Nanos NGA GAVROSH LEVONJA
Message-ID: <20021114112444.31659.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 FORUM <forum at sanx.net> wrote:From FORUM Wed Nov 13 05:48:42 2002
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Bastet e humbura te Nanos
NGA GAVROSH LEVONJA/ Edhe ky mandat kryeministror i Fatos Nanos, mund te thuhet se nuk i zhgenjeu aspak te gjithe ata qe e njohin pak a shume ate ne cilesine e kreut te ekzekutivit. Konkretisht, vetem kjo periudhe qe ka kaluar nga fillimi i mandatit te peste te Nanos si kryeminister i Shqiperise, ka qene e mjaftueshme per te konstatuar se njelloj si ne te kaluaren, edhe kesaj radhe ai eshte njeriu i premtimeve te pambajtura, i angazhimeve te mbetura vetem ne leter, politikani i sloganeve e fjaleve te medha, te cilat nuk kthehen kurre ne vepra, e keshtu me radhe. Se pari, zhurma propagandistike qe shoqeroi rikthimin e tij te radhes ne postin e shefit te ekzekutivit per nje kryqezate te gjithanshme kunder korrupsionit, mbeti vetem tek fjalet. Me e shumta tek ndonje padi e formuluar me gjysem zeri per t'u venitur fare nese ka mundur te arrije deri tek dyert e prokurorise. Keshtu, sot, nuk mund te mos cuditesh, kur perballesh me faktin qe deri tani nuk rezulton asnje "koke e prere" per korrupsion apo abuzime te tjera. Kjo, me se shumti, per ate qe duke degjuar "rrufete" dhe "gjemat" e Nanos kunder korrupsionit, te korruptuarve dhe gjithe arkitektevete "ekonomise ne hije", te krijohej pershtypja se me te ardhur ai, ne krye te qeverise, do te behej hataja dhe per gjithe ata politikane qe kishin realizuar fitime te paligjshme, "vrima e miut" do te kushtonte 100 grosh. Por, realiteti po tregon krejt te kunderten. Praktikisht, gjithe "meria antikorrupsion" e Nanos, degjeneroi vetem ne nje raprezalje kunder atyre mediave qe nuk preferojne te kendojne sipas notave te avazit te imponuar nga kryeministri dhe ata qe e rrethojne. Dhe ajo qe "i ve vulen" heqjes dore perfundimisht nga ana e Nanos dhe kabinetit te tij nga lufta kunder korrupsionit, eshte aktivizimi para pak diteve i nje organizmi joqeveritar per t'u angzhuar ne luften kunder korrupsionit. Por, lidhur me luften kunder korrupsionit duhet thene se ka "mekatet" e saj edhe opozita, ose ajo pjese e udhehequr nga Berisha ose qe bashkepunon me te. Duke hequr dore nga goditja kunder korrupsionit, Berisha, e privoi opoziten nga karburanti qe mbante ndezur motoret e saj. Per liderin e opozites do te kishte qene e arsyeshme qe te balanconte raportet midis marreveshjes me klasen politike ne pushtet dhe rolit real te opozites ne skenen politike. Por, gjithsesi, nese shqiptaret jane mesuar te kenaqen me fjale, por me lugen bosh, te huajve, mbi te gjitha u ben pershtypje fakti qe deri tani nuk eshte vene nen pranga asnje politikan i akuzuar per korrupsion.

Por, deshtimi ne luften kunder korrupsionit, ose me sakte mungesa e deshires per ta luftuar sinqerisht ate, eshte vetem nje pjese e morise se puneve te pakryera te kryeministrit te mandatuar per here te peste. Ndersa pese vjet me pare, Nano doli me sloganin e "meritokracise", tani i shtrengoi ministrat e tij te nenshkruanin kontrata pune si ate te nje punedh-__me punemarresin. Veshtire se mund te jene harruar skenat kur Nano u kerkonte ministrave plane e projekte dhe nenshkruante kontrata pune me ta. U tha asokohe se pas tre muajsh ministrat do te ballafaqoheshin me planet e kontratat e firmosuar dhe kush nuk ishte ne rregull me realizimin e tyre, do te largohej nga qeveria pa shume ceremoni. Por, ndonese ka kaluar nje kohe dukshem me e gjate se ajo qe perfshihet ne harkun e nje tremujori, asgje nuk ka ndodhur. Mbi te gjitha, vete kryeministri duket se ashtu si gjithmone, kesaj radhe ka harruar t'u kerkonte ministrave te tij zbatimin e kontratave. Nga ana tjeter, mjaftojne vetem vazhdimi i praktikave te kufizimit te energjise dhe problemeve te tjera tashme te njohura, ndoshta dhe me te akutizuara, per te hedhur poshte ndonje iluzion se antaret e kabinetit "Nano5" i kane pasur letrat te gjitha ne rregull. Pak a shume, e njejta gje mund te thuhet edhe per trafiqet e paligjshme dhe klandestine, ku gjithcka deri tani ka perfunduar me ceremonite e djegies se disa skafeve. Me te vertete Nano mund te deklaroje poshte e lart se "nuk kemi me skafiste ne det dhe qeveri", por kilogramet apo kuintalet e droges se ardhur nga Shqiperia qe kapen ne portet dhe aeroportet e vendeve te tjera, komprometojne sinqeritetin e kryeministrit shqiptar ne syte e opinionit te huaj, ne radhe te pare miqve e partnereve te Shqiperise.


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 14 06:26:25 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 03:26:25 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] Job: The Constantine Karamanlis Chair in Hellenic
 and  Southeast  European Studies, Tufts University
Message-ID: <20021114112625.3823.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:From Florian Bieber Wed Nov 13 05:41:52 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Wed, 13 Nov 2002 14:41:52 +0100
Subject: [balkans] Job: The Constantine Karamanlis Chair in Hellenic and
Southeast European Studies, Tufts University

Faculty Appointments at 
The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy

Tufts University
The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, 
established in 1933 as the first graduate school of international 
affairs in the United States, is seeking to expand its faculty 
over the next year. We currently have full-time faculty openings 
beginning in September 2003 in the following areas: 

The Constantine Karamanlis Chair in Hellenic and Southeast 
European Studies. 
This is a one-year visiting professorship (rank open) that is 
renewable for a second year. We seek a scholar with a focus on 
modern Greece and Southeastern Europe in international affairs 
for this endowed chair. The holder of the Chair will be expected 
to offer courses on Southeastern Europe, modern Greece, Southern 
Europe and the European Union (EU). Review of applications will 
begin November 15, 2002. 

The Fletcher School is committed to increasing the diversity of 
our faculty and encourages applications from women and members of 
other underrepresented groups. Interested candidates should send 
a cover letter, curriculum vitae, the names of three references, 
and any supporting materials to the address below, to the 
attention of the appropriate search area (in bold above). 

The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy 
Tufts University 
Cabot Intercultural Center 
160 Packard Avenue 
Medford, Massachusetts, USA 02155 
http://fletcher.tufts.edu 
For further information: http://fletcher.tufts.edu/facultysearch 

______________________________________________

Balkan Academic News

Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com
Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net
Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com
Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com

Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ 

Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 14 06:30:49 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 03:30:49 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Report on Anti-Semitism in Greece
Message-ID: <20021114113049.81870.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/balkanhr/message/4769


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 14 06:34:32 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 03:34:32 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU cannot ignore its own minorities
Message-ID: <20021114113432.86515.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

Fw: Enlarged Europe needs protection for minorities, says OSCE Commissioner


> ENLARGED EUROPE NEEDS PROTECTION FOR MINORITIES, SAYS OSCE
> COMMISSIONER
>
> THE HAGUE, 5 November 2002- "The European Union cannot ignore
> minority-related issues on its own turf", Rolf Ekeus, the OSCE
> High Commissioner on National Minorities, told a conference
> on national minorities in the enlarged European Union...
>
> For full text see:
http://www.osce.org/news/generate.php3?news_id=2864&uid=2


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 14 06:36:32 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 03:36:32 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: European Communities, a  report from Greece and Albania. JAY
 NORDLINGER//The National Review
Message-ID: <20021114113632.32779.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 FORUM <forum at sanx.net> wrote:From FORUM Mon Nov 11 09:46:48 2002
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From: "FORUM" 
To: 
Subject: European Communities, a report from Greece and Albania. JAY NORDLINGER//The National Review
Date: Mon, 11 Nov 2002 18:46:48 +0100
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 European Communities, a report from Greece and Albania 
JAY NORDLINGER, The National Review

Greece is said to be the most anti-American country in Europe, and Albania the most pro-American. As it happened, my itinerary included both countries. I was to speak on 9/11 and the ongoing war, and to mix it up a little with local journalists and intellectuals. Anything learned? Many things, among them that there is really no such thing as a European: The continent is not a monolith, no matter what the grandees in Brussels might wish. Also, that anti-Americanism is something of a house of cards, ready to collapse with a breath of reason and explication. Of course, you can do nothing about the die-hards. But what can you do about die-hards anywhere, including on an American campus?

The first thing an American is told in Greece is, ?Don?t say anything about terrorism??meaning, domestic terrorism, with which Greece has had a problem. The Greeks are very sensitive to criticism on this score, particularly coming from Americans. Recently, government authorities rounded up the terrorists of the November 17 group, which has wreaked havoc for the last 25 years. In the course of their work, they murdered five Americans, and the Greek political establishment did not seem especially sorrowful or alarmed. In light of the current American-led war, and the coming of the Olympic Games to Athens in 2004, the Greeks were feeling extra pressure to do something about terrorists in their midst. Good for them. I was certainly not going to mention it, even to laud it.

But a young journalist in Thessaloniki (or Salonika, as we once called it) was quick to spring it on me: Why are you Americans so sensitive about this terror group, since merely five of your people died at its hands? This attitude?rather bristling and callous, actually?reminded me of something that had just been reported in The (London) Spectator. The magazine?s editor, Boris Johnson, interviewed the Saudi ambassador to London, one Ghazi Algosaibi, notorious for penning poetic homages to Palestinian suicide-bombers. The ambassador, in an obvious effort to flatter his interviewer, said, ?The American psyche is unlike the British psyche. . . . You have two prime ministers almost killed, and you say, Oh, well, some things are fated, some are not. The Americans say, We are going to go and get them.?

This is a typical criticism, certainly heard in Greece: American overreaction (to go with American arrogance, bullying, ignorance, and all the rest). I, for one, found it helpful to cite Donald Rumsfeld?s line, which is that the present war is not a war of revenge, retaliation, or retribution?those are the three wrong R?s. No, it is a war of self-defense, because unless our enemies are subdued, they will kill many more, as they have vowed. Recite this argument, and heads are likely to nod; at least there is a willingness to consider.

After the 9/11 attacks, there was an unseemly amount of gloating in Greece, as well as outright celebration. ?Serves them right? was a too-common sentiment. Greeks, and not all of them on the hard left, offer the usual complaints against the U.S., not forgetting to cite Kyoto, the International Criminal Court, and globalization (seen as an assault on the Third World rather than a boon to it). Terrorism has a ?root cause,? and that is ?international poverty,? which America does too little to address. The country is a glutton for oil, which is all Washington cares about in the Middle East, no matter what it says about security, stability, peace, and freedom.

An idea of how far the scales are tipped against America among the Greek elites may be seen in the comment of a journalist?the same one who badgered me about sensitivity to November 17: During the Kosovo war, his position was that Milosevic was a brutal dictator who deserved removal, but that the American action was contrary to international law. This, he explained, with a certain twinkle, made him a pro-American apologist in the eyes of many of his friends and colleagues?even to suggest that the goal of restraining the Serbs was just. If this is what passes for a pro-American toadyism in Greece . . .

But condolences for the dead of 9/11, expressed over the recent anniversary, were numerous and heartfelt. A moving ceremony was held at the U.S. consulate in Thessaloniki, involving both local and national officials, and including the chanted prayers of black-hatted Orthodox clerics. Indeed, moving ceremonies were held all over Europe. And this raised a point that is slightly awkward to make: Some in Europe, as elsewhere, are perfectly happy with America as a victim nation, brought low by mass murder. They may be slightly less happy with America as a self-defending nation?a people willing to do something about it. Jacques Chirac?s eyes fill with tears when he remembers the dead of September 11; his expression turns harder when it comes to steps designed to prevent future September 11s.

Even so, a little talk?a little arguing, insisting, and cajoling?can go a long way. Take the U.N. (please, our conservative Henny Youngmans might say). At every turn, Greeks are quick to mention the U.N., and, more particularly, the insufficient American deference to that body. They seem unused to hearing a well-grounded skepticism about the U.N. You can make the old Solzhenitsyn point, that this body is not so much the united nations as the united governments, or regimes. It is only as good as the governments that compose it. Furthermore, the U.N. is an organization the head of whose human-rights commission is Syria; the next head is scheduled to be Libya. Can you forgive a person, or a country, for being less than reverential about a body like that? And really, when you get down to it, Kofi Annan and the U.N. are not responsible for the safety and security of the American people; the president and the American government are. No American would begrudge any other country?Greece, for example?the right to defend itself, however it could. And you say it is illegitimate to go it alone? Can any civilized nation or person be sorry that Menachem Begin went it alone, in 1981, when he took out the Iraqi (and French) nuclear reactor, much to the displeasure of the entire world, including the United States?the Reagan-led United States, at that?

Again, heads may nod, and a certain understanding dawn, even if persuasion is not complete. It seems a sad fact that many of the Americans whom Greeks and other Europeans encounter are on the left. They are a parade of professors, journalists, and others, who may share the very assumptions and prejudices of local anti-Americans. Susan Sontag seems widely read, and she is distressingly widely quoted. Before arriving in Greece, I was told that if I, as a National Review editor, showed up without horns and a tail, that itself would be a victory. It is surely salutary for a European audience to hear a forthright, Republican-leaning American voice every now and then?if only to understand how such as Reagan and George W. Bush can be elected in the Land of Sontag (and Chomsky).

It should be remembered, too, that, even in a robustly anti-American country like Greece, there are reservoirs of support (or even dissent, you may call it). A friend of mine pointed out that there is a ?red-state? Europe just as there is a ?red-state? America?a population whose views withstand the contradiction and censure of the dominant classes. It was remarkable to see an older Greek man rise at a forum to say, ?I?d like to show you the greatest gift I have ever received in my life.? He then reached into a bag and jammed on his head an ?FDNY? cap (representing the Fire Department of New York). To be rather Agnewesque about it, this might not have gone down well with the professors and editorialists; but it brought at least one grin.

?THE ISRAEL OF THE BALKANS?

On the northwestern border of Greece is Albania, a country that experienced the worst that Communism had to offer. For 50 years, it was a virtual dungeon, a kind of European North Korea, with no one coming in and no one getting out. So pure a Communist was the dictator, Enver Hoxha, that he broke from both Moscow (in 1961) and Peking (in 1978), judging them dangerously liberal. In the last years, Albania suffered near-famine.

Now, however, it is struggling to rejoin the world, and the country is as good a friend as America has in Europe, if an unfortunately powerless one. Albanian fondness for America is longstanding, going back to at least 1913, when Woodrow Wilson declared that the country should go its own way, have its independence, instead of being carved up by its neighbors. Albanians speak of Wilson as if he had been president yesterday.

Shortly after Communism fell in 1991, Secretary James Baker made a visit, and he was thronged by cheering, weeping, practically delirious Albanians in the main square of Tirana, the capital. Some even kissed his car. Adding to the regard for America was the U.S. role in the Yugoslav war. Whereas Greeks are likely to decry American intervention?anywhere?Albanians are likely to plead against American withdrawal or disengagement of any kind, seeing U.S. forces as the only thing between humanity and the beast. In the present war on terror, Albanians are so supportive of America that other Europeans have sneered at them, ?You?re the Israel of the Balkans!? I suggest, using a trite American political phrase, that the country ought to wear this as a badge of honor.

Albania is often cited as a Muslim nation, and it is true that a majority of its citizens profess Islam. But this is misleading. For one thing, Balkan Islam is apt to be nominal, and if it is not, it is of a distinctly non-Saudi, tolerant style. For another, the main ?religion? of Albania is something called ?Albanianism,? a national feeling or devotion intended to thwart clashes among Muslims, Orthodox, and Catholics. The Saudis and other Gulf Arabs, however, are doing their best to radicalize and thus destabilize the country. They spread money around, virtually bribing mothers to veil their daughters, and to send their sons to Islamic schools, often far away. If those sons do go, they come back changed, frighteningly. Throughout Albania, Gulf Arabs have refurbished madrassas long disused: The price for such physical refurbishment, of course, is an adherence to Wahhabist ideology.

Most local analysts do not believe that Albania will be sucked in: Their Islam is too different, and they wish desperately to be integrated into Europe. If all goes well, Albania will have its EU membership in 20 years. Right now, it is the poorest country in Europe, ?except possibly for Moldova,? one journalist notes. (This reminds me of the old saying in Arkansas: ?If it weren?t for Mississippi . . .?) In truth, Albanians would rather deal with Americans than Europeans, on the grounds that Americans are more straightforward, more direct, less slippery. Certainly the Albanian intelligentsia?and, yes, there is one (as more people will realize once Ismail Kadare wins the Nobel Prize in literature, as he almost undoubtedly will)?is with America, and baffled at the anti-Americanism in other parts of the continent. One Albanian journalist recounts to me his experience on a panel with an editor for Le Monde. Wide-eyed, shaking his head, he remembers that this man was not only pro-Castro, pro-Chavez, but perilously close to pro-bin Laden.

It is becoming axiomatic that the U.S. should hunt where the ducks are?should seek its friends where they exist. In Europe, those friends are readily found in the formerly Communist countries, where an appreciation of America is keener. One Albanian suggests that the very concept of ?the West? needs adjusting. Consult a map. To begin with, Prague is west of Vienna. (This is one of the great party questions having to do with geography. The favorite in America is: Which is farther west?Reno or L.A.? The answer, of course, is the unexpected.) Athens has always been considered a Western capital, a NATO capital: It is east of Sofia, Budapest, Warsaw, and all three Baltic capitals, just to name a few. There is every evidence that George W. Bush grasps this. This president is no fan of state dinners, which perhaps keep him up past his bedtime, and in an annoying tuxedo. He has only held two in his entire time as president: the first for the president of Mexico, and the second, last summer, for the president of Poland. That is ?no accident,? as the Marxists say.

This country has friends in Europe, even where those friends are outnumbered, or outshouted. They should be encouraged; others should be engaged. ?Public diplomacy,? to use the going euphemism for old Information Agency work, can only do so much. But it can do something. Anti-Americanism can be muted, and pro-Americanism can be emboldened. ?Don?t scuttle the Pacific,? MacArthur liked to say. There is no need to scuttle Europe. Divide it, perhaps. Talk to it, coax it, bat it around a little?definitely. And whenever you are feeling low about our European cousins, remember the Double-Headed Eagle?the symbol of the Albanian nation. They remember you.



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From albboschurch at juno.com  Fri Nov 15 10:28:48 2002
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Fri, 15 Nov 2002 11:28:48 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Flag for UMASS-Boston
Message-ID: <20021115.114507.900.19.albboschurch@juno.com>



 Memo to: Albanian Students at UMASS-Boston
 From: Very Rev. Arthur Liolin

 Re: Albanian Flag

 Dear Students,
     We have spoken at various times about offering an Albanian Flag for
the palisade campus entrance to UMASS-Boston.  Our Cathedral has an
additional one for this endeavor. Would you kindly transmit this
information to some of the other students there, and please let me know
to whom the request should be addressed.  I think it would be appropriate
if it came from the students group itself. Of course, I would be happy to
assist in any way that I can.
     Inasmuch as we have three Albanian parishes nearby and this year is
the 90th Anniversary of Albanian Independence, it is a most appropriate
time to pursue this endeavor.

Sincerely,

Fr. Arthur
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 17 07:39:56 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 17 Nov 2002 04:39:56 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Regional Fellowship Program, New
	Europe College, Bucharest
Message-ID: <20021117123956.48975.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Irina Vainovski Mihai <imihai at nec.ro> wrote:From Irina Vainovski Mihai Thu Nov 14 00:59:23 2002
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Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 10:59:23 +0200
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Regional Fellowship Program, New Europe College, Bucharest
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NEW EUROPE COLLEGE
INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY
BUCHAREST - ROMANIA

CALL FOR APPLICATIONS
2003-4 REGIONAL FELLOWSHIPS 

The New Europe College in Bucharest (Romania) announces the REGIONAL
FELLOWSHIPS PROGRAM in the humanities and social sciences starting
October 1, 2003.

Targeted are researchers and academics (preferably young) from
South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia,
Greece, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Republic of Moldova,
Slovenia, Turkey, and Yugoslavia), who are in the final stage of
completing a Ph.D. program or who already have the Ph.D. title.

Duration of the Fellowship: one term or a full academic year (10 months)
a) October through February, 
b) March through July, or 
c) October through July.
Location: the New Europe College in Bucharest.
The Fellowship consists of: a monthly stipend (basic stipend of 460 EURO
- tax free), accommodation, a one-month research trip abroad to an
institution of the Fellow's choice (2,556 EURO for transportation,
accommodation, and per diem), international transportation to and from
the home country of the Fellows at the beginning and the end of the
Fellowship, as well as for season holidays.
The Fellows are expected to work on a project to be published by the New
Europe College after the end of the Fellowship (in English, French, or
German), and to take part in the scientific events organized by the New
Europe College (seminars, workshops, conferences, lectures held by
foreign scholars, symposia, etc.).
Working languages: English, French, and German. A good command of
English is desirable.

The deadline for sending the completed application is January 22, 2003.
The application form and additional information on the Program and the
New Europe College can be downloaded from:
http://library.nec.ro/regional
Contact person:
Irina Vainovski-Mihai, Program Coordinator, Tel. +40-21-307 9910, 
Fax: +40-21-327 0774, E-mail: imihai at nec.ro
Mailing address: str. Plantelor 21, 70309 Bucharest, Romania


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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Tue Nov 19 17:35:49 2002
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Tue, 19 Nov 2002 15:35:49 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Independent Independent
Message-ID: <OE26HCQSqJjLw41hLIw0000f464@hotmail.com>



 http://www.independent.co.uk/story.jsp?story=302870
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From albboschurch at juno.com  Thu Nov 21 06:12:16 2002
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Thu, 21 Nov 2002 07:12:16 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] art-cafe
Message-ID: <20021121.082613.1140.34.albboschurch@juno.com>

Per informaten tuaj

----- Forwarded Message -----
From: EviKokalari at aol.com
To: albboschurch@ juno.com
Date: Wed, 20 Nov 2002 23:17:48 EST
Subject: art-cafe


Miredita te gjitheve,
Art Cafe eshte liste e re e moderuar me vater ne New York, qe ka per baze
komunikimin midis atdhetareve tane ku do qe gjenden. Qellimi i saj do te
jete te vere ne komunikim talentet shqiptare, te informoj diasporen
Shqiptare per Aktivitetet e reja mbi Artin dhe Kulturen.  
Do te karakterizohet gjithashtu nga nje Forum i lire diskutimesh.
Me poshte do te gjeni lidhesi per regjistrimin ne kete liste.
-Evis Kokalari

Hello Everyone,

Our new moderated list, based in New York. A link for Albs all over the
world, a taste of Sweet Home Albania, a free discussion list focused on
Albanian Arts and Culture. 

Art - Cafe will be our entertainment Corner of Alb-Net, where you can sit
and make some new Friends. 
Privacy is important to this list, therefore, we will not sell, rent or
give your name or address to anyone. But personally I encourage every one
of you to feel free and send a greeting message or any new topic,
(possibly based on Albanian activities around the world).   
This list is still a new born, so every comment regarding the list's form
itself will be very welcome.  

Subscribe and Distribute as much as you can. 
Art-Cafe Info Page or www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/art-cafe 

See You all there,
-Evis Kokalari
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 21 09:34:34 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 21 Nov 2002 06:34:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: 2002 Herter Award Luncheon Revised
Message-ID: <20021121143434.84564.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>



2002 Christian A. Herter Award Luncheon

honoring

Senator Richard Lugar (R-Ind.)
Senior Member and Incoming Chairman of the United States Senate Foreign
Relations Committee

&

Senator Carl Levin (D-Mich.)
Chairman of the United States Senate Armed Services Committee

For their extraordinary leadership roles in forging a bipartisan response to
the 
national security threats facing our nation, and for their commitment to a 
United States foreign policy that embodies the best of America's values.

Monday, December 2, 2002

12:00 Noon Luncheon
Fairmont Copley Plaza Hotel

Tickets for the luncheon are $100, tables of ten start at $1,000.
Sponsorship tables are available, as is ad space in our program book.

To reserve a space, or for more information, please contact World Affairs 
at WorldBoston at (617) 542-8995 ext. 112 or via email at
wac at worldboston.org.











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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 22 06:48:26 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 22 Nov 2002 03:48:26 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] New Books: Greece, Albanian Identity, Symbols in Serbia
Message-ID: <20021122114826.85751.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:From Florian Bieber Fri Nov 15 06:06:04 2002
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Date: Fri, 15 Nov 2002 15:06:04 +0100
Subject: [balkans] New Books: Greece, Albanian Identity, Symbols in Serbia
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
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GREECE: THE MODERN SEQUEL
JOHN S. KOLIOPOULOS and THANOS M. VEREMIS

This new exploration of Greece's modern past is organised in thematic 
categories such as politics, institutions, society, ideology, foreign 
policy, geography and culture.  The chapters and subchapters in each 
category follow no strict chronological sequence, but focus on questions 
that seek to illuminate vital aspects of the Greek phenomenon.  Nor do the 
authors pretend to offer a dispassionate analysis, but rather make clear 
their predilection for the principles that inspired the founding fathers of 
the Greek state - natives and foreigners.  These founding principles are 
juxtaposed to indigenous norms and practices, and the outcome of the 
tension between opposing forces is assessed in each case.
    The discussion of these themes is above all a commentary on issues 
raised about Greece in the last decade of the twentieth century, and at the 
same time a rejoinder to views obscured by nationalism and caricatures 
created by complacent onlookers. Challenging established notions and 
certain stereotypes that disfigure Greece is meant to encourage a fresh 
look at the country and its people.  The reward of such a look might be 
what the authors have discovered in their own joint venture: that the 
subject of their study is in many ways more in keeping with modernity than 
is customarily believed.
John S. Koliopoulos is Professor of Modern Greek History at the University 
of Thessaloniki and the author of many books including Brigands with a 
Cause (OUP, 1987) and Plundered Loyalties (Hurst, 1999).  Thanos Veremis is 
Professor of Political History at Athens University and President of the 
board of ELIAMEP (the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign 
Policy).  His The Military in Greek Politics was published by Hurst in 1997.

xiv, 407pp.  Dec. 2002
Hbk: ?45.00 1-85065-462-X
Pbk: ?14.95 1-85065-463-8

Contents:
Politics: A Regime to Suit the Nation - Government and 
People  Institutions: The Church - The Military - The Economy - Education: 
The Mighty Greek School - Society:  Peasants - The Middle Class - Migrants 
and Refugees - Heroes and Heroic Deeds - Crime and Impunity Ideology: 
Fashioning the New Nation - Demarcating the Past - The Return of the 
Hellenes - Greeks and Others - Europe in Greece Foreign Policy: National 
Geography  A Northern Boundary - The Frontier and Beyond - War for Land


THE STRUGGLE FOR GREECE, 1941-1949
C.M. WOODHOUSE
Introduction by Richard Clogg

As commander of the Allied Military Mission to the Greek guerrillas 
in  Greece in 1943-4, C.M. Woodhouse had to hold an uneasy balance between 
the Communist and government sides. Against a background of conflicting 
Communist doctrine, shifting foreign alliances, territorial disputes and 
personality differences, the Communist struggle for Greece unfolded in 
three rounds.
     The first began in 1941 with the German occupation of Greece when the 
National Liberation Front attempted to regain control of the country and 
overthrow the monarchy. In the second round, the Communists tried to seize 
power at the end of the German occupation in December 1944 and were 
frustrated by the intervention of British forces. The third round (1946-9) 
was marked by US intervention, UN fact-finding missions, and the shift from 
guerrilla tactics to conventional warfare.   The Communists were weakened 
by internal feuding and overcome by the US forces.
     The author based his research for this classic account, first 
published in 1976 and long out of print, on interviews with participants, 
documentary sources and his own unique experience. He analyses the 
characters, ideologies and events behind one of the longest and bitterest 
civil wars of modern times.

C.M. Woodhouse (1917-2001) was the author of several standard works on 
modern Greek history. Richard Clogg, Fellow of St Antony's College, Oxford, 
contributes an introduction, which also surveys C.M. Woodhouse's career.

xxviii, 324pp. Dec. 2002
Pbk: ?16.50 1-85065-487-5
Hbk: ?40.00 1-85065-492-1

Contents: I: The First Round Prelude to Revolution -  Resistance and 
Reaction -   War on Two Fronts -  II: The Second Round Return to Legality 
-   The December Events -   The Bitter Truce - III: The Third 
Round  Disorder into Guerrilla War -  Guerrillas into Battle Order 
-  Deadlock and Stalemate -  The Final Breakthrough.
ALBANIAN IDENTITIES
Myth and History
Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer

"... challenges some long-held assumptions regarding significant episodes 
in Albania's past, sheds light on aspects of Albania life that have yet to 
be fully explored, and provides new insights and perspectives for 
interpreting the Albanian experience.... a pioneering effort in 
English-language studies of Albania." - Nicholas C. Pano

Albanian history is permeated by myths and mythical narratives that often 
serve political purposes, from the depiction of the legendary "founder of 
the nation", Skanderbeg, to the exploits of the KLA in the recent Kosovo 
War. The essays in Albanian Identities, by a multinational, 
multidisciplinary team of scholars and non-academic specialists, 
deconstruct prevalent political or historiographical myths about Albania's 
past and present, bringing to light the ways in which Albanian myths have 
started to justify and direct violence, buttress political power, and 
foster internal cohesion. Albanian Identities demonstrates the power which 
myths still possess to this day, as they underpin political and social 
processes in crisis-ridden post-totalitarian Albania.

Stepahnie Schwandner-Sievers is Lecturer and Nash Fellow in Albanian 
Studies at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University 
College London.

Bernd J. Fischer is Professor of History at Indiana University - Purdue 
University, Fort Wayne, and author of Albania at War 1939-1945.

xvii, 238pp.  October 2002
Hbk:  ?35.00 1-85065-571-5
Pbk:  ? 14.95 1-85065-572-3


THE POLITICS OF SYMBOL IN SERBIA
Ivan Colovic
Translated  from the Serbian by Celia Hawkesworth


For Colovic, symbols are central to politics. Not only do they provide the 
means to acquire and maintain power: the very business of exerting and 
retaining power is seen as having a symbolic side.
He develops this idea by investigating the symbols of politics and the 
politics of symbols in Serbia and, to a lesser extent, in Croatia and 
Bosnia-Hercegovina.
    The first part of the work, 'The Serbian Political Ethno-Myth', 
analyses Serbian political mythology about the nation, in particular the 
role of narratives in political discourse and notions of time, nature, 
borders, heroism and national identity. The second part, 'From the History 
of Serbian Political Mythology', is concerned with the historical 
development of Serbian political myths. The third part, 'Characters and 
Figures of Power', comprises case studies - taken from the Serbian press, 
academic texts and literature, political speeches and from everyday life 
-  which analyze political symbolism, myth, rhetoric and propaganda.  The 
final part, 'The Age of the Crowd', investigates the relationship between 
the masses, mass culture and politics, including the recruitment of 
football supporters into the war in the former Yugoslavia and how symbolic 
communication has been used by Serbia's anti-Milosevic opposition.

Ivan Colovic is one of the most widely respected social theorists from the 
former Yugoslavia but till now his influential writings have not been 
available in English, although they have been translated into French and 
German. He has published widely on urban and political anthropology and 
ethno-linguistics and has also translated Barthes and Bataille into 
Serbo-Croat.

Celia Hawkesworth is Senior Lecturer in Serbian and Croatian at 
S.S.E.E.S.-UCL.  Her recent translations include Dubravka Ugresic's The 
Culture of Lies and The Museum of Unconditional Surrender (Weidenfeld and 
Nicolson, 1998).

x, 328pp. October 2002
Hbk:  ?25.00  1-85065-472-7
Pbk:  ?16.50  1-85065-465-4
Contents: I  The Serbian Political Ethno-Myth - II From the History of 
Serbian Political Mythology - III Characters and Figures of Power - IV The 
Age of the Crowd

TO ORDER A COPY OF ANY OF THESE BOOKS, SEE BELOW


Please complete the form below and return together with your payment to:

C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd., 38 King Street, London WC2E 8JZ
Telephone 0207-240-2666;  Fax 0207-240-2667;  Email: hurst at atlas.co.uk

Payment in pounds by cheque drawn on a London bank
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Phone: 01235-465500; Fax: 01235-465555; trade.order at marston.co.uk
--
You can access our catalogue on the world wide web:

http://www.hurstpub.co.uk/

--------------------------------
Maria Petalidou
Editor
C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd.
38 King Street, Covent Garden
London WC2E 8JZ
Phone: 020-7240-2666; Fax: 020-7240-2667
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 29 04:21:40 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 29 Nov 2002 01:21:40 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Graduate School of Social Sciences, Uni Bremen
Message-ID: <20021129092140.33904.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:From Florian Bieber Tue Nov 26 12:29:25 2002
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Date: Tue, 26 Nov 2002 21:29:25 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Graduate School of Social Sciences, Uni Bremen
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary="ZPZt8fAfqzrJRQMtMiLJrKmluvygJdCPNGCMrBn"
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The Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) at the University
of Bremen

invites applications to its 3-year Ph.D. program in the
following three fields:
* International Relations and Political Theory
* Welfare State Transformation
* The Life Course and Social Change

The GSSS is part of an international network of graduate
education and is funded by the Volkswagen Foundation. The GSSS
will accept 15 Ph.D. fellows, 9 of whom will receive a stipend
of ? 1000/month for 36 months according to the ranking list.
Funding is available for empirical research and travel for all
fellows. For those fellows who do not receive a GSSS-stipend,
the GSSS will provide assistance in applying for stipends
elsewhere. Foreign students are encouraged to apply. The
University of Bremen strives to increase the share of women in
the university and hence strongly encourages women to apply.
Applicants with disabilities who are equally qualified will be
favoured.

Interested students with an excellent undergraduate record and
command of English are invited to send their application (see
www.gsss.uni-bremen.de for required application materials) by 15
January 2003 to the following address: University of Bremen
Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) Prof. Dr. Walter R.
Heinz FVG Postfach 330440 28334 Bremen Germany



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 29 04:22:51 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 29 Nov 2002 01:22:51 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Statehood and Ethnicity Conference, Stockholm,
 13-15.6.2003
Message-ID: <20021129092251.33963.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
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Date: Tue, 26 Nov 2002 09:23:37 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfP: Statehood and Ethnicity Conference, Stockholm,
13-15.6.2003
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary="VtnAWE5rOvnwkI9orLz41jUlGc1jKpi6dd9u-us"
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. Call for Papers Statehood and Ethnicity Conference
Call for Papers
Statehood Beyond Ethnicity: From the Early Modern to the Present
State
A Comparative Study of Smaller States in Northern and Eastern
Europe
International conference for junior scholars in the humanities
Baltic and East European Graduate School (BEEGS), University
College of Southern Stockholm,
in collaboration with Northern European Historical Research
Network (NEHRN), 13-15 June, 2003
Proposals due: 15 February 2003
Final Submissions due: 1 May 2003
Address for Submissions: Statehood Beyond Ethnicity, BEEGS,
University College of Southern Stockholm, Box 4101, S-14104
Huddinge, Sweden; or by email: linas.eriksonas at sh.se
Keynote Speakers:
Dr Eric Kaufmann (University of Southampton), 'National
Ethnicity' and the Modern State
Dr Torbj?rn Eng (Uppsala University), On Concepts of Early Modern
Statehood in Sweden

Aims and Objectives
The conference will tackle the issue of statehood and nationhood
in the case of the smaller European countries. According to the
prevailing political theory, a modern state came into
being through the merging of two principles &shy; the idea of state
and the concept of nation &shy;
which took place in the nineteenth century. Political theorists
call this fusion nationalism.
Accordingly, the modern nation is viewed as a political body with
ethnic characteristics.
Hence it is a dominant nationality, not a nation as a whole,
which is assigned to the state.
This view stands and falls on the very notion of liberal
nationalism which still prevails today. Ethnic interpretation of
statehood has further repercussions in the sphere of international
politics, where new emerging nation states are recognized on the
basis of dominant ethnie.
The international debate about nationalism usually boils down to
the calls for ensuring the
rights of ethnic minorities, viewed as subdivisions within the
national organism of the state.
In order to challenge this view this conference will attempt to
analyse non-ethnic statehood
in two renditions in two different periods of history: as a
historical phenomenon at the time
of the emergence of the early modern state and as a historical
tradition upon which the nation-builders from the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries called. The conference thus suggests to take
into consideration both the historical facts and
historiographical constructs about statehood.
While examining the arguments put forward for the existence of a
state in the early modern age,
the conference will seek to describe those essential elements
which found their later appropriation in explicitly ethnic
cultural and historical thinking about the older new nations.
Yet, in parallel,
it will also look at the arguments of the modern nationalists
which echoed the non-ethnic past.
Thus, the main task will be to detect that middle-ground where a
historical existence of the
early modern state met the demands and requirements of the
modern, latter-day nationalists.
The hypothesis is that non-ethnic traditions of statehood had
been subverted yet never lost.
Preliminary Themes
Introduction to the subject: an early modern state compared to a
modern nation state
Exploring the states with continuing traditions of statehood
(e.g. Sweden, Holland)
Exploring the states with disrupted traditions of statehood (e.g.
Norway, Bohemia, Lithuania)
Exploring the states with transformed traditions of statehood
(e.g. Scotland, Brandenburg)
Reflections on political theory and current debates in relation
to nationalism
Main Issues
A paper on an early modern or modern nation state should address
one of the following questions:
? How is statehood defined in contrast to national
identity, nationhood, if at all?
? Which civic virtues are viewed as having a binding power
for political community?
? How are the rights for national sovereignty argued within
the realm of natural law?
? Which social and ethnic groups if any have a vested
interest in national statehood?
? What is the relation between a myth of the origins of a
people and state ideology?
? Which historical events and themes are identified with
state and/or nationality?
? How is a legitimacy of political power established in
national historiography?
? What are the main political reasons behind the demands
for national statehood?
? How is a smaller state shaped by its links to a dominant
neighbour or an existing union?
? How is the future of the nation state ideologically
projected and explained to a people?

Practical Information
This invitation is extended to advanced doctoral students,
postdocs and other junior scholars.
The proposals should consist of an abstract (ca. 300 words) and
CV with contact information.
The best papers will be published in a collection of articles by
an international academic publisher.
BEEGS will meet travel costs and provide accommodation for
conference speakers from abroad.
Conference Coordinator:
Conference Convener:
Dr Linas Eriksonas
Dr Leos M?ller
BEEGS Visiting Research Fellow
BEEGS Research Fellow
linas.eriksonas at sh.se
leos.muller at sh.se
International Academic Advisory Panel:
Professor Miroslav Hroch, Charles University Prague
Professor Allan Macinnes, University of Aberdeen/NEHRN
Professor Rolf Torstendahl, Uppsala University/University College
of Southern Stockholm
Professor Michael North, University of Greifswald




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 29 04:25:53 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 29 Nov 2002 01:25:53 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] New Book: LGI/ECMI Publication: Minority Governance
 in Europe
Message-ID: <20021129092553.61638.qmail@web11506.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:From Florian Bieber Mon Nov 25 09:13:20 2002
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Date: Mon, 25 Nov 2002 18:13:20 +0100
Subject: [balkans] New Book: LGI/ECMI Publication: Minority Governance in Europe
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary="=====================_22390859==_.ALT"
Content-Length: 3484

Kinga Gal (ed), Minority Governance in Europe.
ISBN 963-9419-40-0

**********************************************

To order: please, send an email to LGIpublications at osi.hu
************************************************


Minority Governance in Europe is the first volume in the new ECMI/LGI Series on   Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues.The Series is a joint venture of the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)and the Local Government and Public Service Reform Initiative (LGI).The ECMI/LGI Series aims to provide a highly visible and accessible platform for ECMI s cutting-edge studies.These multi-author works are the result of the Centre s cooperative research projects,often lasting a number of years.While these projects were at times supported by conferences and seminars,the resulting books attempt to present a coherent and comprehensive picture of the area under investigation.

The majority of countries in the former Eastern bloc, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe, feature multiethnic societies.Decentralization and the transition to a free market environment have made this characteristic of nation-states more visible and have raised the claim for a proactive approach toward multiethnic community management.The first step for countries that plan to solve ethnic conflicts in a peaceful way is to draft legislation on individual and collective minority rights.The second step is to implement these rules and manage the public sector in accordance with the accepted principles.

The ECMI/LGI Series makes a significant contribution to the relevant literature and research in this field by providing information and food for thought for public officials and professionals as well as practitioners concerned with emerging policy issues related to minorities.


---


Introduction

Kinga G?l
Minority Governance on the Threshold of the Twenty-First Century


Part One
Minority Governance Concepts in Europe:Theory and Practice

Georg Brunner and Herbert K?pper
European Options of Autonomy:
A Typology of Autonomy Models of Minority Self-Governance

B a l ? z s V i zi
Minority Groups and Autonomy from an International Political Perspective

Gyula Csurgai
Geopolitical Aspects of the Minority Question
in Central and South Eastern Europe

F r a n ? o i s V a i l l a n c o u r t a n d F r a n ? o i s G r in
Minority Self-Governance in Economic Perspective


Part Two
Functioning Autonomies in Europe

K a r l R a i n er
The Autonomous Province of Bozen/Bolzano South Tyrol

Claus Neukirch
Autonomy and Conflict-Transformation:
The Gagauz Territorial Autonomy in the Republic of Moldova

Douglas Chalmers
Scotland Year Zero From Words to Action

K r i s t i a n M y n t ti
The Sami Cultural Autonomies in the Nordic Countries 151

F e r e n c E i l e r a n d N ? r a K o v ? cs
Minority Self-Governments in Hungary


Part Three
Self-Government:A Framework for Conflict Settlement?

Farimah Daftary
Insular Autonomy:A New Approach to Conflict Resolution in Corsica?

Z s o l t G .P a t a ki
Overview of Proposals for Minority Self-Governments
of Hungarian Minorities in Central Europe

Tam?s Korhecz
Chances for Ethnic Autonomy in Vojvodina:Analysis of the Latest
Autonomy Proposal of Hungarian Political Parties in Vojvodina

Marc Weller
Substantial Self-Administration for Kosovo:
>From Rambouillet to the Adoption of a Constitutional Framework Document

F l o r i a n B i e b er
Governing Post-War Bosnia-Herzegovina


Part Four

Conclusion

P?ter Kov?cs
Questions and Answers on Minority-Related Autonomy Issues
(Summary and Comments)

U l r i c h S c h n e c k e n er
Minority Governance between Self-Rule and Shared-Rule

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 29 04:27:22 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 29 Nov 2002 01:27:22 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 
 Fwd: [balkans] CfA: CEP teaching Fellowships (post-communist states)
Message-ID: <20021129092722.83378.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


 
 Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:From Florian Bieber Wed Nov 20 10:37:35 2002
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Date: Wed, 20 Nov 2002 19:37:35 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfA: CEP teaching Fellowships (post-communist states)
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary="EdNDRDNGZrWsVC0yNUyIoW5BsPhoDlEH7xe19Fr"
Content-Length: 2411

Position: Teaching Fellowships in the Social Sciences in Eastern
Europe & Eurasia
Institution: Civic Education Project
Location: Multiple locations
Date posted: 11/19/2002

Teaching Fellowships in the Social Sciences in Eastern Europe &
Eurasia: Civic Education Project

v Teaching Fellowships.
The Civic Education Project (CEP) is now accepting 2003-04 academic
year applications for its Visiting Faculty Fellowship Program and
Local Faculty Fellowship Program.

CEP awards teaching fellowships  to faculty, Ph.D.s and advanced
post-graduate students in the  social sciences, law and journalism/media
studies.

CEP Fellows  teach at CEP partner universities located throughout Central
and  Eastern Europe, the Former Soviet Union, and Mongolia.  CEP  Fellows
participating in both programs work as lecturers at universities throughout
the region. CEP Visiting Faculty Fellows  are academics (having received
Western training) from outside of  the region who teach and mentor for one
academic year (two  semesters) at a college in a CEP program country.

Visiting  Faculty Fellows receive a stipend, round-trip air travel,
accommodation, health insurance, language lessons, and book  allowances.

CEP Local Faculty Fellows are academics from within  the region, who have
graduated from a North American or West  European university with a
postgraduate degree. CEP supports  their efforts to stay in academia in
their home country by  providing a monthly stipend, teaching materials, and
participation in various CEP events and activities.

Both Visiting  and Local Fellows become part of an academic network covering
all  CEP program countries, from Slovakia to Mongolia. CEP Fellows  also
work on a variety of outreach projects outside the
classroom. CEP has programs in 24 countries and supports more  than 200
Fellows in a variety of disciplines, including  international relations,
sociology, political science, law,  history, economics, public
administration, environmental policy,  and journalism/media studies.

Application deadline for 2003-04  academic year: Visiting Faculty
Fellowship: January 10, 2003.

Local Faculty Fellowship: March 1, 2003. For more information,  from America
or Australia, New-Zealand please contact the CEP

Washington D.C. Office at cepdc at jhu.edu, staying elsewhere please
contact the CEP European Office at cep at cepnet.hu or visit our Web
site at www.cep.org.hu.



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