From jetkoti at hotmail.com Wed May 1 09:22:19 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com) Date: Wed, 1 May 2002 13:22:19 +0000 (UTC) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] For your attention Message-ID: <20020501132219.30BD62E7@herring.gul3.gnl> xa spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited Observer site and thought you should see it. To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited Observer site, go to http://www.observer.co.uk Israelis dub Jenin probe 'anti-Semitic' Support for Sharon soars as government refuses green light for UN mission Observer Worldview Chris McGreal in Jerusalem Saturday April 27 2002 The Guardian The United Nations team investigating the Israeli assault on the Jenin refugee camp is expected to fly to Tel Aviv this evening, after two delays and threats by Ariel Sharon's government to block the investigation. UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan agreed to postpone the mission's arrival until after an Israeli Cabinet meeting today to approve the probe into what the Palestinians allege was the massacre of hundreds of civilians - and what the Israelis say was a legitimate assault on the 'centre of the suicide bombers'. But Prime Minister Sharon was still not giving any assurances that the investigation will go ahead. Even before the UN mission arrives, Israeli politicians have attempted to discredit the investigation by claiming it is part of a rising tide of global anti-Semitism. Israeli public opinion agrees. Backing for the Israeli military's actions on the West Bank has sharply increased Sharon's approval ratings, while domestic critics of the assault on Palestinian areas are increasingly shunned. The United States persuaded Israel's Foreign Minister, Shimon Peres, that the best way to discredit accusations of a massacre was to be open about what occurred in Jenin. But the Cabinet began to backtrack on Tuesday after a memorandum by a British expert in international law, Daniel Bethlehem, warned that the investigation could be a first step to laying the ground for a war-crimes indictment. Bethlehem, a legal expert at Cambridge University and an adviser to the Israeli government, said that he was dismayed to discover that the administration had agreed to the UN panel. Annan further alarmed the Israelis when he said he did not know where the investigation would lead, but that it would 'focus on Jenin to begin with' - reinforcing the perception that the Israeli government was opening the door to a wider investigation. After the Cabinet meeting, an Israeli delegation hurriedly flew to New York in an attempt to rein in the investigation. It demanded a number of concessions, among them the inclusion of military and terrorism experts on the panel. The Israelis also demanded that its soldiers and politicians who gave evidence would not find it used against them in an international court, and that the final report should present only facts and not come to conclusions about the information it uncovers. Above all, the Israelis insisted that the investigation must be limited to Jenin. Annan agreed to some of the demands, including adding an American military officer to the panel, General William Nash, and a senior Irish policeman, Peter Fitzgerald. But this has not been enough for some Israelis, who continue to view the probe with extreme suspicion. The UN is widely portrayed as a co-conspirator in an anti-Semitic international plot. The UN's special co-ordinator for the Middle East, Terje Roed-Larsen, confirmed the view when he implied that Israel had committed war crimes in Jenin and said: 'Israel has lost all moral ground in the conflict.' Israel wanted Cornelio Sommaruga, a former president of the International Red Cross, off the panel because it alleged he is anti-Semitic. The Israeli right-wing press claimed he had equated the Star of David to the swastika. More moderate voices pointed out that he had opposed the International Red Cross giving the Star of David equal recognition to the Red Cross and Red Crescent on the ground that many other countries would then demand similar recognition for their national symbols, which in its day would have included the Nazis. A survey by the Jerusalem Post of its readers revealed that 89 per cent believe that the UN team 'will not be fair to Israel'. Attention has also turned to home-grown critics. Opinion polls show a surge in public support for Sharon and his hardline military policies. Yaffa Yarkoni, the celebrated singer who has entertained every generation of Israeli soldiers, has been cold-shouldered for questioning the military's actions in the West Bank. The elite of Israeli show business had arranged a special concert to honour her tomorrow, but it was shelved after Yarkoni aired her views on the army's radio station. The same poll showed public support for Sharon has risen to 65 per cent from 39 per cent in the previous survey. And if an election were held tomorrow, the Prime Minister would command four times the support of his Labour Party opponent. Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited From jetkoti at hotmail.com Wed May 1 09:23:00 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com) Date: Wed, 1 May 2002 13:23:00 +0000 (UTC) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] For your attention Message-ID: <20020501132300.6824235D@mussel.gul3.gnl> xa spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited site and thought you should see it. ------- Note from xa: How outrageous can it get? No, not for you, Mr.Bejko. ------- To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited site, go to http://www.guardian.co.uk Jenin: Israel defiant UN calls off 'massacre' probe after Sharon sets impossible conditions Chris McGreal in Jerusalem Tuesday April 30 2002 The Guardian The UN last night conceded defeat over its attempt to investigate the alleged massacre in Jenin refugee camp after the Israeli cabinet risked international fury by blocking the inquiry. The UN secretary general, Kofi Annan, condemned the Israeli decision to refuse to cooperate with any inquiry unless a series of demands - deemed unworkable by investigators - had been met. He admitted he had run out of options in proposing to disband the inquiry before it had even begun. The collapse of the inquiry designed to establish the truth about the events inside Jenin was greeted by dismay by Romano Prodi, the European commission president, who said the bar on the UN team was "unacceptable". "If the army has nothing to hide there could be no reason not to allow the mission to go ahead," he said. "For Israel this mission is a chance to show the world that there is nothing to hide." The bar now means that the world may never know for certain what happened in Jenin during 10 days last month in which the Palestinians claim the Israeli army murdered hundreds of civilians, many of them buried under the rubble of homes bulldozed by the military. The Israelis say the camp was a haven for "terrorists" who turned it into a battleground and that 23 soldiers had been killed because the army used only limited force. The Palestinians responded to yesterday's decision by accusing Israel of a cover-up and calling on the UN to press ahead with the mission. "The Israeli government is trying to hide the crimes they committed in Jenin refugee camp," said Saeb Erekat, a Palestinian spokesman. "I really urge Kofi Annan to send this team without any delay and let the Israelis turn them back at the airport if they dare. We need to know the truth, the world needs to know the truth and Israel needs to know the truth." According to Israeli sources, the cabinet's decision to defy international opinion was made after quiet assurances from Washington that it would not now pressure Israel over the investigation in return for its agreement to end the siege of Yasser Arafat's compound in Ramallah, by allowing US and British prison wardens to oversee the jailing of six Palestinians. That claim appeared to be borne out last night as Mr Annan sought to disband the investigation rather than seek authority from the UN security council to impose the probe on Israel. "If it had come to a security council vote, we had reason to feel confident that the Americans would not allow this investigation to be imposed on us against our will," an Israeli official said. "I think it is fair to say that events in Ramallah are not unconnected with that." Israel delayed the UN team's arrival three times after agreeing to it 10 days ago, but yesterday the Israeli cabinet demanded the right to decide to whom the investigators speak, that the investigation should reach no conclusion, and that the evidence it gathers could not be used in a war crimes investigation. The foreign secretary, Jack Straw, said he had phoned his Israeli counterpart, Shimon Peres, on Monday and told him: "If you have nothing to hide, for Pete's sake get this fact-finding mission in as soon as possible." But the same day Mr Peres wrote to the US secretary of state, Colin Powell, saying the investigation had to also probe Palestinian "terrorism". Mr Peres had urged the cabinet to admit the UN team to clear Israel's name of the "blood libel" of murdering innocent civilians. But a majority of his fellow ministers saw the investigation differently. Many had objected to the inquiry from the beginning, claiming the UN is biased against Israel. The concessions made to end the Ramallah standoff hardened attitudes among leaders on the right who said precedents were being set for growing international intervention. Mr Sharon also accused the UN of moving the goalposts from fact-finding mission to a war crimes investigation team that might lay the ground for prosecution of Israel's most revered institution - the army. Mark Sofer, a foreign ministry spokesman, disputed the claim that the investigation would benefit Israel. "We don't have any problem about clearing our name," he said, adding: "The facts were that [Jenin refugee camp] was a terrorist centre and military headquarters of the highest order." The cabinet's demands Israel says it will only cooperate with a UN investigation if the following demands are met: · Military and terrorism experts should be made full members of the investigating team · The Israeli government should decide who the investigators can talk to and which documents it can review · The investigation should not reach any conclusions · The evidence it gathers cannot be used in any war crimes prosecution · The UN team must also examine the activities of Palestinian "terrorists" in the camp over recent months Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 1 20:36:55 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 1 May 2002 17:36:55 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Artikull i Nazarkos ne Shekulli Message-ID: <20020502003655.17695.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Edhe nj?her? p?r Gjykat?n Kushtetuese - Mentor Nazarko* Pas vendimit t? dyt? t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, Presidenti i Republik?s, nuk ?sht? shfaqur p?r shtyp me ndonj? q?ndrim t? tijin. Kjo mosshfaqje e tij m? s? pakti duhet t? interpretohet se ai nuk ka se ?'t'i shtoj? deklarimit t? tij t? nj? jave m? par?. Nd?rkaq q? prej atij deklarimi n? mediat e vendit jan? shfaqur mendime t? ndryshme dhe kontrastuese rreth tij. Sigurisht m? t? ?uditshmet, jan? ato t? disa jurist?ve q? flasin si politikan? dhe t? disa politikan?ve q? flasin si jurist?. Nj? pjes? e tyre madje arrijn? t? thon? se Presidenti ka shkelur Kushetut?n. Nuk jan? m? pak t? ?uditsh?m prononcimet e ndonj? prej an?tar?ve t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese q? sikur t? mos i mjaftonin vendimet, b?jn? komente t? tipit shantazh mbi parlamentin dhe institucionet e tjera. Nj? dukuri e re po konsolidohet gjithashtu n? disa prej mediave elektronike, p?rfshi dhe televizionin publik: po shfaqet e ashtuquajtura "gazetaria e regjimit"- me t? ftuar q? flasin t? gjith? nj?lloj me at? q? i ka ftuar n? gjoja debat. N? k?t? rr?muj? ndoshta do t? ishte e udh?s t? sakt?sohej di?ka prej veprimit t? Presidentit n? lidhje me shkarkimin e prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m dhe rreth deklarimit t? tij t? h?n?n q? shkoi. Nj? sakt?sim q? mban parasysh edhe vendimin e dyt? t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese q? shpalli si antikushtetues vendimin e parlamentit dhe dekretin e Presidentit p?r k?t? shkarkim. Edhe ministrat mund t? ankohen N? faqen 4 t? dispozitivit t? vendimit t? fundit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese,ve? t? tjerash thuhet se "ajo ( Gjykata Kushtetuese), ?mon se procesi i rregullt ligjor zbatohet p?r t? gjith? konfliktet q? jan? vendimtare p?r pozicionin juridik t? nj? personi, qoft? ai edhe funksionar publik. Pra Gjykata Kushtetuese e shikon pozicionin e funksionarit publik n? k?ndv?shtrimin e garancive q? i siguron kushtetuta, jurisprudenca e saj e deritanishme dhe fryma e Konvent?s Europiane p?r t? Drejtat e Njeriut" ? Asgjekundi n? gjasht? faqet e para t? vendimit t? dyt? t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese nuk sakt?sohet fjala funksionar publik me origjin? politike ose jo,- dhe sipas parimit q? ?do gj? q? nuk ndalohet, lejohet, -duke studiuar me imt?si k?t? vendim, edhe ministri i shkarkuar- funksionar publik, ka t? drejt? t? ankimohet ndaj kryeministrit, presidentit dhe parlamentit q? kan? marr? nj? vendim t? till?! P?r m?shum? nuk ka nj? ligj funksionimi t? K?shillit t? Ministrave q? eventualisht mund t? p?rmbante m? shum? element? t? statusit t? ministrit, p?rfshi dhe garancit? e tij n? detyr?. Pa dashur t? b?j absurdin, nisur nga vendimi i dyt? i Gjykat?s, si funksionar publikmet? drejt? ankimi mund t? shikohet edhe ministri, madje rrethi mund t? zgjerohet. Ai p?rgjith?sisht nuk ka garanci kushtetuese m? pak se prokurori i p?rgjithsh?m, me p?rjashtim t? asaj q? p?r prokurorin jan? t? parashikuara tre kategorit? e dhunimit t? ligjit dhe kushtetut?s q? duhen mbajtur parasysh n? rastin e shkarkimit t? tij. Neni 42/1 nj?lloj me nenin 122 t? dispozitave dhe nenin 6 t? Konvent?s. N? deklarimin e Presidentit Meidani, p?rmenden edhe raste t? funksionar?ve t? lart? publik? t? shkarkuar gjat? dhjet? vjet?ve t? fundit. Edhe ata legjitimohen t? ankimohen n? Gjykat? mevendimet e fundit , pasi neni 42, 1, q? ?sht? baza e t? dy vendimeve t? fundit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese ?sht? riprodhim i nenit 122 t? Dispozitave t? vjetra Kushtetuese, dhe t? dy nenet n? fjal? i jan? p?rmbajtur nenit 6 t? Konvent?s Europiane t? t? Drejtave t? Njeriut,q? ?sht? ratifikuar n? parlamentin shqiptar para se t? hynte n? fuqi Kushtetuta e re. Pra kjo norm? ka jetuar, nuk ?sht? e re, edhe n? koh?n kur jan? b?r? shkarkimet e p?rmendura nga Presidenti Meidani. Mjafton asocimi i k?tyre dy kategorive t? shkarkimeve dhe barazimi tyre sipas vendimit t? par?, n? t? drejt?n e ankimit me an?tar?t e Gjykat?s s? Lart?, me ata t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, me Presidentin, p?r t? kuptuar se cfar? precedenti instalojn? n? t? drejt?n kushtetuese dy vendimet e fundit . P?r t? kuptuar n? fund t? fundit se Gjykata Kushtetuese ka shkelur Kushtetut?n duke pranuar ankes?n e prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m. Vendimi i saj pseudogarantist ?sht? nj? lloj sirene e bukur p?r t? nxitur ankesa ministrash, drejtor?sh drejtorie, apo funksionar?sh t? tjer? t? shkarkuar , q? do t? ?oj? q? nes?r n? bllokimin e pun?s s? organeve kushtetuese. Presidenti respektoi Kushtetut?n dhe vullnetin politik t? parlamentit N? vendimin e fundit t? k?saj Gjykate thuhet se Presidenti Meidani kur e ka thirrur prokurorin e p?rgjithsh?m dhe e ka d?gjuar at?, nuk ka zbatuar gjithashtu standartet e nj? procesi t? rregullt ligjor. Me k?t? fraz? t? dispozitivit, Presidenti homologohet me nj? instanc? gjykimi, dhe po t? mbajm? parasysh zgjerimin e kategorive q? legjitimohen p?r tu ankuar, at?her? ?sht? shum? e leht? t? imagjinojm? se si devijohet me vullnetin e k?saj Gjykate t? nderuar natyra kryesisht apolitike e institucionit t? Presidentit q? duhet t? funksionoj? edhesi gjykat?. Q? ai e ka d?gjuar prokurorin dhe ka debatuar me t?, kjo nuk ka asnj? diskutim: q? ai i dha koh? atij dhe vetes p?r t? shqyrtuar argumentat e parlamentit (rreth nj? jav?), gjithashtu nuk ka asnj? diskutim. Pra ku ?sht? shkelja kushtetuese e Presidentit: q? ai nuk sillet si gjykat?? Cfar? standartesh t? procesit t? rregullt ligjor duhet t? zbatonte m? shum? ai? Ajo q? nuk mbahet parasysh n? t? dy vendimet e fundit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, ?sht? se sipas vullnetit t? legjislatorit apo n? p?rputhje me frym?n e Kushtetut?s, thelb?sore, qoft? n? shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m, qoft? edhe n? at? t? ministrit, ?sht? vullneti politik i Kuvendit apo i kryeministrit, dhe garantuesi q? do t? zbatohet kushtetuta n? rastin e shkarkimeve ?sht? vet?m Presidenti, i cili i k?rkon propozuesve argumenta p?r to t? cilati shqyrton pa pyetur njeri. Q? ky vullnet ?sht? thelb?sor sipas frym?s s? Kushtetut?s duket edhe n? llojin e mazhoranc?s q? ?sht? parashikuar n? t? dy k?to raste p?r shkarkimin dhe em?rimin e tyre: mazhoranc? e thjesht?. Disa teoricien? t? stin?s s? fundit, p?rfshi dhe ish prokurorin, harrojn? se ndryshe nga Kushtetuta italiane, prokuroria vet?m funksionon pran? gjykatave, por nuk ?sht? pjes? e sistemit t? drejt?sis? q? t? g?zoj? t? nj?jtat garanci pavar?sie. Edhe koh?zgjatja e pakufizuar ( mund t? jet? nj? dit? ashtu si mund t? jet? deri n? daljen n? pension t? titullarit), e mandatit t? Prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m, ?sht? nj? argument kushtetues m? shum? p?r ngjashm?rin? e statusit t? ministrit me at? t? tijin. Nuk po flasim p?r rrogat q? merr prokurori pas largimit nga detyra nj?lloj me ministrat apo funksionar?t e tjer? publik?. Kjo nuk ?sht? herezi po t? mbahet parasysh se modeli shqiptar i organizimit t? prokuroris? ?sht? m? af?r atij nordik ku prokurori varet nga qeveria, se sa atij italian. Si duhet rilexuar deklarata e presidentit? N? prononcimin e vet t? fundit kreu i shtetit u p?rgjigj se sipas Kushtetut?s ai do t? shqyrtonte apo do t? merrte n? konsiderat? vet?m propozimet e Kuvendit, dhe k?tu nuk ka asnj? lloj injorimi t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, si? pretendojn? jurist?t e or?s s? fundit. Edhe vet? vendimi i dyt? i Gjykat?s ishte n? k?t? linj?: ai ja d?rgoi c?shtjen p?r rishqyrtim Kuvendit, dhe jo Presidentit, q? do t? ishte nj? skandal akoma m? i madh. Pra si? mund t? kuptohet presidenti pret vendimin e parlamentit dhe i takon parlamentit t'i p?rgjigjet shkeljes s? Kushtetut?s nga Gjykata Kushtetuese. N? t? gjitha rastet presidenti nuk do t? firmos? n? asnj? rast ridekretimin e Rakipit dhe ai ka dh?n? motivet e tij p?r k?t?: mjafton mes tyre shantazhi ndaj deputet?ve. Gjat? pes? vjet?ve t? mandatit t? tij, presidenti ka inkurajuar dhemb?shtetur n? pun?n e tij pavar?sin? e k?tyre institucioneve: Gjykat?s Kushtetuese dhe prokuroris?. Askush prej tyre nuk mund t? flas? p?r nd?rhyrje t? tijat n? k?to institucione deri m? sot. Por sigurisht q? presidenti ka t? drejt?n e vet t? shpreh? pak?naq?sit? e veta p?r k?to organe. Ai ?sht? i legjitimuar t? flas? p?r to: bashk? me Gjykat?n kushtetuese ai ?sht? gjithashtu sipas Kushtetut?s, nj? institucion p?rgjegj?s p?r kushtetutshm?rin? e akteve, ligjeve, em?rimeve dhe shkarkimeve t? funksionar?ve publik?. Par? n? k?t? optik?, prononcimi i presidentit p?r vendimin e par? t? Gjykat?s nuk ishte i vetmi: ai ka qen? publikisht kritik edhe pse jo me tamtame lufte, ndaj angazhimit t? saj t? tepruar n? zgjedhjet e fundit; p?r c?shtjen e dekreteve t? tij; p?r shpalljen si t? par?nd?sish?m t? afateve kushtetues t? shqyrtimit prej parlamentit t? dekreteve t? ministrave; p?r pezullimin e pun?s s? parlamentit n? rastin e em?rimit t? kryeministrit Majko. Ai nuk ka folur m? par?, por"mjaft ?sht? mjaft"- thot? nj? fjal? e urt?, pra edhe ai mund t? thoj? Mjaft!Presidenti nuk ka k?rkuar reduktim t? kompetencave t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese: por n? kuadrin e atyre t? parashikuara nga kushtetuta, t? b?het n? ligjin e funksionimit t? saj, p?rcaktimi shkencor i fush?veprimit t? tyre. Kjo ?sht? nj? di?ka krejt e qart?: kushtetuta ofron nj? kuad?r t? p?rgjithsh?m t? kompetencave; ligji duhet t? sakt?soj? shkenc?risht fushveprimin, pra edhe limitet e tyre. Ky eshte ne fund te fundit, nj? q?ndrim me t? cilin u bashkua edhe mazhoranca n? takimet e fundit. N? p?rgjigje t? ideve t? hedhura edhe nga opozita, Presidenti Meidani, konseguent n? idet? e tij p?r mosndryshimin e kushtetut?s deri n? plot?simin e koh?zgjatjes s? mandatit t? institucioneve kryesore kushtetuese, ka shprehur opinionin e tij edhe p?r t? shikuar mund?sin? e vendosjes s? nj? modeli amerikan apo modeleve t? tjera m? von?. Po ashtu Presidenti Meidani shprehu bindjen se detyra kryesore e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese ?sht? zhvillimi i filozofis? q? buron prej neneve t? saj q? p?rndryshe do t? ishin t? ngurta, pa jet?, pa lidhje t? qart? mes tyre. Sigurisht ai nuk identifikon me t?r? kolegjin e Kushtetueses, ndonjerin prej an?tar?ve t?tij q? megjith?se ka nj? mandat t? till? t? lidhur me zhvillimin e filozofis? kushtetuese, vazhdonte t? mbronte n? zyrat m? t? larta t? shtetit interesat e privat?ve si? ishte ??shtja "Marini", detyr? tipike p?r avokat?t, por jo p?r an?tar?t e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese. Nj? bilanc p?rfundimtar Kund?r q?ndrimit t? fundit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese jan? shprehur n? m?nyr? dinjitoze dhe kompetente dy bashk?drejtuesit e Komisionit Kushtetues, Godo dhe Imami; jan? shprehur n? intervista dhe shkrime t? ndryshme shum? jurist? dhe konstitucionalist?t m? t? mir? t? vendit, si? ?sht? zoti Lolo?i; jan? shprehur dhe mund t? shprehen gjithashtu edhe shum? personalitete publik? t? vendit; ?sht? nj? shumic? deputet?sh t? parlamentit t? cilit po i c?nohen kompetencat n? m?nyr? t? vazhdueshme. Jan? deputet? t? pozit?s dhe opozit?s nga t? gjitha partit?, p?rfaq?sues t? popullit, megjith?se kori i tyre nuk ?sht? shum? harmonik. Ka ngelur vet?m dokumenti themeltar t? shpirt?zohet, t? ngrihet e t? thot? q? kjo Gjykat? shkeli Kushtetut?n n? m?nyr? arbitrare! Sigurisht, n? nj? situat? t? till?, ai q? duhet ta vras? mendjen m? shum? se ka b?r? gabim, nuk gjendet mes k?saj shumice p?rgjith?sisht konsensuale edhe pse jo harmonike. *K?shilltar i Presidentit --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 1 22:08:24 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 1 May 2002 19:08:24 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Soros per Drejtesine Message-ID: <20020502020824.3518.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Open Society Foundation for Albania Fondacioni Soros --------------------------------- The concept of open society is based on the recognition that people act on imperfect knowledge and nobody is in possession of the ultimate truth Lajmerim i Fondacionit SOROS Thirrje per projekte ne kuadrin e Programit te Drejtesise Programi i Drejtesise u krijua dhe punon per te kontribuar ne zhvillimin e reformave ligjore ne Shqiperi. Puna e ketij programi fokusohet ne koordinimin e granteve te dhena, pergatitje dhe zbatim projektesh te cilat perfshijne ndihmen per keto reforma ligjore. Aktivitetet kryesore te Programit te Drejtesise i jane drejtuar reformimit te sistemit te arsimit juridik, reformes gjyqesore dhe nxitjes se kultures juridike ne komunitet. Objektivat kryesore te Programit te Drejtesise per vitin 2002 jane: 1 mbeshtetje per arsimin juridik; 2 mbeshtetje per pergatitje dhe botimin e teksteve juridike, komentareve ligjore, revistave dhe botime te tjera periodike, etj; 3 sensibilizimi i qytetareve per normat ligjore dhe respektimin e tyre. Fushat ku do te fokusohet ky drejtim jane: perhapje e kultures juridike ne komunitet, avokati per te varferit, klinikat ligjore; 4 mbeshtetje per sistemin gjyqesor. Jane te ftuar te aplikojne OJQ, institucione shteterore, universitete, individe te ndryshem. Te interesuarit duhet te paraqiten prane sekretarise se Fondacionit Soros per te terhequr formularet dhe per t'u njohur me kriteret e aplikimit te Programit te Drejtesise. Formularet dhe dokumentat e tjera te nevojshme duhet te paraqiten prane Fondacionit Soros deri me 10 Maj 2002 ne adresen e meposhtme: Fondacioni Shoqeria e Hapur per Shqiperine Rr. Pjeter Bogdani, 23/1, Tirane Tel - 234621/235856 Fax - 235855 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu May 2 18:48:45 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 2 May 2002 15:48:45 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone - 2 maj 2002 Message-ID: <20020502224845.8066.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Berisha e Nano, bashkepunoni si Noli me Zogun! Roland Qafoku/ I ka kaluar te _90-at. E megjithate, nuk harron qe edhe ne kete moshe te jape kontribut per Shqiperine. Antoni Athanas, ish-kryetar i shoqerise Vatra dhe nje nga biznemenet me te fuqishem te lobit shqiptar ne SHBA i kerkon publikisht Sali Berishes dhe Fatos Nanos te bashkepunojne ne interes te Shqiperise. Nepermjet nje letre, pronari i kompleksit te lokaleve "Pier 4" ne Boston te Masacusetsit, i kerkon dy lidereve shqiptare te lene pas merite dhe urrejtjet dhe te punojne per te miren e Atdheut. Athanas eshte impresionuar nga debati televiziv i dy lidereve shqiptare dhe ne 1 shkurt u ka derguar nga nje leter secilit. Ai u ka kujtuar atyre faktin se edhe Fan Noli me Faik Konicen ishin kundershtare te ashper me Ahmet Zogun, por ata e mbeshteten ate kur flitej per te miren e Shqiperise. Nje shembull tjeter per Athanasin eshte edhe fjalimi kurajoz i presidentit amerikan Linkoln ne nje ceremoni mortore ku ishin vrare rreth 50 mije amerikane. Megjithate, edhe pse kane kaluar tre muaj nga dergimi i kesaj letre, as kryetari i Partise Demokratike e as kryetari i Partise Socialiste nuk i ka kthyer pergjigje simbolit te emigracionit shqiptar ne SHBA. Ndoshta dy kreret politike e kane ndjere se takimi pas nje dekade nuk do te thoshte bashkepunim. Eshte fakt qe gjate kesaj kohe jo vetem qe ky bashkepunim ka munguar, por situata politike ne vend eshte acaruar mjaft si pasoje e nje politike te ashper te ndejkur nga dy lideret kryesore ne vend. Kush eshte Antoni Athanas? Ish-kryetar i shoqerise atdhetare Vatra, por edhe nje nga pronaret me te fuqishem te nje kompleksi lokalesh ne Boston, Antoni Athanas eshte misherimi i nje emigranti tipik qe ka bere hajer ne SHBA. Kujt i ka rene rastin te takoje apo dhe drekoje e darkoje ne lokalin e tij te famshem Pier 4 (Kalata 4) patjeter do te magjepset nga te gjitha qe e rrethojne. Nga njera ane plaku Athanas qe edhe pse njihet si nje milioner, i rri punes ne kembe nga mengjezi ne darke si te ishte nje djale i ri, por edhe ambjenti luksoz dhe gatimi special. Eshte teper interesant fakti qe kete lokal e kane frekuentuar te gjithe presidentet amerikane qe nga koha e ndertimit. Por qe te arrinte deri ketu shqiptari nga Korca i eshte dashur shume pune. Ne nje interviste te dhene per gazeten "Koha Jone" nje vit me pare, ai ishte shprehur se "babai me mesoi punen dhe vetem me pune une jam ky qe me njihni sot". Por krahas biznesit Athanas njihet si nje nga shqiptaret e Amerikes me aktive per ceshtjet e Shqiperise. Pervec ndihmes financiare, aktiviteti i Athanasit ka qene i lidhur edhe me perpjekjet e tij per zgjidhjen e ceshtjes kombetare. Per te tilla merita ai ka arritur deri te zgjidhet kryetar i shoqerise Vatra, organizta me e rendesishme e shqiptareve te Amerikes. Nga ana tjeter, miqte me te ngushte te Athanasit kane qene Fan Noli dhe Faik Konica. Nuk ka takim qe 90 vjecari Athanas te mos tregoje rreth tyre aq sa te duket si nje ciceron qe shpjegon ne nje muze. E ndersa mosha tashme ka bere te veten, ai perseri rri ne kontakt me problemet ne Shqiperi. Rasti ne fjale kur ai i dergon nje leter Berishes dhe Nanos per bashkepunim eshte teper domethenes. I nderuar Sali Berisha I nderuar Fatos Nano Zoterinj U gezova shume kur mora vesh per takimin tuaj ne 31 janar te vitit 2002, kur ju debatuat publikisht per disa nga problemet me te mprehta me te cilat po perballet atdheu yne Shqiperia. Une shpresoj dhe besoj, se takimi juaj i pare do te pasohet nga takime te tjera ne nje te ardhme te afert. Jam i sigurt se ju te dy e sillni ndermend faktin se dy lideret e medhenj shqiptare Fan Noli dhe Faik Konica, ishin dy kundershtare te ashper politike te mbretit Zog. Por ne vitin 1942, te dy ata e mbeshteten publikisht mbretin, se kjo ishte ne interes te Shqiperise ne ate kohe. Nje nga fjalimet me te medha ne historine e Amerikes, ishte ai i mbajtur nga presidenti Abraham Linkoln, ne kujtim te fushe-betejes ne Getisburgut ku mbeten te vrare te pakten 50 mije njerez. Perpara fjalimit, Linkoln demonstroi nje kurajo te madhe te nje burri shteti. Ai i kerkoi bandes frymore te luante pjesen "Dixie", himnin kombetar amerikan menjehere pas interpretimit te "The stars Spangled Banner". Shqiperia dhe shqiptaret perfshire edhe ju te dy, do te perfitojne nese ju do te vazhdoni te punoni sebashku per interesin e Atdheut tone. Ne emer te miqve te mi shqiptaro-amerikane dhe ne emrin tim, une ju uroj ju perseri per perpjekjet e perbashketa ne te mire te Shqiperise. Mirupafshim Sinqerisht Anthony Athanas == Ekspansioni grek ne Shqiperi Nga Anthony Coughan*/ Nje nga paradokset me te dukshme te politikes se sotme shqiptare eshte se ndersa nga njera ane Shqiperia dhe shteti shqiptar vazhdojne te kene akoma probleme ende te pazgjidhura me fqinjet, kane si partnere me kryesore pikerisht vendet fqinje ose me sakte Greqine. Sot Greqia kontrollon pjesen me te madhe te ekonomise shqiptare duke kaluar ne kete drejtim edhe shtetet e fuqishme te Evropes si Italia, e cila deri ne vitin '97 ishte partneri kryesor i Shqiperise sidomos ne fushen e investimeve, Gjermanine, disa kompani te fuqishme te se ciles u penalizuan nga autoritetet shqiptare persa i perket projekteve te tyre ne Shqiperi sic ishte rasti i nje firme se ciles iu hoq e drejta per rikonstruktimin e aeroportit te Tiranes dhe deri diku Frances, e cila ishte nje partner i privilegjuar perendimor i periudhes se Enver Hoxhes. Ekspansioni ekonomik grek ne Shqiperi u intensifikua me ritme te shpejte sidomos pas ngjarjeve te vitit '97 gje qe perkoi dhe me ardhjen ne pushtet te Partise Socialiste te Fatos Nanos, i njohur per deklaraten e perbashket me Andreas Papandreun ne vitin 1993 per nje "Ballkan te ballkanasve" dhe kunder cdo pranie amerikane. Prania teper e rritur greke ne ekonomine shqiptare sot, duket se i ka rrenjet qe ne ditet e para te revoltave te vitit '97, kur ne qytetet e jugut te Shqiperise, valet e shkaterrimeve perfshine kryesisht investimet italiane, gje qe beri te largoheshin rreth 60% e kompanive dhe firmave te ketij vendi, qe deri atehere dominonte persa i perket pranise ne Shqiperi. Ne menyre te cuditshme, asnje nga kompanite modeste greke, ose dhe ato qe ishin "joint venture", te instaluara ne jug te vendit nuk u prek. Natyrisht, me fillimin e normalizimit te situates ne Shqiperi, vakumin italian filloi ta mbushte kapitali grek, i cili filloi te shtrihej ne te gjithe vendin duke u kujdesur me shume per jugun, te cilin, pavaresisht nga politikat zyrtare, lobe te fuqishme greke vazhdojne ta pretendojne si pjese te Greqise. Ne menyre konsistente, pak nga pak, kapitali grek, ndonese jo kompetitiv pushtoi gjithe sektoret jetike te ekonomise shqiptare. Duke mos i kushtuar kohe produkteve ushqimore dhe nje pjese te mire te mallrave te konsumit te gjere qe jane "Made in Greece", greket tashme zoterojne sektoret vitale te ekonomise shqiptare dhe kur te desherojne mund te krijojne nje kolaps te pergjithshem ne kete vend qe vazhdon te jete nje klient i bezdisshem per Evropen e te ardhmes. Deri tani, Greqia eshte furnizuesi kryesor i Shqiperise me energji ne periudhat e zgjatura te krizave energjitike te cilat jane kronike per vendin i cili dikur eksportonte energji. Ne kete aspekt, nje kontribut jo te vogel kane dhene dhe politikat energjitike te drejtuesve shteterore te ketij sektori, te cilet ne vend qe te investonin per ndertimin e termocentraleve duke blere nafte bruto qe kushton shume me lire se nafta greke e transformuar ne energji elektrike.Gjithashtu, Shqiperia ndonese njihet si nje vend i cili tradicionalisht ka pasur marredhenie te shkelqyera me vendet arabe duke qene dhe nje partner i pelqyeshem per ta, 95 perqind te naftes per te plotesuar nevojat e saj e importon nga rafinerite greke. Edhe sot, te gjitha kompanite shqiptare qe tregtojne karburante ose jane thjesht filiale te kompanive greke te ketij sektori, ose jane kliente te rregullt te tyre. Duke filluar qe para disa vitesh, disa depozita greke u bene problem pasi kishin bllokuar portin me te madh te vendit i cili figuron dhe si nje nga pikat nevralgjike te "Korridorit Lindje-Perendim". Gjithashtu, nje nga sektoret e pakte fitimprures te ekonomise shqiptare, telefonia pa tela (celularet) keto dy vitet e fundit perfundoi ne duart e kompanive greke. Grekja "Panafon" dhe partnerja e saj "Cosmote", kane ne duart e tyre gjithe sistemin e telefonave te levizshem ne Shqiperi duke zhvilluar nje konkurence ndoshta dhe me te ashper se ne vete vendin e tyre. Keshtu, sot sipas shifrave zyrtare te tyre, "Panafon" ka shtuar ne vendin fqinj vetem gjate tete muajve te aktivitetit 50. 915 kliente ne kohen qe rivalja e saj "Cosmote" ka shtuar vetem 33.417. Nderkohe, ne Greqi "Panafon" ka arritur te shtoje jo me shume se 80 mije kliente te rinj. Tani te gjitha simptomat tregojne se edhe telefonia me tela e perfaqesuar nga koncerni shteteror "Albtelekom", do te perfundoje ne duart e grekeve. Gjate viteve te shkuara zyrtaret shqiptare kane refuzuar ofertat per shitjen e "Albtelekom" partnereve te tille "Telecom Italia", i cili arriti te fuse ne dore telekomin serb, apo "Dojce Telekom" i cili kishte zoteruar atehere pjesen kryesore te aksioneve te "Croatia Telekom" dhe kerkonin te plotesonin kornizen me sistemin telefonik shqiptar. Por, jo te gjitha perfundojne me kaq. Nje sektor tjeter ku greket kane dominim te padiskutueshem eshte dhe ai bankar. Qeveria shqiptare e vitit '97 licensat e para per te zhvilluar aktivitet privat bankar ua akordoi bankave greke. Si rrjedhim, sot ne Shqiperi operojne kater banka private greke "Alfa Credit Bank", "Tirana Banka", "National Bank of Greece" dhe "Intercommercbank". Sipas llogaritjeve keto kater banka kontrollojne rreth 57 perqind te parave shqiptare. Sot sipas shifrave zyrtare te institucioneve shqiptare, nje nga keto banka greke, "Tirana Bank" renditet e dyta fill pas "Bankes se Kursimeve" persa i perket sasise se depozitave te akumuluara. Pas alarmit qe coi ne terheqjen masive te depozitave te shqiptareve nga "Banka e Kursimeve" nje pjese e parave te terhequra do te ndryshonin destinacion duke kaluar ne banken greke "Tirana Bank", por edhe ne sportelet e partnereve te tjere helenike. Mbi te gjitha bankat greke plotesojne dhe pjesen e dyte te ciklit te qarkullimit te parave te emigranteve shqiptare duke i derdhur serish ne buxhetin grek dhe duke bere qe ne Shqiperi te mos mbetet asgje. Ne kete sens, ishte me e logjikshme qe bankat shqiptare te hapnin filialet e tyre ne Greqi per te mbledhur parate e emigranteve ne menyre qe keto te investoheshin ne sipermarrje te sigurta ne Shqiperi e jo te sherbenin ekskluzivisht per zhvillimin e Greqise. Por ajo qe eshte me e rendesishmja lidhet me urine greke per te gelltitur sa me shume thela te sektorit bankar shqiptar. Bankat greke shfaqen si konkurent sa here tregu ofron aksione te bankave shqiptare sic eshte rasti i Bankes se Kursimeve. Nese greket arrijne te fusin ne dore dhe kete banke, atehere 90 perqind e parave te shqiptareve do te jene totalisht ne duart e operatoreve bankare greke. Dhe atehere do te krijohen kushte ideale qe shteti shqiptar te jete totalisht i varur nga Athina duke realizuar keshtu ne menyren me perfekte endrat e ithtareve te helenizmit qe kerkojne aneksimin e territoreve shqiptare. Do te mjaftonte vetem nje mbyllje e sporteleve te bankave greke qe ne Shqiperi te kthehej kaosi i vitit 1997, madje me pasoja edhe me te renda. Por, perballe kesaj tendence per ekspansion te grekeve, duket dhe me absurde qetesia me te cilen zyrtaret shqiptare percjellin kete proces te dorezimit te pavaresise ekonomike te vendit ne duart e nje vendi si Greqia, i njohur edhe per preferencat ndaj fqinjeve te tjere me te cilet Shqiperia vazhdon te kete probleme shekullore. Ne cdo vend tjeter, lideret politike do te alarmoheshin nese ndonje banke e huaj do te arrinte t'i afrohej cakut te 50 perqindeshit persa i perket depozitave te klienteve vendas. E njejta gje mund te thuhet dhe per opinionin publik shqiptar ne pergjithesi, i cili ndoshta i pamesuar me efeket e ligjeve te ekonomise se tregut dhe te politikave te hapjes, nuk reagon ndaj shperdorimit te pasurive kombetare. I revoltuar, nje intelektual shqiptar, antikomunist i njohur arriti deri aty sa te shprehte publikisht simpatine ndaj ish-diktatorit komunist ne kete drejtim. Megjithese "dashuria" per Greqine mund te kete filluar edhe qe nga koha kur botohej libri i tij "Dy popuj miq". --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri May 3 08:07:58 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 3 May 2002 05:07:58 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: 2nd Tirana Summer School in Political Science, July 2002, Tirana Message-ID: <20020503120758.51672.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu May 2 09:12:24 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Thu, 02 May 2002 18:12:24 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: 2nd Tirana Summer School in Political Science, July 2002, Tirana Dear Colleagues and Friends: This year Albanian Political Science Association is organizing the 2nd Tirana Summer School in Political Science, July 2002. We have prepared a website where potential applicants can find information about the summer school program and submit their applications online. Online applications are our preferred method of application,and we hope many of potential participants from Albania and other countries will find it easy and convenient. Website address: www.shekulli.com or www.seep.ceu.hu/alpsa For your information, we accept applications from all individuals from Southeast European countries who are interested in the study of: -democratic institutions; political parties; electoral systems; legislative-executive relations, -political strategies, and game theory applications in political science, -research design in political and social sciences. Applicants should be young lecturers in social sciences and humanity studies departments in the region (full time or part time lecturers) and graduate students who expect to teach upon completion of their studies. Those who do not belong to any of these groups but would like to apply to the summer program, should contact the organizers to discuss their eligibility to apply. Summer school participants will have all their travel, accommodation, meals, and study materials expenses covered. We can also accept a few participants from West Europe or North America. Application deadline is 31 May 2002. Online applications through Summer School's website are strongly preferred. Information about the courses offered and application is available online through the summer school website. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 4 01:10:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 3 May 2002 22:10:25 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] GSH per Nolin dhe Konicen Message-ID: <20020504051025.40644.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> POLEMIKA Gazeta b?n publike dy artikuj t? panjohur t? Konic?s, politikanit dhe personalitetit t? njohur t? letrave shqipe, p?r Nolin dhe rrezikun e p?rhapjes s? ideve bolshevike n? Shqip?ri Faik Konica: "Fan Noli, m?ndjecek?t dhe bolshevik"Konica: "Dy udh? ishin hapur p?r ne: vazhdimi i p?rkrahjes s? maskarall?kut gjer sa t? b?hej gjak dhe t? prishej Shqip?ria,-ose t? kthyerit n? politik?n e par? t? Vatr?s, e cila ka qen? t? v?n?t p?rpara t? Zogut si kryetar i duhur i Shqip?ris?. Zum? udh?n e dyt?. Le ta shkurtojm? tani n? tre fjal? ato q? tham?: 1) Fan Noli, un?, me Vatr?n dhe me shok?t, q? m? 1914 gjer m? 1922, kush m? shum? dhe kush m? pak? kemi mprojtur mendimin se Shqip?ra, q? t? shtrohet, q? t? stabilizohe, e t? hyj? n? udh?n e reformave t? qytet?rimit, ka nevoj? p?r nj? dor? t? hekurt dhe si ajo dor? ?sht Ahmed Zogu. 2) Fan Noli, n?n influenc?n e Gurakuqit, dhe m? von? n?n influenc?n e frym?s bolshevike, u bint dhe na bindi se Shqip?ria munt t? q?ndroj n? k?mb? pa Zogun dhe kund?r Zogut. Ngjarjet i dhan? p?rg?njeshtrimin ma t? plot?, dhe Shqip?ria u shpu nj? qime af?r varrit. 3) Un? me shumic?n e shok?ve u kthyhem ahere (ndon?se me ?ape t? ngadal?shme se na vinte keq t? ?k?puteshim fare nga Fan Noli) te programi i vjet?r i p?rmbledhur m? sip?r n?n? numrin 1, kurse Fan Noli u fut thell? e m? thell? n? rebelione kundra Shtetit e n'intriga revolucionare" --------------------------------- Dashnor Kalo?i Konfliktet dhe kontraditat e thella q? kan? mbizot?ruar n? mes dy krah?ve t? politik?s s? sotme shqiptare t? cilat jan? acaruar s? tep?rmi sidomos dit?t e fundit, nuk jan? as t? panjohura dhe as t? paprecedent n? historin? e k?saj politike. P?rkundrazi ato jan? shum? t? vjetra dhe e kan? zanafill?n q? nga koha e krijimit t? shtetit shqiptar n? vitin 1912. Her? pas her? n? faqet speciale t? "Gazet?s", jan? botuar polemika n? mes dy eksponet?ve m? t? spikatur t? politik?s shqiptare t? gjysm?s s? par? t? shekullit t? kaluar, Fan Nolit dhe Faik Konic?s, t? cil?t jan? konsideruar dhe dy prej personaliteteve m? t? shquara t? letrave shqipe. Pa dashur q? t? marrim an?n e nj?rit apo tjetrit, por t? nisur vet?m nga fakti se mbi jet?n e vepr?n e Fan Nolit, (si gjat? periudh?s s? regjimit komunist ashtu dhe pas viteve 1990-t?) jan? botuar nj? seri e t?r? librash dhe deri korpusi i plot? i veprave s? tij, ?sht? e arsyeshme q? t? b?hen publike dhe kritikat q? jan? b?r? n? adres? t? tij. N? k?t? kontekst po pasqyrojm? m? posht? (t? plota) dy artikujt e Faik Konic?s, t? cilat ai i ka botuar n? gazet?n "Dielli" t? Bostonit m? 6 dhe 15 maj t? vitit 1926. Historia e ca ndryshimeve "Kur vajta m? 1913 n? Shqip?ri p?r t? shikuar p?r s'af?rmi pun?t, zbulova me hidh?rim se shumica e madhe e popullit jo vet?m q? nuk i shihte me sy t? mir? idealet t'ona t? nj? Shteti t? p?rparuar, po s'p?lqente as ndihm?n q? po na jipej nga rastet dhe nga bamir?sit e fuqive t?'Evrop?s. ?sht? p?r ?udi dhe gj? fare e v?rtet?, se shumica e madhe e popullit t? Shqip?ris? e priti dhurat?n e dh?n? me mosk?naq?si, me thart?sira dhe me sy t? zgurdulluara nga prapamejtime: q? u duk pak m? von? nga kryengritjet q? u b?n? njera-pas tjatr?s. Duke qen? pun?t ashtu, u kuptua shpejt q? do mbetej Shqip?ria si nj? Shtet m? vete dhe populli t? mbahej me zor i bashkuar q? t? hynte n? udh?n e disiplin?s, t? pun?s dhe p?rparimit, e vetmja fuqi e duhur ish dora e hekurt po shp?timtare e nj? diktaturi. Kujtuam nj? koh? se diktatorin e gjet?m n? personin e Esad Pash? Toptanit. Dhe Esadi kishte me t? v?rtet? disa zot?sira p?r t? qeverisur, po mosha e tij e shkuar nuk i premtonte ta ndryshoja m?ndjen e tij pas ndryshimeve t? reja q? u b?n? n? Shqip?ri, dhe ashtu fundi ish q? u larguan t? gjith? dhe e lan? t? vet?m. M? 1913, u poqa p?r her?n e par? n? Tiran? me Ahmet Bej Zogun (q? t? p?rdorim titujt si? p?rdoreshin dhe zyrtarisht asi kohe) Vura re menj?her? fisnik?rin? t? bashkuar me forc? karakteri q? ?faqej nga sjellja e dhe nga fjal?t e djalit. U interesova dhe pyeta. Dhe nga sa d?gjova s'm? mbeti asnj? dyshim se fati e kish sh?nuar p?r t? lojtur nj? rol me r?nd?si n? Shqip?rin e re. N? pjekjet q? pata m? von? me Mbretin Karol t? Rumanis?, me Kryeministrin rumun Tito Majersko, me Princin ?ilhelm t? ?ied-it, dhe diplomat?t austriak? dhe italian?, u p?rm?nda emrin dhe possibilitetet e k?tij t? riu. Mbaj m?nd nj? bisedim q? pata me Turhan Pashan? n? Durr?s pasi plasi kryengritja e Shijakurt dhe u r?zua Esadi. I tregoja Turhanit nevoj?n q? t? p?rdoret Zogu p?r t? zgjidhur kriz?n.-"Ahmed Beu ?sht? tep?r i ri ", mu p?rgjigj Turhan Pashai".-"V?rtet" thash'un? "Po ?illiam Pitt-i u b? kryeminist?r i Inglis kur qe nj?zet e tre vjetsh, dhe ka qen? nj? nga m? t? mb?dhjet? kryeministra t' atij v?ndi".-"Si fjaloseni k?shtu", m? thot? Turhan Pashai: "Mund t? barabitim me Pitt-in nj? t? ri t? panjohur?"- "Nuk b?j barabitje" u p?rgjigja un?: desha vet?m, me k?t? shemb?ll, ku ju p?m?nd se atje ku ndodhet zot?sia, versa s'munt t? jet? dhe s'duhet t? jet? pengim". Me k?t? m?nyr?, vazhdova s? p?rhapuri mendimin se do t'ish mir?, n? dojim t? kishim nj? Shqip?ri t? bashkuar dhe t? lir?, t'a p?rkrahnjim Zogun t? merrte nj? dit? fuqin?, se ay kish p?rve? zot?sis? dhe kat?r t? mira q? i mungojin Esadit: kuptimin e ndodhjes s? re n? Shqip?ri pas ndarjes nga Turqia, ndjenj?n e komb?sis?, t? mos b?r?t ndryshime n? mes Tosk?sh e Geg?sh, dhe m? n? funt d?shir?n p?r ta par? Shqip?rin? n? shkall? Shteti t'organizuar. Noli u bashkua plot?risht me mua n? besimin q? Shqip?ria s'munt t? q?ndroj? me k?mb? pa nj? diktatori, dhe q? Zogu duket njeriu i duhur p?r k?t? rol. Gjurmat e k?tyre mendimeve munt t'i gjeni n? shtyllat e "Diellit" n? koh?n e luft?s dhe pastaj , ku Zogu lavdohet si nj? hero, si nj? idealist, si nj? udh?heq?s q? s'munt t? barabitet me Anglo-Sakson?t, e tjera. Disa nga k?to lavdata jan? t? sh?nuara nga Fan Noli vet?. Kjo politik? vazhdoj gjer m? 1921 dhe p?rtej. M? 1922, Fan Noli zuri t? lidhet me grupin e Gurakuqit, dhe menj?her? m?ndja e tij e cek?t hyri n? nj? udh? t? ndryshme. Fan Noli filloj t? na jap? lajme jo t? p?lqyera p?r Zogun: q? ky ish bashkuar me reaksionar?t, q? ish-armik i nj? Shqip?rie si? e duam ne, q? ka humbur t?r? influenc?n, q? s'ka asnj? zot?si, q? ushtria anon me "liberal?t", q? duhet ta ftohim popullin ca m? tep?r nga Zogu, e tjera. Un? me shok?t e Vatr?s, si? e desh logjika, si? e desh disiplina e grupit t'on?, pasqyruam te "Dielli" politik?n e re t? p?rfaq?soonj?sit t'on? n? Shqip?ri, p?rfaq?sonj?s i cili koh?t e fundit nuk ish tjat?r gj?, ve? se fonografi i Gurakuqit, gjer sa m? n? funt dolli sheshit dhe komitaxhi duke shkelur t?r? programin t'on? dhe gjith? idealet tona. Fundi qe nj? ?kat?rrim dhe nj? maskarall?k pa em?r. ?munt t? b?jim? Dy udh? qen? t? hapura p?r ne: vazhdimi i p?rkrahjes s? maskarall?kut gjer sa t? b?hej gjak dhe t? prishej Shqip?ria,-ose t? kthyerit n? politik?n e par? t? Vatr?s , e cila ka qen? t? v?n?t p?rpara t? Zogut si kryetar i duhur i Shqip?ris?. Zum? udh?n e dyt?. Le ta shkurtojm? tani n? tre fjal? ato q? tham?: 1) Fan Noli, un?, me Vatr?n dhe me shok?t, q? m? 1914 gjer m? 1922, kush m? shum? dhe kush m? pak? kemi mprojtur mendimin se Shqip?ra, q? t? shtrohet, q? t? stabilizohe, e t? hyj? n? udh?n e reformave t? qytet?rimit, ka nevoj? p?r nj? dor? t? hekurt dhe si ajo dor? ?sht Ahmed Zogu. 2) Fan Noli, n?n influenc?n e Gurakuqit, dhe m? von? n?n influenc?n e frym?s bolshevike, u bint dhe na bindi se Shqip?ria munt t? q?ndroj n? k?mb? pa Zogun dhe kund?r Zogut. Ngjarjet i dhan? p?rg?njeshtriminma t? plot?, dhe Shqip?ria u shpu nj? qime af?r varrit. 3) Un? me shumic?n e shok?ve u kthyhem ahere (ndon?se me ?ape t? ngadal?shme se na vinte keq t? ?k?puteshim fare nga Fan Noli) te programi i vjet?r i p?rmbledhur m? sip?r n?n? numrin 1, kurse Fan Noli u fut thell? e m? thell? n? rebelione kundra Shtetit e n'intriga revolucionare. Munt ta vazhdojm? bisedimin n? nj? num?r t' af?rm. Po i kemi hedhur k?tu miaft yshqim p?r mejtim djemuris? s? kthiell?t (se sa p?r mejhanexhit?, Maqedhonasit dhe t? tjer? vagabond? q? tallen fshehtazi me Shqip?rin?, s'bajm? kabull as t'i d?gjojm?) s'di ose harron, por duhet se k?tej e tutje ta marr? n?r sy se Presidenti Zogu nuk ?sht? heroi i ri i Vatr?s, por ka qen? hero i vjet?r i k?saj organizate, i neveritur me 1922-24 nga intrigat e Gurakuqit dhe n?n influenc?n e bolshevism?s. Dhe n? qoft? se ?sht e zonja t? mejtoj? duke thelluar, djemuria e kthiellt le ta gjykoj? kush u kthye nga udha-Fan Noli apo un?? Propaganda Bolshevike n? mes t? Shqiptar?vet Nga letra dhe lajme me goj? t? marra n? kohrat e fundit, p?rmbledhim k?t? mi propagand?n bolshevike n? mes t? Shqip?tar?ve: Gjer n? funt t? Sh?n-Endreut 1924, propaganda bolshevike n? Shqip?ri ish n? duar t? nj? Shqip?tari t? ritur n? Rusi, njeri i holl?, i zoti dhe si? duket i bindur n? mir?sin? e theorive bolshevike. Fan Noli, n? k?t? propagand? si n? ?do gj? tjat?r, ish nj? fytyr? e s?r?s s? dyt?. E para prov? besnik?rie q? ky grup i dha Sovjetit, qe fjala qesharake e Fan Nolit n? Lidhjen e Kombeve, fjal? e p?lqyer p?r Rusin?, por shum? e d?mshme p?r Shqip?rin?. Me t? kthyer t? legalitetit n? Shqip?ri dhe me t? ikur t? Fan Nolit, q?ndrat e propagand?s bolshevike u transferua natyrisht jasht?. T'ikurit, sa koh? patn? para nga ato q? kishin prur? prej Shqip?rie, nuk u munduan t? gjejn? burime t? tjera. Po parat? u mbaruan shpejt: dhe menj?her? nis?n bisedimet me Sovjetin p?r ndihma, bisedime q? muarn? nj? funt t? p?lqyer. P?rve? shumave t? ve?anta "p?r propagand?" q? dhan? dhe u japin ca udh?heq?sve t? l?vizjes, Bolshevik?t u kan? lidhur rroga dhe disa t'ikurve t? porositur nga udh?heq?sit: cave u japin 400 franga ar, (80 USD) n? muaj, ca t? tjer?ve nga 500 franga ar (100 USD). Pastaj duke marr? n? sy shvillimet revolucionere q? turbullonj?sit kan? shpres? t? b?jn? m? tutje n? Shqip?ri, guverna Boleshevike u k?rkoj armiqve t? Shtetit t'on? nj'a dhjet? djem shqiptar? q? t'i v?r? n? shkoll?n e ve?ant? t? Mosk?s ku formohen axhentat e bolshevism?s. K?ta student? t? ?uditsh?m u d?rguan dhe jan? tani n? Mosk?, ku nx?n? me sistem zanatin e revolucjes q? t? ven? nes?r t'i v?n? zjarrin v?ndit t? tyre ose t? bien n? duar t? policis? dhe ta humbasin jet?n p?r dhjam? qeni. N? k?to q? tham? m? sip?r, munt t? kuptohet se gatit?sit e prishjes s? Shqip?ris? jan? t? k?naqur dhe prsh?n (presin). Po jo dhe aq se lodra e tyre ?sht e themeluar mbi dy g?njeshtra, dhe s'munt t? zgjatet shum? koh?: Nga nj?ra an? u paraqiten Shqiptar?ve si patriot? dhe njer?s me ideale komb?tare, nga ana tjet?r u tregojn? Russ?ve p?rralla, sikur n? Shqip?ri ?do gj? qenka gati p?r revolucjen komuniste dhe u dashka vet?m nj? shkrepse q? t'i v?r? zjarr? v?ndit. K?to t? dy g?njeshtra s'munt t? vazhdojn? shum? : e para , ajo q? aventurier?t u shesin Shqip?tar?ve, ka dal? n? shesh prej kohe, dhe ?o njeri me kuptim e ka marr? vesh: g?njeshtra e dyt?, ajo q? u gatuajn? Russ?ve, munt ta mbaj? dhe ca koh?, se natyra e Russ?ve ?sht? serioze dhe e padjall?zuar dhe nuk u shkon n?r m?nt q? jan? viktima t? nj? batak?ill?ku Ballkanik. Planet e Russ?ve p?r n? Ballkan duket t? jen? k?to: t? formuarit e nj? grupi bolshevik n? ?do Shtet, dhe me an? t? k?tij grupi t? kund?rshtuarit e ?do guverne t? sot?me dhe t? diskretituarit e ?do njeriu q? ka pak a shum? influenc? mi popullin dhe q? e p?rdor at? influenc? p?r t? mbrojtur kanunin, regull?n dhe qet?sin: pastaj, t? ndezurit e nj? kryengritje t? p?rgjith?shme, ku do t? lozin rolin e tyre dhe "student?t" nga Ballkani q? ndodhen tani n? Mosk?. Sa p?r gjakun q? do t? derdhet ?urk dhe m? kot, aq u b?n Russ?ve. Dhe pse ta ?ajn? kok?n n? qoft? se popujt e Ballkanit jan? aq t? marr? sa t? mos kuptojn? rezikun dhe t? ruhen me koh?? Propaganda bolshevike ?sht? e rrezik?shme: se turm?s s? padjall?zuar, e cila nuk thellon, bolshevisma i duket si zgjidha e gjith? mundimeve ekonomike q? heq. Kujton se bolshevisma ?sht? ila? i panjohur dhe i ?uditsh?m q? ka p?r t? sh?ruar ?do s?mundje. T? zgjuarit nga ky gjum? budallenj?sh do t? jet? shumi i hidhur p?r Shqiptar?t q? do t? b?hen skllav pa atdhe dhe pa buk?, t? shkelmuar e t? shkelur nga t? huajt. Na p?lqen t? v?m? re se shum? nga t'ikurit- si Z. Sotir Peci, Z. Sejfi Vllamasi. Z. Ko?o Tasi, Z. Rasim Babameto, Z. Ismail Haki Tatzati, etj, nuk u bashkuan n? asnj? m?nyr? me aventurier?t bolshevik?, po mbajn? nj? q?ndrim konservativ sado q? nuk jan? miqt' e Guvern?s s? sotme. Jan? p?r t'u lavd?ruar p?r urt?sin? dhe kuptimin politik t? tyre, dhe na vjen keq q? nuk u gjent nj? udh? pajtimi t? plot? me Guvern?n, pajtim i cili do t? zbulonte edhe n? sy t? Rusiss? se sa t? pak? jan? Bolshevik?t t'an?". --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 4 08:55:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 4 May 2002 05:55:29 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Website Reviewers/Suggestions for Useful Websites Message-ID: <20020504125529.1962.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Stefan Wolff wrote: From Stefan Wolff Fri May 3 08:14:05 2002 From: Stefan Wolff Date: Fri, 3 May 2002 16:14:05 +0100 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Website Reviewers/Suggestions for Useful Websites >From Chris Gilligan CALL FOR WEBSITE REVIEWERS/SUGGESTIONS FOR USEFUL WEBSITES In recent years the range and quality of materials available on the web has improved dramatically (the GLOBAL REVIEW OF ETHNOPOLITICS is just one example). Researchers, academics and practitioners increasingly find it difficult to keep pace with the number of resources coming on-line. A common problem is differentiating between the many well maintained and intellectually rigorous sites that are available and the idiosyncratic, ill-informed or partisan. In order to help utilise the full potential of the web as a resource for teaching, research and the dissemination of good practice the GLOBAL REVIEW OF ETHNOPOLITICS would like to build up a database of websites that are useful for the field of Ethnopolitics. In order to achieve this aim we require: 1) people who are competent to write informative reviews of websites 2) our attention to be drawn to new or existing websites that are useful for those working in the field of Ethnopolitics If you can help to write reviews and/or would like to suggest websites that should be reviewed by the GLOBAL REVIEW OF ETHNOPOLITICS then please contact the reviews editor, Chris Gilligan at To date the Review has published one review of a website, Ailsa Henderson's review of 'Regions and Nations in the United Kingdom: Constitution Unit' to view it go to: [You will need adobe acrobat to read this file.] Chris Gilligan Reviews Editor Global Review of Ethnopolitics Department of Sociology Magee College University of Ulster Northland Road Derry Northern Ireland UNITED KINGDOM c.gilligan at ulster.ac.uk [00 44] + 28 - 7137 5241 www.ethnopolitics.org ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor ---------------------~--> Buy Stock for $4 and no minimums. FREE Money 2002. http://us.click.yahoo.com/orkH0C/n97DAA/Ey.GAA/ffOolB/TM ---------------------------------------------------------------------~-> _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 4 20:43:46 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 4 May 2002 17:43:46 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare - Nano, Meta, Gage in Corfu Message-ID: <20020505004346.12714.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Faqja 3 - FAQE E PAREmydate = new Date();myday = mydate.getDay();mymonth = mydate.getMonth();myweekday= mydate.getDate();weekday= myweekday;myyear= mydate.getYear();year = myyear;if(myday == 0) day = " E Diele, " else if(myday == 1) day = " E Hene, "else if(myday == 2) day = " E Marte, " else if(myday == 3) day = " E Merkure, " else if(myday == 4) day = " E Enjte, "else if(myday == 5) day = " E Premte, "else if(myday == 6) day = " E Shtune, "if(mymonth == 0) month = "Janar "else if(mymonth ==1) month = "Shkurt "else if(mymonth ==2) month = "Mars "else if(mymonth ==3) month = "Prill "else if(mymonth ==4) month = "Maj "else if(mymonth ==5) month = "Qershor "else if(mymonth ==6) month = "Korrik "else if(mymonth ==7) month = "Gusht "else if(mymonth ==8) month = "Shtator "else if(mymonth ==9) month = "Tetor "else if(mymonth ==10) month = "Nentor "else if(mymonth ==11) month = "Dhjetor"document.write(" "+ month);document.write(myweekday+", " + year +""); Maj 4, 2002 Nj? kompromis i mundsh?m p?r Presidentin e Kryeministrin e ardhsh?m n? prani t? shefit t? lobit grek Nano-Meta, takim sekret n? KorfuzDy drejtuesit e PS dje n? ishull me ftes? t? Nikola Geixh --------------------------------- Takim i fsheht? Nano-Meta (t? pakt?n k?shtu u tentua t? mbahej s?rish ky takim) k?saj here n? ishullin grek t? Korfuzit dhe k?saj here jo kok? m? kok?. Pashk?t ortodokse, dy lider?t e PS i kan? "festuar" dje n? shoq?rin? e shefit t? lobit grek n? SHBA Nikola Geixh (Gage). Mb?shtetja e Nanos p?r postin e kryetarit t? shtetit dhe kthimi i Met?s n? krye t? Qeveris?, m?sohet t? ken? qen? dy prej temave kryesore t? bisedimeve joformale q? jan? zhvilluar n? Korfuz vet?m 3 milje larg nga amfiteatri i Butrintit, ku - si p?r koin?idenc? - kryeministri Majko kishte shkuar p?r t? par? Festivalin e Fyejve. Itinerari Takimin mes dy "armiqve" t? dikursh?m e ka organizuar Nikola Geixh (Gage). I pari n? aeroportin e Korfuzit ka mb?rritur Meta. Dy dit? m? par?, me nj? avion ?arter t? kompanis? ADA-air, ish-kryeministri ka l?n? Tiran?n p?r t? takuar s?rish Nanon. Ai (Meta) shoq?rohej nga bashk?shortja e tij Monika Kryemadhi. Bashk? me ish-kryeministrin kan? qen? gjithashtu dhe bosi i ADA Air, Marsel Sk?ndo, e shoqja tij dhe dy gazetar? t? "Oborrit". Nj? dit? m? von? n? Korfuz ka mb?rritur dhe lideri i PS, Fatos Nano. Ai ka l?n? Athin?n, ku gjendej q? prej nj? jave dhe bashk? me Xhoan?n ka shkuar n? "fest?n" e Geixh (Gage). N? k?t? shoq?ri ?sht? p?rfshir? dhe nj? biznesmen i njohur shqiptar si dhe nj? an?tar i kabinetit "Majko". T? ftuarit e fundit q? kan? mb?rritur dje n? mesdit? kan? qen? Nano me Xhoan?n. Bisedimet Nano, Meta e Gejxh (Gage) jan? shk?putur nga t? ftuarit e tjer? dhe kan? biseduar p?r disa or? rresht. Pakti mes tyre tashm? ?sht? i qart?. Ilir Meta rikthehet n? postin e Kryeministrit dhe Fatos Nano zgjidhet President. Takimi me Gejxh (Gage), njeriun q? i mund?soi Met?s vizit?n n? Sht?pin? e Bardh?, b?het pik?risht dit?n kur Meidani ?sht? nisur p?r n? SHBA dhe n? shoq?rin? e Majkos pritet t? takohet me Bushin n? mesjav?. Pasi i kan? dh?n? fund bisedimeve tre politikan?t jan? bashkuar me t? tjer?t p?r t? festuar Pashk?t. Nano dhe Meta kishin zhvilluar bisedime t? fshehta dhe nj? jav? m? par? n? periferi t? Tiran?s n? vil?n e ish-kryeministrit. Frut i atyre bisedimeve q? u zhvilluan thuajse n? mesnat? ishte zgjedhja e detyruar e Servet P?llumbit n? krye t? Parlamentit. U b?n? dhjet? dit? q? Meta e Nano nuk shfaqen n? publik. Bashk?pun?tor?t e tyre thon? se ata kan? munguar p?r arsye sh?ndet?sore. Por mungesa e tyre ka ndodhur n? nj? sfond t?r?sisht misterioz. Lufta politike mes Nanos dhe Met?s q? zgjati plot gjasht? muaj dhe q? u pasua me krijimin e qeveris? Majko kishte l?n? shum? gj?ra pezull. Si do jet? tani, pas paqes, raporti i forcave n? strukturat drejtuese t? PS dhe mbi t? gjitha kush do jet? Presidenti i ardhsh?m i vendit, jan? dilemat q? kusht?zoheshin nga marr?dh?niet Nano-Meta. Takimi i djesh?m duket se i ka dh?n? fund hamend?simeve q? filluan t? qarkullojn? nj? muaj m? par? kur Kryesia e PS hartoi Paktin Politik brenda partis?. Nikolas Gage me Nanon dhe Met?n, nuk ?sht? aspak nj? takim p?r t'u anashkaluar, kur njihet tashm? influenca e r?nd?sishme greko-amerikane q? Gage p?rfaq?son jo vet?m n? politik?n shqiptare. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon May 6 16:11:28 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 6 May 2002 13:11:28 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: H.E. Stjepan Mesic, President of Croatia, to speak at Forum TONIGHT Message-ID: <20020506201128.87730.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote: From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Mon May 6 06:39:12 2002 From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Subject: H.E. Stjepan Mesic, President of Croatia, to speak at Forum TONIGHT Date: Mon, 6 May 2002 09:39:12 -0400 The Kokkalis Program invites you to the following event: May 6, 2002 **TODAY** 6:00 PM Southeastern Europe: The Long Road to Stability H.E. Stjepan Mesic, President of the Republic of Croatia ARCO Forum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government. For directions and more information, please visit the ARCO Forum website http://www.iop.harvard.edu/calendar-main.html. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon May 6 17:39:03 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 6 May 2002 14:39:03 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone - 6 maj 2002 Message-ID: <20020506213903.84314.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Kryeminister, na sqaro per tenderin e Korfuzit! Nga Ilir Yzeiri/ Sot eshte shume e lehte te marresh qofte pozen e nacionalistit, qofte ate te analistit euroatlantik qe i nderton skemat e argumentimeve mbi parimin e rishikimit te kodeve tradicionale. Ne te dyja rastet mund te behesh interesant dhe ne te dyja momentet je ne mode, pse gjithmone gjenden spektatore qe mund te kendellen edhe me sintagmen e "fqinjve armiq", edhe me sintagmen e "integrimit fqinjesor". Por kjo eshte nje teme me vete. Keto dite, gazeta "Koha Jone" e para dhe me pas edhe disa te perditshme te tjera ngriten shqetesimin se Greqia po e gllaberon pak nga pak ekonomine shqiptare, se fqinji i Jugut po e tepron me nderhyrjen ne punet e shqiptareve, se praktikat e vjetra te shtetit helen duket se po vihen ne jete me metoden e re te bashkepunimit dhe te integrimit rajonal. Problemi duket se shperfaqet ne disa rrafshe. Ne fillim duhet te shtrojme pyetjen: A duhet te mbaje ne veshtrim politika shqiptare historine e ketij vendi, pra kur ndertohet sot politika e jashtme a duhet llogaritur e shkuara? Ne qofte se duhet te llogarisim edhe te shkuaren, cfare modifikimesh duhet t'i bejme asaj? Nderkaq, ajo qe pranohet nga te gjithe, qofshin keta shqiptare, qofshin te huaj, eshte se ne rryme te shekujve, sic thoshte Cabej, Shqiperia ka qene nje qender ritreksioni dhe jo intekresioni, qe do te thote se areli i saj ka ardhur duke u rrudhur, jo duke u zgjeruar. Vetedija historike e shqiptareve, qofte edhe per kete shkak, ne ndryshim nga ajo e fqinjve nuk shfaqet si ngasje per te vizatuar me ngyrat e saj te ardhmen, perkundrazi, shqiptaret ne rryme te shekujve kane treguar me shume prirje per te qene te hapur dhe pragmatiste. Pa dashur te bej shume histori, me nje veshtrim te shpejte, mund te kujtojme se shteti i sotem shqiptar dhe shteti i Kosoves kane qene realizime te vullnetit te banoreve te ketyre trevave per te ruajtur identitetin e tyre, per te rezistuar ndaj represionit te fqinjve dhe rezultat i triumfit te vullnetit ftabardhe te vendeve dhe diplomacise euroamerikane. Shqiptaret, ndoshta jane nga te rrallet kombe qe nuk kane bere asnje lufte pushtuese. Ne fillim te shkekullit, Austro-Hungaria, nga njera ane dhe Italia nga ana tjeter, ishin faktore te konsiderueshem qe frenuan etjen e fqinjve tane per te na gllaberuar teresisht. Ne kohen e mbretit Zog aleatet e natyrshem te shtetit shqiptar ishin Anglia, Italia dhe Amerika. E dyta, lufta e tregjeve apo ekspansioni ekonomik ne nje shoqeri te hapur eshte prirje e zhvillimit. Nga qarkullimi i mallrave dhe i ideve nuk humbet askush, por te gjitha keto natyrisht behen me qellim qe te fitojme sa te jete e mundur ne shqiptaret pa cenuar natyrisht identitetin dhe integritetin e askujt. E treta, shqetesimin per marredheniet jo korrekte, madje diskriminuese te Athines me Shqiperine, po i ngrejne edhe te huajt, qe do te thote se problemi eshte me serioz se sa e perjetojme ne. Me ne fund, ajo qe nuk mund te pranohet ne asnje rrethane eshte siguria cinike qe i ka dhene vetes lobi fondamentalist grek me ne krye Nikos Gaxojanis(N. Geixh) per te formuar kabinetet shqiptare. Kjo siguri dhe ky cinizem eshte i papranueshem. Kryeministri Majko duhet te na sqaroje te gjitheve se deri ne c'mase eshte verifikuar ndikimi dhe urdhri i ketij lobi per te diktuar ne zgjatjen e qeverisjes se socialisteve. Ne shtyp eshte shkruar se ne Korfuz Nano dhe Meta jane takuar dhe kane diskutuar per ta mbajtur pushtetin me cdo kusht me sponsorizimin e ketij lobi. Shtypi pat botuar edhe nje fotografi ne zgjedhjet e 24 qershorit me ane te se ciles deshmonte se Geixh kishte ardhur ne Sarande dhe i shoqeruar edhe nga ambasadori i SHBA-se, Limnpreht, pasi kishte bere fushate elektorale per nje perfaqesuese te Omonias, kishte ngrene edhe nje dreke. Ky person eshte njeriu qe ne kohen kur Berisha ishte president, pra Kryetar i shtetit te shqiptareve dhe vizitoi SHBA-ne, sajoi incidente flagrante dhe fyese. Kynjeri qe ka nje urrejtje patologjike per shqiptaret dhe qe ne librin e tij "Tregjet e ardhshme ne Ballkan" shpall hapur se Greqia duhet te diktoje zhvillimet makroekonomike ne Shqiperi, se Shqiperia nuk duhet te lejohet te zhvilloje ekonomine prodhuese se faktori shqiptar ne Ballkan eshte nje rrezik per Greqine, ky njeri qe eshte i bezdisshem edhe per vete greket e moderuar, ky njeri drejton realisht PS-ne dhe i detyron socialistet qe ta mbajne pushtetin me cdo kusht, ka ardhur koha ta kuptoje se vetedija e vitit '97 eshte tejkaluar. Zoti Kryeminister, ti per hir te ndjenjave realiste qe ke shfaqur, duhet te japesh shpjegime per rolin e Nikolas Geixh ne fatin e ketij vendi. Ti duhet t'u kerkosh kolegeve te tu ne Greqi qe kur te vijne ne Shqiperi te diskutojne per problemet e Ballkanit edhe me Abdi Baleten, pastaj Fatos Nano dhe Ilir Meta le te diskutojne edhe me Geixh-in. Ne qofte se Partia jote, zoti Kryeminister duhet te mbaje pushtetin me cdo kusht, pra duhet te jete nje loder ne duart e lobit te Nikolas Geixh, ti ke rastin e arte zoti Kryeminister qe votebesimin per te qeverisur kete vend t'ua lesh ne dore shqiptareve. Eshte me mire te vendosin ata se si duhet te qeverisin dhe jo Nikolas Geixh. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon May 6 17:49:24 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 6 May 2002 14:49:24 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Buxhuku tek Koha Jone Message-ID: <20020506214924.86170.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Ekonomia qe ha vetveten Nga Gjergj Buxhuku / Te duket sikur mbi 10 vjet eksperience privatizimi nuk kane mjaftuar per te ndryshuar mendjen e politikaneve shqiptare te te gjitha ngjyrave, se privatizimi nuk duhet te jete asnjehere qellim ne vetevete, por thjesht nje menyre per rritjen e efektivitetit te ekonomise kombetare. Aq me shume, kur behet fjale per privatizimin e sektoreve strategjike si ai e telekomunikacionit, institucioneve bankare dhe siguruese. Kjo do te thote se perpara se te vendosesh te privatizosh, duhet te jesh i sigurte se ekonomia kombetare do te gjeneroje ne teresine e saj dhe ne vecanti ne ndermarrjen apo sektorin e privatizuar, me shume te ardhura financiare. P.sh nese do te privatizohet Albtelekomi duhet te llogaritet se ne menyre direkte dhe indirekte, ne arken e shtetit, jo vetem nuk do te jete me fitimi i saj, qe per vitin 2001 ka qene rreth 30 milione $ dhe me menaxhim me te mire minimalisht kjo shifer mund te dyfishohet me siguri, por edhe siguria se perdorimi i te ardhurave nga privatizimi i kesaj ndermarrje do te gjeneroje ne vazhdimesi te ardhura financiare per buxhetin e shtetit, qe e tejkalojne shumen e permendur me siper. Gjithashtu, shteti duhet te siguroje mbikqyrjen e plote te tregut monopol privat te telefonise pas privatizimit, ne menyre qe qytetari shqiptar, te perfitoje ne koston me te ulet te sherbimit dhe cilesine e tij, ne periudhen postprivatizuese dhe te mos perballet me pasojat e renda te tregjeve te paliberalizuara. Sepse, vetem keshtu justifikohet shitja e sektoreve strategjike, qe duke qene unike jane te paperseritshem ne menyren e krijimit te tyre. I vetmi rast per te cilin justifikohet rentabiliteti i ulet dhe afatshkurter i perdorimit te te ardhurave te siguruara nga shitja e pasurive te tilla kombetare, eshte perdorimi per interesa dhe qellime strategjike kombetare me afat te gjate. Pra, per vepra te tilla te permasave te medha, si rruga e lidhjes me Kosoven, vepra energjitike, etj. Cdo perdorim tjeter per te ngrene te ardhurat e privatizimit ne 1, 2 ose 3 vjet pa siguruar qofte edhe nje nga elementet e mesiperm eshte veprim i pafalshem ne dem te vendit dhe brezave, qe do na gjykojne. I vetmi rast pozitiv i perdorimit te instrumentave ekonomike ne sherbim te gjenerimit te te ardhurave financiare ne gjithe periudhen 10 vjecare te tranzicionit shqiptar, mbetet krijimi i AMC-se. Pikerisht, per kete arsye, eshte e domosdoshme qe shitja e monopoleve publike te mos degjeneroje ne krijimin e monopoleve private, qe jane kanceri i ekonomise se tregut te lire dhe instalimi i vete mafies politike ne rendin demokratik. Eshte e domosdoshme, qe instrumentat e fiskut shqiptar te jene efikase ne kontrollin e mjeteve financiare ne periudhen postprivatizuese per gjithe ekonomine kombetare. Eshte e domosdoshme, qe parate e shqiptareve te qendrojne dhe te investohen brenda vendit. Eshte e domosdoshme qe buxheti i shtetit te mos konceptohet duke u bazuar ne te ardhurat e privatizimit dhe perdorimin e tyre p efektivitet dhe strategji te qarte. Sepse, ate cka eshte krijuar me breza nuk eshte e moralshme ta konsumosh pa menduar per brezat qe do te vijne. Aq me shume te mburresh per suksesin e financave publike te mbushura me te ardhurat e privatizimit. Konsumimi i te ardhurave te siguruara nga shitja e kompanise dhe licenses se dyte te telefonise celulare brenda nje viti se bashku me konceptimin e buxhetit te vitit 2002 bazuar ne shitjen e Albtelekomit, tregojne se dicka serioze nuk shkon ne makroekonomine shqiptare, qe duhet rregulluar urgjentisht. Te shesesh eshte fare e lehte, te ndertosh eshte shume veshtire, por pikerisht per kete arsye, shoqeria njerezore ka shpikur instrumentin me emrin "Shtet". --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon May 6 19:21:10 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 6 May 2002 16:21:10 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Tema Message-ID: <20020506232110.62657.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Ilir Meta, Fatos Nano dhe Nikolas Gejxh, takohen n? Korfuz P?rse ?lobi grek i SHBA? ?sht? kund?r takimit Majko Bush?! Kush ?sht? Nikolas Gejxh, njeriu q? hap dyert e socialist?ve n? Uashington dhe pse ngriti nga shtrati Ilir Met?n dhe Fatos Nanon p?r t?u takuar n? Korfuz Mero Baze Kryetari i Partis? Socialiste, Fatos Nano, dhe ish kryeministri Ilir Meta, kan? l?shuar, dje, Shqip?rin? dhe jan? takuar n? ishullin e Korfuzit me kryetarin e ?POAKA? Organizata Panehelenike Greke e Amerik?s Kanadas? dhe Australis?, Nikolas Geixh (Nikolas Gage, ose Niko Gaxojani), n? p?rpjekje p?r t? penguar nj? takim t? mundsh?m t? kryeministrit aktual, Pandeli Majko, dhe presidentit t? Republik?s, Rexhep Meidani, n? SHBA me presidentin Bush. Takimi i cili, sipas burimeve t? af?rta me t? dy drejtuesit socialist?, u realizua dje, n? ishullin e Korfuzit, synon dy objektiva kryesore: S? pari, gjetjen e nj? garanti p?r nj? Pakt mes Nanos dhe Met?s n? t? ardhmen dhe s? dyti, pengimin e mb?shtetjes s? administrat?s aktuale amerikane ndaj kryeministrit Pandeli Majko, p?r t? cilin lobi grek i SHBA ka rezerva p?r q?ndrimet e tij nacionaliste, sidomos n? drejtim t? Kosov?s. Zoti Majko dhe zoti Meidani u nis?n dje, n? SHBA, n? nj? Samit t? OKB-s? dhe kan? paralajm?ruar nj? takim t? mundsh?m me presidentin amerikan, Bush. Nikolas Gejxh ?sht? nj? figur? e shquar e grek?ve t? SHBA-s?, nj? gazetar brilant i New Jork Times dhe autori i nj? libri besteller q? tregon fatin e Greqis? n? gjysm?n e dyt? t? shekullit 20-t? dhe koh?n e luft?s civile. Ai fitoi autoritetet tek lobi grek i SHBA, kur n? fund t? viteve 80-t?, duke p?rdorur mb?shtetjen e administat?s amerikane, u angazhua kund?r kryeministrit grek, Andreas Papandreu, i cili me q?ndrimet e tij antiamerikane po dob?sonte fuqin? e lobit grek n? SHBA. Nga nj? nacionalist i krahut t? djatht? grek, ai u b? z?dh?n?s i ideve p?r cop?timin e Shqip?ris? dhe bashkimin e asaj q? quhet Vorioepir me Greqin?. Ai drejton prej 15 vjet?sh organizat?n m? t? madhe lobiste t? grek?ve t? SHBA-s?, Kanadas? dhe Australis?, e cila mbledh fonde dhe fianancon veprimtarit? nacionaliste n? Greqi, kryesisht kund?r Shqip?ris?.N? vitin 1994 emri i Nikolas Gejxh u shfaq n? dosjet hetimore t? Prokuroris? greke, si i p?rfshir? n? instruktimin e terrorist?ve q? sulmuan kufirin shqiptar n? Peshk?pi, ku u vran? dy ushtarak? shqiptar?. Nikolas Gejxh pranoi se mund t? kishte folur n? telefon me nj? prej terrorist?ve, por se nuk ishte n? dijeni t? planeve t? tyre.N? takimet e p?rvitshme t? POAKA n? SHBA kan? marr? pjes? rregullisht prej vitit 1994 deri n? vitin 1998 dhe socialist? shqiptar?, kryesisht me origjin? greke, por dhe nj? s?r? politikan?sh t? tjer? shqiptar? t? partive t? tjera t? majta. Duke qen? nj? person me probleme, p?r shkak t? ngjarjeve n? Peshk?pi, ai ka qen? person ?non grata? n? Shqip?ri, deri n? vitin 1997.N? vitin 1996 ai u rreshtua fort n? krah t? kryetarit t? Partis? Socialiste, Fatos Nano, n? betej?n e tij me kund?rshtar?t politik? brenda partis?, duke i dh?n? atij nj? mb?shtetje serioze amerikane. Ai financoi p?r nj? koh? t? gjat? disa drejtues lokal? t? minoritetit grek n? Shqip?ri. Me ardhjen n? pushtet t? ish kryeministrit Ilir Meta, pozitat e tij n? Shqip?ri u forcuan s? tep?rmi. Ai mb?shteti n? fushat?n e fundit elektorale Kostandina Bezhanin, vajz?n e nj? prej pes? t? d?nuar?ve n? vitin 1995, p?r spiunazh n? favor t? Greqis?. S? bashku me zonjush?n Bezhani, Gejxh ka disa projekte p?r investime n? Sarand?, sidomos n? industrin? farmaceutike. Mb?shtetja e tij p?r kryeministrin, Ilir Meta, ka qen? ekstreme, sidomos n? rastin e 28 N?ntorit, kur d?shmitar? t? besuesh?m thon? se ai ka qen? n? zyr?n e kryeministrit, kur ?sht? urdh?ruar arrestimi i Berish?s. N? fushat?n elektorale t? qershorit 2001, ai s? bashku me ambasadorin e SHBA, Jozef Limpreht, duke shkelur rregullat e nj? fushate t? ndershme elektorale kan? shkuar n? Sarand? dhe kan? b?r? fushat? t? hapur p?r kandidaten e pavarur t? pakic?s greke, q? kandidonte p?rball? ministrit aktual t? Rendit, Stefan ?ipa, dhe gazetarit, Filip Cakuli. P?rpara k?saj thuhet se Nikolas Gejxh, dhe Konstandina Bezhani sponsorizuan dhe arrit?n t? realizojn? takimin e kryeministrit, Ilir Meta, me presidetin Bush n? sht?pin? e bardh? n? Maj t? vitit t? kaluar.Takimi, p?r t? cilin thuhet se jan? paguar shuma marramend?se, i sh?rbeu si nj? mb?shtetje e qart? Kryeministrit n? fushat?n e zgjedhjeve t? 24 Qershorit, mb?shtetje q? ai e keqp?rdori deri n? vjedhjen e votave.N? koh?n q? zoti Nano nisi betej?n kund?r kryeministrit, Ilir Meta, Gejxh ka qen? n? an?n e kund?rt t? tij. Angazhimi i tij i ri n? k?t? konflikt, mund t? sjell? zhvillime t? papritura n? kreun socialist. P?rve? nj? pajtimi t? mundsh?m mes Nanos dhe Met?s, besohet se tema kryesore e bised?s mund t? jet? shakt?rrimi i mundsh?m i nj? takimi t? kryeministrit, Pandeli Majko, n? Uashington me presidentin, Xhorxh Bush, takim i cili mund t? shuaj? ?ndrr?n e Fatos Nanos p?r president, por dhe shpres?n e Ilir Met?s p?r t?u rikthyer si kryeminist?r. N?se Majko dhe Meidani nuk takohen me presidentin Bush, at?her? t? gjith? duhet t? kuptojm?, se p?r t? zez?n ton?, ende nuk kemi arritur t? kemi nj? kart?vizit? komb?tare p?r t? trokitur n? der?n e Sht?pis? s? Bardh?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 7 08:47:35 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 05:47:35 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA:CERGE GDN Social Science Research Grants for SEE Message-ID: <20020507124735.46511.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> >From Florian Bieber Mon May 6 11:40:22 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Mon, 06 May 2002 20:40:22 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA:CERGE GDN Social Science Research Grants for SEE CERGE-EI Announces Research Competition CERGE-EI, with financial support provided by the World Bank through the Global Development Network and additional funding provided by the Government of Austria for the South-East European region, announces a research competition in all fields of the social sciences. Proposals are invited from economists, demographers, political scientists, sociologists, and other social scientists. Projects with a significant commercial aspect or that propose funding the distribution of previous results (such as book preparation) rather than original research are explicitly excluded. Projects from the South East European region will be administered in conjunction with the Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (WIIW). Proposals must be postmarked by 15 July 2002. For the 2002 competition, the sponsors have identified the following priority areas of research. While funding for research in other areas will be provided, projects in these areas will receive priority: I. Enterprise Development and Behavior II. Labor Markets III. EU Accession including Euro Adoption IV. Globalization including Regional and International Economic Policy Coordination V. The Reform Process VI. Education including Educational Policy, Reform, Funding and Outcomes Area VI. has received additional financial support from the World Bank's Development Grants Facility and, therefore, it is anticipated that an especially large number of projects will be funded in this area. Funding Details * Maximum funding will be US $20,000 although it is expected that the vast majority of grants awarded will be for substantially smaller amounts. The median grant awarded to start in January 2002 was approximately US $12,000. Grants must begin no later than 31 December 2002 and end no later than 31 December 2003. * Applicants must be residents of any of the following countries: Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Former Yugoslav Republic Of Macedonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, or Yugoslav Federation. Applicants must be resident for the substantial majority of each year in the country from which they are applying although they may be of any nationality or citizenship. Graduate students now outside of the region are encouraged to collaborate with current residents but will not be considered residents unless they provide credible evidence of an intention to return to Central Europe after completion of their degrees. An example of such evidence would be a binding labor contract with an employer granting leave for study. * Applications may be submitted by individuals or teams of researchers. In the latter case, at least 50% of the researchers must be residents of eligible countries. No grant funds may be used to pay compensation to non-residents. Grant funds may, however, be used to pay travel and other direct costs required to enable participation by non-residents if such participation serves a clear scientific purpose. No applicant can submit or be a part of more than one proposal. Formal application must be made by an institution with which the applicant is affiliated and that will administer funds if awarded. No funds may be paid directly to individuals. Examples of eligible institutions include Universities, Research Institutes or Non-Profit Organizations. Administrating institutions may charge no more than 10% of the total grant as overhead. * Funds will be released one-third upon award of the grant, one-third upon receipt of a progress report at the mid-point of the grant and one-third upon receipt of final deliverables from the grant. Where this schedule would result in a serious hindrance to the proposed research, the applicant may petition for funds to be released on a different schedule after award of the grant. Final deliverables must include at least one formal research paper that has been submitted to an international peer-reviewed journal. Proof of submission will be required. * All successful applicants must agree to come to Prague to present a seminar on the completed work at CERGE-EI's expense if requested. * In addition we anticipate smaller workshops involving recipients in the various thematic areas held either at CERGE-EI or WIIW in order to facilitate development of links across researchers. Proposal Submission * Eight (8) complete printed copies of all proposals must be submitted. In addition, all materials should be included on a diskette in WordPerfect (.wpd), Word (.rtf or .doc) or Acrobat (.pdf) format. All proposals must be submitted in English. * Proposals must be postmarked by 15 July 2002 and sent by the fastest practical method of delivery. The mailing address is: GDN 2002 Research Competition, CERGE-EI, Politickych veznu 7, 111 21 Prague 1, Czech Republic * In order to ensure against postal problems, when a proposal is sent, an e-mail indicating that it should be expected should be sent to: research.competition at cerge-ei.cz. Proposals must, however, be submitted in hard copy and on diskette. No e-mail submissions will be accepted. Proposals must include the following seven components: 1. A cover sheet clearly specifying the project title, thematic area addressed from list of priorities if any, names of principal researchers, e-mail contact addresses (very important - e-mail will be used for follow-up requests and questions). 2. An abstract of no more than 200 words outlining the significance of the research and the methodology to be used. 3. A research proposal of no more than ten (10) doubled-spaced pages showing sufficient familiarity with the topic and methodology to provide confidence in the project's successful completion. 4. A bibliography of relevant literature. 5. CVs of all participating researchers. 6. A budget showing expenses in all categories. While the categories will vary from grant to grant, they should, where applicable, include as a minimum: * Salaries and other compensation for the grantee(s) (including payroll taxes and fringe benefits); Salaries and other compensation for research assistants and clerical personnel (including payroll taxes and fringe benefits); English Editing Fees; Grant related travel; Equipment Purchases; Data and software purchases; Materials, supplies, telecommunications charges; Institutional Overhead. 7. A letter signed by a responsible officer of the sponsoring institution agreeing to administer the grant. Proposal Review Process Applications will be screened to ensure that they fall within the terms of reference for proposals. All qualified proposals will receive a minimum of three external reviews. Anonymous reviewers' comments will be shared with applicants after the final selection of grants to be funded. Final selection will be made by an independent panel of senior scholars into consideration the external reviews along with the evaluation criteria enumerated below. Evaluation Criteria The primary criterion will be the scientific merit of the proposed research. Scientific merit will be evaluated based on: * Clarity of the proposed research question. * Originality (preference will be given to projects that develop new methodologies or use the transition experience to obtain new insights into fundamental questions rather than those that call for mechanistic application of conventional techniques to new data). * Use of the most modern and appropriate techniques. * Competence of the principle investigator(s). Other things equal, preference will be given to projects that: * Are relevant to current policy concerns and interests of the World Bank, broadly defined. For an overview of the types of research of interest to the bank, please see http://econ.worldbank.org. * Are cost effective. Smaller proposals will receive priority over larger ones in order to increase the number of projects that can be funded. * Request funds for direct research expenses rather than income augmentation (i.e. could not be undertaken without the proposed grant). It is recognized, however, that low academic incomes often mean that scholars in the transition economies must supplement their base salaries from other sources including research grants and that grant support may facilitate research output by enabling scholars to substitute scholarly for non-academic activity (such as corporate consulting). * Promote cooperation between residents of eligible countries and scholars from those countries who currently reside elsewhere (including advanced graduate students). * Increase the geographic, disciplinary, ethnic, gender, or other diversity of funded proposals. * Expand the pool of research-active scholars in the region. Questions and inquiries may be addressed to: research.competition at cerge-ei.cz notice released 18 April 2002 Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 7 09:10:27 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 06:10:27 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Balkanweb Message-ID: <20020507131027.11290.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Gazetari irlandez futet n? mbret?rin? e trafikant?veLajmi i ores 9:55 AM Gazetari Donald MacIntyre TIRANE (7 Maj) - Gazetari i njohur me origjin? irlandeze Donald MacIntyre futet n? mbret?rin? e trafikant?ve shqiptar?. Maskohet, pajiset me telekamera dhe "spiunon" bashkatdhetar?t tan?. Riza H. nga Shemerie i Kuk?sit, Tafiku nga Ballshi, Ladi ish-polic n? koh?n e Berish?s. Ja si shfryt?zojn? vajzat nga Shqip?ria dhe Lindja Nj? gazetar "trafikant". Po, po. Esht? futur n? guack?n e rrjetit t? trafikut t? femrave mes "bos?ve" shqiptar?. Donald MacIntyre, gazetari i BBC i njohur p?r zbulimin e skandalit t? drog?s n? bot?n e top-modeleve. Njeriu q? u b? pjes? e huligan?ve t? Chelsit dhe e shp?rndar?sve t? drog?s n? klubet e nat?s n? Notingam. Tani ?sht? infiltruar n? rrjetin shqiptar t? trafikut. Ka b?r? pazar me shqiptar?t, gati p?r t? bler? vajza, madje ka hapur nj? sht?pi ku ofrohej sauna(e m? pas seksi). Pik?risht n? zem?r t? Londr?s. Zbulimi i industirs? s? seksit, q? pritet t? shokoj? shikuesit m? 9 maj (n? val?t e BBC) bart emrat, por edhe fytyrat e deri aksionet e shqiptar?ve n? nj? pazar t? mir?fillt? trafiku. Reportazh ka mundur t? siguroj? ekskluzivisht para transmetimit t? dokumetarit zbulimet e gazetarit investigativ t? rrjetit BBC. I ndihmuar nga nj? djal? shqiptar Elton Dervishi, irlandezi MacIntyre ka arritur t? zbardh? n? plot kuptimin e fjal?s rrjetin shqiptar t? trafikut n? kryeqendr?n britanike. Dy protagonist?t tregojn? t? gjitha ndodhit? e k?tij "aksioni" t? rreziksh?m mes profesionist?ve shqiptar?. T? armatosur me kamera n? trup, gazetar?t kan? regjistruar gjith? pazaret e trafikant?ve shqiptar?. Ideja e producientes Fiona Kambell p?r t? dep?rtuar n? industrin? e seksit u p?rq?ndrua n? trafikun shqiptar. Gjith?ka zhvillohet n? lagjen shqiptare BARKING ESSEX, n? lindje t? Londr?s. "N? nj? lokal t? quajtur "Shpati", pronar i s? cilit ishte nj? tropojane, mblidheshin trafikant?t shqiptar?", tregon Eltoni. K?tu z? fill edhe investigimi. Shit-blerja e vajzave b?hej pik?risht n? "Shpatin" londinez. Nj? tjet?r pik? takimi ishte pub-i Princess Aliss, jo shum? larg kafenes? shqiptare. K?tu nisin t? dalin emrat e par?. "N? k?t? pub shkonte shpesh nj? shfryt?zues protitutash me emrin Riza H. nga fshati Shemerije i Kuk?sit", tregon Eltoni. Investiguesit m?suan se Rizai kishte miq?si t? ngusht? me nj? klient t? quajtur Tafik, nga Ballshi, i cili ishte njoh?s i mir? i trafikant?ve. Tafiku nd?rmjet?son pazarin me "bos?t" e rinj. "I tham? se jemi t? interesuar t? blejm? nj? vajz?. Pas disa telefonatash Tafiku m?son se Rizai ka nj? vajz? lituaneze 20 vje?are p?r t? shitur p?r 4500 paund. I themi q? jemi dakord", tregon gazetari. Nj? nat? m? von? takohen me Rizain. Gjith?ka n? rregull. P?r t? gjetur sebep p?r mosblerjen e Jurgit?s, gazetar?t u thon? se duan q? vajza t? jet? me dokumenta t? rregullta. "Ajo nuk kishte ndaj pazari u prish", tregon Eltoni. Por nuk mbaron k?tu. Rizai tregon(gjith?ka ?sht? e filmuar) se ?do 10 dit? i vijn? vajza nga Rusia, t? pajisura me pasaporta greke, t? cilat i jep p?r 7 mij? paund. Ata mbeten miq, p?r t'u takuar s?rish pas 10 dit?sh. Sakaq MacIntyre dhe grupi i tij duhet t? tregoheshin potent n? industrin? e seksit. P?r k?t? arsye marrin me qera nj? apartament n? veri t? Londr?s. Nj? "sht?pi saune" e gatshme p?r t? pritur vajzat. Por paksa ndryshe nga t? tjerat. Ishte nj? sht?pi e pajisur me gjasht? telekamera. P?r t? t?rhequr klientel?n vendos?n nj? reklam? n? nj? revist? q? reklamon saunat. Donald MacIntyre nis t? marr? n? intervist? vajzat e para. Por p?r t'u lidhur me trafikant?t iu sh?rben edhe nj? her? "Shpati". Roni, nj? djal? shqiptar me flok? t? gjata iu beson menj?her?. Donalidi, tep?r nervoz, e takon n? "saunat spiune" dhe vendosin q? Roni t? sjell? dy vajza, secila kushtonte 7 mij? paund. Pas dy dit?sh Roni vjen me dy vajzat ruse dhe?pazar i mbaruar. Donaldi u thot? se pas nj? jave saunat do t? jen? gati, por t? nes?rmen e mbyllin sht?pin? pasi kishin arritur t? fiksonin n? kamera t? gjith? aksionin. Rikthehen te Rizai. K?t? her? e takojn? n? veri t? Londr?s n?n shoq?rin? e nj? oficeri policie n? Ministrin? e Rendit n? koh?n e Berish?s, i quajtur Ladi. "Na u prezantua nga Tropoja. Kishin sjell? dy vajza tep?r t? bukura nga Sh?n Petersburgu", tregojn? gazatar?t. Pazari u arrit por u la p?r t? nes?rmen shk?mbimi pasi "trafikant?t e rinj" nuk i kishin parat? me vete. Nd?rkoh? gazatar?t kishin siguruar 50 minuta bised? t? filmuar me Ladin. "Nxituam t? shihnim n?se ishte ?do gj? e regjistruar. Kaseta ishte n? rregull", tregon i ?liruar gazetari shqiptar. Mision i suksessh?m! dxh/an (Reportazh/BalkanWeb) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 7 13:42:27 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 10:42:27 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] VOA Interview by Scot Carlsson Message-ID: <20020507174227.52773.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Intervist? me ekspertin ligjor Scott Carlson Nga Arben Xhixho 7 May 2002 16:49 UTC Drejtori p?r Evrop?n Lindore e Qendrore n? Qendr?n p?r Nisma Ligjore, Scott Carlson komenton mbi vendimin e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese n? Shqip?ri. VOA: Vendimi i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese n? Shqip?ri u kritikua si nga presidenti edhe nga kryetari i parlamentit i cili dha edhe dor?heqjen n? shenj? proteste. Ju e njihni mire Kushtetut?n e Shqip?ris?, keni punuar n? grupin e hartimit t? saj. A ishte nd?rhyrja e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese n? p?rputhje me kompetencat q? i jep asaj Kushtetuta? S.C.: Me dy vendimet e fundit, 75 dhe 76, Gjykata Kushtetuese po afirmon veten si nj? mbrojt?se e fort? e kushtetut?s. Dhe ka disa nene t? kushtetut?s q? i mb?shtesin ata. Por m? duket se ??shtjet jan? m? t? nd?rlikuara nga sa i ka trajtuar ato shtypi. N? se i hidhet nj? sy opinionit t? pakic?s n? vendim, t? atyre q? ishin kund?r vendimit, duket se n? Shqip?ri ka nj? debat ligjor mbi juridiksionin e k?saj gjykate. Dhe kjo ?sht? nj? ??shtje q? u takon ta vendosin autoritetet shqiptare. Mendimi im ?sht? se p?rfundimi i k?tij debati do t? jet? i r?nd?sish?m. Me dy vendimet e fundit duket se Gjykata Kushtetuese po pohon kompetencat e saj, pak a shum? e ngjashme me at? q? ndodh me Gjykat?n Kushtetuese t? Gjermanis?. Nga ana tjet?r kritik?t thon? se Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk duhet t? veproj? k?shtu. Kritik?t jan? m? tep?r p?r variantin francez t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese. Pra ky ?sht? nj? moment kritik q? do t? p?rcaktoj? t? ardhmen dhe rolin e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese n? Shqip?ri. VOA: ?far? ndikimi do t? ket? mbi sistemin e drejt?sis? n? Shqip?ri, vendimi por edhe debati q? po b?het mbi t?? S.C.: N? se fitojn? ata q? jan? kund?r vendimit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, roli i k?saj gjykate do t? kufizohej si p?rsa i p?rket mbrojtes s? kushtetut?s ashtu dhe marrjes p?rsip?r t? disa rasteve p?r shqyrtim. Kjo mund t? krijoj? nj? boshll?k dhe do t?u duhet Gjykatave t? nivelit m? t? ul?t p?r ta mbushur. VOA: N? Shqip?ri nj? pjes? e kritik?ve shkojn? edhe m? tej, madje thon? se Gjykata Kushtetuese duhet shkrir? pasi vendi nuk ka nevoj? p?r dy gjykata, nj? t? Lart? dhe nj? Kushtetuese? A ka v?rtet? vendi nevoj? p?r t? dyja Gjykatat? S.C.: Kjo ?sht? nj? ??shtje interesante q? u trajtua edhe kur po hartohej Kushtetuta. Edhe at?here kishte njer?z q? k?rkonin nj? sistem gjyq?sor t? unifikuar, q? do t? merrej edhe me kushtetuetshm?rin? e rasteve. Ky ?sht? modeli q? kemi ne n? Amerik?. K?tu tek ne, ky sistem ka q?n? shum? i efektsh?m p?r t? siguruar respektimin e shtetit ligjor, por nga ana tjet?r edhe Gjermania e pasluft?s ka b?r? nj? pun? t? shk?lqyer p?r krijimin e nj? shteti t? bazuar tek ligjet. Dhe nuk besoj se ka ndonj? ekspert ligjor q? mund ta ver? n? dyshim faktin se Gjykata Kushtetuese ka q?n? nj? nga aktoret kryesore q? ka ndikuar n? krijimin e k?tij shteti ligjor n? Gjermanin? e pas luft?s. Pra me pak fjal?, nuk ka nj? formul? magjike. Shqip?ria duhet ta vendos? vet? se cfar? modeli do t? ndjek? dhe t? q?ndroj? me k?t? model e t? p?rpiqet ta b?j? at? t? suksessh?m. P?r momentin Shqip?ria ka vendosur t? ket? nj? sistem me dy gjykata, nj? kushtetuese dhe nj? t? lart?. VOA: Meq? Shqip?ria ka vendosur, t? pakt?n p?r tani t? ket? dy gjykata, po shikojm? q? Gjykata Kushtetuese po sulmohet shum? ashp?r nga kritik?t e saj. A kemi t? b?jm? k?tu me nj? debat ligjor, me parime, n? se vendi ka apo jo nevoj? p?r dy gjykata, apo kemi t? b?jm? me at? q? shprehin shum? kritik? t? Shqip?ris?, q? vendi nuk ka respekt p?r institucionet. S.C.: M? duket se ka t? b?j? m? shum? me t? dyt?n. Kur lexoj gazetat, ajo q? bie n? sy eshte lufta personale. Shoh shum? pak debat mbi parimet, p?r t? cilat fol?t ju. Kjo vjen nga q? Shqip?ria ka shum? pak p?rvoj? me demokracin?. ?sht? ende n? fazat e para. Edhe n? vende si Amerika, ?sht? dashur shum? koh? p?r funksionimin e disa gjerave. Por ajo q? bie n? sy n? Shqip?ri, dhe me duket k?tu e kishte synimin edhe pyetja, ?sht? prirja, se kur k?rkohet shkarkimi i dikujt, gjith? v?mendja p?rq?ndrohet tek personi, ai akuzohet si i korruptuar ose kriminel, por jepen pak shjegime p?r akuzat. Dhe n? se shikohet me imt?si vendimi i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, ai flet pik?risht p?r nevojen e ndjekjes se nj? procesi t? drejt? dhe p?r shqyrtimin e baz?s s? akuzave. Le te marrim si shembull rastin ndaj presidentit Klinton n? Amerik? per shkarkimin e tij nga kongresi. Hetimet ndaj tij vazhduan disa vjet dhe pastaj p?r disa muaj parlamenti yn?, pra kongresi, u morr me dit? t? t?ra p?r t? shqyrtuar rezultatet e hetimeve p?r t? p?rcaktuar n? se ishte apo jo e p?rshtatshme p?r ta shkarkuar dhe n? fund t? debatit, publiku dhe politikan?t arrit?n n? p?rfundimin se akuzat nuk duhet t? ?onin n? largimin e tij nga detyra, megjith?se ai mund t? kishte b?r? gabime. Pra kur shoh sot gjendjen n? Shqip?ri, m? duket se politikan?t nuk tregojn? durim p?r t? menduar p?r akuzat. Ne rastin konkret, me Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m n? Shqip?ri, pyetja q? t? lind ?sht?: si do t? reagoja un? k?tu n? Amerik?, n? se prokurorit ton? t? p?rgjithsh?m do t?i b?hej nj? paralajm?rim 24 or?sh se mund ta shkarkonin, pa qen? e qart? se cilat ishin ar?syet e shkarkimit, pa nj? hetim t? zgjeruar, pa nje debat publik per hetimin. Kjo mua do t? m? shqet?sonte. Shumica e amerikan?ve do t? shqet?soheshin. Por kjo vjen nga p?rvoja dhe prandaj ky ?sht? nj? moment i r?nd?sish?m p?r Shqip?rin?. VOA: Faleminderit D?rgoja k?t? tekst --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 7 19:08:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 16:08:25 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Versioni i Korrierit per takimin e Korfuzit Message-ID: <20020507230825.14608.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> E v?rteta e takimit Nano - Meta Kryetari i Partis? Socialiste Fatos Nano dhe ish Kryeministri i Shqip?ris?, Ilir Meta kan? kaluar s? bashku nj? fundjav? n? ishullin e Korfuzit. Por si? ndodh gjithnj? n? Shqip?ri, gj?rat e thjeshta dhe normale n? thelb, nd?rlikohen dhe kthehen n? probleme q? preokupojn? jo vet?m politik?n, mediat, por edhe gjith? shoq?rin? shqiptare n? p?rgjith?si. Kronologjia e atij q? u quajt nga shum? vet? marr?veshja ose protokolli i Korfuzit, ishte m? shum? se sa e thjesht?. T? ftuar nga miq t? p?rbashk?t, Ilir Meta ish kryeministri i Shqip?ris? dhe Fatos Nano, Kryetar i Partis? Socialiste kan? kaluar tre net? s? bashku n? Grecotel Corfu Imperial, nj? hotel i njohur n? ishullin p?rball? Sarand?s. I vendosur n? zo?n e Ipsosit, hoteli n? fjal? ?sht? nj? nd?r rizortet e njohura n? ishull. I pajisur me disa plazhe t? vegj?l, me dy pishina si dhe me gjith? leht?sit? e tjera p?r nj? pushim normal, hoteli ?sht? frekuentuar edhe her? t? tjera nga personazhe t? njohur t? jet?s politike dhe t? biznesit shqiptar. Meta ishte i pari q? fluturoi drejt ishullit Jonian, i nisur nga aeroporti i Rinasit me nj? fluturim ?arter, i shoq?ruar edhe nga bashk?shortja Monika Kryemadhi dhe vajza Bora. Nano u transferua nga klinika e Athin?s, ku po kryente mjekimin e gishtave t? d?mtuar gjat? aksidentit t? vitit t? kaluar, p?r n? ishullin e njohur nj? dit? m? von?, me nj? fluturim t? linj?s, i shoq?ruar nga Xhoana Nano. Askush nuk kishte biseduar paraprakisht p?r nj? takim t? r?nd?sish?m ose t? par?nd?sish?m politik dhe mbi t? gjitha ky nuk ishte takimi i par? mes tyre q? nga dor?heqja e Met?s. Pas mbledhjes s? kryesis? ku u mendua se qe gjetur nj? zgjidhje n? marr?dh?nien mes tyre, Meta e kishte vizituar Nanon p?r m? shum? se tre or? n? zyr?n e Kryetarit t? PS. Dy jav?m? par? ata kan? udh?tuar t? dy p?r n? Vien? dhe kan? q?ndruar p?r dy dit? n? t? nj?jtin hotel, nd?rkoh? q? nj? jav? m? par?, Nano ka q?ndruar m? shum? se tre or? n? banes?n e Met?s n? periferi t? Tiran?s, kur kishte shkuar p?r t?i uruar sh?rim t? shpejt? nga nj? gjendje e r?nduar gripale. Nuk kuptohet se pse k?to tre takime aspak m? inferiore nuk ishin aq t? r?nd?sishme dhe pse takimi i Korfuzit, do t? ishte ai m? de?izivi. Mbi t? gjitha, n? Korfuz, nuk kishte nj? takim, por nj? q?ndrim tre ditor, n? t? cilin Nano dhe Meta jan? takuar disa her? n? dit? n? prani edhe t? bashk?shorteve t? tyre, miqve, apo edhe t? vet?m. Mbi t? gjitha, p?rmendja e nj? personazhi t? quajtur Nikollas Gejxh, duket se ka qen? nj? artific i sajuar me q?llim t? caktuar p?r t? t?rhequr v?mendjen dhe p?r t?iu dh?n? takimit nj? lloj misteri i cili realisht ka munguar. Gejxh ka qen? v?rtet n? Korfuz, n? t? nj?jtin hotel, por ky ka qen? Aktori i njohur Nikollas Gejxh dhe jo ish gazetari i ?Nju Jork Tajmsit? dhe protagonisti i lobit grek n? SHBA q? ka t? nj?jtin em?r me t?. Mbi t? gjitha, si? u theksua m? lart nuk ka pasur nj? takim t? vet?m, me axhend? t? p?rcaktuar dhe protokoll, por nj? fundjav? t? p?rvashk?t, n? t? cil?n, padyshim, nuk kan? munguar edhe bisedat p?r zhvillimet e r?nd?sishme n? vend. Q? kan? lidhje si me konsolidimin e q?ndrimit t? PS p?r kandidatur?n e Presidentit, ashtu edhe p?r rritjen e aft?sis? qeveris?se t? PS. Ashtu sikurse nuk kan? munguar edhe banjot e diellit, noti n? pishin? apo det dhe drekat e darkat e p?rbashk?ta. Marr?dh?niet mes Nanos dhe Met?s kan? qen? pothuaj gjat? gjith? fundjav?s korrekte dhe krejt normale p?r dy njer?z q? kan? vendosur t? kalojn? tre dit? n? nj? shoq?ri t? p?rbashk?t. Nano dhe Meta kan? l?n? hoteli Grecotel Corfu Imperial n? Ipsos dje n? mesdit? dhe jan? kthyer s? bashku me nj? fluturim ?arter mbasdite rreth or?s 16.00 n? Aeroportin e Rinasit. Duket se fundjava e pashk?ve e kaluar n? nj? shoq?ri t? p?rbashk?t m? shum? se sa p?r nj? akt konkret politik mund t? komentohet p?r nj? normalizim t? m?tejsh?m t? marr?dh?nieve mes tyre, marr?dh?nie q? padyshim do t? lozin rol n? zhvillimet dhe vendimet politike t? k?tij muaji. Nd?rkoh? duket se asgj? nuk e justifikon alarmin e mediave dhe t? nj? pjese t? politik?s, p?r at? q? m? mir? se sa Takimi ose Protokolli i Korfuzit, mund t? etiketohet si ?Fundjava e Korfuzit?. Korrieri 7/5/2002 09:38 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 7 22:18:07 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 19:18:07 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Debat ne Parlament per Durresin- Shekulli Message-ID: <20020508021807.42878.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Lakrori - Rroqi, sherr p?r depozitat e naft?s TIRANE-Heqja e depozitave t? naft?s n? Portin e Durr?sit u b? dje objekt debati mes ministrit t? Transporteve dhe Telekomunikacionit Lakrori, dhe n?nkryetarit t? PBK-s?, Rroqi. I pyetur p?r zbatimin e vendimit t? qeveris? t? para nj? viti, q? parashikon spostimin e tyre n? nj? vend tjet?r, Lakrori tha se "Nuk ka bllokim t? investimeve n? Portin e Durr?sit". Sipas tij, n? k?t? port vazhdojn? t? zbatohen projektet e Bank?s Bot?rore, Programit PHARE dhe BEI-it. Sipas tij, n? prill t? 2001 qeveria vendosi largimin e tankerave nga Porti i Durr?sit, dhe zhvendosjen e tyre graduale n? "Bishtin e Pall?s" dhe n? Portin e ri t? Vlor?s. Por pas k?saj p?rgjigje, Rroqi reagoi duke th?n? se "Vendimi i qeveris? nuk do t? zbatohet, pasi k?t? nuk e d?shirojn? shefat e nj? vendi fqinj. ?sht? e qart? q? Greqia ?sht? e interesuar q? Durr?si t? mos zhvillohet, q? portet e saj t? ken? edhe n? t? ardhmen influenc?n q? kan? sot". "N?se nuk e ?lironi ju Durr?sin, at?her? do t'u b?jm? ne thirrje qytetar?ve q? ta ?lirojn?. N?se nuk i largoni depozitat, at?her? ju do t? b?ni nj? tradhti komb?tare",-tha ai. Nd?rkoh? Lakrori duke theksuar se "Ne jemi ministra shqiptar? dhe tankerat nuk l?vizin me deklarata patetike, por me ligj dhe infrastruktur? t? rregulluar". --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 7 22:20:51 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 19:20:51 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Imunitetin Parlamentar - SHekulli Message-ID: <20020508022051.68856.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 7 22:26:51 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 19:26:51 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Imuniteti Parlamentar - perseritje - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020508022651.19604.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> ?-at e socialist?ve dhe aleat?t e tyre dor?zojn? vullnetarisht imunitetin. Meta dhe besnik?t e tij refuzojn? 40 deputet? t? PS zhvishen nga imuniteti ?ukaj: "Jemi automatikisht si gjith? qytetar?t n?se prokuroria nis hetimet" TIRAN? - 40 deputet? socialist? dhe aleat? t? tyre kan? dor?zuar imunitetin p?r t'i l?n? rrug? t? lir? drejt?sis? t? hetoj?, n?se k?rkohet p?r ta nj? gj? e till?. Shkresa e firmosur nga 40 deputet?t do t? dor?zohet sot n? komisionin parlamentar t? imunitetit dhe rregullores. Bie n? sy se n? list?n e emrave q? shprehen t? gatsh?m p?r t? mos pasur mbrojtjen e legjislativit n? rast se Prokuroria k?rkon t? hetoj? p?r ta , mungojn? emrat e ish-kryeministrit Meta, bashk?shortja e tij Monika Kryemadhi. Gjithashtu sekretari i p?rgjithsh?m Ru?i, ministrja Dade, deputeti Mustafa Mu?i, ish-kryetari i Kuvendit Dokle, kryetari i komisionit parlamentar t? ligjeve, Braho, ish-ministri Angjeli, deputeti Ndri?im Hysa, nuk i jan? bashkuar list?s me 40 emra. Nd?r deputet?t q? e kan? firmosur jan? Bashkim Fino, ministri Islami, kryetari i PS-s? Nano si dhe pjes?tar? t? l?vizjes p?r pastrim politik, Petro Ko?i, Makbule ?e?o, Gazmir Bizhga, Arben Malaj, Lek? ?ukaj, Marko Bello, Limoz Dizdari, etj,. Burimet nga komisioni parlamentar i rregullores dhe mandateve, b?jn? t? ditur se nism?s s? socialist?ve u jan? bashkuar edhe deputet?t e partive aleate. Kryetari i komisionit parlamentar t? rregullores dhe imuniteteve Lek? ?ukaj, pasi ka b?r? t? ditur se ?sht? b?r? tashm? nj? list? e gjat? me emra deputet?sh, q? kan? dor?zuar imunitetin thot? se "po t? ket? raste t? k?saj natyre dhe po t? ket? k?rkesa nga prokuroria p?r hetim, kuptohet q? do t? p?rballen me nj? list? t? till?, e cila ua jep lejen automatikisht". Por nga ana tjet?r, opozita e kund?rshton nj? m?nyr? t? till? t? dor?zimit t? mandateve. Deputeti i PD-s?, Sokol Olldashi, ?sht? shprehur dje p?r median se "p?r t? hequr imunitetin duhet nj? vendim i seanc?s plenare. N?se ky vendim p?rputhet me vullnetarizmin e 40 deputet?ve ?sht? tjet?r gj?. Por, p?rsa koh? mbetet nj? akt vullnetar nuk mund t? konsiderohet si ligj". Nga ana tjet?r, deputet?t shprehen dakord me k?t? nism? p?r dor?zimin e imunitetit, kur b?het fjal? p?r akuza publike, t? cilat duhen verifikuar. Si nisi Hapi i par? i dor?zimit vullnetar t? imunitetit erdhi prej mb?shtet?sve t? kryetarit Nano, nisur nga vet? l?vizja e tyre p?r vet?pastrim. Duke dashur q? t? tregojn? publikisht se nuk kan? gj? p?r t? fshehur ata than? para nj? muaji se "i b?jn? karshill?k ish-ministrit t? energjitik?s, Dritan Prifti, ndaj t? cilit prokuroria ka k?rkuar heqjen e imunitetit. Para nj? muaji lufta mes dy grupeve rivale n? PS ishte m? e ashp?r. Sekretari i PS-s? p?r marr?dh?niet me jasht?, Zela u shpreh p?r k?t? iniciativ? se "Kjo ?sht? nj? kinez?ri komuniste". Qysh at?her?, k?ta 40 deputet? kan? mbledhur firmat e deputet?ve t? tjer?, dhe p?r t? miratuar nj? ligj p?r heqjen vullnetare t? imunitetit. ?ukaj e shtroi ??shtjen e heqjes s? imunitetit t? deputetit, jo vet?m n? rastet kur drejt?sia nis procedim penal, por edhe si nj? detyrim nd?rkomb?trar. "Shqip?ria ?sht? an?tare e Organizat?s GREKO (Organizata Nd?rkomb?tare p?r Luft?n Kund?r Korrupsionit), e cila funksionon mbi 20 parime. Parimi 6 i k?tij dokumenti parashikon pik?risht kufizimin e imunitetit nga hetimet p?r rastet e procedimeve penale",- ?sht? shprehur ?ukaj, nd?rsa ka sqaruar nism?n e deputet?ve para nj? muaji. Nga ana tjet?r, deputet?t e opozit?s jan? shprehur se PD-ja ?sht? gati t? p?rkrah? k?t? nism?, vet?m sipas propozimit q? ka b?r? kryetari i saj, Berisha. Para dy muajsh, ai ka p?rgatitur nj? projektvendim p?r heqjen e imunitetit t? ?do deputeti, p?r t? cilin ka akuza nga prokuroria, ose i p?rmendet emri n? afera korruptive, p?r krim t? organizuar apo p?r trafiqe. K?t? projektvendim, ai e ka dor?zuar pran? t? gjitha grupeve parlamentare, por nuk ka marr? p?rgjigje pozitive. D.T Deputet?t q? jan? gati p?r t? dor?zuar imunitetin Pandeli Majko Bashkim Fino Marko Bello Lek? ?ukaj Fatos Nano Makbule ?e?o Agron Tato Nazmir Bilani Arben Malaj Kastriot Islami Petro Ko?i Limoz Dizdari Ndre Legisi Fatbardha Shabani Durim Hushi Ermelinda Meksi Viktor Doda Musa Ulqini Ben Blushi Luan Memushi Luan Rama Mezan Malaj Elida Tepelena Rahmi Mehmetllari Banush Gozhdari Maksut Balla Flamur Hoxha Zyhdi Pepa Hasan Hoxha Albert ?a?i aleat?t Neritan Ceka Arben Imami Pre? Zogaj Sk?nder Gjinushi Gaqo Apostoli ?ngj?ll Betaj Lufter Xhuveli Vasil Melo Vangjel Dule Ligoraq Karamelo Nuk e kan? firmosur Ilir Meta Monika Kryemadhi Ndri?im Hysa Bardhyl Agasi Ilir Zela Gramoz Ru?i Arta Dade Mustafa Mu?i Namik Dokle Spartak Braho Anastas Angjeli --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From silke.blumbach at t-online.de Mon May 6 19:18:00 2002 From: silke.blumbach at t-online.de (Silke Liria Blumbach) Date: 06 May 2002 23:18 GMT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Mire se vini ne listen e re "Vizione" ne shqip ! Message-ID: <174rih-16vV4Kx@fwd04.sul.t-online.com> Te dashur lexuese dhe lexues, kam themeluar nje liste te re e-mail-i ne gjuhen shqipe me titullin "Vizione". Ne kete liste do te dergoj hera-here tekste inspiruese dhe shpresedhenese nga burimet me te ndryshme. Pjesa me e madhe prej tyre do te jene perkthime. Tematika do te shtrihet nga psikologjia deri ne mistike (po kini parasysh qe lista nuk eshte fetare, por pertej feve te ndryshme). Thuhet se mendime te tilla jane ende nje luks per shqiptaret e sotem, qe jane te zene krejt nga lufta per jeten e perditshme, per mbijetesen ... une them se njeriu nuk jeton vetem nga buka ... Ky eshe nje nga kontributet e mia per ta bere boten me te mire dhe me njerezore, sidomos boten shqiptare, qe une e kam ne zemer. Ky eshte teksti pershendetes qe del nga faqja e pare: "Ketu mund te lexoni dhe te dergoni shkrime dhe perkthime inspiruese per vizionet me te ndritshme per njeriun dhe per boten ... dhe bile per Shqiperine dhe Kosoven tone te mjere! Dhe mos harroni qe utopite nuk ekzistojne kot, por per te na dhene guxim dhe orientim per jeten tone. Mire se vini ne boten e vizioneve!" Keshtu mund te anetarizoheni: Shkoni ne faqen http://groups.yahoo.com/group/vizione dhe bejeni regjistrimin ose dergojini nje e-mail bosh kesaj adrese: vizione-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Nese njihni dike qe mund te jete i interesuar, jeni te mireseardhur t'ia percillni e-mail-in. Mos u cuditni se akoma nuk ka mesazh. Grupi eshte i ri fringo dhe mendoj se javen qe vjen do te filloj te postoj. Mirupafshim - Mirulexofshim ! Juaja Silke Liria Blumbach From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 8 07:54:27 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 8 May 2002 04:54:27 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] An Interesting Book Message-ID: <20020508115427.55748.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Book Review: Takis Michas "Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia in the Nineties" Texas A&M University Press: Eastern European Studies (College Station, Tex.), No. 15; ISBN: 158544183X Hardcover - 200 pages (May 2002) UK List Price: ?24.95, US List Price: $29.95, Amazon.co.uk price: ?18.54 Can be ordered at http://www.amazon.co.uk/exec/obidos/ASIN/158544183X/qid=1020761780/sr=1-1/ref=sr_1_0_1/026-5717662-4778065 Reviewed by Panayote Dimitras (Greek Helsinki Monitor, Greece; and Central European University, Hungary), Email: panayote at greekhelsinki.gr --------------------------------------------------- Takis Michas' "Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia in the Nineties" is a "book combining personal observation, exhaustive investigation, humanitarian concerns and political analysis" (Samuel Huntington), "a courageous work" (Roy Gutman), a "devastating critique of Greece's reactive ethnonationalism" (Nicos Mouzelis) that "should be read not only by Balkan specialists but by all those interested in issues of nationalism and human rights" (Adamantia Pollis). This review fully subscribes to these back jacket comments. Michas' book provides indeed compelling, irrefutable evidence that help explain the frustration of Zoran Mutic, an anti-nationalist Serb intellectual and translator of Greek literature in Serb-Croat. In September 1995, Mutic exclaimed: "When I hear so many Greeks -journalists, academics, politicians, intellectuals- expressing their admiration for Karadzic, what can I say? How can they consider as a hero a criminal, somebody who bombed hospitals, who placed snipers to kill kids on the streets?" Karadzic was honored in an open-air mass meeting in Piraeus, in the summer of 1993, attended or supported by all political parties, trade unions, media and the Orthodox Church: the handful of demonstrators who opposed the meeting were even arrested... The convincing answers provided by Michas will make this book hard to swallow by the mainstream Greek political, media and intellectual establishment, notorious for its refusal to accept criticism and engage in self-criticism (as former socialist Minister of Justice Professor Michalis Stathopoulos has repeatedly said). It is expected that, if they decided not to ignore it, most of them will find harsher words for it than those of the former conservative foreign minister Michalis Papakonstantinou in the book's odd foreword: "Michas ... wrote the book ... more from the viewpoint of a human rights activist and critic trying to bring justice to the side he supports than that of an objective observer" (p. xi). Because indeed, in Greece, advocating for human rights, civil society, and, in the end, an open democratic society is perceived as a biased enterprise even by the most moderate members of the establishment, like M. Papakonstantinou. It is no accident that the book's author -like a few others with similar views- has more than once lost journalistic jobs for having expressed views that in most traditional democracies would not even be considered radical. Michas indeed starts the book with one such experience: losing his column in a financial daily, yet owned by a typical "globalization" entrepreneur, for having printed in April 1993 the bank account for support to the then hard-hit Sarajevo daily "Oslobodjenje" (pp. 3-4)... Michas substantiates clearly at the outset the second part of the book's title: "what seemed incomprehensible during the Bosnia and Kosovo wars was not so much that Greece sided with Serbia, but that it sided with Serbia's darkest side" (p. 4). Indeed, the book provides a detailed documentation of how Greece sided with Milosevic and scorned the Serbian opposition even through 2000. It helps explain therefore how Greece also sided with Karadzic when the latter disagreed with Milosevic, and with the Pale Serbian-Bosnian self-proclaimed parliament when it rebuffed pleas by Greek Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis, Milosevic and Karadzic during the ill-fated effort to settle the Bosnian crisis early on in 1992. He is correct, moreover, to point out that this attitude was not inspired by politicians and/or media but was a bottom-up event. "Media people and politicians simply gave in to this overpowering popular demand" (p. 5). Michas correctly explains this attitude by the weakness of Greek civil society and the prevailing intolerance in the society at large, which is indeed a much worse situation than that of a "merely" intolerant state. He attributes this characteristic to the prevalence to this very day of a militant and rather primitive form of ethnonationalism in Greece. In the end of the book, he develops this theoretical argument, and also explains the role of the Orthodox Church as a component of Greek nationalism; he looks for the roots of anti-Westernism and anti-Americanism of the left and of the right, a major element in Greek society's "irrational" attitude; and he recalls the consequent and continued persecution of dissident voices and refusal to recognize minorities, that go hand-in-hand with the prevailing intolerance. Many nationalism theorists may disagree with the author, or find some of his arguments rather weak: however, even here, it is the evidence he provides that is essential to the understanding of modern Greece, in this investigative piece that is not a rigorous academic study. The book comes out at a time when the publication of the Dutch report on the events of Srebrenica has caused serious waves in the Netherlands and beyond. These waves have not reached Greece, though, a country that was rejoicing after the "fall" of Srebrenica in July 1995 at the hands of Bosnian Serbs and their allies, Greek paramilitaries. The latter in fact raised the Greek flag in Srebrenica after its capture: for those who may try to contest this fact, a photo is provided (p. 22), alongside another immortalizing the ensuing award of medals to the paramilitaries by Karadzic (p. 23). The other major indicted war crimes suspect, then General Ratko Mladic, was equally popular in Greece. So, when the Hague Tribunal indicted both of them, two million signatures were reportedly collected by the Greek-Serbian Friendship Association to oppose their prosecution. Another revealing part of the Dutch report on Srebrenica is the reference to the support of the Bosnian Serb army by the Greek (alongside Israeli and Ukrainian) secret services which provided them with arms and ammunition. Michas' book makes this look even more credible when it reveals that NATO military secrets on the August 1995 air strikes were passed on to Mladic on direct orders of then socialist Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou: the author's source is none other than Papandreou's personal intermediary with Karadzic and Milosevic, the -then and now-President of Greek-Serbian Friendship Association, who was carrying out the mission (pp. 38-39). One would therefore not be surprised that Michas recalls also the refusal in Greece to condemn Serb atrocities in all recent wars and to accept that rapes were used as an ethnic cleansing weapon by Serbs; as well as the eagerness to refute any such allegations, and challenge the credibility of the Hague Tribunal or other international expert commissions, even by Greece's top human rights official. Besides, the book provides information on many business activities involving Greeks and Serbs to break the embargo against Serbia, acquire companies in Kosovo, launder Milosevic money, all that with full state support. This phenomenon of "fundamental irrationalism," as Salonica-born leading French sociologist Edgar Morin called it, had its culmination in 1999 with the Kosovo bombings. A near unanimity of Greeks opposed them; almost all Greek media reported events along the official Serb government line; and anti-Americanism reached a new high during the same year's US President Bill Clinton state visit, which triggered unparalleled street demonstrations, quite unlike previous or later visits by a long list of communist or other authoritarian leaders. In the end, Michas recalls how even the supposed pro-European Costas Simitis socialist government, and its foreign minister George Papandreou, tried to help Milosevic when, in October 2000, the Serbian masses and the international community demanded that he recognized his defeat by Vojislav Kostunica and stepped down: Milosevic's insistence that a run-off be held had one supporter, Greece -and personally even its foreign minister. Another important contribution of the book is the account of the sustained efforts throughout the 1990s by Greek diplomacy to destabilize or at least to prevent the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia at all, or, later on, under its constitutional name. Afraid -correctly- that such a development would only make inevitable the acknowledgment that a Macedonian minority exists in Greece -which it does, but that is Greek society's major taboo-, these efforts included even exchange of views with Milosevic to "swallow up" Macedonia, perhaps within the context of a Greek-Serb Confederation. Michas concludes the investigative part of the book with a related sarcasm: "Surely Milosevic feels sorry that he did not pursue this matter further. Had his plan for a Greek-Serb federation materialized, he might well have won the 2000 election. The majority of Greeks would have voted for him at any rate" (p. 106). How can one contest it, when his popularity rating in Greece, to the very end of his rule, was many times higher than that of all Western leaders and even than his popularity among Serbs? Or when a few hours after his extradition to the Hague, in June 2001, 79 of the some 100 Greek deputies present in Athens signed a petition opposing it and all other extraditions of Serbs to the Hague Tribunal? --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 8 16:20:33 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 8 May 2002 13:20:33 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Invitation to May 14 CPRF on International War Crimes Tribunals Message-ID: <20020508202033.55650.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Note: forwarded message attached. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness http://health.yahoo.com -------------- next part -------------- An embedded message was scrubbed... From: "Sarah Peterson" Subject: Invitation to May 14 CPRF on International War Crimes Tribunals Date: Wed, 8 May 2002 15:31:04 -0400 Size: 6485 URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 8 18:13:14 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 8 May 2002 15:13:14 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Reagimi i Nanos - ZP Message-ID: <20020508221314.27401.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Nano:S'ka enigm? apo protokoll me emrin "Korfuz" TIRANE - Kryetari i Partis? Socialiste, Fatos Nano pas kthimit t? tij nga Korfuzi, i pyetur mbi takimin e tij me ish-kryeministrin Ilir Meta atje, tha se ky takim nuk ka asnj? gj? jasht? normales dhe se ka qen? nj? takim miq?sor. "Nuk ka ndonj? enigm? apo ndonj? protokoll mbi emrin Korfuzi, por un? me zotin Meta po normalizojm? edhe marr?dh?niet njer?zore, pasi probleme politike s?kemi pasur kurr? me nj?ri tjetrin. Gjith?ka q? ka t? b?j? me jet?n ton? politike dhe private ec?n n? funksion t? nj? bashk?jetese m? shum? se 10 vje?are, n? PS dhe n? sukseset e saj", tha Nano n? lidhje me takimin. I pyetur nga gazetar?t se mos vall? takimi i Korfuzit ishte dhe me q?llime p?r l?vizje t? mundshme n? qeveri, Nano u p?rgjigj se "nuk ka ndodhur kjo gj?, sepse n? vler?simin dhe n? marr?dh?niet e mija me t? gjith? protagonist?t e tjer? t? PS-s? ekziston i nj?jti koncept q? sygjeron n? pik?n 1 t? Paktit t? Stabilitetit p?r qeverisjen, mb?shtetje reale p?r qeverin? dhe koordinim t? t? gjitha veprimeve p?r rezultat t? nj? qeverisjeje sa m? t? mir?". Nano: s?ka ndonj? enigm? apo ndonj? protokoll mbi emrin, Korfuzi Cili ishte q?llimi i takimit tuaj me ish kryeministrin Meta n? Korfuz? Nuk ka ndonj? enigm? apo ndonj? protokoll me emrin "Korfuzi", por un? me zotin Meta po normalizojm? edhe marr?dh?niet njer?zore. Probleme politike s?kemi patur kurr? me nj?ri-tjetrin dhe gjith?ka q? ka t? b?j? me jet?n ton? politike dhe private ec?n n? funksion t? nj? bashk?jetese m? shum? se dhjet?vje?are n? PS dhe n? sukseset e saj. Pra m? vjen mir? q? k?t? her? n? marr?dh?niet njer?zore midis nesh kishim edhe bashk?shortet p?rkat?se. Pse zgjodh?t Korfuzin dhe Nikolas Geixh? Nuk e kuptova se pse e ngat?rroni Geixhin n? k?t? diskutim. Por sidoqoft? qytetar? t? lir? t? t? gjitha vendeve pasi n?n kontributin e PD-s? Shqip?ria u hap dhe me kontributin ton? ne po vijm? nga dyert e shqyera n? dyer t? disiplinuara. Edhe un? e zoti Meta n? Korfuz e vende t? tjera, n? viset tona turistike apo t? vendeve fqinje vazhdojm? t? jetojm? lirisht dhe t? punojm? p?r t? mir?n e stabilitetin e Shqip?ris? dhe natyrisht edhe tuaj?n. Zoti Nano jeni kryetar i PS-s?. Me ?far? cil?sie mendoni se shkon ish-kryeministri n? Beograd? Zoti Meta i ka t? gjitha cil?sit? e nevojshme dhe kontaktet e duhura q? e ?ojn? edhe n? l?vizje rajonale. Cili ?sht? statusi ? Ju mendoni se i mungon statusi zotit Meta?! Mendoni se ndryshimet n? qeveri jan? t? nevojshme? Jo nuk e mendoj k?t? gj?, sepse n? vler?simin dhe n? marr?dh?niet e mia me t? gjith? protagonist?t e tjer? t? PS-s? ekziston i nj?jti koncept q? figuruan edhe n? pik?n 1 t? paktit p?r stabilitet t? PS-s? n? qeverisje. Mb?shtetje reale p?r qeverin? dhe kordinim i t? gjitha veprimeve p?r rezutat n? qeverisje edhe m? t? mir?. Koalicioni ?sht? ?ar? tashm?. Besoni se do arrihen 84 votat p?r Presidentin? Un? besoj se kjo pyetje ka p?rgjigje politike dhe praktike pa ekuivoke dhe n?se dikush ngatner?t nd?rmerr hapa jasht? koalicionit, do t? p?rballojm? me ose pa t? edhe efektet parlamentare. Nga kjo pikpamje un? besoj se largimi ende jo shum? i qart? i PAD-s? nga koalicioni "Aleanca p?r Shtetin", jo shum? i qart? sepse nuk ?sht? strukturuar ende, dhe se nuk ka nj? koncept t? nj?jt? midis p?rfaq?sueseve institucional? t? PAD-s?, duhet kuptuar edhe n? nivelin e tre deputet?ve q? kan? ardhur nga lista e proporcionalit t? PAD-s? n? Parlamentin shqiptar. Nuk m? rezulton ndonj? problem kritik p?r shifrat e mazhoranc?s son? t? kualifikuar. Ju do t? kandidoni p?r President? Do ta merrni k?t? p?rgjigje nga forumet e Partis? Socialiste shum? shpejt, n? p?rputhje me t? gjitha vler?simet politike dhe institucionale q? ajo ka adoptuar. Pra kandidati p?r President do t? jet? i propozuar nga PS-ja si p?rfaq?sues i vlerave m? t? spikatura t? saj n? k?to dhjet? vjet. Do t? hidhni kandidatur?n tuaj n? kryesi? Duroni se do ta m?soni Sipas statutit t? PS-s? kur duhet t? shpallet kandidatura? Nuk kemi shtr?ngesa statutore. Kemi t? gjith? impenjimin p?r t?i dh?n? p?rgjigje pa humbur koh? k?saj ??shtjeje, duke mir?kuptuar q? zgjedhja e Presidentit nga Parlamenti, nuk n?nkupton as zhurm?, as fushata p?r k?t? q?llim. N?se do t? propozoheni nga baza a do t? pranoni p?r President? Nuk besoj se ?sht? strukturuar ndonj? proces, ku baza do t? propozoj? k?t? gj?, ashtu si? besoj se edhe ju jeni n? kontakt me nj? opinion t? gjer? publik q? tashm? e ka propozuar k?t? gj?. Meta si ish-kryeminist?r e ka shtyr? disa her? vizit?n p?r n? Beograd. A ?sht? konsultuar me ju n? Korfuz p?r k?t? vizit? n? Beograd? Duhet t? kuptoni q? ne kemi nj? bashk?punim strategjik. Kemi nj? filozofi politike t? nj?jt? dhe nuk besoj se ka nevoj? p?r diskutime teknike p?r nisma korrekte. Pra un? dua t? theksoj se e mir?kuptoj dhe ?sht? n? nj? sens drejt komplementar me filozofin? politike t? PS-s? edhe nisma e zotit Meta p?r t? vizituar Beogradin, i cili ?sht? nj? Beograd tjet?r, ?sht? kryeqyteti i Serbis? pas Milloshevi?it, e cila po rifiton statusin e organizatave nd?rkomb?tare si dhe vendin e saj n? bashk?punimin rajonal q? nga Pakti i Stabilitetit gjithashtu dhe kontaktet me politikan? demokrat? dhe t? orientuar nga evroatlantizmi si zotin Xhinxhi?, un? i shoh si stimuj t? m?tejsh?m p?r nj? bashk?veprime dhe shqiptaro-serb n? evropianizimin e Ballkanit. Zoti Dokle kur dha dor?heqjen foli p?r baron? t? drog?s n? politik?. Keni ndonj? koment? Nuk besoj se mund t? b?j ndonj? arsyetim politik mbi emocionet e dor?heqjes s? zotit Dokle. Nuk m? figurojn? t? qarta dhe t? v?rtetueshme q? vler?simet e tij p?r baronizimin e politik?s shqiptare, t? mazhoranc?s apo t? PS-s? q? e udh?heq at?. A mund t? na thoni se ?far? biseduat n? prani t? zotit Geixh? M? lejoni t?iu them q? un? nuk fus hund?t n? jet?n tuaj private, n? Korfuz apo n? dhom?n tuaj t? gjumit. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Shopping - Mother's Day is May 12th! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu May 9 08:22:36 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 9 May 2002 05:22:36 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shekulli Message-ID: <20020509122236.97838.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Jo republik? bananiere Nga Genc Burimi Pa u thar? ende boja e anatemave q? diskredituan publikisht Ilir Met?n dhe Fatos Nanon se i ? terheq prej hunde ? lobi anti-shqiptar ? Panepirotic Federation ?, deputeti Meta vendos serbes ( me ?fare parash ?) te porosise ?arterin per ne Beograd, pa u shqet?suar t'i jap? llogari opinionit shqiptar e t'i marr? leje institucioneve sovrane te vendit. Ky ?sht? nje provokim q? i b?het nd?rgjegjes komb?tare, shtetit shqiptar, qeveris? shqiptare, parlamentit shqiptar. Kjo eshte thyerja e tabuse se fundit, pas posht?rimeve q? po pesojn? shqiptar?t q? prej fillimit t? fam?keqit Katarsis. Vjen nje moment q? praktikave surrealiste u duhet thene stop, n?se s'duam nj? dit? t? gdhihemi me nj? mbret t? ri shqiptar t? vet?shpallur. Q? Kosova pati gjat? nj? dekade institucione dhe ekonomi paralele kjo ishte m? se e kuptueshme n? kushtet e segregacionit etnik serb. Q? ka shtete ne Afrik? , apo Kamboxha n? Azi me dy kryeministra e dy qeveri, kjo justifikohet me rrethanat e luft?rave civile. Por q? n? Shqiperine e pavarur e t? integruar n? rrethin e shteteve demokratike, t? ket? dublim te institucioneve sovrane nga individ? q? vazhdojn? t? jetojn? me delirin e madh?shtis?, kjo ?sht? fyese, kjo ?sht? e patolerueshme. Shqip?ria nuk ?sht? republik? bananiere, ku njeri klan politik konkuron p?r t? treguar se ?sht? m? i fuqish?m se klani tjet?r, duke p?rdorur simbolet e shtetit dhe protokollet e vizitave zyrtare. Cfare p?rfaq?son Ilir Meta sot ? Ai ?sht? nj? nga deputet?t e parlamentit shqiptar dhe nuk ka asnj? privilegj m? tep?r se koleg?t e tij parlamentar?. Ai p?rfaq?son vet?m veten dhe nj? zon? elektorale me disa mij?ra zgjedh?s. N?se Meta ka d?shir? t? njoh? Beogradin, le t? shkoj? privatisht si turist, si? e b?n mentori i tij Fatos Nano ?do fund jave ne Janine a ne Korfuz. Por vizita zyrtare, p?r m? tep?r n? nj? vend ku historia na ka m?suar se ?do hap, ?do fjal?, ?do inisiativ? duhet peshuar mir?, ?sht? nj? akt jasht?zakonisht delikat t? cilin shqiptar?t s'mund t'ia besojn? ve?se institucioneve te tyre supreme, presidentit, kryeministrit, kryetarit t? parlamentit. Deputeti Meta, p?r vet? detyr?n e lart? shtet?rore q? ka patur, duhet te jet? m? i vet?dijshem se kushdo, p?r r?nd?sin? e respektimit t? institucioneve legale t? vendit. Cdo veprim i tiji rrezikon t? sh?rbeje si shembull p?r t? tjer?t dhe p?r k?t? ai duhet t? dij? t'i imponoj? vetes urt?si, modesti e vet?kontroll. E imagjinon zoti Meta, sikur secilin nga deputet?t shqiptar? ta ? pushtonte ? papritur d?shira e parezistueshme t? marr? ?arterin e t? shkoj? p?r negocjata n? vendet fqinj? n? em?r t? popullit dhe t? shtetit shqiptar ? Ky do te ishte bastardim i institucioneve q? kane t? drjet?n legjitime t? na p?rfaq?sojn?, nje ? kafarnaum ? i v?rtet? dipllomatik. Shqip?eria moderne s'duhet t? ket? asgj? t? p?rbashk?t me praktikat tribale dhe ? ma?izmin? politik --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Shopping - Mother's Day is May 12th! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu May 9 08:27:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 9 May 2002 05:27:25 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Gjuhen Message-ID: <20020509122725.8902.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Shqet?simin p?r ta mbrojtur gjuh?n duhet ta ngrem? q? t? gjith?. Ajo nuk pastrohet dot me nj? "lopat?" gjuh?tari a shkrimtari Pse u degradua gjuha jon? komb?tare Nga Ali Dhrimo Lexova me ?ndje t? ve?ant?, por edhe me nj? pik?llim t? thell? "klithm?n" e ?ilt?r q? i dilte nga shpirti, poetit dhe p?rkthyesit ton? t? shquar Robert Shvarc, p?r shfytyrimin q? po p?son gjuha jon? n? dit?t e sotme. Ai thot? se ndoshta nuk i takon atij t'u tregoj? bashk?kombasve vler?n e gjuh?s p?r nj? komb e se kjo do t? ishte n? radh? t? par? detyr? e Akademis? s? Shkencave, e Institutit t? Gjuh?sis?. Dhe, nga nj?ra an?, ka t? drejt?. Koha q? po jetojm?, k?rkon jo vet?m studime t? thelluara p?r ??shtje t? ndryshme t? gjuh?s shqipe, por, n? radh? t? par?, e mbi t? gjitha ruajtjen e p?rkryerjen e saj n? t? folur e t? shkruar. Prandaj m? mir? e m? shpejt se kushdo, padyshim alarmin duhet ta japin dhe fjal?n duhet ta thon? gjuh?tar?t, t? cil?t edhe e ndiejn? m? mir? se kushdo se ku mund t? ?oj? ky shp?rfytyrim me k?t? "yrysh" q? ka marr?. Ve? k?saj, mendohet se q? t? parafrazojm? fjal?t e Konic?s - edhe n? mos qofshin, duhet t? jen? m? n? gjendje t'i shohin, ku jan? t? metat, gabimet e shtremb?rimet, nga vijn? dhe si duhen parandaluar e shmangur ato. Por, kur pash? se edhe numri i gazet?s, ku botohej shkrimi i zotit Shvarc, vet?m at? shkrim kishte pa gabime, nd?rsa t? tjerat vijonin t? vuanin si p?rdit? nga t? nj?jtat lajthitje, mendova se hauret e Avgjis? nuk pastrohen dot me nj? "lopat?" gjuh?tari a shkrimtari, ato duan t'u kthesh lumin. E k?t? lum? mund ta b?jm? t? gjith? s? toku, jo me z?ra t? ve?uar e q? d?gjohen "nga nj? her? m? han?z" dhe q? g?zojn? vet?m redaktorin e rubrik?s p?rkat?se t? gazet?s. Se k?tu nuk b?het fjal?, si? thoshte zoti Petraq Kolevica n? shkrimin e tij aq shqet?sues lidhur me lyerjen e nd?rtesave t? kryeqytetit, p?r "lyerjen e sht?pis? sate nga brenda", t? cil?n ti mund ta b?sh si t? duash, por ?sht? fjala p?r fytyr?n e nj? kombi t? t?r?, prandaj askush nuk ka t? drejt? t? na e llangos? si t'i thon? halucinacionet a padija e tij. Kjo do t? thot? q? shqet?simin p?r ta mbrojtur gjuh?n ton? duhet ta kemi e ta ngrem? q? t? gjith? dhe jo vet?m nj? her?, kudo q? jemi dhe ?far?do mjesht?rie qofshim. Mir?po ?'ndodh? ?sht? p?r t? ardhur keq t? rikujtojm? k?tu disa nga fjal?t e Mahir Domit p?r gjuh?n ton? letrare, th?n? k?tu e nj?zet vjet t? shkuara, p?r t? par? pun?n ton? gjat? k?tyre dhjet? vjet?ve n? l?min e gjuh?s letrare. Ai shkruan: "?lirimi e gjeti gjuh?n ton? letrare jo t? p?rpunuar sa duhet, t? pakristalizuar, t? panj?suar, me dy variante, t? mbushur me nj? mori fjal?sh t? huaja t? panevojshme". Ne m? 1992, kur u orvat?m ta kthenim fytyr?n nga Per?ndimi, si? na m?sonte Naimi, kishim tashm? nj? gjuh? t? nj?suar letrare, me nj? norm? pak a shum? t? kristalizuar p?rfundimisht n? t? gjitha rrafshet e saj. Ajo kryente funksionet e veta si mjet komunikimi e bashkimi shpirt?ror p?r t? gjith? shqiptar?t kudo q? jetonin e punonin. * * * Por pik?risht n? at? vit, kur duhet t? niste nj? nga ?lirimet e v?rteta t? mendjes dhe t? shpirtit shqiptar, ndodhi "nj? hap para, dy hapa prapa". Dhe me ne shqiptar?t ndodh ?udit?risht gjithmon? e nj?jta gj?: ne nuk m?sohemi dot t? vijojm? rrug?n e historis?, si gjith? kombet e tjera, duke p?rmir?suar vet?m gabimet e s? kaluar?s. Neve, t? gjith? ata q? na vijn? n? krye, p?rpiqen t? na mbushin mendjen vet?m e vet?m p?r nj? gj?: q? ata jan? m? t? mir?t gjat? t?r? historis? s? k?tij kombi. Prandaj ?do gj? duhet t? nis? me ata, nga e para. K?shtu q? iu vu kazma gjith?kaje t? deriat?hershme, shum? shpesh edhe atje ku jo vet?m q? nuk ishte fare nevoja, por ishte nj? gabim i tmerrsh?m dhe i pafalsh?m. N? k?t? qerthull ndryshimesh e "mrekullish" filluan, pra, menj?her? edhe n? l?min e gjuh?s "p?rpjekje" ?orodit?se t? nd?rmarra nga "t? pamarr?t vesh" p?r nj? rishikim thelb?sor e t? gjithansh?m t? asaj gjuhe q? ishte arritur me aq mund e gjak brezash t? t?r?. Ajo nuk kishte qen? jo kurr?n e kurr?s "pron?" e diktatur?s (hiq k?tu ca gj?ra qesharake t? psikologjis? e t? fjalorit shar?s p?r kund?rshtar?t politik? dhe lavd?rues e hyjnizues t? pafre p?r kast?n e veprat e saj) dhe aq m? pak ishte e duhet t? lejohej t? ishte "pron?" e ndonj?rit q? zuri nj? post t? beft? n? sfer?n e gjuh?sis?. Ajo ishte prona m? e vyer e nj? kombi t? t?r?, t? cil?n ai e kishte arritur me luft? e p?rpjekje m? s? pakti 500-vje?are. * * * Do t? kishte qen? mjaft e frytshme, sikur t? ishte vijuar puna e nisur me harrje, p?rkitje e plot?sime t? m?tejshme, p?r t? p?rmir?suar, p?rpik?suar e plot?suar m? tej ato vise, ku gjuha jon? letrare kishte nevoj?, sidomos n? rrethanat e reja politiko-shoq?rore, ashtu si? kan? b?r? dhe b?jn? gjuh?tar?t e ?do vendi q? kan? prej shekujsh nj? gjuh? letrare, e cila l?vrohet e p?rpunohet pa pushim. Kjo jo vet?m q? nuk parakupton kurr?sesi prekjen e qenies dhe t? funksionimit t? gjuh?s letrare si mjeti i vet?m dhe m? i r?nd?sish?m i komunikimit mbar?shqiptar, por p?rkundrazi ?sht? kusht i domosdosh?m q? ajo ta kryej? si duhet k?t? mision dhe t? mos ngurt?sohet e t? largohet nga gjuha e p?rgjithshme komb?tare. Eqerem ?abej thekson se "ringjalljet komb?tare kudo e n? ?do koh? kan? shkuar hap m? hap me pasurimin e pastrimin e gjuh?s.P?r fat t? keq te ne dol?n disa "teoricien?" me ide frym?shkurtra ala Marr, t? cil?t pandeh?n se n? em?r t? demokracis? duhej dhe mund ta rrafshonin leht? ngrehin?n e send?rgjuar me aq mund nga breza t? t?r? l?vruesish, mendimtar?sh e penash t? pavdekshme dhe pastaj t? fillonin nj? kull? t? re Babilonie. K?shtu gjuh?tar?t humb?n dhe po humbasin edhe sot mjaft koh? n? k?t? luft? me mullinjt? e er?s, me diskutime shterpe: a kemi apo nuk kemi nj? gjuh? t? nj?suar e "t? p?rshtatshme" letrare. Edhe n? kemi, ta flakim e t? b?jm? nj? tjet?r. "Shyqyr jarebi!" q? nuk u shkoi nd?r mend ta fillonin "luft?n" me alfabetin dhe Kongresin e Manastirit! Se ja, kjo vjen nga Jugu, ajo nga Veriu? - a thua se b?hej e b?het fjal? p?r ministra e kolltukofag? dhe jo p?r nj? mjet komunikimi mbar?komb?tar. * * * Ndodh?n ndryshime t? papara demografike, me pasoja shum? t? m?dha edhe gjuh?sore, dhe gjuh?sia hesht. Shp?rtheu nj? lul?zim i pakundshoq i botimeve, filluar nga libri artistik dhe p?rkthimet e deri te pylli i v?rtet? i shtypit shqiptar dhe gjuh?sia hesht. Gjuh?sia hesht n? nj? koh? q? te ne ka dhjet? vjet q? po merren me shkrime e ligj?rime publike lloj-lloj njer?zish, me lloj-lloj formimi kulturor, e para s? gjithash, gjuh?sor. Gjuh?sia hesht, kur duke u shtuar aq vrullsh?m sa stacionet radio-televizive, aq edhe koh?zgjatja e transmetimeve t? tyre, aty flasin gjithfar? njer?zish, kryq?zohen pa kurrfar? kontrolli lloj-lloj formimesh kulturore e gjuh?sore, madje lloj-lloj pik?pamjesh p?r kultur?n e p?r gjuh?n. Gjuh?sia hesht, kur n? k?to stacione radio-televizive punojn? e veprojn? nj? armat? e v?rtet? vajzash e djemsh t? rinj, t? cil?t punojn? me p?rkushtim me dhe pa orar, por q? p?r fat t? keq t? shumt?n e her?s ??shtjet e gjuh?s q? p?rdorin, i kan? shqet?sim t? fundit, n? mos t? aspakt?. Disa prej tyre madje nisen p?r fat t? keq nga bindja e rreme se, si? thot? zoti Shvarc, ata "thajn?" tashm? disa gjuh? t? huaja, jo m? shqipen q? e kan? t? n?n?s. Duke e par? gjendjen n? k?t? k?ndv?shtrim, b?het e domosdoshme t? trandet vendi e t? shkundet fort mbar? shoq?ria shqiptare, sepse jo vet?m gjuha e masave t? gjera t? popullit, por edhe e t? shkolluarve (shpesh analfabet? me diplom?) ka r?n? shum? posht?. ?sht? e domosdoshme t? nd?rmerren hapa sa m? t? ngutsh?m dhe sa m? praktik?. Duhet, pra, nj? "t?rmet", nuk duhen disa biseda, takime e porosi n? salla t? mbyllura me disa p?rgjegj?s, drejtor? e kryetar?. Atyre k?tej u hyn, andej u del. Ministria, Universiteti, Akademia duhet t? nisin pun?n dhe t? nd?rgjegj?sojn? s? pari armat?n e madhe t? arsimtar?ve, pastaj ato t? redaktor?ve, p?rkthyesve, gazetar?ve, shkrimtar?ve, botuesve, t? gjith? pun?tor?t dhe njer?zit e fjal?s shqipe. * * * E nj?jta gjendje v?rehet n? emisionet tona televizive n? p?rgjith?si dhe sidomos lidhur me lajmet n? ve?anti. Lajme te ne ka dhe madje ka tep?r, me or? t? t?ra (megjith?se m? t? shumtat jan? p?r gj?ra q? nuk p?rb?jn? lajm). Duke mbetur n? l?min e fjal?s - pa e kuptuar k?t? aspak vet?m si gramatik? -, do t? themi se ato jepen me nj? gjuh? gati krejt t? pakontrolluar, tejet t? shkujdesur, me nj? rit?m t? tmerrsh?m leximi dhe m? n? fund n? nj? m?nyr? jasht?zakonisht t? m?rzitshme. E vetmja gj? q? i b?n interesante, ?sht? se ato jan? t? mbushura me vrasje, vjedhje, skandale, sulme e plot gj?ra "trim?rore", ?ka tregon n? m?nyr? t? kat?rcipt? se k?tu nd?r ne nuk ka shtet. Ato jepen pak a shum? k?shtu: Fillojm? emisionin e or?s? N? k?t? emision do t? ndiqni... (dhe na jepen nj?her? t? gjitha lajmet si tituj). Pastaj, sipas radh?s, ngjarja e secilit lajm na tregohet "me pak fjal?" nga fol?si (a fol?sja). Pastaj at? na e ritregon me holl?si telekronisti (a telekronistja). Dhe n? fund, jo rrall?, e rimerr fjal?n fol?si (a fol?sja) dhe na i kujton edhe nj?her? t? gjitha "lajmet", duke na th?n?: N? lajmet tona ndoq?t... (dhe i d?gjojm? edhe nj?her? t? gjith? "hyneret" e asaj dite n? Shqip?ri)! Helbete, jemi t? trash?, dhe kujtes? nuk kemi! Le t? mos t? shkoj? mendja, po deshe, te vargjet e Kristo Floqit, drejtuar Zogut I, mbretit t? shqiptar?ve: Nga xhepi jemi holl?,/ Nga menia pleqni,/ Kena qillu njer?z pa shkoll?, / Na fal kusuret, Naltmadhni. Pa dyshim k?t? m?nyr? transmetimi kan? edhe stacionet e huaja, po me nj? ndryshim: P?rs?riten ato m? kryesoret dhe q? p?rb?jn? v?rtet lajm. E pra, kush po merr mundimin t'ua b?j? k?to v?rejtje dhe t? bisedoj? me ta p?r lajthitjet a shmangiet nga norma gjuh?sore gjith? k?tyre njer?zve q? na prodhojn? ushqimin e p?rditsh?m shpirt?ror e intelektual, gjith? atyre q? shkruajn? e flasin si njer?z publik?? Askush. Disa zgjidhje Si mund t? shmanget kriza e gjuh?s Duhet t? organizohen, para s? gjithash, takime me m?suesit e shkollave, sepse ata m?kojn? brezat tan? t? ardhsh?m me gjuh?n amtare. Ata duhet t? jen? shembull i ligj?rimit letrar s? pari n? klas?, por detyrimisht edhe jasht? saj. Bisedoja me nj? gjuh?tar dhe ai, duke dashur t? m? tregonte se njeh disa "regjistra" t? gjuh?s son?, m? thoshte se me t? ?m?n, me v?llez?rit dhe n? fshat flet t? folmen e vet t? kulluar. I b?jm? pyetjen vetes dhe themi: A jemi misionar? ne m?suesit apo jemi artizan?, kallf?? A duhet t? kemi gjithmon? nj? fytyr?, nj? ligj?rim apo disa? T? veprosh k?shtu, do t? thot? ta v?shtrosh gjuh?n letrare si nj? "luks", si " privilegj" a "kostum t? diele" t? rezervuar vet?m p?r t? shkolluarit, p?r intelektual?t, vet?m p?r sallat e sallonet, kurse masa e gjer? e popullit as n? m?nyr? pasive nuk ka pse ta d?gjoj?, ajo "boll" e ka t? folmen e vet dhe nuk ka pse t? mundohemi me t? dhe as ta zgjojm? nga gjumi shekullor. Por ne p?r m? tep?r nuk duhet t? harrojm? aspak se n? ato biseda "n? fshat" ka edhe f?mij?, t? cil?t nes?r do t? b?hen si ne e do t? na z?vend?sojn? dhe ne pa dashje i m?kojm? keq. Prifti ?sht? prift, n? kish? a n? mes t? fshatit, kurse ne qenkemi ndryshe n? klas?, ndryshe n?p?r podiume konferencash, ndryshe n? fshat. K?tu nuk duhet ngat?rruar terminologjia profesionale, k?tu ?sht? fjala p?r gjuh?n si mjet komunikimi. Po k?shtu duhet folur drejtp?rs?drejti me njer?zit e shtypit e t? mediave, t? cil?t jan? ?do dit? e ?do mbr?mje n? familjet tona dhe bashk? me t? rejat e "hyneret" e dit?s na ngulisin n? mendje edhe lloj-lloj fjal?sh e shprehjesh nga m? t? ?uditshmet, m? t? pabesueshmet dhe, ?'?sht? me e keqja, m? t? pakuptueshmet! E nj?jta gj? mendoj se duhet b?r? me redaktor?t e sht?pive botuese, t? cilat hedhin n? treg nj? ushqim t? jasht?zakonsh?m p?r mendjet e njer?zve tan? e bashk? me t? edhe nj? gjuh? me t? mirat e t? metat e saj jo t? vogla. K?tu nuk duhen l?n? aspak m?njan? punonj?sit e institucioneve t? ndryshme, njer?zit e administrat?s, t? cil?t hartojn? lloj-lloj shkresash, urdh?resash e ligjesh. Pra duhen thirrur n? tryez? t? gjith? an?tar?t aktiv? t? mendjes e t? pen?s n? shoq?rin? ton? dhe duhet t? vihen vijimisht n? dijeni p?r shqet?simet e ndryshimet q? nxjerr praktika gjuh?sore te ne. Dhe nj? gj? e till? arrihet duke krijuar nj? sistem en?sh komunikuese, duke dal? vijimisht n? faqet e shtypit me ??shtje gjuh?sore, por edhe duke organizuar biseda t? shpeshta, n? mos t? rregullta, p?r ??shtje t? caktuara me t? gjith? k?ta veprimtar?. Pra, jo konferenca masive, nj? her? n? pes? vjet, por lidhje e k?shillime t? pand?rprera. ?sht? gjithashtu nevoj? e ngutshme e koh?s q? edhe politikan?t tan?, edhe n? u ardht? r?nd? t? marrin pjes? vet? n? takime t? tilla, duke nderuar k?shtu gjuh?n amtare, t? d?rgojn? aty s? paku ata q? ua shkruajn? fjalimet, "Demkat". Kur d?gjon gjuh?n e tyre n? parlament e jasht? tij, njeriu bindet se sa e ngutshme ?sht? nj? gj? e till? dhe se sa posht? ka r?n? gjuha jon?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Shopping - Mother's Day is May 12th! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu May 9 21:32:54 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 9 May 2002 18:32:54 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kokalari's interview - KJ - Top Channel Message-ID: <20020510013254.81147.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Anastas Angjeli, mik i armiqve te Shqiperise" Geri Kokalari eshte me prejardhje shqiptare. Emri i tij eshte i lidhur ngushte me lobin shqiptar ne Amerike, duke qene nje nga zerat e forte te Shqiperise ne SHBA. Shquhet si nje ekonomist me aftesi. Ne intervisten e tij, ai shpreh shqetesimin e madh te ekspansionit ekonomik grek ne Shqiperi. Kete ai ia faturon direkt politikaneve shqiptare, duke permendur Anastas Angjelin si nje nga "perfaqesuesit". Ai shprehet se Nicolas Cage, i perfolur si ndermjetes per takimin e Korfuzit Nano-Meta, eshte nje armik i Shqiperise. Si ju duket situata politike ne Shqiperi? Jam shume i shqetesuar per ndikimin e forcave te jashtme, vecanerisht qe vijne nga jugu i Shqiperise, influencohen tek qeveria juaj ashtu edhe tek ekonomia shqiptare. Une e kuptoj realitetin qe per arsye te pozicionit strategjik ata jane te interesuar per ekonomine shqiptare. Por Shqiperia nuk mund te dominohet nga nje force e vetme. Kete shqetesim tuajin e mbeshtesni ne ndonje fakt apo emer konkret? Ne te gjithe ne Amerike kemi degjuar per zotin Angjeli, i cili eshte i perfshire me interesat greke. Une di qe ne nje rast ai ka qene i ftuar i z.Nicolas Gage ne SHBA. Eshte po ky njeri qe vizitoi zonat jugore te Shqiperise ne raundin e fundit te zgjedhjeve dhe ishte i shoqeruar nga ambasadori amerikan. Sipas meje kjo ishte nje fyerje per shqiptaret sepse Nikolas Gage eshte armik i betuar i Shqiperise. Ai njeri drejton nje organizate te quajtuar "Panepirike". Ai e quan Shqiperine jugore si Epiri verior dhe per mua kjo eshte ceshtje e sovranitetit kombetar per Shqiperine. Si mund te leme nje njeri te tille te veproje? Si ka mundesi qe nje anetar i qeverise shqiptare te takoje kete njeri? Ju po flisni per z. Anastas Angjeli ish-ministrin tone te financave apo jo? Pikerisht per kete njeri. Ministri i financave Anastas Angjeli ishte i fuar i z.Gage ne konferencen vjetore Panepirike. Kjo eshte e vertetuar, mund te gjeni materiale edhe ne interenet, por une kam degjuar edhe per takime dhe kontakte te tjera mes tyre, por nuk mund t'i konfirmoj ato megjithese nuk habitem te jene reale. Z.Angjeli edhe here te tjera eshte diskutuar per lidhje te tij me biznesin grek dhe lejimin e ekspansionit te kapitalit grek ne Shqiperi qe ne disa fusha eshte dominues. Cili eshte komenti juaj per kete? Ne rast se eshte folur, pasi une nuk e di, mendoj qe eshte e gabuar. Pjese e problemit ne Shqiperi eshte se anetaret e qeverise suaj nuk e kuptojne se ku perfundon misioni i tyre si anetar qeverie dhe ku fillon pjesa e biznesit. Dicka tjeter eshte te jesh anetar qeverie dhe tjeter te jesh biznesmen. Nuk ka asgje te keqe te merresh me biznes, por ne rast se do ta besh, perkushtoju vetem atij. Nuk duhet perdorur pushteti politik si minister per te demtuar interesat e shqiptareve, nuk mund te veprosh per interesa egoiste personale ne dem te shqiptareve. Dhe ai po ben pikerisht kete dhe kjo eshte absolutisht e gabuar. Ne rast se keto situata monopolizuese jane te verteta a ka ndonje rrezik politik ne to? Sigurisht qe ka rrezik politik. E ndiej si dicka shume llogjike qe Nano nga njera ane akuzoi shume hapur Angjelin dhe Meten si persona te korruptuar dhe e kunderta ata akuzuan Nanon, tani ata po perqafohen me njeri- tjeterin. Pse ndodh kjo? Ata mendojne se keto shfaqje dhe deklarata jane te nevojshme dhe po perpiqen te manipulojne qeverine shqiptare dhe ekonomine shqiptare. Ne rast se mendojne keshtu eshte vertet e gabuar. Cili eshte mendimi juaj per ekonomine shqiptare ne pergjithesi? Shume vjet qe kam ardhur ketu qe nga 1994-a, shoh progres. Per here te pare kam ardhur si anetar i nje misioni humanitar ndihme. Nga kjo organizate erdhen ne Shqiperi 10 milion dollare ndihme. Heren e pare qe erdha cdo gje ishte e trishtuar, Shqiperia ishte e pis-_ndertesat e shakterruara, njerezit e varfer, spitalet ishin pa drita, cdo gje ishte e deshperuar. Sa here qe vij shoh progres. Per here te fundit kam ardhur ne vitin 2000. Shoh rruge te ndertuara biznese private qe rriten dhe kompani shqiptare. Kjo eshte inkurajuese, por problem ngelet ajo qe e ushqen kete ngritje ekonomike. Dhe pjesa e padukshme e kesaj ekonomie nuk eshte e shendetshme. Marre me shkurtime nga Top Chanel --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Shopping - Mother's Day is May 12th! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 11 09:56:11 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 06:56:11 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: 14th Biennial Conference on Balkan Linguistics, Literature and Folklore, 14-17.4.2002, Oxford, Mississippi Message-ID: <20020511135611.68298.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu May 9 15:03:54 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Fri, 10 May 2002 00:03:54 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: 14th Biennial Conference on Balkan Linguistics, Literature and Folklore, 14-17.4.2002, Oxford, Mississippi BALKAN CONFERENCE 2004 14th Biennial Conference on Balkan Linguistics, Literature and Folklore Thursday-Saturday April 14-17, 2004 Hosted by The University of Mississippi in Oxford, Mississippi We invite you to take a Virtual Campus Tour of Ole Miss or to have a Live Look-In at the Grove, the center of campus activity. For more information on things to do and see in Oxford and Northeast Mississippi, click here. Preliminary Conference Schedule: All panel sessions will be held in various rooms at the E.F. Yerby Conference Center. (Click here for map.) The Plenary Session will be held in the building's main auditorium. Registration: Registration Fees: Registration is expected to be $20. Special Events: Optional excursions are being planned for conference participants, including: a Double Decker bus tour of Oxford; Rowan Oak, the home of William Faulkner; the University Museums (where we will have a displace of works on Balkan studies); the J.D. Williams Library; Square Books, the famous local bookstore; the Peabody Hotel, Beale Street, Graceland, the Pyramid, Mud Island and the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis; and Elvis Presley's birthplace in Tupelo. Also planned are a book/ poetry reading at Off Square Books and an outing to a local catfish and buffet restaurant. Details will be forthcoming. Travel and Accommodations: Travel to Oxford, MS -- Oxford is located at the crossroads of State Highways 6, 7 and 30 in north central Mississippi. Oxford is approximately 3 hours by car from Birmingham, 5 hours from Little Rock or Nashville, and 7 hours from New Orleans or Atlanta. Greyhound Buslines has a stop in Oxford. Memphis has the closest international airport (approximately one hour from Oxford), although Tupelo, MS has a small regional airport (only 50 minutes away). The Memphis International Airport is a hub for Northwest Airlines but is also serviced by American, Continental, Delta and United Airlines, AirTran, US Airways and TWA. The Tupelo Airport currently is serviced only by Northwest Airlink. NORTHWEST AIRLINES is expected to be the official airlines of the BALKAN 2004 conference in Oxford, Mississippi. If you or your travel agent call Northwest's toll-free number (1-800-225-2525) to book your reservations, you will receive a 5% discount off the lowest applicable discount fare, including First Class, or a 10% discount off full fare unrestricted coach fares, purchased 7 days in advance. An additional 5% discount will apply when tickets are purchased at least 60 days in advance of your travel date. Discounts also apply on Northwest Airlink. Call Northwest's Specialized Meeting Reservations Center at 1- 800-QQQ-QQQQ to obtain the best fares and schedule information. Make sure you refer to the Meeting ID Number, which is QQQQQ. Dedicated reservation agents are on duty 7 days a week from 7:00 AM to 12:00 midnight EST. If you would like to check out flight schedules to Memphis or Tupelo before calling, take a look at this. Arrangements will be made to make available shuttle transportation from Memphis to Oxford. The cost of this transportation will be $30 one way and $50 roundtrip. Click here to download an Acrobat-compatible pdf form with which you may register for this transportation or click here for an html file. Lodging -- A block of 50 rooms at a special rate of $62-80 per night has been reserved at the Downtown Inn, which is located just off the Square in downtown Oxford, about a 15-munte walk form the campus of The University of Mississippi. If you are interested in sharing a hotel room with another conference participant, please press here. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Sat May 11 20:12:51 2002 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola) Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 20:12:51 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] albanian names Message-ID: Dear list-members, An american friend of arberesh descent will soon be a father and wishes to give his daughter an albanian name, preferably one with special significance or meaning. He has delegated this task to me, but alas I don't know many purely albanian names. I (and he) would be thankful for any suggestions. Please send them directly to me. many thanks! eriola. From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 11 21:09:00 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 18:09:00 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Pa koment - Korrieri Message-ID: <20020512010900.96536.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Shqiperia, 24 ore pa udheheqje Shqiperia, 24 ore pa udheheqje Nga Alfred Peza/ Makbule Ceco ka qene dje funksionarja me e larte e Shqiperise, e cila duhet te ushtronte njekohesisht atributetet e Presidentit, Kryetarit te Kuvendit dhe Kryeministrit. Kjo pasi ndoshta per here te pare ne historine e vendit dhe historine e botes moderne, te tre kreret me te larte te Shqiperise, ndodheshin jashte shtetit. Duke shkelur ne kete menyre Kushtetuten, Protokollin e Shtetit dhe duke vene ne pikepyetje, sigurine tone kombetare. Presidenti Meidani prej disa ditesh ndodhet per nje vizite ne SHBA. Sipas nenit 91 te Kushtetutes, "kur Presidenti eshte ne pamundesi te perkohshme per te ushtruar funksionet e tij ose kur vendi i tij mbetet vakant, Kryetari i Kuvendit ze vendin dhe ushtron kopetencat e tij". Por, Kreu i Parlamentit Servet Pellumbi dje ndodhej ne Zagreb, per te marre pjese ne nje takim te organizuar nga Asambleja Parlamentare e KE per luften kunder terrorizmit. Ne rast te mungeses se tij, Kushtetuta nuk parashikon se kush do ta zevendesoje. Nje aresye ligjore, qe e perjashton mundesine qe Meidani dhe Pellumbi te jene njekohesisht jashte Shqiperise. Si te mos mjaftonte kjo, vendi ka qene dje edhe pa Kryeminister, pasi Majko, ka nisur nje tur te shkurter ne Bruksel dhe Zvicer. Por, edhe pa minister te Jashtem dhe minister Rendi, pasi Dade ndodhet ne SHBA dhe Cipa ne Greqi. Edhe sikur Kushtetuta te kishte vakuum, Protokolli i Shtetit eshte dokumenti qe e sakteson kete moment. Sipas tij, eshte i ndaluar kategorikisht largimi i Presidentit dhe Kryetarit te Kuvendit, nga Shqiperia. Jo vetem kaq, por per aresye te sigurise kombetare, ata nuk mund te udhetojne ne te njejten kohe dhe ne te njejtin shtet, sebashku. Per aresye sigurie, atyre nuk i lejohet qe te udhetojne madje, me te njejtin mjet. Largimi i Kryeministrit ne keto kushte, as qe nuk parashikohet. Ne pjesen e 16 te Kushtetutes, ku parashikohen "masat e jashtezakonshme", eshte e percaktuar qarte se ne rast lufte, gjendjes se jashtezakonshme dhe fatkeqesive natyrore institucionet vihen ne levizje dhe vendimet mund te merren, vetem nga Presidenti, Kryetari i Kuvendit ose Kryeministri. Nese skandali i djeshem nuk eshte nje truk djallezor politik, i mendjeve te zeza brilante, ne dem te interesave te vendit apo pergjegjesve te kesaj situate, ne rastin me te mire, ndodhemi para nje precedenti te patolerueshem. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 11 21:10:48 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 18:10:48 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Debat e-mail-esh per Tiranen - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020512011048.35443.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> A "E-MAILI I ZI" I FATOS LUBONJES Nga Edi Rama I nderuar kryeredaktor, Duke qen? se ai q? un? e quajta "e-maili i zi i nj? mikut tim" ka ngjallur k?rsh?rin? e shum?kujt, dhe duke qen? se k?t? e-mail miku im Fatos Lubonja, e ka par? t? udh?s t'ia shp?rndaj? t? gjith? atyre q? ka pasur n? Adress Book-un e tij virtual - pra duke qen? se, p?rpos interesit t? ve?ant? q? mendoj se paraqet komunikimi i m?posht?m, ?sht? miku im ai q? e ka "zhvirgj?ruar" misterin e autor?sis? s? mesazhit elektronik, q? m? kalli krup?n qysh n? pik? t? m?ngjezit - m? lejoni ju lutem ta njoh lexuesin e respektuar t? "Shekulli"-t, jo vet?m me mesazhin n? fjal?, por edhe me krejt "bashk?bisedimin" q? pasoi mes nesh. K?sisoj, them un?, lexuesi jo vet?m do t? shuaj? k?rsh?rin?, por edhe do t? njihet qoft? me nj? shpres? t? Tosit, ende t? pashpallur bot?risht brenda e jasht? vendit, "p?r t? hapur nj? fushat? p?r largimin tim nga Bashkia", e qoft? me v?shtir?sin? e pazakonshme q? mund t? ket? njeriu, po t? mendoj? ndryshe nga ?'mendon Fatos Lubonja - n? k?t? rast b?het fjal? p?r urbanistik?n, por, nj? ok? e pak nj? ok? pa pak, i nj?jti hall ?sht? me t? edhe p?r sistemin diellor, gjeografin?, kafsh?t sht?piake, let?rsin?, blegtorin?, historin? e tragjedis?, arkeologjis?, kulinaris?, p?r bomb?n atomike, bot?n akademike, garat ?iklistike. Pa folur, ruajna Zot, p?r demokracin?, burokracin?, kleptokracin?. N? k?si temash Tosi, vet?m Tosi, n? ?do rast Tosi, ka me vete t? V?rtet?n! Dhe, p?r dreq, sa m? shum? po plaket, aq m? keq po noksanoset. Mjer? un?, q? ndryshe nga ai shum? gj?ra i mendoj dhe, k?sisoj, e di se ?'m? pret kur i uroj megjith? shpirt t? b?het edhe 100 vje?. "E-Mail-i i Zi" Original Message ----- From: "Perpjekja" >>? To: "Edi Rama" >>? Sent: Wednesday, May 08, 2002 8:48 PM Subject: Re: info... Un? nuk e di ?far? jan? ato t? 47 thagmat, por mora vesh nga burime mjaft t? sigurta se Fideli Yllit i keni aprovuar nj? grata?iel? 20 kat?she prapa tyrbes, mu mbi nj? zon? t? gjelb?rt, se doni t? prishni nj? lulishte tek stadiumi "Qemal Stafa", p?r t? ngritur nj? trekat?she, se doni t? prishni kinema "Republik?n" dhe ambasad?n turke, p?r t? ngritur nj? 15 -kat?she, se po kontribuoni p?r t? ngushtuar parkun e madh. Mjaftojn? k?to q? ti p?r mua t? futesh p?rfundimisht n? list?n e kriminel?ve t? qytetit t? Tiran?s. Zoti t? shp?toft?, dhe nuk kam dyshim se do t? t? shp?toj? p?rderisa shp?toi edhe Sali Berish?n, por nj? shp?tim si ai nuk do t'ia uroja kujt. Tosi P?rgjigjja ime: Zoti do t? shp?toj? k?do q? do ta shoh? t? arsyeshme i dashur Fatos! Barin, lulishtet dhe lulet n? ket? qytet i kam kthyer sidoqoft? un?, do apo s'do ti. Dhe jo pak, po mbi 100.000 metra katror?. T? tjera do t'i kthehen. Zona "lulishte" prapa "Drinit" ?sht? me koh?, koh? p?rpara, e p?rcaktuar si zone nd?rtimi. Mbi at? baz? edhe u ?sht? kthyer pronar?ve koh?, koh? p?rpara. Sa p?r mikun tim Fidel Ylli, ai nuk ka filluar t? nd?rtoj? kur u b?ra un? kryetar bashkie, po koh?, koh? p?rpara. Prej nj? viti e gjys?m q? jam un?, ka marr? vet?m nj? leje nd?rtimi kompania e tij. Kurse tek "lulishtja" pas "Drinit" investon nj? grup i madh njer?zish. Edhe di?ka tjet?r: Mos ji apriori kund?r zhvillimit n? lart?si t? nj? zon?. Obseniteti i k?tyre godinave t? larta q? jan? b?r? n? k?to koh? s'duhet absolutisht t? na b?j? t? vuajm? nga sindroma e King Kongut. Tek "lulishtja" tek stadiumi u ?sht? kthyer a kompensuar prona pronar?ve, dhe aktualisht ka nj? nd?rtim q?, p?r ?udi, askujt s'ia vret syt?. Kurse mua po. Ajo ?'ka do t? nd?rtohet aty s'?sht? pallat, as nj? trekat?sh dosido, or mik i burimeve t? sigurta. Po nj? vep?r arti e mir?fillt?. Megjithat? k?to han? debat padyshim, me kusht q? t? mos b?hen insinuata t? ndyra. E teksa debatojm?, t? mos harrojm? q? Tirana nuk p?rmbytet m?. Jo p?r magji, po p?r shkak t? pastrimit ilingonesk t? kanaleve. Q? Tirana nuk ?sht? m? qyteti i plehrave. Jo p?r magji, po p?r shkak t? nj? pun? kolosale q? ?sht? b?r?, e q? duhet t? p?rmir?sohet akoma m? shum?. Q? Tirana nuk ?sht? m? qyteti pa sistem taksash e as sistem ndri?imi. E t? tjera e t? tjera pune, q? s'duken apo duken si t? mir?qena. S'na p?lqen nj? kulle 20 -kat?she apo nj? trekat?sh n? nj? zon? delikate?!Ta diskutojm? pa e futur Karla Del Ponten n? k?t? mes. S'na p?lqejn? ngjyrat?! Pun? e madhe, i ndryshojm? nes?r. S'kushtojn? shum?, p?rderisa kemi b?r? suvatimet q? jan? themeli i pu n?s. Q? ?iftja t? zer? mish ?sht? puna, po p?r t? sht?n? n? aj?r thua ti e p?r t? b?r? zhurm??! Ashtu b?n edhe pa k?to sqarime nga burimi im i pasigurt. Radovan Karavasti?i (Sh?nim i imi: N? komunikimin me Tosin p?rdor shum? shpesh emra t? sajuar sipas ndjesis? s? momentit. N? k?t? rast kam sajuar nj? kriminel lufte) Replika rrufe e Tosit (Sh?nim i imi: Tosi nuk mendohet dy her? sepse Tosi, si? e thash?, ?sht? e V?rteta. Replikon aty p?r aty.): Ti mor Edi Rama thua posht? e p?rpjet? se nuk je hajdut. Pra se nj?zet kat?shet n? qend?r t? Tiran?s, mu n? zon?n m? historike t? saj, q? sapo i ke lejuar t? nd?rtohen, po na i lejoke t? nd?rtohen, sepse ky qenka vizioni yt. Por kur nuk ishe kryetar Bashkie dhe as minist?r, a nuk ke qen? ti q? m? ke th?n? mua se ?sht? krim ajo q? don t? b?j? Vebi Velia, t? nd?rtoj? nj? qend?r biznesi t? lart? n? qend?r t? qytetit dhe s? bashku nuk kemi pranuar t? firmosim peticionin q? ky k?rkoi ta firmosnin nj? num?r intelektual?sh, p?r t? mbrojtur iden? e tij. Pik?risht, me iden? se nd?rtesat e larta shkat?rronin qendr?n. Prandaj un? ngulmoj se ti i b?n k?to krime ndaj qytetit duke shkelur edhe ligjet, sepse qendra ?sht? monument kulture dhe nuk ?sht? kompetenc? e jotja vet?m, p?r motive t? dob?ta - v?rjua emrin si t? duash. Me aktin e fundit q? kreve, dije se ke kryer nj? krim t? krahasuesh?m me ato q? ka b?r? Enver Hoxha ndaj qytetit. K?t? e-mail po ia d?rgoj t? gjith? atyre q? do t? mundem t'ua d?rgoj brenda dhe jasht? vendit, dhe shpresoj t? hap nj? fushat? p?r largimin t?nd nga Bashkia. Fatos Lubonja P?rgjigjja ime e pavonuar: Kurse ti mor Fatos Lubonja je nj? shurdh i rreziksh?m q? d?gjon vet?m ?'t? thot? mendja jote, e cila, sado e ndritur t? jet?, s'mund t? dij? gjithshka. E ja, pa u zgjatur hic n? t? tjera, po t? b?j me dije se, pik?risht pse un? besoj q? ajo ?'ka donte t? nd?rtonte zoti Velija ishte e papranueshme, e ftova t? nd?rronte mendje. Dhe atje or mik i burimeve t? sigurta, nuk do t? nd?rtohet ajo q? kemi kund?rshtuar dikur un? e ti, as ajo q? kushedi sesi e sheh ti, por nj? godin? mjaft e ul?t, e cila do t? dal? nga konkursi publik q? po organizojm?, qoft? edhe pa p?rkrahjen t?nde e t? ndonj? miopi tjet?r si puna jote, q? pranon m? mir? t? vdes?sh mbi platform?n e monumentit t? Enverit, dhe sesa t? futesh n? nj? librari mbi g?rmadhat e Kafe "Kursalit"! Ki kurajon t'ia ?osh edhe k?t? p?rgjigje timen t? gjith? atyre q? u ?ove trillimin t?nd t? radh?s. Natyrisht, bashk? me post scriptum-in k?tu posht?. Neroni (Sh?nim i imi: Ky ?sht? emri q? m? ka v?n? Tosi pardje, kur u shpjegonte shqiptar?ve p?rmes "Shekullit" sesa kriminale ?sht? veprimtaria ime si kryetar Bashkie) P.S. Sa p?r hajdutin, vazhdon t? q?ndroj? n? fuqi ajo ftesa e dikurshme p?r t? m? ngr?n? mutin ti dhe kushdo tjet?r q? v? pik?pyetje mbi pakorruptueshm?rin? time. Mesazhi i Tosit menj?her? pas fjalimit tim n? takimin me komunitetin e biznesit: D?gjova fjalimin t?nd (grotesk) ku ne t? gjith?, me p?rjashtim t? biznesmen?ve dhe sekser?ve, konsiderohemi si tapa q? duhet t? nxirremi p?rfundimisht nga byth?t tuaja, n? m?nyr? q? ju t? dhisni lirisht, dhe ku t? mundeni n? k?t? vend. Po si mund t? thuhet se rinia ik?n nga Tirana, dhe nga ky vend, sepse ?sht? i nd?rtuar me sht?pi t? ulta me qerpi?! Rinia ik?n se zhg?njehet nga njer?z si ti mor Edi Rama! P?rsh?ndetje Nj? nga tapat Replika ime ndaj mesazhit t? m?sip?rm: D?gjove fjalimin?! Si e d?gjove fjalimin?! Me se?! Me ?'veshe?! Ke vesh? ti?! Po sot s'ma nxin dot dit?n si dje, sepse e-mail-i yt ?sht? nj?ri nd?r nj?zet e ca, q? m? kan? ardhur, dhe ?sht? i vetmi q? ka ngjyr?n e zez? t? nihilizmit absolut! T? tjer?t jan? t? gjith? falenderues, inkurajues, ngush?llues. dhe askush nder autor?t s'?sht? biznesmen (biznesmen?t s'shkruajn? e-mail-e). Askush nd?r ta s'?sht? ndier tap?, si? je ndier ?udit?risht ti. Askush nd?r ta s'e ka marr? pun?n e qerpi?it, si? e ke marr? ti, sterr? sterr? t? zez?! Dhe e di di?ka: plot nder ta e din? kush ?sht? miku im, q? mund t? m? shkruaj? at? e-mail vrastar, q? un? p?rmenda dje! Pa u th?n? gje, ata m? thon? pak a shum? t? gjith? t? nj?jt?n gj?: L?re at? (ty dometh?n?), mos e d?gjo, ?sht? i s?mur?! Dhe ti je v?rtet i s?mur? miku im. TI JE SHURDH! Post Scriptum. Nuk mund t? rri pa ta treguar se nj? njeri i varf?r e i ditur, i cili hamend?son se ti duhet t? kesh qen? ai "miku i e-mail-it t? zi", t? quan PIKA JONE E ZEZE! Ta kam th?n? me koh? se t? qenit n? frontin e pun?tor?ve t? mendjes nuk t? p?rjashton nga rreziku i PIKES SE ZEZE! Ashtu sikund?r t? qenit n? zon?n e s? keqes shtet, nuk t? p?rfshin medoemos n? kategorin? e PIKAVE TE ZEZA! Tung K?tu zoti kryeredaktor mbaron ky episod i luft?s virtuale q? zhvillohet mes meje dhe mikut tim Fatos Lubonja, qysh se un? vendosa t? le barrikad?n e t? pavarurit, dhe t? marr nj? detyr? shtet?rore. K?t? zgjedhje Tosi jo vet?m e quan t? gabuar, por e konsideron tradhti ndaj tij!!! P?rpjekja ime p?r t'i shpjeguar arsyet e zgjedhjes sime, si edhe p?r ta bindur q? t? merresh me politik?, nuk do t? thot? detyrimisht t? jesh moralisht inferior ndaj dikujt q? ka zgjedhur t? b?j? tjet?rsend n? jet?, ka d?shtuar m? shum? se nj? her?. Dhe m? shum? se nj? her? Tosi ka p?rgojuar publikisht mua vet?, dhe pun?n time, duke shfryt?zuar me kapacitet t? plot? rezervuarin e mllefit t? tij proverbial. Kam shum? frik? se po e humbet p?rdit? e m? shum? drit?n e arsyes, duke u munduar t? bind? me ?dokusht t? tjer?t dhe vetveten, se i vetmi pozicion moralisht i pakritikuesh?m n? jet? ?sht? ai i tiji. Ia kam th?n?. E kot?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 11 21:14:23 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 18:14:23 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zaloshnja ne Shekulli Message-ID: <20020512011423.69104.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> "Korfuzi" dhe presidenti i ardhsh?m Nga Dr. Eduard Zaloshnja* Artikulli i Mustafa Nanos, botuar m? 10 maj tek "Shekulli", si dhe lajmet mbi takimin tashm? fam?keq t? Korfuzit, u b?n? shkak q? t? d?rgoj p?r botim nga Amerika e larg?t k?to pak rreshta. N? vitet e fundit, gjith?ka ka ndodhur n? Shqip?ri, kam mundur t'a m?soj vet?m n?p?rmjet leximit t? rregullt t? gazetave n? internet, dhe nga kontaktet me miqt? dhe familjen. Deri m? sot, artikulli i sip?rp?rmendur i Mustafa Nanos, ?sht? p?r mua padyshim, pasqyra m? e plot?, dhe m? e sakt?, e asaj q? po ndodh n? Shqip?ri, dhe asaj q? duhet t? ndodh?. Mustafai me shum? qart?si, argumenton s? Shqip?ria do t? kishte shanse shum? m? t? mira p?r zhvillim, n? qoft? se do t? b?heshin zgjedhje t? parakohshme. Fatkeq?sisht, shanset p?r t'i afruar zgjedhjet nuk jan? shum? t? m?dha. Si ?'kan? treguar ngjarjet e 7-8 muajve t? fundit, si socialist?t ashtu edhe donator?t tan? financiare, duan t'i shmangin me ?do kusht zgjedhjet e parakohshme. N? k?to kushte, ndoshta e vetmja arm? efikase q? ka opozita ne dor?, p?r t? mos lejuar zbatimin e planeve, q? mund t? jen? ngjizur n? Korfuz nga treshja Nano-Meta-Angjeli me ndihm?n e greko-amerikanit t? shquar antishqiptar, Nikollas Gejxh, ?sht? q? t? mos len? Nanon t? b?het president i Republik?s. Dua t? theksoj se jo pa q?llim p?rdora fraz?n "mund t? jen? ngjizur n? Korfuz". Opinioni publik shqiptar, ndoshta kurr? nuk do t? m?soj? se ?'?sht? th?n?, e ?'?sht? b?r? n? Korfuz, gjat? koh?s q? Nano, Meta, Angjeli, dhe Gejxhi, kan? qen? s? bashku atje. N? qoft? se ata atje nuk kan? ngjizur plane, diku tjet?r mund t'i ken? ngjizur. Por pavar?sisht se ku jan? gatuar planet, nj? gj? ?sht? m?se e qart? n? mendjen time - nga planet e tyre asgj? e mir? nuk mund t'i vij? Shqip?ris?. P?rfshirja direkte e Nikollas Gejxhit n? gatimin e planeve t? treshes Nano-Meta-Angjeli, asnj?her? nuk do t? konfirmohet zyrtarisht, por asnjeri t? mos ket? dyshim, q? p?rsa koh? Anastas Angjeli ?sht? n? politik?, Gejxhi do t? ket? nj? ndikim t? fuqish?m n? politik?n shqiptare. P?r lidhjet e Angjelit me grupin q? p?rfaq?son Gejxhi, un? kam informacione nga burime, q? i konsideroj m?se t? besueshme. Nd?rsa p?r t? kuptuar se ?'e keqe mund t'i vij? Shqip?ris? nga ndikimi i Nikollas Gejxhit, ia vlen t? p?rmend q? ai ?sht? ndoshta greko-amerikani antishqiptar m? i sofistikuar, dhe me kontaktet m? t? fuqishme n? administrat?n amerikane dhe at? greke. Njer?zit q? ai p?rfaq?son n? Amerik? dhe Greqi, duke qen? m? pak t? sofistikuar se ai, e shprehin hapur (me fjal? ose me harta) q? Shqip?ria e jugut, padrejt?sisht ?sht? ndar? nga Epiri. Fare pak prej tyre ?nd?rrojn? p?r nj? bashkim t? shpejt? t? Shqip?ris? s? jugut me Epirin, por t? gjith? d?shirojn? dhe punojn? p?r nj? helenizim gradual t? saj. Me Fatos Nanon president, me Ilir Met?n kryeminist?r dhe kryetar t? PS, dhe Anastas Angjelin minist?r t? Financave (kjo ka shum? mund?si t? jet? skema, q? k?ta t? tre kan? ngjizur me nd?rmjet?sin? e Gejxhit) helenizimi i Shqip?ris? s? jugut pa dyshim q? do t? p?rshpejtohet. Pik?risht, p?r k?t? arsye i takon Berish?s (t? cilin vet?m p?r pro grek nuk mund t'a akuzosh) q? t? p?rdori t? gjitha makinacionet politike, n? funksion t? mospjes?marrjes s? t? pakt?n 57 deputet?ve n? votimin p?r president, n? qoft? se kandidati nuk ?sht? konsensual. Muajt e fundit treguan se, nga frika e zgjedhjeve t? reja, Nano g?lltiti t? gjith? p?shtym?n q? kish derdhur mbi Met?n dhe Angjelin. Po nga kjo frik?, Nano me siguri do t? t?rhiqet nga ?ndrra e tij presidenciale, n? qoft? se nuk arrin t? fut? n? thes 84 deputet?, q? votojn? p?r t?. N? qoft? se Berisha ?sht? i suksessh?m n? mbajtjen jasht? sall?s s? Kuvendit t? t? pakt?n 57 deputet?ve, dit?n q? kandidatura e Nanos do t? votohet, hapet rruga p?r nj? kandidatur? tjet?r presidenciale. Nevojitet nj? kandidat q? ka dh?n? prova p?r patriotizmin dhe integritetin e tij moral, q? t? ket? gjithashtu aft?sin? dhe kurajon politike p?r t? bllokuar n?p?rmjet vetos presidenciale, ?do ligj me pasoja jo t? mira p?r Shqip?rin?. *Pacific institute for Research and Evaluation - ?ashington, DC --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 11 21:18:35 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 18:18:35 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kurveleshi - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020512011835.57704.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> ?do dit? e m? tep?r familjet zbrazin fshatrat dhe shkojn? p?r t? jetuar n? qytetet e jugut Progonati i mbytur nga varf?ria Familjet e krahin?s i mban gjall? humori dhe blegtoria Krahina e Kurveleshit Fshatrat: Progonat, Lek?dushk, Nevic, Rexhi, Gusmar? Kalon lumi i Drinos Dallohet p?r biodiversitetin e natyr?s Baza e jetes?s blegtoria "Burrat n?n hije/ lozin kuvendojn?/ pika q? s'u bie se nga grat? rrojn?",-na e preu menj?her? nj? prej tre grave veshur me t? zeza, t? cilat po punonin n? rrug?n p?r n? Progonat me lopata, duke hedhur r?r?n e marr? me karroc?n e dor?s. T? shquar p?r batuta, banor?t e Kurveleshit nuk na zhg?njyen aspak. Progonati ?sht? qendra e krahin?s s? Kurveleshit. P?r t? arritur n? Progonat t? duhej t? p?rshkoj? p?rreth 2 or? nj? rrug? gjarp?ruese, e cila sa vinte dhe i afrohej maj?s s? malit, pas t? cilit shtrihet krahina. "Nga Tepelena deri k?tu ishin pun?tor?t q? punuan, nd?rsa k?t? pjes? rruge nga Lek?dushku deri n? Progonat, na e lan? ne",-thot? nj?ra prej grave. Tre grat? e fshatit Margarita Xhala, Alime ?ata dhe Sirma Abazi, prej disa dit?sh ishin pun?suar, p?r t? shtruar rrug?n. Pasi pyet?n se ku ishim ftuar, ato shpreh?n ?udi q? kishim ardhur p?r t? b?r? nj? p?rshkrim t? fshatit. "E ?'mund t? shkruani p?r Progonatin - shprehet nj?ra prej tyre, - K?tu t? gjitha dit?t jan? nj?lloj". Duket e ?uditshme q? nj? pun? t? till? t? b?het nga femra aq m? tep?r, nga mosha t? thyera. "Kur t? mb?rrini n? qend?r, do t? shihni se burrat e fshatit rrin? gjat? dit?s n?n hijen e rrapit",- shprehet Margarita, pasi ka recituar vargjet e ?ajupit. Ajo shprehet se jan? nga t? vetmet gra, t? cilat p?rfitojn? nj? rrog? mujore prej 80 mij? lek?sh, dhe t? gjitha grat? e tjera merren me pun?t e sht?pis?. Sipas saj, ?sht? m? e vlefshme t? punosh, edhe pse njeriu tashm? ?sht? zhvler?suar. Me parat? q? p?rfitonin nga puna, arrinin t? mbanin frym?n gjall?. Ato jan? banoret m? t? varfra t? fshatit, dhe nuk kishin f?mij? t? emigruar. N? qend?r t? Progonatit pran? dy rrap?ve t? vjet?r, ishin ulur pik?risht pleqt? dhe t? rinjt?, t? cil?t bisedonin. Si p?rgjigje p?r pyetjen ton? se ?far? po b?nin, erdhi p?rs?ri nj? batut?: "Vrasim miza",-thot? Nikolla, rreth t? 60 -tave. Burrat dhe grat? duket se lozin duke u hedhur batuta nj?ri-tjetrit. Burrat mbrohen duke th?n? se grat? merren vet?m me sht?pin? dhe punojn? bah?en, nd?rsa ata merren me kullotjen e bag?tis?. N? k?t? fshat jan? tre baxho, ku gjith? familjet ?ojn? qum?shtin gjat? ver?s p?r t? nxjerr? djathin, i cili shitet n? Tiran?. Fshati Aktualisht n? k?t? fshat ndodhen rreth 300 sht?pi, nga 1000 sht?pi q? ka pasur m? par? fshati. Nj? pjes? e mir? e t? rinjve dhe burrat e sht?pis? punonin n? Greqi. T? banonin n? Gjirokast?r, Sarand?, apo Tepelen? ishin ambicjet e k?tyre familjeve, pasi vinin nj? lek? m?njan?. Nj? prej burrave t? fshatit thot? se fshati ka shum? makina. Gjithsej mund t? ndodhen rreth 100 makina. Nj? pjes? e mir? e tyre i kan? bler? m? shum? p?r qejf. T? rinjt? e fshatit, pasi kan? punuar nj?far? kohe n? Greqi, kan? bler? nga nj? makin?. Sipas djemve t? fshatit, t? kesh nj? makin? ?sht? nj? m?nyr? e mir? p?r t? vrar? koh?n, q? duket sikur ka mbetur n? vend. P?rve?se n? kooperativ? nj? pjes? e mir? e banor?ve para viteve '90 mbahej nga puna n? minier?. N? t? dal? t? fshatit ?sht? ish - miniera e fosforit, e cila ka dal? jasht? funksionimit. "Minerali ngarkohej n? vagona dhe nga hekurudha d?rgohej n? fabrik?n e p?rpunimit n? La?",-tregon me krenari Nikolla. I gjith? fshati kishte nj? mjek, i cili ishte gjithmon? i gatsh?m p?r t'u ardhur n? ndihm? banor?ve. Sipas banor?ve, mjeku i fshatit ishte mjaft i specializuar, dhe arrinte t? p?caktonte t? gjitha llojet e s?mundjeve, pa qen? e nevojshme t? shkoje deri n? Tepelen? p?r nj? dhimbje stomaku. I gjith? fshati kishte vet?m nj? polic. "Asnj? krim, apo vjedhje nuk ishte d?gjuar n? zon? prej vitesh",-thot? Sokol Hyseni, nj? prej banor?ve Arsimi N? fshat jan? rreth 170 f?mij?, t? cil?t shkonin rregullisht n? shkoll?. Shkolla e mesme dhe ajo fillore ishin n? nj? godin?. P?r munges? nx?n?sish n? k?t? shkoll? nuk ishte viti i tret? i shkoll?s s? mesme. K?t? vit asnj? nx?n?s nuk ishte hedhur n? vit t? tret?. Ata q? ishin e vazhduan shkoll?n deri n? vitin e dyt?. "P?r shkak t? numrit t? vog?l t? nx?n?sve b?het m?sim me klasa t? bashkuara, klasa e pest? me t? gjasht?n, dhe klasa e shtat? me t? tet?n, po k?shtu dhe fillorja",-shpjegon m?suesja e matematik?s, Dall?ndyshe Gami, e cila ka mbaruar shkoll?n p?r m?suesi p?r ciklin e ul?t. "E kam pasur pasion matematik?n, dhe kam punuar vet? me k?t? l?nd?",-shpjegon Dall?ndyshja. Ajo ishte duke u dh?n? m?sim nx?n?sve t? klas?s s? pest? dhe t? gjasht?. N? klas? ishin rreth 20 nx?n?s. Xhamat ishin thyer q? gjat? dimrit dhe ende nuk ishin z?vend?suar. Duke u dridhur, nx?n?sit kishin ulur kokat duke zgjidhur ushtrimet n? fletore. LEK?DUSHK Fshatar?t jetojn? me qum?shtin q? shesin n? baxho, tre muajt e ver?s, muajt e tjer? jan? dim?r i plot? Lek?dushku, fshati q? mbahet nga nj? baxho Fshati Lek?dushk, ?sht? qendra e par? e banuar n? krahin?n e Kurveleshit. Para viteve '90 ka fshati ka patur mbi 250 sht?pi, nd?rsa sot atje gjendeshin vet?m 25. Pjesa m? e madhe e sht?pive jan? r?nuar, nd?rsa pjesa tjet?r jan? kthyer n? stane bag?tish. "N? koh?n e kooperativave merreshim me rritjen e bag?tive dhe pun?t e tjera t? bujq?sis?. Pas demokracis?, pjesa m? e madhe e njer?zve nis?n t? ikin nga fshati. "Tokat mbet?n ugar. Fshatar?t braktis?n sht?pit? dhe u vendos?n n? qytet, nd?rsa ne q? vazhduam t? merreshim me bag?ti mbet?m k?tu. M? dhen e me dhi, n? mes t? maleve, sa p?r t? mbajtur veten dhe kalamajt? me buk?",-thot? nj? prej banor?ve, Vilson Cakaj. 3 muaj pun?, 9 muaj gjum? Fshatar?t rr?fejn? se n? k?to an?, dimri nis q? n? gusht. Njer?zi, bag?ti dhe ?do gj? e gjall? mbyllen p?r t? dim?ruar. E vetmja m?nyr? p?r t? mbajtur veten, p?r k?ta fshatar?, jan? bag?tit?. ?do familje mban deri n? 100 krer?, kryesisht t? im?ta. T? rinjt? e fshatit, q? merren me kullotjen e bag?tive, pas nj? dit? t? lodhshme, duke bredhur n?p?r g?rxhet e thepisura t? Kurveleshit, e dor?zojn? qum?shtin n? baxho. Parat? q? grumbullojn? nga shitja e qum?shtit, jan? t? vetmet t? ardhura, me t? cilat jetojn? gjat? gjtih? vitit. Kryetari i Partis? Socialiste t? Lek?dushkut, Kreshnik Shehu, ?sht? pronari i baxhos s? vetme t? fshatit, nj? ngrehin? me mure t? r?nuara me ?ati llamarine dhe plasmasi, q? linte zbuluar gjysm?n e godin?s drejtk?nd?she. Q? n? hyrje t? baxhos, ndihet aroma e bulmetit dhe avullit, t? qum?shtit. N? nj? kazan gjigand zihet qum?shti, nd?rsa n? tjetrin derdhet ajka e gjalpit. Nj? krevat me batanie t? mpleksuara, dhe govatat ku mbahet djathi i kripur, jan? aneksi i par? i nd?rtes?s s? vog?l. N? baxho, Kreshniku jo vet?m punon, por dhe fle. Menj?her? pas saj n? nj? ndarje tjet?r, ku Kreshniku ka sistemuar dhjet?ra rrota djathi, q? jan? n? procesin e fermentimit. "Merrem me p?rpunimin e qum?shtit. Q? n? m?ngjes deri n? mbr?mje k?t? pun? kam. Vet? e ziej dhe vet? z? djath?. Fshatar?t sjellin 400 litra qum?sht n? dit?, n? m?ngjes dhe n? drek?. Punoj vet?m gjat? ver?s, pasi n? vjesht? dhe dim?r, bag?tit?, nuk kan? qum?sht. Pas tre muaj pune, djathin e ?oj n? Tiran? p?r ta shitur n? ish-frigoriferin e madh ",-rr?fen Shehu, kryetar i PS. N? vjesht?, fshatar?t nuk ?ojn? qum?sht n? baxho, pasi e p?rdorin at? p?r t? v?n? zaire m?njan?, si : gjalp?, djath?, gjiz? etj. Dimri i ashp?r, i detyron banor?t q? t? mbyllen n? mes t? maleve, duke u izoluar nga qyteti, ku mund t? b?jn? edhe b?jn? furnizimet me ushqime. Olsi Kolami Rajmonda Lajthia Denisa Xhoga --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 11 21:35:01 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 18:35:01 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Financial Times Message-ID: <20020512013501.70537.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Financial Times (London) May 11, 2002, Saturday London Edition 3 SECTION: EUROPE; Pg. 6 LENGTH: 464 words HEADLINE: Greece puts EU defence force plans at risk BYLINE: By JUDY DEMPSEY DATELINE: BRUSSELS BODY: Greece is blocking progress on creating a European defence force, putting at risk plans for the European Union to take over a Nato-led military operation in Macedonia. EU foreign ministers meet in Brussels on Monday and their Nato counterparts in Reykjavik on Tuesday. But diplomats said no breakthrough was expected. "I don't think we are going to make it by Reykjavik," said Javier Conde, Spain's ambassador to the EU and holders of the EU's rotating presidency. "There has been no progress despite many ministerial meetings and contacts with Athens." At the centre of the dispute is the "Ankara Document" in which Turkey, a leading Nato member and a candidate to join the EU, last December agreed to allow the EU access to Nato assets and military planning capabilities after a long period of objecting. In return it received written guarantees over its security and geographical interests in the event of an EU military operation in the region. The agreement was supposed to pave the way for the EU and Nato to sign the "Berlin Plus" agreements. These were to nail down how Nato would support EU military operations, and how the EU would have assured access to Nato assets, such as transport, communications and logistics. Above all, Nato would lead and provide the planning and operational back-up for the EU. With Turkey on board, all that remained was for the 15 EU member states to agree the Ankara document. Greece refused, claiming it needed more time to study the agreement and in any case it wanted the same guarantees as Turkey. EU diplomats, however, said Constantin Simitis, Greek prime minister, had turned the agreement into a nationalist issue focused on Greece-Turkish relations. Greece will be put on the spot in July when Denmark takes over the EU presidency. Because Copenhagen has an opt-out clause over defence, Greece, which is due to succeed Denmark to the presidency, will chair the EU's political and security committees specifically related to defence. EU military officials believe Greece's intransigence could have serious consequences for the EU's European security and defence policy. The EU is aiming to have a 60,000-strong rapid reaction force in place by mid-2003. If there is no agreement with Nato soon, and well before September when the Europeans plan to take over the Amber Fox operation in Macedonia from Nato, the EU could be forced to duplicate roles already performed by Nato. "The coming weeks are critical," said an EU military official. "Without an agreement over Berlin Plus, Nato and the EU are prevented from conducting joint planning exercises. Nato is waiting for the EU to accept the Ankara document. Greece is stopping the EU from working with Nato because it opposes the document. It's a real mess." --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun May 12 21:36:49 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 12 May 2002 18:36:49 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Article by Noel Malcolm Message-ID: <20020513013649.37118.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) May 12, 2002, Sunday Copyright 2002 The Telegraph Group Limited SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) May 12, 2002, Sunday Pg. 13 Take your pick of the pasts The history that didn't happen can shed new light on the history that did, says Noel Malcolm By NOEL MALCOLM More What If? Eminent Historians Imagine What Might Have Been ed by Robert Cowley Macmillan, pounds 18.99, 427 pp pounds 16.99 ( pounds 1.99 p&p) 0870 155 7222 OF ALL THE weasel-expressions in the politicians' phrasebook, none is more weaselly than "I don't speculate about hypothetical situations." Of course they do - they would get nowhere in politics if they didn't. Imagine a military commander saying "I never speculate about the possible consequences of different actions", or a businessman, or a chess-player. All human life is based on decision-making, and decisions are made by thinking about "what if". Traditionally, the only people who were allowed not to think about hypothetical situations were the historians - for the simple reason that while decision-making is about the future, history-writing is about the past. "What if" history is speculation as opposed to history: there is no subject-matter, no material for research, no hypothetical documents to be studied in counter-factual archives. Hence the sniffy disdain of many professional historians towards this style of thinking: while politicians and generals have to think about what may yet happen, historians feel no need to consider what might have happened, but didn't. In recent years, however, that disdainful attitude has started to fade away. Books of essays by major historians, such as Niall Ferguson's collection, Virtual History, or Robert Cowley's previous volume, What If? (to which this new book is a sequel), have shown that counter-factual history can be two things at once. It can be serious, raising important questions about how and why things turned out the way they did; and it can be fun. At its best, indeed, it can be marvellously entertaining as well as thought-provoking - the finest intellectual parlour-game around. More What If? offers an extraordinary variety of speculative re-writes. Like its predecessor it spans three millennia, from Ancient Greece to the Cold War; unlike that earlier volume, it is not confined to military history. The what-ifs conjured up by Cowley's contributors here include Ming Emperors discovering America, Luther being burnt as a heretic, and Franklin Roosevelt being succeeded not by Harry Truman but by the left-wing idealist Henry Wallace. There is even an essay exploring the consequences of Pontius Pilate's thoroughly commendable decision to release Jesus Christ from detention. But military history remains the bedrock of this collection. Antony and Cleopatra win the battle of Actium; William of Normandy loses the battle of Hastings; Germany wins the First World War; Hitler unleashes a none-too-successful Blitzkrieg against Czechoslovakia in 1938; and instead of dropping the atom bomb, the US military launches its planned invasion of Japan. In some ways, the most compelling essays are the ones that stick close to military affairs. Nor is this surprising: a war-fighting scenario is more of a closed system, like a chessboard, in which plausible alternatives can be pursued through whole sequences of moves. Military historians cannot afford to be sniffy about such counter-factual sequences, as the decision-making processes they study consist of thinking about little else. Thus the essay on the alternatives to Hiroshima (by Richard Frank) uses actual strategic studies drawn up by the US military in 1945, calculating likely losses in the event of a landing in Japan: up to half a million US dead and injured, with a much higher total of Japanese casualties. Frank gives good reasons for thinking that these were under-estimates, and adds that the alternative, a long blockade, might have led to death by starvation for millions. (He does not explore one other approach, however: demonstrating the power of the atom bomb, but on less heavily populated targets.) Equally compelling, but much more surprising, are the essays exploring the possibilities of German success in 1915 and failure in 1938. Robert O'Connell suggests that a no-holds-barred submarine campaign by the Kaiser's navy could have starved Britain into submission. Williamson Murray turns the conventional wisdom about Munich on its head: it may have bought time for Britain to prepare for war, but (although Hitler did not realise this) the time was needed even more badly by Germany. If the over-confident Fuhrer had got the war he was spoiling for in 1938, his army might well have become stretched to breaking-point within a few months. The essays on non-military matters are more of a mixed bag - not because hypothetical speculation is improper outside the military realm, but because it is more difficult. In fact, all historical analysis involves some such speculation, if only by implication: if you say that factor A was an essential cause of event B, you are implying that in the absence of A, B would not have happened. A negative counter-factual (a world without B) is thus quite easy to invent. The problem is that, outside the closed system of the war-game, it is much harder to construct the positive counter-factuals - the detailed histories of C, D or E that would have happened instead. The least interesting essays, therefore, are the ones that play safe, sticking to a simple negative. Thus we are told that if Lenin had not got to Petrograd, the Russian Revolution would not have succeeded. If Lyndon Johnson had not benefited from some Texan ballot-rigging in 1948, he would never have ended up President. And if Luther had been executed, the Reformation might have failed politically, fragmenting into vulnerable sectarianism instead. The most disappointing essay in the book, by Theodore Rabb, asks what would have happened if Charles I (and his children) had died of plague in 1641, being succeeded on the throne by his sister Elizabeth, the "Winter Queen" of Bohemia. The answer - that the Civil War would not have happened - is as dull as it is plausible. (Bizarrely, Rabb claims that if Charles had died in 1641 Hobbes would never have felt the need to write about politics; Hobbes's first major work on politics was written in 1640.) But the most brilliant essays, on the other hand, are the ones that really spread their wings, exploring politics and geopolitics as well as military affairs. The wittiest pieces here, combining bold conjecture with an un-American lightness of touch, are by Alistair Horne and Andrew Roberts: the former playfully eliminates the Franco-Prussian war and prevents the unification of Germany, while the latter has Halifax as Prime Minister in 1940, a negotiated Anglo-German peace settlement soon thereafter, and an eventual Soviet conquest of German-ruled territory, bringing the Iron Curtain all the way to Calais. And of the American geopolitical essays, two are especially memorable: one by Thomas Fleming, in which Napoleon ends up ruling a bi-racial republic in Louisiana (established with the help of the black rebel leader in Haiti, Toussaint L'Ouverture), and one by John Lukacs, in which Teddy Roosevelt replaces Woodrow Wilson as President in 1912, and brings the First World War to a very different end. Lukacs has the last laugh, however: continuing the story through the 1920s and 1930s, he shows how the Second World War could have happened all the same. This is the ultimate shaggy-dog story of what-if history: everything changes, but it all ends up the same. Now what could be more counter-factual than that? Noel Malcolm is editor of the Clarendon 'Correspondence of Thomas Hobbes'. [PS]Review: [ES] --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun May 12 21:50:35 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 12 May 2002 18:50:35 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zhvillime politike ne Shqiperi - Koha Jone Message-ID: <20020513015035.38361.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Nano: Rexhep terhiqu. Meidani: Do te rikandidoj Rexhep Meidani brenda tre mujash ka bere dy udhetime per ne SHBA, te cilat pavaresisht se nuk jane komentuar nga Presidenca, mund te kene nje domethenie Ndoshta Presidenti aktual mund te jete me i prefruar edhe per vete faktin se zgjedhja e Nanos ne postin e presidentit mund te shkaktoje reagime te paparashikuara nga opozita Nese Partia Socialiste do te kete dy kandidatura, ate te Nanos dhe te Meidanit, atehere rebusi president, do te jete shume i veshtire per t'u zgjidhur Erl Murati Kryetari i Partise Socialiste, Fatos Nano i ka kerkuar presidentit te Republikes, Rexhep Meidani qe te mos kandidoje serish ne kete post ne zgjedhjet e ardhshme presidenciale. Kete e konfirmuan dje per "KJ" burime te mirebesuara prane kryetait te PS-se. Sipas ketyre burimeve, perpara nisjes ne SHBA presidenti Meidani ka marre nje "mesazh" nga Nano permes miqve te perbashket socialiste qe te mos shpalle kandidaturen per postin e kreut te shtetit, duke i lene keshtu rruge te lire liderit socialist. Por, Nano ka marre nje pergjigje negative nga Meidani, i cili ka konfirmuar se do te kandidoje ne zgjedhjet e ardhshme duke e bere keshtu "ekuacionin e presidentit" te veshtire per t'u zgjidhur. Njerez te afert me presidentin aktual u shprehen per "KJ" se Meidani nuk leviz nga objektivi i tij per t'u rizgjedhur president dhe ai i qendron deklarates se tij se "kandidimi ose jo i tij, nuk ndikohet aspak nga kandidimi i Nanos". "Meidani eshte kandidatura me e pershtatshme per postin e presidentit ne kete moment. Per me teper qe vizita e tij ne SHBA brenda nje harku te shkurter kohor nuk eshte krejt e rastesishme", u shpreh njeri nga deputetet e PS-se. Ai vazhdoi se "per ate qe di te lexoje, Meidani gezon mbeshtetjen e plote te faktorit nderkombetar ne rikandidimin e tij per president. Zgjedhja e Nanos nuk mbeshtetet, plus qe mund te shkaktoje nje reagim te papare te opozites". Refuzimi i Meidanit drejtuar Nanos per te mos kandiduar ne postin e presidentit te Republikes, e ben edhe me te paparashikueshme dhe me te veshtire zgjedhjen e kreut te shtetit nga mazhoranca. Burimet thane se Nano ia ka kerkuar kete "nder" Meidanit ne emer te stabilitetit dhe vazhdimesise se qeverisjes socialiste. Pak dite me pare, kryetari i PS-se u shpreh se ate e ka propozuar opinioni publik per postin e kreut te shtetit. Ai "kercenoi" indirekt grupin "levizja per katharsis" brenda partise me zgjedhje te parakohshme nese nuk zgjidhet president i Republikes. Rexhep Meidani duket aktualisht rivali me i forte per Nanon ne garen presideciale. Me "shmangjen" e tij nga skena, kryetari socialist do ta kishte shume me te lehte zyrtarizimin e kandidatures dhe kjo do ta ndihmonte ate ne mbledhjen e 84 votave te domosdoshme ne parlament. Gjithsesi kandidatura e Nanos dhe Meidanit pritet te votohen ne mbledhjen e KPD-se se PS-se ku do te caktohet zyrtarisht "presidenti" i mazhorances. Brenda majit, kryesia dhe me pas KPD-ja do te diskutojne dhe me pas te votojne kandidatin zyrtar per postin e kreut te shtetit. I pyetur pak kohe me pare nese rikandidimi i tij per president lidhet me kandidimin e Nanos per kete post, Meidani u pergjigj: "Absolutisht! Une kam natyre fare tjeter, eshte natyre shume analitike, shume e mbeshtetur ne te dhena, por njekohesisht qe vlereson cdo pohim, nga njera ane apo nga ana tjeter, te mirat qe sjell deklarimi ose te keqijat qe mund te sjelle ai". Gjithsesi, deri tani as Nano dhe as Meidani nuk e kane konfirmuar shprehimisht shpalljen e kandidatures. Kohe me pare ne nje interviste televizive kryesocialisti deklaroi se PS-ja nuk ka kandidat me te pershtatshem se ai, per postin e presidentit te ardhshem te Republikes. Meta: "Ne Beograd shkova si politikan kalibri" "Une dua te theksoj se pavaresisht nga gjithe kjo krijimtari dhe gjithe kjo fantazi qe duhet vleresuar per nga permasat ireale te saj, nuk ka asnje gje te vertete per ndonje pakt apo per ndonje marreveshje e cila eshte diskutuar apo biseduar ne Korfuz. Ky ka qene nje rastesi me shume, qe nuk meriton me shume vemendje" Ish-kryeministri Ilir Meta u kthye dje ne Tirane pas vizites tre ditore ne Serbi ku ai u takua me kreret me te larte te shtetit serb dhe perfaqesues politike te Presheves, Medvegjes dhe Bujanovcit. Meta u shoqerua nga ish-ministrat, Gjoni dhe Blushi nga kryetari i Dhomes se Tregtise, Bregasi dhe gazetare e biznesmene. Ne diten e pare te vizites se tij, Meta u takua me kryeministrin serb, Zoran Gjinxhic. Intensifikimi i kontakteve, krijimi i urave te bashkepunimit dhe integrimit te Shqiperise dhe Serbise ne Europe, ishin pikat e perbashketa te Metes dhe Gjixhic, ne konferencen per mediat. "Eshte momenti i zgjidhjes perfundimtare per Kosoven dhe i takon Kosoves te vendose per te ardhmen e saj", deklaroi kryeministri Gjinxhic para gazetareve. Me tej, Meta eshte takuar me ministrin e Jashtem serb, Goran Svilanovic ku eshte folur per bashkepunimin midis dy vendeve dhe zgjidhje te perbashket per ceshtjen e Kosoves. Ne vijim te vizites se tij, ish-kryeministri shqiptar zhvilloi nje takim ne ambasaden greke me kryeministrin Kostas Simitis, i cili ndodhej per nje vizite zyrtare ne Serbi. Meta u takua dhe me Ministrin e Jashtem, Papandreu dhe me pas me biznesmene serbe. Ndersa diten e trete te takimeve, Meta ia kushtoi perfaqesuesve te Medvegjes, Presheves dhe Bujanovcit. Pas mberritjes ne Tirane ish-kryeministri Meta sqaroi detajet e vizites se tij ne Beograd dhe takimin e Korfuzit me kryesocialistin Nano. "Kjo ishte nje vizite te cilen une e kam zhvilluar si nje politikan, i cili ka vullnetin dhe pergjegjesine per te percjelle mesazhe te nje bashkepunimi rajonal dhe nje bashkepunim me te gjitha vendet e rajonit, i cili eshte ne dobi jo vetem te komunikimit intensiv mes politikes shqiptare dhe politikes rajonale por edhe per te krijuar mundesi te reja te kontaktit jo vetem mes politikaneve, por edhe mes perfaqesuesve te biznesit", tha Meta. Persa i perket takimit me kryeminitrin serb, Gjinxhic, Meta u shpreh se kishte patur nje bashkepunim shume pozitiv dhe produktiv, qe prej fitores se forcave demokratike ne Beograd. "Ne kete kuptim ky takim ishte vazhdim i komunikimit te vazhdueshem dhe i perpjekjeve per te bere te qarte se marredheniet midis Shqiperise dhe Serbise jane marredhenie shume te rendesishme per te forcuar me tej klimen e stabilitetit dhe sigurise dhe te bashkepunimit rajonal", deklaroi ish-kryeministri. Ne lidhje me takimet me perfaqesues te shqiptareve te Presheves, Medvegjes dhe Bujanovcit, Meta tha se eshte shume evident angazhimi i shqiptareve per te zbatuar marreveshjen, eshte shume i qarte vullneti i tyre per te garantuar marreveshjen dhe te gjithe elementet e saj jo vetem me qendrime politike, por vecanerisht nepermjet ligjeve te cilat do te duhet te miratohen nga parlamenti federal dhe ai i Republikes se Serbise qe jep nje garanci afatgjate per realizimin e gjithe ceshtjes se marreveshjes dhe te gjithe te drejtave te shqiptareve", tha Meta. Ish-kryeministri foli edhe takimin e tij me kryetarin e PS-se, Nano ne ishullin grek te Korfuzit. "Une dua te theksoj se pavaresisht nga gjithe kjo krijimtari dhe gjithe kjo fantazi qe duhet vleresuar per nga permasat ireale te saj, nuk ka asnje gje te vertete per ndonje pakt apo per ndonje marreveshje e cila eshte diskutuar apo biseduar ne Korfuz. Ky ka qene nje rastesi me shume, qe nuk meriton me shume vemendje". E.M --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun May 12 21:51:52 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 12 May 2002 18:51:52 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] At Gjergj Fishta - Koha Jone Message-ID: <20020513015152.45544.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> At Gjergj Fishta pa veladon Nga Fiqiri Sejdiaj/ Nje anekdote ne vend te prologut. Njehere, At Gjergj Fishta po udhetonte me nje pop e nje hoxhe. Pasi kishin bere nje cope rruge, hoxha qe kerkonte te vinte ne loje At Gjergj Fishten i thote: -At i nderuar, a s'me thua, pse nuk martohen prifterinjte katolike? Qe, psh, -vazhdoi hoxha. Zoti na jep ne muhamedaneve deri ne 7 gra, popeve 1, kurse juve asnje! Si e shpjegon zotrote kete? -Eh, more te paca,- ia kthen Fishta. - Kur Zoti krijoi gruan, bani tete pernjiheri. Kur i dergoi ne toke, aty ndodhi nji hoxhe, nji pop e nji prift. Hoxha si ma i forti, kcej i kapi shtate gra pernjiheri. Popi mori ate qe kish metun, kurse prifti mbeti pa gja. Pas kesaj, prifti shkoi te Perendia e u ankue: "Aman o Zot, po si eshte kjo pune? Hoxha shtate, prifti nji, e une asnji. A eshte e drejte kjo pune? Te lutem vur drejtesi! -Mos u idhno o prift, ia ktheu Perendia, se une per te miren tende mendova. Hoxhes i dhashe 7 me i mbajt, Popit nji, kurse ti asnji, per tekne i lire e per te ba qejf me te tana. Ja pse nuk martohemi na! -e mbylli biseden Fishta duke e lene hoxhen gojehapur. Ky eshte katoliku fanatik At Gjergj Fishta qe ven bishta per gjithcka. Per atin e "Lahutes se Malcise" eshte shkruar qe kur ai ishte gjalle. Kjo do te thote se kleriku i sferave te larta, akademiku, poeti, perkthyesi, deputeti, anetari i Kongresit te Manastirit, anetari i delegacionit shqiptar ne Konferencen e Paqes ne Paris, At Gjergj Fishta ishte njeri me peshe. Duke gjykuar nga vepra letrare qe na ka lene pas, e vecanerisht nga "Lahuta e Malcise" At Gjergj Fishta identifikohet gabimisht pothuajse nga te gjithe pikerisht me kete poeme te gjate ne vargje. Pak flitet per "Mrizi i Zanave" apo "Gomari i Babatasit". Aspak per klerikun pedagog apo gjuhetarin e palodhur, per estetin apo publicistin, per deputetin apo kerkimet e tij ne fushen etnografike. Kalohet ne heshtje dhe nuk flitet fare per At Gjergj Fishten si piktor, skulptor apo kerkimet e tij ne fushen e naftes. Fishta eshte poet i madh!- deri ketu shkon mendimi i shumices. Madje kur permendet Fishta nenkuptohet menjehere "Lahuta e Malcise". Mirepo mjafton t'i hedhesh nje sy perciptazi fondit Fishta ne arkivin qendror te shtetit per te kuptuar interesat e tij te gjera ne fushen e gjuhes e te arsimit. Ai ka qene jo thjesht anetar, por nje nga nismetaret e kongresit te Manastirit dhe vendimeve te rendesishme qe u moren atje. Ai eshte marre me programet e shkollave te arsimit shqip, me problemet e tikes dhe moralit. Sepse sipas tij "zhvillimi i vendit nuk mund te kuptohet pa nje kulture te gjere perendimore". Fishta ka qene gjithashtu edhe nje botues i shkelqyer. "Hylli i Drites" eshte pikerisht botim i dretuar prej tij. Ai ka qene gjithashtu nje publicist i mrekullueshem. Polemikat e tij me At Anton Arapin dhe Ismet Toton jane nje shembull i shkelqyer per gazetarine e sotme. Ato jane teper te ndezura, por askund nuk ka fyerje dhe banalitete. Ashpersia e ketyre polemikave qendron brenda caqeve te etikes qytetare si per ate qe i shkroi, ashtu dhe per ata qe i lexonin. Duke dhene nje veshtrim te shkurter mbi personalitetin polihedrik te At Gjergj Fishtes, s'mund te mos evidentojme atdhedashurine e tij te pakufijshme per Shqiperine. Kudo e per cdo gje ishte atdheu. Ne Konferencen e Paqes ne Paris, ai jep nje kontribut te jashtezakonshem duke shfrytezuar te gjitha njohjet e miqesite. Duke qene nje klerik katolik ne Evropen katolike, Fishta gjen miq e ben miq kudo. Te gjithe e dine se Fishta ka perkthyer Molierin. Keto pjese viheshin ne skene nga dy shoqerite kulturore qe ekzistonin ne ate kohe ne Shkoder: "Rozafa" e "Bogdani". Pra ishte nje nder iniciatoret e grupeve teatrale. Natyrisht ne kete pune ai nuk ishte vetem, por ama ishte nder me te rendesishmit bashke me Kol Hidromenon, qe bente dekorin e ketyre pjeseve. Pra, aq i madh ka qene fishta, sa menjehere pas vdekjes se tij ne vitin 1940 e me pas ne provimin shteteror te maturave te Shqiperise, ka pasur tema te tilla hartimi si "Fishta dhe Naimi". Edhe pas clirimit (ne vitet e para) ai futet ne programet mesimore brenda e jashte Shqiperise. Gjithsesi, te gjitha keto, ne nje menyre apo ne nje tjeter njihen. Po atehere cila eshte ana tjeter e ketij kleriku fanatik? Fishta piktor Shume vite me pare, studiuesi i arteve figurative Ferit Hudhri shkruan: "Edhe Fishta eshte marre me pikture. Ai duhet te kete rreth 20 piktura". Mirepo ne ate kohe z.Ferit Hudhri jo vetem qe nuk jep asnje te dhene tjeter, por nuk na prezanton asnje pikture te tij. Edhe ne sot, nuk jemi ne gjendje te japim te 20 pikturat e Fishtes, por jemi ne gjendje te argumentojme faktin e padiskutueshem se Fishta ishte vertete edhe piktor. Per here te pare, gazeta "Koha Jone" po u prezanton tre skica origjinale te bera nga Fishta, te cilat per fat te mire ruhen ne Arkivin Qendror te Shtetit. Natyrisht ne kete arkiv ruhen dhe disa vizatime te tjera me te thjeshta te shperndara neper faqet origjinale te doreshkrimeve te tij. Sic duket keto skica do te jene bere ne momente pushimi apo meditimi per te kaluar nga nje kapitull ne tjetrin. Diku nje lule, diku nje zog, diku nje portret e diku sic eshte faqja e pare e doreshkrimit te "Baba Tasi", vete Baba Tasi hypur ne gomar duke dale nga parlamenti. Fishta ka qene dhe mbetet nje poet i madh. Po kush tha se ai nuk do te ishte edhe nje piktor i madh ne se do te merrej me pikture? Nder vizatimet e tij qe ndodhen ne Arkivin Qendror te Shtetit, ne vecuam xhamine e Elbasanit. Vini re! Fishta vizaton nje xhami!? Si klerik i larte katolik, logjikisht ai duhet te vizatonte nje kishe. Xhamia ishte e kunderta e tij. Estetikisht e papranueshme. Mirepo Fishta nuk ishte si gjithe te tjeret. Madje ai nuk mendonte e vepronte si gjithe te tjeret. Pikerisht se ishte ndryshe mbetet i madh. "Xhamia e Elbasanit" nuk eshte nje vizatim i thjeshte, shkeleshko, i bere ne cast e menjehere. Jo. Ajo eshte gati kompozim. E vizatuar per nje kohe te gjate, ndoshta me ore te tera perderisa ka te vizatuar cdo gur e cdo gjethe selvie. Ne kuptimin figurativ, tre selvite simbolizojne tre fete kryesore ne Shiperi, ku te krishtere, katolike e ortodokse jepen gati te bashkuar. Fakti qe Fishta vizaton nje xhami ne Elbasan tregon se ai ka patur lidhje te forta me kete qytet. Ne fillim te shekullit te XIX Shkodra dhe Elbasani jane perpjekur per te bashkuar kishat shqiptare ne nje te vetme. Te dyja keto qytet kishin njerez te shquar ne fushen e letrave dhe te arsimit. Feja s'i ka penguar aspak per te punuar bashkarisht. Xhamia e Elbasanit eshte punuar me laps te holle. Ajo ka permasat 30 x 20. Vizatimi i dyte eshte nje portik me kater harqe. Jo pa qellim eshte marre nje flete e ndare me kuadrate te vegjel, sic duket per te llogaritur me mire permasat. Aq i sakte eshte ky vizatim sa nuk jane harruar as hijet dhe ornamentet e portikut. Portiku ka dy shkalle, kater harqe ku njeri prej tyre eshte detajuar imtesisht, 6 dritare te medha dhe ballkonin siper. Vizatimi i trete eshte me shume nje autoportret i Fishtes me shpate ne dore, qe duket me shume si riprodhim i marre prej dikujt tjeter. Gjithsesi nuk eshte detyra jone te flasim per cilesine, nivelin artistik etj. pasi kjo eshte detyre e specialisteve te kesaj fushe. Detyra jone eshte te zbulojme per here te pare para publikut te gjere tre skicat e Fishtes ashtu sic i ka bere ai ketu e 70 vjet me pare. Njeriu qe ka dashur natyren dhe jeten kaq shume, mesiguri ka dhe pune te tjera. Ferit Hudhri thote se ka 20 piktura, ndoshta edhe me shume, po ku jane? Mesiguri tek miqte e tij te shumte brenda e jashte Shqiperise. Po si shpjegohet qe veprat origjinale te Fishtes, leterkembimi, anekdodat per te, vizatimet, studimet si dhe shume materiale te tjera te cmuara te At Gjergj Fishtes ndodhen ne Arkivin Qendror te Shtetit, kur dihet qendrimi i Nomenklatures se Larte ndaj Fishtes? Nevila Nika specialsite ne Arkivin e Shtetit Shqiptar sqaron se dokumentat per Fishten kane ardhur ne AQSH qysh me hapjen e ketij institucioni, shume kohe me pare se sa te vinin dokumentat e klerit katolik me 1947. Ju e dini,- vazhdon ajo,- se drejtori i pare i ketij institucioni ka qene Zef Malaj, i cili se bashku me Injac Zamputi u kujdesen qe materialet e Gjergj Fishtes te merreshin e te sistemoheshin me kujdes. A ishte kjo deshire e regjimit i cili i hoqi nga qarkullimi te gjithe veprat e Fishtes ashtu sic hoqi nga tekstet e shkollave edhe emrin e tij e cdo gje tjeter qe lidhej me te. Eshte e cuditshme kjo kontradikte. Sa me shume menjanohej nga jeta jashte dyerve te arkivit, aq me shume pasurohej fondi i At Gjergj Fishtes brenda dyerve te ketij arkivi. Zonja Nevila na tregon disa variante ne doreshkrim te "Lahutes se Malcise" si dhe variantin perfundimtar te saj, leterkembimet, perkthimet, gjithcka- perfshi ketu edhe vizatimet. Zef Malaj dhe Injac Zamputi duke patur nje nuhatje te holle per ate qe mund t'i ndodhte klerikut te madh si dhe duke ditur vleren e tyre te jashtezakonshme mblodhen shpejt e shpejt cfare mund t mblidhnin dhe i arkivuan. I arkivuan dhe i shpetuan. Kjo tregon se ata qe e kane drejtuar kete institucion i kane kaluar jo vetem kufizimet ideologjike, por edhe kufizimet e regjimit qe udhehiqte Shqiperine e asaj kohe. Fishta gjeolog? Pas termetit qe ra ne Shkoder ne fillim te shekullit te kaluar, diku ne rrethina, toka u nda ne dysh vertikalisht dhe prej andej filloi te buroje uje i zi. Ne qytet ky lajm u perhap si nje kob. Per Fishten ndodhi e kunderta. Ky nuk ishte kob. Ky mund te ishte nje lajm i gezuar, prandaj u nis menjehere per te pae uji ne zi. Mos valle ishte nafte? Ne se jo, mos valle ne rrethina apo ne zonen e ulet bregdetare kishte vertete nafte? Keto hipoteza e bene At Gjergj Fishten te merret seriozisht me studimin e shtresave nentokesore n erajonin e Shkodres. Shqetesimi i tij perkon edhe me shume shoqeri angleze dhe italiane te cilat filluan te eksploronin token shqiptare per burimet nentokesore. Nga leterkembimi i Fishtes me patriote te tjere, kuptohet shqetesimi i tij si dhe pikepyetjet qe shtronte se Shqiperia ishte nje vend i paeksploruar dhe me strukturen e shtresave nentokesore mesiguri do te kishte mjaft minerale te dobishme. E cunguar Shqiperia s'kish te ardhme. Ajo qe kish ndodhur pas copetimit ne veri e ne jug ishte nje masaker e vertete. Shkodra me katedralen me te madhe ne Ballkan, Shkodra me 1100 dyqane te mbuluara, qe hapeshin e mbylleshin vetem me dy dyer, po i merrej fryma pas copetimit te Shqiperise. Nepermjet liqenit dhe Bunes, Shkodra kishte qene qytet port. Anglia, Marseja, Spanja, Portugalia, Italia ishin shume afer saj. Pas copetimit dhe mbylljes se kufirit, Shqiperia kish rene ne cark. Lidhja natyrore me Kosoven e perbere nga e njejta popullate ishte keputur ne mes. Rrenimi i Shkodres nenkuptonte rrenimin e krejt zones veriore, ashtu sic ndodhi vertete. E njejta gjeme ndodhi edhe me Gjirokastren ne jug. Keshtu ardhja e shoqerive te huaja per te zbuluar pasurite nentokesore per Fishten krijonte nje impakt te ri per zhvillimin e vendit. Kjo eshte arsyeja pse At Gjergj Fishta u mor me studimin e gjeologjise e te naftes ne vecanti pavaresisht se nuk na ka lene ndonje veper te shkruar ne kete fushe. Ai nuk ishte inxhinjer, ai ishte patriot i madh, mendimtar i madh, njeri me interesa te gjera qe dilnin jashte veladonit te klerikut, jo vetem ne fushen e letrave ku shkelqen, por edhe ne fusha te tjera te artit e te psikologjise, te politikes dhe shkences. Nje anekdote ne vend te prologut Gjon Shqari, i cili e kalonte jeten ku rrafsha mos u vrafsha, nje dite i thote me shpoti At Gjergj Fishtes. -Si mundet shpirti i njeriut me dal jashte o At? Njeriu vdes, futet ne arke druri, mandej arka e drurit vishet me plumb, mbyllet, futet ne toke, mbulohet me dhe e ju thoni se shpirti i tij fluturoi ne parajse! Pasi e degjoi me vemendje, At Gjergj Fishta iu pergjigj: -Me difton nji gja, o Gjon? -Posi jo,- ia ktheu Gjoni. -A ke floke, a ke lekure, a ke rashte? -Po!- i thote Gjoni, qe s'po merrte vesh se ku do te dilta Fishta. -Po a s'me thue: tue pase floke, lekure e rashte si ka mujt me te dale mendja jashte? Te bisedosh me mue, te mendosh per dicka tjeter e te veprosh? Gjoni uli koken e iku hijes. Ky eshte Fishta brenda dhe jashte veladonit te klerikut i prezantuar kete numer nga "Koha Jone" si piktor me tre krijime origjinale te cilat ekspozohen per here te pare ne faqet e kesaj gazete. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon May 13 07:55:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 04:55:29 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Converting Cultures: Religion, Ideology, Transformations , of Modernity, 1-3.12.2002, Dartmouth, NH Message-ID: <20020513115529.30896.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu May 9 15:08:18 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Fri, 10 May 2002 00:08:18 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Converting Cultures: Religion, Ideology, Transformations , of Modernity, 1-3.12.2002, Dartmouth, NH From: H-TURK at h-net.msu.edu Date: Thu, 09 May 2002 20:16:19 +0000 From: Kevin Reinhart Call for Papers: "Converting Cultures: Religion, Ideology, and Transformations of Modernity," Humanities Institute, Dartmouth College The Humanities Institute invites proposals for papers to be presented at a conference scheduled for December 1, 2 , 3, 2002. This upcoming Institute will examine the concept of "conversion" in a broad sense as it operated during the 19th and 20th centuries in the Ottoman domain, Indian Islamdom, and the Sino-Japanese worlds. While the concept of "conversion"has strong religious connotations, many works on religious conversion recognize that often not just the converted, but the converter as well is changed---a transformation that demonstrates the complex, sometimes contradictory outcomes of cultural and ideological adaptation. Conversion can take place in a number of modes: forcible and voluntary, collective and individual, or any combination of these. Historical instances such as conversion to tenn?sei ideology in Japan, or to "modern laicism" in Turkey suggest that conversion may be viewed constructively in larger terms as political and ideological processes: conversion as cultural appropriation---the adoption by subordinate groups of dominant discourses, customs, and institutional forms; conversion as the redefinition of spatial categories- East-West, rural-urban, empire-colony; or conversion as an reordering of social class and the blurring of ethnic and gender categories. The extensive literature on religious conversion will prove useful in analyzing these types of socio-cultural transformations. For a more complete description of the conference, go to the Institute's website: www.dartmouth.edu/~lhc/converting.html Presenters will be provided room and a travel stipend. The goal of this conference is to produce an edited volume and presenters will be expected to make a draft of their paper available before the conference. Final drafts will be expected by June 1, 2003 Please send a one-page paper proposal/abstract either to: Leslie Center for the Humanities Dartmouth College Carpenter Hall Hanover, NH 03755 or Humanities.Center at dartmouth.edu Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT var lrec_URL="http://rd.yahoo.com/M=225940.2049433.3518213.1829184/D=egroupweb/S=1705043935:HM/A=1061772/R=0/id=flashurl/*http://www.fullaccessmedical.com/t/7428/211/2458684356";var lrec_flashfile="http://us.a1.yimg.com/us.yimg.com/a/1-/flash/misc/fam_lrec_groupsmail_0429b.swf";var lrec_altURL="http://rd.yahoo.com/M=225940.2049433.3518213.1829184/D=egroupweb/S=1705043935:HM/A=1061772/R=1/id=altimgurl/*http://www.fullaccessmedical.com/t/7428/211/2458684356";var lrec_altimg="http://us.a1.yimg.com/us.yimg.com/a/1-/flash/misc/fam_lrec_groupsmail_0429.gif";var lrec_width=300;var lrec_height=250;on error resume nextSub banner_click_lrec_FSCommand(ByVal command, ByVal args)call banner_click_lrec_DoFSCommand(command, args)end sub _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon May 13 18:34:22 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 15:34:22 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Majko's Interview with Rudina Xhunga, Top Channel Message-ID: <20020513223422.65519.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Majko: "Duart e pastra" do t? vazhdoj? Pyetje:-P?r vrasjet nga Tropoja e deri te Divjaka, a mjaftojn? vet?m ngush?llimet, apo ka ardhur koha t?i rikthehemi d?nimit me vdekje, si e vetmja mund?si p?r t?i zgjidhur situatat? Majko: Po e nis nga momenti i Divjak?s dhe m? tej. Nuk dua t? b?j? rolin e atij q? rri n? distanc?, por rolin e atij njeriu q? doja t? merrja pjes? n? dhimbjen e familjareve dhe duke qene se jam pjesmarres n? k?t? dhimbje, mendoj gj?rat duhet t? shikohen n? nj? m?nyre t? pari, ku edhe shteti do t? investoj? at? q? ?sht? pjes? e shtetit. Pasi shteti mbaron pun?n e vet, ose shteti le t? themi do te zbatoj? at? q? ?sht? shkruajtur n? let?r t? bardhe, dhe gjithsecili nga ne edhe si qytetar, do te filloj? t? mendoj? se po pastaj ??do te ndodh?, ?sht? pjesa njer?zore edhe q? nuk ?sht? shkruar n? Ligj, sepse n? fund te fundit kjo ka edhe di?ka q? ?shte e pashkruajtur dhe e pa d?nueshme edhe pse n? fund te fundit jeta e njeriut ik?n. Ajo zon? p?rgjith?sisht ?sht? njohur p?r njer?z q? i marrin gj?rat plot?sisht dhe duke patur nj? koncept p?r komunitetin q? jeton ne Divjak?, mendoj se do t? ekzistojn? njer?zit q? m? pas gj?rat do t?i shohin shtruar. Un? kam qene partizani i vendosjes s? d?nimit me vdekje dhe gjithmon? kam qen? i bindur se shteti i bazuar mbi arsyetim t? caktuar, duke qen? i lidhur pak edhe me sistemin amerikan t? drejt?sis? dhe jo me k?t? but?sin? e p?rgjithshme q? tenton t? kapi Europa karshi nj? m?nyre t? re t? t? parit t? krimit, me t? cilin Un? jam lidhur koh?t e fundit. Nuk mendoj se denimi me vdekje do t? zgjidhte probleme, varje ne mes t? fshatit apo nj? pushkatim. N? thelb ky do te ishte sekonda, momenti, ?asti, prandaj them se n? t? gjithe k?t? histori ka di?ka, ka shum? dhimbje njer?zore. Por un? gjendem pran? familjes dhe dhimbjes njer?zore dhe do t? jem edhe n? vazhdim pran? familjes. Do t? doja t? dija prej jush, a jeni p?r zbatimin e vendimit t? d?nimit me vdekje? Une mendoj q? p?rball? krimit, politikanet nuk kan? pse t? orientohen nga vullneti politik. As nuk mund t? vendoset si ide koncepti q? n?se ka vullnet p?r t? zbatuar ligjin, at? ose e zbaton ose n? rast t? kundert ka m?nyra t? tjera veprimi t? ligjit, karshi atyre q? nuk i zbatojn?. P?rsa i p?rket ides? q? shefat e komisariateve q? kryejn? krime, kjo ?sht? nj? gj? q? tema e diskutimit ka b?j? me m?nyren e orientimit nga raportet e nj? momenti ekskluziv t? krimit q? ka filluar t? shp?rtheje kohet e fundit dhe q? ka t? b?j? p?rgjithesisht me krimin n? familje. Nuk ka t? b?j? shum? me vullnetin e politikaneve, por edhe me disa efekte t? tranzicionit, t? cilat kan? t? b?jn? me ndarjen e shtresave sociale, me marr?dheniet e reja q? kan? filluar t? hyjn? n? kondicionalizmin shqiptar, sidomos midis burrit dhe gruas, apo edhe me efektet t? tjera, t? cilat kan? t? b?jn? me komunimin me bot?n q?, sigurisht pjell edhe pjesmarrjen apo nd?rthurjen e kriminalitetit t? organizuar. Mendoj se po diskutojm? nj? krim, i cili ka mb?rthyer familjen shqiptare, jo nga vullneti politik i politikan?ve, por kam p?rshtypjen q? ne jemi n? nj? vend ku tradita familjare ka qen? bazamenti i gjith? jet?s son? si komb. A jeni i nj? mendimi q? pushtetar?t shqiptar? t? bashk?punojn? n? at? q? quhet "lufta e madhe kund?r krimit"? Kam p?rshtypjen se nuk duhet t? biem edhe n? nj? psikologji t? caktu, q? orienton shpesh pa t? drejt?. Nuk ?sht? i v?rtet? fakti q? Shqip?ria ka nj? klas? politike jo profesionale, q? e kan? mendjen vet?m p?r t? b?r? lek?, matrapazll?qe, kontraband?, d?shiroj t? n?nvizoj faktin q? sinqerisht me sa njoh un? n? Parlamentin shqiptar, qoft? nga ana e PD-s? qoft? nga ana e PS-s? apo e Qendr?s, gj?rat nuk jan? k?shtu. Ka shum? njer?z, t? cil?t pavaresisht se nuk jan? shum? t? duksh?m n? m?nyren e debateve politike, ka njer?z t? cilet kur votojn? n? parlament, votojn? me zem?r, q? t? b?jn? di?ka p?r zon?n e tyre elektorale, dhe nuk ?sht? se esencialisht ne kemi t? b?jm? me nj? klas? politike t? pap?rgjegjshme. Ajo q? dua t? nenvizoj, ?sht? se deri m? sot, ne vazhdojm? t? akuzojm? policin? se ajo ka n? radhet e saj t? inkriminuar. Mbase edhe kjo ?sht? pjes? e problematikes s? vjet?r t? policis? shqiptare, por dua ta nenvizoj k?t? fakt, q? boll u mallkua kjo e shkret? polici, sepse n? fund te fundit n? qoft? se flasim per viktima, k?to p?rplasje me krimin ne i kemi vet?m nga radh?t e policis?. Dhe ajo q? mund te k?rkohet aktualisht, m? shum? se sa vullneti politik i politikan?ve, se si do ta votojn? ligjin apo do t? diskutojn? apo do t? japin nj? p?rkrahje edhe morale n? momente t? caktuara, ?sht? nj? bashk?punim midis institucioneve policis?, prokuroris?, gjykat?s. N? qoft? se ne kemi k?t? trek?nd?sh, t? kolauduar dhe t? fort?, un? ju siguroj q? kjo Shqip?ri mund t? ec? m? mir?. Nuk e them k?t? thjesht s? kjo ?sht? d?shira ime, por se realisht sa her? q? ky trekendesh kolaudohet, kapen menj?her? rezultatet, kapen edhe menj?her? edhe momentet, t? cilat vendosin forc?n dhe linj?n e shtetit. Un? mendoj q? sidomos kohet e fundit ka nj? perceptim shum? pozitiv i situat?s s? bashk?punimit nd?rmjet institucioneve. Koncepti i ashtuquajtur i pavaresis?, ka filluar t? kthehet n? nj? koncept t? nd?rvart?sis? dhe ?sht? m?se normale q? ministri i Drejt?sis?, Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m, Kryetari i Gjykat?s s? Lart?, elemente t? tjer? kan? filluar tanim? t? b?hen m? komunikues me njeri-tjetrin, pra ka filluar nj? bashk?punim shum? i nd?rsjellt? dhe mjaft praktik. Le t? flasim p?r Zvicr?n. Rruga Kukes-Morin?, e cila n? fillim u duk di?ka patriotike dhe n? fakt kur ik?t si Kryeminist?r, u konsiderua utopi, s?rish ka akuza dhe fjal? t? mira. Ajo paragjykohet si rrug? q? do t? bashkoj? Kosov?n me Shqip?ri por nd?rkohe ?sht? edhe nj? ecje drejt Shqip?ris? s? madhe. Mund t? na thoni se ?far? realizuat? Tashm? un? jam i bindur se k?t? rrug? e kam vendosur n? kok?n time n? ?far?do lloj roli t? jem sot jam Kryeminister, dje isha ish-kryeminist?r, pastaj minist?r i Mbrojtjes e me radh?. Ky ?sht? nj? nga projektet m? ambicioze, por sipas mendimit tim nuk besoj se Shqip?ria mund te ket? nj? balanc? rajonale pas shp?rberjes s? Jugosllavis? dhe s?ka t? b?j? fare k?tu logjika e Shqip?ris?. Kjo rrug? duhet b?r? dhe pik? dhe me ?do kosto. Kjo ka t? b?j? dhe me nj? paket?, e cila do t? jet? shum? e mir?pritur. Mbase dikujt kjo rrug? i duket nj? gjys?m?nd?rr e kryeministrit. Jam m?suar q? shpesh t? punoj me njer?z q? nuk i investojn? as vetes, e jo m? t?i investojn? natyr?s. Ajo q? mua m? k?naq ?sht? fakti q? njer?zit n? rradh? t? par? ata t? cil?t n? m?nyr? a n? nj? tjet?r do t? jen? pjes?marr?s n? k?t? projekt. Edhe nga opozita kam sinjale shum? pozitive p?rsa i p?rket k?tij projekti dhe do ta diskutoj? me shum? dashamir?si edhe me drejtuesin e Partis? Demokratike Sali Berisha. Ky ?sht? nj? nga projektet m? t? r?nd?sishme q? ne na takon si shqiptar ta b?jm?. Ata fluturak? t? cil?t e kan? m?ndjen p?r t? b?r? analiza, mua nuk m? interesojn?. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? vendimi im dhe p?rgjith?sisht un? vendimeve iu kam shkuar deri n? fund. Kjo rrug? duhet b?r?. Nuk ?sht? nj? rrug? q? i takon suksesit t? Pandeli Majkos, por b?het fjal? p?r problemin m? t? r?nd?sish?m q? ne kemi si komb. Ne gjithnj? kemi menduar se kemi qen? bashk?, por gjithmon ka pasur nj? pohim q? ka ekzistuar brenda nesh. Ne kemi qen? t? ndar? dhe ka nj? psikologji q? na ndan?. Ne nuk mund t? lejojm? q? kjo gj? t? vazhdoj?. Derisa flasim p?r integrimin e Shqip?ris? nuk duhet t? harrojm? se duhet t? nd?rtojm? edhe Korridorin e 8-t?. Ne kemi diskutuar disa variante dhe tani i jemi fiksuar nj? varianti, i cili shkon n? vler?n 250 milion? dollar? i cili do t? filloj? nga Durr?si e do t? ndaloj? n? Morin?, pastaj nga Morina n? Prishtin? rruga ?sht? m? e thjesht? sepse Kosova ?sht? pothuajse fush?. Shum? akuza ka p?r ekspasion p?r monopol grek n? ekonomin? shqiptare, a jeni i k?tij mendimi? Un? mendoj se nuk kemi pse t? bien n? logjik?n q? mua m? duket e d?mshme. Sa nuk kemi investime themi pse nuk vijn?. Sa vijn? ato u themi pse erdh?n. N?se Greqia dhe biznesi grek kan? interesa t? deklaruara n? Shqip?ri, kjo s?ka pse t? na shqet?soj?. Problem q? duhet t? na shqet?soj? ?sht? si t? vendosen balancat. Kryesore ?sht? q? biznesi shqiptar n? Shqip?ri t? ndihet preferencia. Po u realizua kjo, nuk kan? ??na duhen t? tjerat. Mua m? intereson biznesi shqiptar sepse jam kryeministri i Shqip?ris?. N? k?ta 3 muaj t? qeveris? tuaj, shum? pak ?sht? folur p?r marr?veshjen e stabilizim-asociimit. Mos ?sht? l?n? gj? n? heshtje, zoti Majko? Jo, absolutisht. Dua t? them q? jo vet?m nuk ?sht? l?n? n? heshtje, por ne e kemi par? n? drejtimin q? politika e integrimit nuk ?sht? vet?m pron? e qeveris?, e zyrave ku diskutohet sepse n? thelb nuk ?sht? nj? element teknik. K?shtu q? ne duam q? k?t? proces ta nxjerrim nga zyra. Shpresoj q? k?t? muaj do t? kemi arritje pozitive jo vet?m n? trajtimin e problemit dhe riorganizimin e dokumentacionit, jo vet?m n? aksionet e diplomacis? p?r k?t? problem apo ecurin? e reformave por edhe n? nj? raport t? ri me shoq?rin? q? duam t? vendosim. Ajo ?ka nuk po d?gjohet edhe pse ju e premtuat shum? kur erdh?t si kryeminist?r, ?sht? lufta antikorrupsion. Pra ku jan? k?ta t? korruptuarit, ku ?sht? lufta e duarve t? pastra, nuk kemi d?gjuar asnj? nd?shkim apo shkarkim apo ?udi? Mendoj q? lufta e duarve t? pastra nuk duhet par? si ?udi. Ai nuk nj? proces q? do t? ndodh? n? kufijt? e disa dit?ve. Kjo luft? sigurisht q? ka filluar por si duket shtypi do figura m? t? qarta dhe kjo ?sht? nj? m?nyr? serioze e t? parit t? gj?rave nga ana e institucioneve shqiptare. Qeveria shqiptare e ka p?r detyr? t? b?j? transparenc?n e saj si partner n? sistemin gjyq?sor dhe element?t e tjer? investigativ p?rball? fenomeneve q? kan? t? b?jn? me korrupsionin. Por ne n? t? nj?jt?n koh? nuk mund t? b?hemi edhe polic?, edhe prokuror, edhe gjykat?s. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? m?nyra e reagimit dhe mendoj se nuk ka ndonj? shkenc? t? madhe p?r t? kuptuar q? n? fund t? fundit njer?zit nuk duan t? shikojn? nj?, dy tre individ?. Ata shikojn? problemin e korrupsionit si m?nyr? e t? nd?rtuarit, pra ka nj? raport q? ata kan? vendosur n? dogan?n, tatimet, me zyrat ku jan? t? detyruar t? paguajn? p?r sh?rbimin. K?to jan? s?mundje shum? m? problematike se sa nxjerrja e dikujt q? ka marr? kaq apo aq nga administrata shtet?rore. Ne aktualisht jemi duke marr? nj? s?r? masash dhe un? nuk dua t? b?j? optimistin n? k?t? mes. Jam i bindur q? n? radh? t? par?, p?r t? kapur peshkun duhet t? ngresh rrjet?n. Ne po p?rpiqemi t? ngrem? nj? struktur? institucionale e cila n? thelb n? t? gjitha ministrit? do t? jet? nj? m?nyr? v?zhguese dhe godit?se. Kjo nuk mund t? ndodh? brenda 24 or?ve, as brenda 3 muajve, por duhet nj? proces i gjat?. Duke ngelur tek rrjeta, gati t? gjitha qeverit? shqiptare kan? menduar p?r k?t? rrjet?n por nuk e kan? hedhur ende n? uj?? Nuk mendoj ashtu. Edhe para ?97-?n ka pasur goditje t? segmenteve t? caktuara t? korrupsionit, ka pasur reagime t? shtetit n? esenc? t? problemeve. Megjithat? ne nuk mund t? themi se kemi nj? shtet perfekt apo kemi qeverin? m? t? shk?lqyer n? bot?. Ne do t? jemi pjes? e procesit, por n? fund t? fundit duhet t? njohim edhe mas?n, pra aty ku mbaron d?shira fillon mund?si. Shteti yn? ka k?t? struktur? legjislative, ka k?t? psikologji administrative. Ne po p?rpiqemi t?i p?rshtatemi duke b?r? presionin e nevojsh?m dhe kam p?rshtypjen se n? vitet e fundit t? institucioneve t? shtetit por edhe nj? rivler?sim t? politik?s p?rball? k?tij problemi, pra nj? debat kaq i hapur nuk ka ekzistuar ndonj?her? kaq i hapur dhe thelb?sor p?r problemet e korrupsionit n? shoq?rin? shqiptare, n? thelb q? korrupsionin duhet ta b?jm? pjes? t? kultur?s shqiptare sepse nuk ?sht? nj? moment mekanik. A jeni n? dijeni t? korruptimit apo t? bizneseve t? an?tar?ve t? kabinetit tuaj? ?do politikan ?sht? i detyruar t? deklaroj? pasurin? e vet. Sigurisht q? nga t? th?nat ?sht? prishur ekuilibri midis reales dhe ireales. K?tu flitet p?r miliona dollar? sikur jan? shum? t? vogla, thashetheme, goditje etj. Shqip?ris? po i krijohet klas? politike e cila merret me trafik droge e t? tjera, dhe t? shikosh burra t? nderuar q? vijn? n? Parlament dhe akuzojn? nj?ri-tjetrin me k?t? gjuh?. Ky ?sht? moment i cili ka shp?rthyer si presion, sidomos pas ?97-?s. Citoj dy momente:N? ?97-?n ku neve gati sa nuk na quajt?n njer?z t? eg?r q? s?b?kemi dot nj? shtet. Ky t? pakt?n ishte perseptimi i atyre q? gj?rat i shikojn? me syrin e thjesht? dhe ?99-ta q? po ky komb ?uditi dhe b?ri gj?ra q? kombe t? tjera europiane as q? e kishin nd?rmend ta b?nin. Pik?risht pas k?saj, k?ta shqiptar? q? b?n? k?t? ?udi, filluan t? akuzoheshin si trafikant?. Un? nuk them se nuk ka, por filloi t? orientohej nj? politik? q?, o do t? b?hej ky vend me damk o b?het nami. A i keni ju 5 milion? dollar? n? Korfuz? Jo. Po t?i kisha, do t? kisha bler? nj? sht?pi. Dhe sigurisht, po t?i kisha do t?i vija n? dispozicion rrug?s Durr?s-Morin?. Qeveris? shqiptare nuk i ?sht? hedhur asnj? akuz? p?r keqmenaxhim t? ndihmave p?r refugjat?t n? ?99-?n pasi ne nd?rtuam nj? sistem menaxhimi q? nuk mund t? fusnin duart aty ku nuk na takonte. Pra qeveria shqiptare n? asnj? moment dhe pas asnj? gj? nuk ?sht? akuzuar p?r abuzimet ndaj ndihmave t? Kosov?s. Pra ju garantuat n? Zvic?r me emrin tuaj, n? nj?far? m?nyre? Po zonj?. Me pasurin? m? t? madhe q? kam, p?r t? mos th?n? t? vetmen n? politik?. Si ?sht? parashikuar t? realizohet procesi i privatizimit t? sektor?ve strategjik? n? nj? proces t? rregullt transparence? P?rsa i p?rket transparenc?s s? privatizimit, ?sht? formuluar urdh?ri p?r transparenc?n e objekteve t? cilat do t? privatizohen n? datat p?rkat?se etj, etj, t? cilat, t? themi, nuk kan? munguar n? shtypin shqiptar. Un? preferoj t? kem nj? metodik? tjet?r, pak a shum? at? q? b?m? me ?mimet e referenc?s, pra n? m?nyr?n m? transparente p?r t? gjith? publikun. Edhe p?r privatizimin ne do t? publikojm? t? gjitha asetet. Pra i gjith? biznesi shqiptar t? jet? i qart? se kush do t? privatizohet. Nuk b?jm? fjal? p?r nj? privatizim veprash, po diskutojm? p?r privatizimin deri t? strukturave t? Albpetrolit apo dhe momente t? tjera. P?rsa i p?rket sektorit strategjik, p?rgjith?sisht nuk privatizohen me vendime qeverie, por me projektligje n? Parlament. Pra q? n? fillim problemi i transparenc?s p?r privatizimin e sektor?ve strategjik? ?sht? i p?rcaktuar q? do t? b?het n? institucionet ku mendohet se transparenca ?sht? maksimale, nuk ngelet pjes? e vendimmarrjes, le t? themi e dy-tre individ?ve, ministrit e dikujt tjet?r. P?rsa i p?rket ??shtjes s? Telekomit un? ndaj t? nj?jtin mendim me zotin Meksi, q? aktualisht nuk ka nj? treg t? favorsh?m. Nuk ka pse shitet p?r pes? para nj? aset. Pra, aktualisht, e v?rteta ?sht? se p?r Telekomin nuk ?sht? shprehur asnj? lloj interesi, si rezultat i tregut t? telekomunikacioneve n? Evrop?. Koncepti i kursimeve q? ne po orientojm?, le t? themi ?sht? i orientuar pik?risht nga shpenzimet operative. Pra m? pak makina, ose le t? themi me nj? gjuh? m? shqip, jemi p?rpjekur t? sillemi si gjirokastrit?. Mendoj se un? dhe Meksi puqemi n? logjik?n e t? prerit t? shpenzimeve. Mendoj se jan? teknika buxhetore dhe ndaj t? nj?jtin vizion, q? fondet e privatizimit t? sektor?ve strategjik? duhet t? jen? t? nominalizuara n? shpenzimet e tyre p?r investime strategjike. Pra t? mos trajtohen si para, t? cilat hidhen n? xhepin e buxhetit dhe nuk dihet se nga shp?rndahen. Privatizimi i tyre duhet t? orientohet n? sektor? shum? t? ve?ant? dhe me interesa strategjike p?r Shqip?rin?. Ministrat e kabinetit tuaj jan? p?rfolur qysh kur i vut? dhe vazhdojn? t? p?rfliten, madje s? fundi kemi d?gjuar q? do t? ket? ndryshime. S? af?rmi, a do t? keni t? ndryshuar, t? nd?shkuar, kurban?? Jo, gjith?ka ?sht? e qet? dhe kam brenda vendimmarrjen time t? plot?. Jam shum? i k?naqur nga ekipi n? m?nyr?n se si po punon ai. P?r nj? periudh? 50 ditore, t? pakt?n ky ishte q?llimi q? i vura vetes me k?t? ekip, i cili le t? themi si ?do gj? edhe p?rflitet. Me k?t? qeveri ndodhi pak ndryshe, sepse nuk u lavd?rua n? fillim, por u p?rfol. Tani kemi arritur t'i kemi t? zhbllokuara t? gjitha marr?dh?niet me institucionet nd?rkomb?tare dhe proceset e reformave. Aktualisht po e p?rmbyllim k?t? proces n? Parlament dhe shpresojm? q? kjo ecuri t? jet? e dukshme, si? edhe po evidentohet n? institucionet nd?rkomb?tare. Shpresoj q? muaji maj t? jet? muaji edhe i vendimmarjeve t? tjera. Do t? keni ende surpriza pozitive. Dikush tha se do t? kemi surpriza: se ky Kryeminist?r do t? p?rpiqet t? na mbaj? me shpres?. D?shiroj t? them q? kur e nisa duke th?n? surpriza n? Shqip?ri kishte 8 or? drita. Sot gj?rat kan? ndryshuar dhe un? kam t? drejt? t? k?rkoj m? shum? shpres? tek njer?zit. Jam i bindur se ne do t'ia dalim mban?. Nuk ka r?nd?si k?tu se k?t? po e thot? Kryeministri. Un? jam i bindur q? k?t? duhet ta ndiejn? njer?zit, dhe minimalisht i kam v?n? detyr? vetes q? Qeveria t? mos jet? pjes? e problemit, por t? b?het pjes? e zgjidhjes. Nd?rkaq ju thoni nj? "Jo" t? prer? p?r ndryshimet n? Kabinetin Qeveritar, por kemi d?gjuar se do t? ket? shum? shkarkime, em?rime n? administrat?n tuaj. Shpeshher? edhe vet? t? hequrit nuk ua din? motivin, por e m?sojn? nga ekrani. ?sht? e v?rtet? q? ju shkarkoni n?p?rmjet televizionit, zoti Majko? V?shtir? se mund ta mendoj k?t?. Nuk kam pasur asnj?her? rastin t? kem marr?dh?nie kaq konfidenciale me nj? televizion sa un? t? marr n? telefon dhe t? deklaroj? q? un? kam hequr filanin. P?rgjith?sisht me mediat, dhe kjo dalje sot k?tu m? ka v?n? n? pozit? t? v?shtir? me miq e koleg?, se m? than? t'u b? dy her? te Top Channel, por jam i predispozuar q? gj?rat t'i b?j me komunikim sa m? direkt me ata q? largohen apo q? vijn?. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? q? puna t? b?het m? mir? m? pas, sepse n? fund t? fundit, ckuptim do t? kishin edhe ndryshimet. Ajo q? un? do t? thoja ?sht? q? ndryshimet b?hen edhe si? ?sht? titulli i emisionit tuaj. Shqip Zoti Berisha ju quajti d?shmor n? 5 Maj p?r shkak t? paktit korfuzian Nano-Meta dhe ju e dhat? nj? p?rgjigje. Por pavar?sisht nga batuta, a ndiheni produkt i pakteve dhe jo i arritjeve apo d?shtimeve tuaja, a punoni n? presion, zoti Majko? Kryeministri duhet t? punoj? n?n presion. Un? p?r vete si qytetar do t? ndihesha shum? i shqet?suar n?qoft?se Kryeministri do t? flinte i qet?, do t? ?ohej n? m?ngjes dhe do t? thoshte: ?far? kam sot p?r t? b?r?? Kurse un? ju siguroj se fle n?n nj? presion shum? t? madh. Kur ?ohem n? m?ngjes gj?ja e par? q? m? shkon nd?r mend ?sht? si ka qen? situata e dritave gjat? nat?s dhe a ?sht? shtuar niveli i hidrocentralit. E filloj dit?n e pun?s me gjith? informacionet e para q? kam nga niveli i ujit t? hidrocentralit, nga verifikimet q? ka b?r? policia elektrike, nga policia e rendit dhe element? t? tjer?, i hedh nj? sy shtypit dhe pastaj vazhdoj pun?n e p?rditshme. Kryeministri normalisht ?sht? n?n presion. Un? d?shiroj t'ju them q? kam nj? tip, q? p?rgjith?sisht u mor n? fillim me rezerv?. E pra, jan? 12 profesor? apo doktor? shkencash, t? cil?t p?rpiqen t? m? ndjekin n? t? gjitha veprimet q? un? dua t? identifikoj n? programin e Qeveris? dhe d?shiroj t? them se aktualisht. Ekipi Qeveritar q? drejtoj ?sht? nj? nga ekipet q?, t? pakt?n ndryshe nga tradita, nuk ka patur probleme t? brendshme t? karakterit personal, p?rkundrazi, fryma e ekipi ?sht? shum? e idnetifikuar. Sot un? do t'u k?rkoj ndjes? atyre, dhe publikisht, sepse kam humbur takimin ?do t? diel n? dark? kur pim? nj? kafe dhe diskutojm? hallet e shqet?simet e nj?ri-tjetrit, jo vet?m familjare, p?rgjith?sisht ato t? institucioneve. Ne jemi n?n presion sepse ndjejm? q? koha ec?n me shpejt?sin? e er?s. Se sa ia kemi arritur k?saj pa u mbushur ende 100 dit?t un? shpresoj q? qytetar?t t? kuptojn? se kan? qeveritar? q? p?rpiqen, brenda nj? kohe 16-18 or?, t? pakt?n ky ?sht? orari im i pun?s, duke qen? se jemi njer?zit q? paguhemi m? shum? nga Administrata Shqiptare, t? identifikojm? dhe t? p?rpunojm? disa mendime, t? cilat n? fund t? fundit nuk na b?jn? mir? ne, por godasin n? interesin e qytetar?ve. Un? edhe nj? her? dua t? them: Nuk kam dal? k?tu sot q? kjo ?sht? qeveria m? e mir? q? ka patur historia e Shqip?ris?! Ne po p?rpiqemi t? b?jm? detyr?n ton?, edhe n?n presion. Presioni m? i madh p?r mua ?sht? presioni i qytetarit, q? kur shikon grop?n thot?: Ah, t? keqen un?, kur ikin dritat shan Qeverin?, kur shkon t? blej? domate, kur u rrit?n ?mimet sot dhe kur merr rrog?n, kur do t? na e rritin at? t? shkret?? Un? d?shiroj t? them se para se t? jem Kryeminist?r jam nj? qytetar n?n presion t? madh, dhe presioni m? i madh ?sht? ai q? m? b?n vetvetja. Pyetje: Megjithat?, n? qoft? se zoti Berisha ka t? drejt? dhe loja e brendshme n? PS ?sht? ajo loj? q? do t? nxjer? zotin Nano President dhe zotin Meta Kryeminist?r dhe ju jasht?, a nuk do t? ndjeheni i p?rdorur, zoti Majko? Tani nuk kam nd?rmend t? jap p?rgjigje, t? cilat ti me shum? d?shir? do t? m'i kujtosh edhe nes?r. Loj?rat e politik?s k?to jan?, por n? fund t? fundit secili ka nj? fytyr? p?rball? publikut. Ne p?rpiqemi t'u themi se politik?n nuk e kemi thjesht p?r t? nd?rruar l?kur?n nj? her? n? tre dit?, por p?r t'u sh?rbyer njer?zve dhe t'u ofrojm? n?p?rmjet politik?s nj? vizion, nj? m?nyr? p?r t? par? t? ardhmen, p?r t? dal? nga guaska e s? p?rditshmes, ku dikush mendon q? ky vend nuk b?het. Jo, ky vend b?het. Dhe po b?het faktikisht. M? e bukura ?sht? q? po b?het n? nj? koh? q? akoma vazhdojn? t? thon? q? ky vend nuk ka p?r t'u b?r?. Un? jam m? shum? optimist p?r gj?rat q? po ndodhin realisht n? k?t? vend sesa p?r loj?rat politike, t? cilat n? nj? esenc? t? caktuar jan? normale. Ne duhet t? m?sohemi me k?to loj?ra demokratike. Ka nj? Parlament, ku matematika shpesh vendos edhe mbi logjik?n e ftoht?. Kemi zgjedhjet presidenciale, do t? zgjidhet nj? president, do t? kemi probleme t? natyrave t? tjera, do t? zgjidhen dhe k?to. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? q? asnj? politikan nuk duhet t? ndihet i p?rjetsh?m, secili ?sht? n?n presion p?r t'i ndryshuar gj?rat p?r m? mir?. N?se b?n k?t? ik?n ai, vjen tjetri, e k?shtu me rradh?. A mendoni ju se ?sht? kandidati konsensual i mazhoranc?s p?r president zoti Nano? Un? mendoj q? zoti Nano ?sht? nj? nga figurat e spikatura t? s? majt?s n? Shqip?ri, i cili, edhe ne l?vizje shum? t? kritikuara, ka sjell? gj?ra shum? t? reja, t? cilat m? pas edhe ata q? ia kan? kritikuar kan? pohuar q? n? fund t? fundit veprimet e tij politike kan? sjell? disa dimensione. Un? kam p?rshtypjen q? gj?rat ende nuk jan? ristabilizuar p?r t'u shprehur p?r k?t? proces. Edhe kur kam qen? her?n e par? n? k?t? studio kam th?n? se un? jam nj? Kryeminist?r n? detyr?. ?sht? nj? President n? detyr?, me t? cilin bashk?punoj n? m?nyr? jasht?zakonisht t? mir?. K?shtu q? gj?rat do t? diskutohen me transparenc?n p?rkat?se n? institucionet e partis?. Problemi i diskutimit t? presidentit nuk ?sht? vet?m p?r t? th?n? se kush ?sht? burri m? i mir? i Shqip?ris?, por q? gj?rat t? ecin me nj? lloj stabiliteti dhe t? mos preken interesat e qytetarit. Pastaj k?tu jemi. Jeta nuk mbaron sot, as ajo politike. Sot mund t? humbas?sh, nes?r do t? fitosh prap?. Sot je n? pushtet nes?r n? opozit?, edhe anasjelltas. Nga kjo pik?pamje mendoj q? ne do t? na duhet normalisht edhe nj? bashk?punim me forcat e tjera politike. Klasa politike shqiptare ka ditur q? n? momentet m? t? v?shtira t? jap? zgjidhje. Un? e shikoj k?t? problem t? zgjidhsh?m, jo me iden? e z?rave t? trishtuar q? ky vend nuk b?het. P?rgatiti: E. Nelaj, G.B --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 14 07:28:57 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 04:28:57 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfP: Minorities at Risk (MAR) Project, ISA, 2003, Portland Message-ID: <20020514112857.56428.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 09:39:25 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Minorities at Risk (MAR) Project, ISA, 2003, Portland From: "Will H. Moore" CALL FOR PAPERS The Minorities at Risk (MAR) project is soliciting papers to form panels for submission to the 2003 International Studies Association (ISA) meeting in Portland. We are looking for papers that either use existing MAR data or collect data that builds on the MAR scheme. If you have a paper that fits that description, please send a title and abstract to Will H. Moore (will.moore at fsu.edu). He is assembling the panels for submission to the ISA program directors. The deadline for submission to ISA is 1 June. To see ISA's Call for Papers, please visit: http://www.isanet.org/portland/call_for_papers.html For more on the MAR project, please visit: http://www.bsos.umd.edu/cidcm/mar/ -- Will H. Moore will.moore at fsu.edu http://garnet.acns.fsu.edu/~whmoore/ Associate Professor Department of Political Science The Florida State University Tallahassee, FL 32306-2230 phone: 850.644.6924 fax: 850.644.1367 Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 14 08:06:40 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 05:06:40 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] America the Despised - by T. Michas Message-ID: <20020514120640.61049.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> >From The National Interest No. 67 America The Despised http://www.nationalinterest.org/issues/67/Michas.html by Takis Michas In the summer of 1999, the popular Greek composer Mikis Theodorakis said during an interview: "I hate Americans and everything American. I hope that the youth will begin to hate everything American." This most popular of Greek contemporary composers?a close friend of Slobodan Milosevic, who was reportedly ferried around in the latter?s private plane?had already been widely acclaimed for his assertion during the Kosovo war that "there is no difference between Hitler and Clinton." Moreover, he advocated at the time a nuclear alliance formed of Greece, Belarus, Serbia and Russia and directed against Greece?s erstwhile NATO allies?the United States in particular. Celebrities everywhere have been known to say foolish things about political matters of which they know little and understand less, so Theodorakis? ranting might not seem worthy of much attention?except that he was soon nominated as Greece?s candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize. Theodorakis? candidacy was supported by leading Greek politicians and intellectuals from across the spectrum, including Prime Minister Costas Simitis, Foreign Minister George Papandreou and the leader of the conservative opposition New Democracy Party, Costas Karamanlis. Of course, not all those who supported Theodorakis? candidacy shared his anti-American views. On the contrary, some, including Simitis, Papandreou and Karamanlis, have generally supported the United States and its policies. What is noteworthy, however, is that Theodorakis? views did not seem to faze those supporters precisely because such views have become part of mainstream opinion in Greece. Indeed, they are accepted by the majority as self-evidently true. In an opinion poll conducted among secondary school students at the end of the 1990s, for example, respondents were asked to rank a number of nations from most to least popular. Americans joined Albanians and Turks at the bottom of the list?even lower than the Gypsies, a group not held in particularly high esteem by the Greeks. Topping the list were the Serbs. Anti-American sentiment in Greece was carefully nurtured during the 1980s by Andreas Papandreou, the populist leader of PASOK (Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement). Anti-Americanism based on real and perceived wrongs relating to the rise of the Greek military junta (1967?74) and the Cyprus issue became the common denominator of political thinking. Throughout this period, Papandreou made it a cardinal point to deviate from Western norms and to antagonize Western, and especially American, governments. Greece thus supported the Jaruzelski dictatorship in Poland, refused to condemn the suppression of dissidents in the Soviet Union and its downing of a commercial Korean airliner, harbored organizations (such as the Kurdish PKK) perceived as terrorist by many in the West, opposed the deployment of cruise and Pershing missiles in Europe, and failed to arrest the terrorists of the "November 17th" organization who have murdered dozens of foreigners in Greece since the mid-1970s, including the CIA station chief in 1975. But all of this pales in comparison to the Gestalt-switch that took place in Greek foreign policy and in its populist worldview during the wars of Yugoslav succession. Throughout those wars Greece supported the Milosevic regime in Belgrade and the Karadzic regime in Pale morally, economically and politically. It repeatedly violated the UN-imposed oil embargo on Serbia and the EU decision concerning the freezing of assets belonging to the Milosevic regime. Greece?s support was massive and involved all strata of society: the political class, the trade unions, the media and above all the Orthodox Church. The victims of Serbian aggression were simply erased from the moral perceptions of the overwhelming majority of the population and the political class of the country. Whenever a Greek politician voiced criticism about the fighting, it was nearly always directed against NATO air strikes and other "machinations" of the West and particularly the United States. "Greece?s policies", said leading Serb journalist Peter Lucovic, "benefited exclusively the Milosevic regime, helping the Milosevic family and its associates to retain power in Belgrade. Greece was used by the Milosevic regime as the fine example of a Western country that supported democratic and patriotic Serbia." Equally interesting have been Greek reactions to the terrorist attack against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon in September 2001, and the subsequent war in Afghanistan. Both Prime Minister Simitis and opposition leader Karamanlis denounced the terrorist attack in the strongest of terms and pledged support to U.S. efforts to hunt down the perpetrators. Moreover, Greece provided U.S. and NATO aircraft full access to Greek airspace, military airports and other military facilities for refueling and maintenance. Greece also offered to send additional troops to the Balkans to free up U.S. forces for deployment in Afghanistan. But outside the narrow confines of the political class, initial reactions were very different. Upon learning of the terrorist attack, the immensely popular Archbishop Christodoulos of the Greek Orthodox Church attributed the act to the "injustice and inequality" that pervades the world. It was unleashed, he said, because those in power behaved "without scruples and in defiance of the justice of God and Man." The view that America was somehow to blame for this terrible incident was soon echoed in much of the media. Television broadcasting in Greece in the wake of the tragedy was dominated by discussions of how America supposedly brought this event upon itself for perceived political and military sins. Perhaps the most outrageous incident, however, involved not the media but sports. During a soccer match between a Greek and a visiting Scottish club, fans of the Greek team tried to burn the American flag before the start of the game and then booed during a moment of silence observed for the victims of the September 11 attacks. This happened to the applause of the nearly 20,000 who were in the football stadium at the time. "What went on in Athens disgusted me", the coach of the Scottish team told the Associated Press. "What badly disappointed me was that there was no effort made by anyone, the police included, to do anything about it. I could not believe such anti-American feeling in a European country." While feelings of sorrow and outrage marked the developing responses of most observers in the rest of Europe, the reactions in Greece have been at best subdued. "Instead of reacting with the shock, grief and outrage that every Greek American felt", wrote Nikos Konstandaras, the editor of the English?language edition of Kathimerini, the Greeks were seen?on satellite television and in editorials and too many comments by people in the street?to be analyzing the event with their trademark ?Yes, but.? The expressions of support for America were drowned out by the inevitable anti-Americanism that was once confined to the Communist Party but in the last 10 years, in the dearth of public statements to the contrary, appears to have become the only opinion on view. The polls provide evidence. One poll, taken a few days after the incident, revealed that 25 percent of respondents said they felt "satisfied" and "relieved", and believed that "justice had been served" upon the United States on September 11. About 30 percent said that the terror attacks constituted a justified reaction to U.S. policies. Another poll found that only 6 percent of the Greeks, the lowest number in Europe, supported a U.S. campaign against countries that harbor terrorism. (A similar poll taken among the Palestinians showed that 7 percent supported America?s anti-terror campaign.) Moreover, in a poll published in the Greek daily To Vima on December 29, 61 percent of the respondents said they felt unhappy about the coalition?s victory in Afghanistan, and only 29 percent said they were happy about the outcome of the military campaign. As columnist Richardos Someritis summed up the matter in To Vima, four main ideas dominated popular explanations of the September 11 terrorist attack. The first is that the attack was an act of Israeli or Jewish conspiracy. The second is that Osama bin Laden is the creation of CIA propaganda. The third is that the terrorist act was part of the struggle of the repressed against U.S. imperialism. And the fourth is that Greece is not threatened by terrorism, but rather by the fight against terrorism. Greece?s New Anti-American Trinity The current ideological configuration of anti-Americanism in Greece is a new phenomenon and should not be confused with earlier critiques of American policies. Although some of its roots can be traced to earlier forms, conflating the two can lead to serious misinterpretations of contemporary Greek reality. The ideology of anti-Americanism that marked the 1960s and 1970s in Greece reflected the state of mind of the radical Left. It based its critique of American policies on the inconsistency that purportedly existed between the ideals of liberty that the Americans officially espoused and the policies they followed either at home?the so-called Jim Crow laws discriminating against blacks in the South?or abroad?supporting dictatorships such as the Greek military junta or the Pinochet regime in Chile. This outlook may not have always been fair, but it was essentially benign. Despite its occasionally violent rhetoric and deeds, it did not challenge the essential principles upon which American society rested?namely, the principles of liberty, rule of law and individual rights. Today?s anti-Americanism, in contrast, is no longer the exclusive prerogative of the Left. Growing anti-American sentiments among political conservatives and religious activists are converging with it to form the great river of a new and much more visceral Greek anti-Americanism. As to the Left, the (unreformed) Greek Communist Party, one of the largest in the European Union (though it obtained only 5 percent of the popular vote in the last Greek election), still sees America as the Great Satan for the simple reason that U.S. policies precipitated the downfall of their beloved Holy Soviet Empire. Nonetheless, Communist opposition to the United States today is no longer articulated only in the Marxist idiom of proletarian internationalism, but increasingly in the language of nationalism. Thus, the Communist Party opposes strongly any "U.S.-dictated" rapprochement between Greece and Turkey. At the same time, it is one of the staunchest defenders of the principle of Greek "national sovereignty" and "territorial integrity." The party?s formal adoption of the nationalist viewpoint was cemented in the "National Front" strategy announced during its 16th Congress in December 2000. During her speech to the assembled delegates, General-Secretary Aleca Papariga said that the new strategy no longer included a precondition calling for the party?s social allies to accept socialism or "workers? power." The unity of the National Front would be grounded on the "defense of national sovereignty" and the rejection of "subservience to the demands of NATO and the United States and subjection to the New Order and the Maastricht Treaty." She even reminded the delegates of the topicality and relevance of Stalin?s dictum concerning the need "to raise the flag of national independence and national sovereignty." The Greek Communist Party had inaugurated its anti-Western popular front strategy during the Yugoslav wars of succession. From the very beginning, the party was one of the most vocal opponents of NATO actions because they "violated Serbian sovereignty" and aimed to "undermine Milosevic." The Communists joined forces with right-wing nationalists to organize demonstrations at the U.S. embassy; helped organize "humanitarian convoys" to deliver aid to the Bosnian Serb Republic; and sought "common ground" with the Greek armed forces. The latter efforts resulted eventually in the creation of the "Movement for National Defense" in November 2000 under the auspices of the Communist Party. The speaker at the organization?s first meeting included a retired chief of the Armed Forces and other leading officers of the Greek Armed Forces. All strongly criticized NATO. For some, the incorporation of nationalism into communist doctrine has a deeper ideological significance. Common to both systems is the absence of any concept of individual freedom. As former U.S. Ambassador to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmermann pointed out, the shift from communism to nationalism, such as that which took place under Milosevic, could be characterized as the transition from one collectivist ideology to another. More importantly, both nationalism and communism are ideological means to mobilize the masses for the fight against a supposedly ever-present enemy in whose name individual rights and freedoms may be ruthlessly suppressed. The intellectual sources of Greece?s new conservative "anti-Americanism" also include a nationalist element, but they are more rich and varied than that. They reflect in part the xenophobic anti-Western attitude that characterizes the rhetoric of the Greek Orthodox Church. This connection points to the fact that it is not simply U.S. foreign policy that offends the nationalist Right. Instead, it is the entire narrative of American history and the values that define the United States, for these contradict the basic premises of nationalist conservatism in Greece: Multiculturalism and multi-ethnic narratives challenge the very essence of the linguistic, cultural and ethnic homogeneity that has always constituted the plinth of modern Greek nationalism. Indeed, one of the main fears among conservative nationalists in Greece during the recent Balkan wars was that the United States was trying to export its model of societal pluralism in the region. American support for Bosnia and Macedonia has been interpreted by Greek conservatives as an attempt to export multi-ethnic models to Greece?s doorstep. If it is the case that the United States supported an independent Bosnia because of its once and potentially future multi-ethnic character, exactly the opposite was the case with Greece, whose government maintained from the outset that Bosnia was doomed precisely because of its multi-ethnic make-up. Thus, conservative Greek newspapers now denounce the United States with the same vehemence as the Communist Party paper Rizospastis. Anti-Americanism is not restricted to diatribes in the press but is increasingly forming part of the public pronouncements of conservative politicians, which, of course, influences the views of the average conservative voter. A poll taken shortly after the September 11 terrorist attack revealed that over 50 percent of conservative voters define themselves as anti-American. The third source of the new anti-Americanism in Greece is the Orthodox Church itself. Its enmity toward the United States draws its intellectual inspiration partly from the generally militant, anti-Western legacy of Eastern Orthodoxy. In attacking the United States during the war in Kosovo, the Church drew upon traditional Biblical sources to cast the United States in demonic terms. Its president was labeled a "Satan." New York became the new seat of the "Whore of Babylon." The Church, however, also drew upon its own historical legacy. Traditionally, the Greek Orthodox populations of the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires had always perceived the West as being inhabited by "barbarian Franks", "schismatics" and "heretics" from the True Faith. The religious bond of Orthodoxy that held together the Greek population through centuries of occupation has always carried a strong anti-Western strain. Nobody understood this better than Karl Marx, who wrote: "There exists no polemical schism between the Musulmans [the Ottoman Turks] and their Greek subjects; but the religious animosity against the Latins may be said to form the only common bond among the different races inhabiting Turkey and professing the Greek creed." In Greece, as well as in other nations (such as Serbia) that emerged from the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, religion became an essential component of the national ideology. The ethnos and Orthodoxy fused. Thus, to be Greek is to be Orthodox. The leader of the Greek Church constantly stresses the nation?s identification with Orthodoxy. It is characteristic of the total identification of the Greek Church with the nation that, as Victoria Clark points out, even foreign converts to the Greek Orthodox Church adopt not only the theological dogma of the Orthodox creed but also the foreign policy positions of the Greek government. The fusion of Church and nation has reached a point that the religious leadership has become the spearhead for all of the major secular nationalist initiatives in modern Greece. Thus, at the beginning of the 20th century, the Church promoted "The Great Idea" (Megali Idea), the creation of a "Greater Greece" encompassing the territories of the old Byzantine Empire; now, about a century later, the Church has taken the lead in mobilizing the population on issues such as Macedonia, NATO and Serbia. The Greek Orthodox Church?and particularly its present leader, Archbishop Christodoulos of Athens?has consistently adopted extreme nationalist positions. In the early 1990s the Church helped lead the opposition to the recognition of its northern neighbor and former Yugoslav republic under the name of "Macedonia." It played a decisive role in fomenting nationalist feelings by organizing and participating in mass rallies against the new state?s "usurpation" of the name Macedonia. Moreover, for almost a decade, the Greek Church provided the ideological legitimacy for the Greek state?s moral, political and economic support to the regimes in Belgrade and Pale. It also provided rhetorical cover for Serbian war crimes in Bosnia and Kosovo. The Church even invited indicted war criminal Radovan Karadzic to visit Athens in the summer of 1993 in order to honor him at a rally in a stadium in Piraeus. Greek priests traveled regularly to war-ravaged Bosnia to provide spiritual succor to the Bosnian Serb army in Sarajevo, Zvornic and other places. The anti-American and anti-Western narrative of the Greek Orthodox Church does not emanate from the religious metaphysics of Eastern Christianity in general, but from what the Russian theologian Alexander Schmemann calls the "theological nationalism" that dominates the Greek Church. It is the worldview inherent in this type of nationalism that accounts for the anti-Western and anti-American attitudes of the Greek Church, not anything inherent in Orthodoxy?s theology or dogma. But it is this phenomenon of "theological nationalism" that explains one of the most remarkable developments in recent Greek political life: the ideological rapprochement between a largely anticlerical and avowedly atheist Left and the Greek Orthodox Church. This is partly explained by the fact that Archbishop Christodoulos?s speeches are often couched in a left-wing idiom, as when he attacks U.S. "imperialism" or denounces American ideas about a "New World Order" as "similar to Nazi ones." But this rapprochement also manifests itself in more direct ways. The Archbishop stated recently that he finds the Communist Party?s geopolitical views on issues like globalization, Kosovo and U.S. foreign policy to be "much closer" to those of his Church than those of many other political parties. The appearance of a group of influential "neo-Orthodox" thinkers has been one of the most important elements fueling the Church?s strong anti-Western posture of the last several years. Writers such as Christos Giannaras, a professor at the Panteion University at Athens, have revived and focused the antagonism that existed between the Orthodox East and the Latin West during the Middle Ages. Giannaras and others have recast those traditional religious antagonisms (familiar to every Greek, whether religious or not) in the contemporary idiom of world politics, and used them as a basis for advocating foreign policy positions whose ultimate aim is the total separation of Greece from the West. According to these thinkers the West continues to perpetuate the legacy of hatred for the Orthodox Church that started with the Great Schism of 1054 and culminated with the sacking of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204. The West is hostile, and its values alien to the Greek experience. Thus, all the misfortunes that have befallen Greeks during their recent history?from the Asia Minor catastrophe in 1922 to the invasion of Cyprus by the Turks in 1974?are due to Greece?s failed attempt to imitate the West. The continuing decline of Greece cannot be reversed until Greeks realize their cultural and spiritual superiority to the West as members of the Orthodox Church. The rot will stop only when the Greeks substitute the "servility" that characterizes their relation with the West with the spirit of resistance against the latter?s "immoral barbarism." Herein lies Greece?s path to salvation and its moral and cultural rejuvenation. Thus, to the Left?s anger at America?s sabotage of the Communist dream, and the conservatives? distaste for America?s multicultural legacy, the Church contributes a spiritual justification for anti-Americanism. More recently, in his regular column in Kathimerini, the newspaper of record for Greek conservatives, Giannaras went so far as to condone the terrorist attacks against Washington and New York, comparing them to acts committed by the Greek fighters of the War of Independence in 1821. It is also of interest to note that, in some instances, relations between the Communist Party and Orthodoxy are not restricted to ideology but extend to politics. Thus one prominent member of the neo-Orthodox movement, Kostas Zouraris, was included in the list of parliamentary candidates that the Greek Communist Party filed in the last elections. The intellectual props for anti-Americanism in Greece also happen to blend well with the mix of conspiracy theories that dominate the folk worldview of the masses. In the popular mindset, argues Alexis Herakleidis, professor at the Panteion University at Athens, the universe is divided into two categories: the fillellines (popularly rendered in the Western media as "Philhellenes"), the "friends of the Greeks", and their opposite, the misellines or anthellines ("those who hate Greece"). Greece, according to this view, is an anadelfo ethnos ("a nation alone in the world"). It always lives on the "edge of a crisis." It is always surrounded by enemies. Greeks are always at the center of skotines sinomosies ("dark conspiracies") that emanate from xena kentra ("foreign centers"). These conspiracies emanate from the "Ankara-Skopje-Tirana axis", from Bonn, from London, from NATO. But above all the conspiracies emanate from Washington or, according tomore "sophisticated" versions of these theories, from "the Jewish lobby" in the United States. All have, as their ultimate goal, the subjugation of the Greeks. The conspiratorial viewpoint is becoming more prominent in the political discourse of the Greek Church. The theme of the "victimization" of the Greek Orthodox flock is central in the speeches of Archbishop Christodoulos: "Our people feel", he said recently, "that they are always being treated unjustly by the great and the powerful." He justified the enmity felt toward the West because "the powerful of the Earth commit injustice against the Hellenes and ignore the rightful claims of Hellenism." The Archbishop, moreover, gave voice to fears that the West is secretly engaging in policies designed to weaken the Greek nation. "Our foreign friends", he said "are methodically trying to reduce the size of Greece." The pervasiveness of the conspiratorial viewpoint also marked Greek reactions to the September 11 attack. In a nationwide poll published in Eleftherotypia, the number of Greeks who believe that the September 11 attacks were the work of bin Laden or some other Arab terrorist (in total, 39 percent) is smaller than those who believe in "another" perpetrator, whether the secret services of America (28 percent), Israel (8 percent), or extremist American organizations (6 percent). Seen as a system of ideas, the new anti-American narrative in Greece has little in common with critiques of American policies and social structures that were prevalent in the 1960s and early 1970s. The latter were rights-based discourses and had as their goal liberal emancipation. Current anti-Americanism, on the other hand, is suffused with xenophobia, irrationality and plain hatred. Earlier forms of Greek anti-Americanism attacked what America did. Present forms attack what America is. Confusing these two forms of anti-Americanism amounts to committing what philosophers call "a category error." Such a mistake can have serious policy implications, as it did when President Clinton visited Greece in October 1999. His trip planners thought that if he strongly condemned American support for the colonels? junta that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974, he would placate those Greeks who were protesting his visit. It did not work. The large and violent demonstrations against his visit went ahead as planned. What the former President?s advisors failed to understand was that the protesters of 1999 were not primarily interested in the usurpation of Greek political freedoms by the old junta; they were instead affirming their deep-seated opposition to Western values and their ideological alliance to Milosevic?s ethno-tribal politics. The effects of such developments in Greek society on relations between Greece and the United States, NATO and the EU are, of course, impossible to predict with precision. What is certain, however, is that for a growing number of Greeks, the United States?Greece?s formal ally?is rapidly becoming Enemy Number One. In a poll published in the Greek daily Ta Nea two weeks after the September 11 attacks, only 18.9 percent of respondents said they had positive feelings about the United States. "One of the most dangerous recent developments in the relations of Greece with its friends and allies", says Dimitis Katsoudas, head of the pro-Western "Center for New Policy?Pavlos Bakoyannis"?named after the most prominent Greek victim of "November 17th"?"is the consolidation of an anti-Western and anti-American sentiment that goes far beyond any logical reaction to aspects of U.S. foreign policy that may affect negatively Greece?s national interests." At the same time, those feelings go hand in hand with a pragmatic attitude on the part of the majority of the Greek population toward Greece?s membership in NATO and its relations with the United States. Thus, as many opinion polls have shown, the majority of the Greek population combines a critical attitude toward the United States and its policies with an acquiescence to the Greek government?s formal support for those policies. Whether this situation can be sustained in the long run, only time will tell. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 14 08:13:22 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 05:13:22 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Naylor Prize 2001 Message-ID: <20020514121322.17250.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

  Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:

From Florian Bieber Tue May 14 00:41:04 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber
Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 09:41:04 +0200
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Naylor Prize 2001

ANNOUNCING -- The 2002 Competition for:
 
 The Kenneth E. Naylor Young Scholar's Prize in South Slavic
 and Balkan Linguistics
 
 
 In memory of Kenneth E. Naylor, Balkanist and South Slavic
 linguist par excellence, the Naylor Professorship in South Slavic
 Linguistics in the Department of Slavic and East European
 Languages and Literatures at The Ohio State University
 established in 1999 a prize of $500 for the best unpublished paper
 by a young scholar on a topic in Balkan or South Slavic linguistics.
 The third such competition is now officially open.
 
 We thus solicit papers written in English by young scholars -
 defined for this competition as an advanced graduate student (who
 is beyond his/her first year of study) or someone who is no more
 than three years beyond the awarding of the Ph.D. degree at the
 time of submission -- that treats some topic either in Balkan
 linguistics, taking a comparative approach and treating at least two
 languages of Southeastern Europe, or in any of the South Slavic
 languages on their own or in relation to the other languages of the
 Balkans.
 
 In order to be eligible, the submitted paper must be unpublished,
 and not under consideration for publication at the time of
 submission; however, papers that have appeared in an issue of a
 "Working Papers" series are still eligible for consideration in the
 competition. Those that have appeared in conference proceedings
 volumes of any sort are not eligible, unless they are substantially
 revised and/or expanded. Written versions of papers that have
 been presented at a conference are eligible, as are papers based on
 chapters of dissertations or M.A. theses (but not raw dissertation
 chapters or M.A. theses themselves). In all cases, however, the
 Committee will look for self-contained scholarly articles of
 publishable quality that treat some relevant topic (as spelled out
 above) in an interesting and insightful way, following any
 appropriate approach (historical, synchronic, sociolinguistic, etc.)
 and any theoretical framework.
 
 Interested scholars should submit four copies of the paper along
 with an abstract (no longer than 250 words) and a cover sheet with
 the title of the paper, the author's name, affiliation, mailing
 address, e-mail address, phone and fax numbers, date of entrance
 into an appropriate graduate program or of awarding of Ph.D. (as
 the case may be), and US social security number, if the author has
 one (having one, though, is not a requirement), to:
 
 Naylor Prize Competition
 Dept. of Slavic & East European Languages & Literatures
 232 Cunz Hall
 The Ohio State University
 Columbus, Ohio USA 43210-1215.
 
 The deadline for receipt of the papers in the Department for this,
 the third, competition is SEPTEMBER 30, 2002. The Screening
 Committee, consisting of the Naylor Professor and former speakers
 in the annual Kenneth E. Naylor Memorial Lecture series, expects
 to make the announcement of the winner by January 30, 2003. The
 winning paper will be published (after any necessary revisions) in
 an issue of the journal Balkanistica. The Committee reserves the
 right not to award the Prize in a given year.
 
 Please address any inquiries to the Naylor Professor, Brian D.
 Joseph, at the above address or via e-mail at joseph.1 at osu.edu.

 Results of 2001 Competition for the Kenneth E. Naylor Young Scholar's
Prize in South Slavic and Balkan Linguistics:

 First Place Prize of $500 awarded to:

 Daniela Trenkic (Podtdoctoral Researcher, Heriot-Watt University,
Edinburgh  (Ph.D., Cambridge, 2000)):  "Definiteness as a Grammatical Category and as

 Category of Meaning in Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian"

 Abstract:  In this examination of the nature of nominal definiteness
 in Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian, two aspects of definiteness are
 distinguished and defined:  definiteness as a grammatical category
 and definiteness as a category of meaning.  The latter is taken as a
 universal category relating to the identifiability of nominal referents
 in communication (cf. Hawkins 1991), whereas the former is
 language-specific, relating to semantic/pragmatic definiteness as the
 grammaticalisation of the category of meaning (cf. Lyons 1999).
 Traditional views that relate word-order, adjectival 'definite aspect',
 and demonstratives to grammatical definiteness are considered here
 and found lacking.  Rather, it is proposed  that definiteness is not
 grammaticalised in Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian, and that the
 definiteness of nominal referents is inferred through general
 principles of goal-oriented behaviour.


 Runner-up Prize of $50 awarded to:
 Olga Arnaudova (Ph.D. candidate, University of Ottawa):  "Why do
 clitics (sometimes) co-occur with DPs:  The Case of Bulgarian"

 Abstract:  In this study of the cooccurrence of clitic pronouns in
 Bulgarian with full nominal phrases, it is argued that the presence of
 the resumptive clitic has a grammatical function, namely to
 'externalize' an argument with implications for the focus structure of
 the sentence.  It is claimed that clitics in Bulgarian are argument-
 variables, base-generated within the Verb Phrase in argument
 positions which later move to head position of Tense to license
 discourse operators related to inferentiality.  Those discourse
 operators can optionally host a Determiner Phrase in their Specifier
 position and realize a higher predication.  From this perspective, the
 motivation behind the formation of the clitic cluster becomes clear:
 in syntax, clitics move to license discourse-related operators.  This
 analysis explains why clitics are never found in the domain of focus,
 as well as the thematic 'redundancy' in Clitic Left-Dislocation
 constructions.  It is also shown that in constructions such as (focus)
 topicalization, there is no clitic since the moved constituent leaves a
 gap and, independently the needs of the predication do not require an
 argument-variable.


 These two young South Slavic scholars join Dr. Grant Lundberg of
 the Department of Germanic and Slavic Languages of Brigham
 Young University and Dr. Svetlana Godjevac, of the University of
 California, San Diego, the First Prize and Runner-up respectively in
 the 2000 Naylor Prize competition.

  For more information on the competition and the winners, please
 contact:

 Brian D. Joseph, Naylor Professor
 Department of Slavic & East European Languages & Literatures
 The Ohio State University
 Columbus, Ohio  USA  43210-1215
 joseph.1 at osu.edu

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__________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience http://launch.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 15 10:35:22 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 07:35:22 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Unofficial Activities in Transition Countries: Ten Years of Experience, 18-19.10.2002, Zagreb Message-ID: <20020515143522.49341.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue May 14 06:10:59 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 15:10:59 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Unofficial Activities in Transition Countries: Ten Years of Experience, 18-19.10.2002, Zagreb Announcement for an International Conference Call for Papers Unofficial Activities in Transition Countries: Ten Years of Experience October 18-19, 2002 Zagreb, Croatia Institute of Public Finance The Institute of Public Finance (IPF) invites the submission of papers for its international conference on"Unofficial Activities in Transition Countries: Ten Years of Experience" to be held October 18-19, 2002 in Zagreb, Croatia at the Institute of Public Finance. The Scope of the Conference An international conference analyzing the size, scope, causes, consequences and policy implications of unofficial (illegal, unrecorded, unreported, informal, underground, hidden, shadow, parallel) activities in transition countries during the past decade. Description This conference aims to review, analyze and evaluate the lessons of the past decade concerning the importance, causes and consequences of unofficial activities in transition economies. To achieve a wide variety of perspectives, we encourage the submission of original scholarly works that encompass all types of quality research including conceptual, taxonomic, methodological and theoretical papers, empirical studies (including efforts at replication), interpretive research, policy oriented studies as well as new evidence derived from experimental, survey and cross-section methods. Although original contributions to measurement issues are welcome, the conference aims to answer questions such as: Why have unofficial activities been so widespread in some transition countries and less important in others? How did this develop? What have the consequences been? Could we conclude that there is some pattern or sequencing in the development of unofficial activities connected with the development of transition and reforms? If so could we derive any policy recommendations from the experience of more advanced transition countries that could usefully be offered to those that have not gone as far along this road? Submission and other information Prospective contributors are invited to submit an application, abstract and CV before May 31 and final paper before September 30. Travel and accommodation expenses will be paid for the authors of papers selected for presentation to the degree to which we manage to gather funds. Submission of complete papers or abstracts should include keywords, the full name and affiliation, address, email, fax and phone number of the author in charge of correspondence. We strongly support email submissions. All papers must conform to standard journal style formats. Please follow instructions from http://www.aeaweb.org/aer/styleguide.html Publishing Opportunities Selected papers will be published in a special issue of the journal Financijska teorija i praksa and possibly in a conference volume. Background The Institute of Public Finance (IPF) has considerable experience with research on unofficial activities. In the mid-1990s the Institute organized its first unofficial activities research, later published in the journal Financijska praksa 21 (1-2) 1997 and in Occasional Paper 1 (3) available at http://www.ijf.hr/ocpapers/op-3.htm The proceedings of the IPF's first international conference on the unofficial economy in transition were published in Financijska praksa 21 (5-6) 1997 and in Feige, E. L. and Ott, K. (eds)Underground Economies in Transition: Unrecorded Activity, Tax Evasion, Corruption and Organized Crime. Aldershot: Ashgate. 1999. Results of the most recent research on the Unofficial Economy in Croatia are published inFinancijska teorija i praksa26 (1) 2002 and in Occasional Paper No. 12, 2002 also available at "http://www.ijf.hr/ocpapers/pdf/ijf-ocp12.pdf" Papers and abstracts should be sent to: Katarina Ott Institute of Public Finance Katanciceva 5, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia Email kott at ijf.hr Phone 385 1 4819363 Fax 385 1 4819365 http://www.ijf.hr Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 15 10:36:28 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 07:36:28 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: International Policy Fellows, 2003 Message-ID: <20020515143628.35253.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

  Florian Bieber <bieberf at gmx.net> wrote:

From Florian Bieber Tue May 14 00:46:07 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber
Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 09:46:07 +0200
Subject: [balkans] CfA: International Policy Fellows, 2003

CALL FOR PROPOSALS

CENTER FOR POLICY STUDIES
INTERNATIONAL POLICY FELLOWSHIPS, 2003

All applications must be submitted online at http://www.osi.hu/ipf by
August 1, 2002
_________________________________________________________________________________________________

The Central European University Center for Policy Studies (CPS) is calling
for proposals for its year 2003 International Policy Fellowships (IPF)
program, which is affiliated with the CPS and the Open Society
Institute-Budapest. Broadly speaking, an open society is characterized by a
reliance on the rule of law, the existence of a democratically elected
government, a diverse and vigorous civil society, and respect for
minorities and minority opinions. Launched in late 1999, the CPS works with
a broadening circle of policy analysts and institutions to promote the
development of policy center networks throughout Central and Eastern
Europe, the former Soviet Union, and Mongolia, as well as countries in
South and Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa. The Center
undertakes policy research and advocacy that furthers the open society
mission and disseminates quality analyses in accessible formats.

The CPS International Policy Fellowships are intended to support the
analytical policy research of open society leaders and to provide these
Fellows with professional policy training. The program aims to improve the
quality of analysis in countries where the Soros foundations work by
ensuring that these leaders are able to conduct research in their home
region while maintaining local affiliations and a high degree of mobility
and intellectual freedom. Fellows participate in four training seminars in
Budapest over the course of the fellowship year conducted by professors of
public policy from around the world and gain vital skills including how to
write professional policy documents, identify appropriate policy
instruments, and effectively advocate policiesskills that are
underdeveloped in countries where the Soros foundations work. Good policy
analysis is characterized by elements including a reliance on
well-researched data; comprehensive, non-ideological assessment of relevant
factors and options; explicitly stated criteria for assessing options;
consideration of the interests and groups affected; and the clear
presentation of feasible recommendations for action as well as how these
recommendations should be communicated and implemented.

Outstanding Fellows from Eastern Europe may be nominated to participate in
additional training and research opportunities including a three-month
International Junior Public Policy Scholar Fellowship in Washington, D.C.
in affiliation with the Woodrow Wilson Center's East European Studies
program. The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the United
States' official memorial to President Wilson, was established by
congressional legislation in 1968. Meant to reflect and continue Woodrow
Wilson's commitment to a deeper understanding of issues crucial to global
peace and stability, the Center serves as an international,
interdisciplinary, non-partisan scholarly institute which fosters
scholarship in the humanities and social sciences and encourages dialogue
between the academic and policy communities. East European Studies, housed
at the Woodrow Wilson Center, provides a non-partisan forum for bringing
historical and contemporary understanding of the former communist states of
Eastern Europe and the Baltics to the nation's capital and throughout the
country. For more details on the Wilson Center and its East European
Studies program, please see further details at the end of this announcement
and visit the Center's website at www.wilsoncenter.org.

Applicants are encouraged to submit individual, practical and
policy-oriented research proposals in the following subject areas. The
product of each fellowship will be a detailed analysis of a major issue to
be published in English and translated into other languages:

2003 Fellowship Issue Areas
Note: Although the topics Conflict Prevention in Southeast Europe and The
Future of the Caucasus are not included in this year's announcement, IPF
remains especially interested in receiving applications from these regions.
Please apply according to the relevant topic rather than region. Also
please note that applicants interested in Gender Policy as it relates to
education, the media, and health should apply in the education, media, and
health categories.

The Policy Process
Building Institutions
Cross-Border Cooperation Outside the European Union
Cultural Policy
Education Policy
Enhancing the Learning Experience in Central and East European Higher
Education
Primary and Secondary Education Policy
Environmental Policy
International Climate Change Policy
Strategic Environmental Assessment and Sustainability Appraisal as
Policy-Making Tools
The Future of Central and Southwest Asia
Gender Policy: Intra-Enterprise Level Gender Inequalities in Post-Socialist
Societies
Information Policy
Media Policy
Public Health Policy
Tobacco Economics Research and Advocacy
Policy Priorities in Public Health
Social Responsibility in Global Governance Structures
State Capacity and the Leading Economic Sector in Post-Socialist Eastern Europe
State Responses to the Challenge of Multiethnicity

Terms of the International Policy Fellowship Award

Fellows will be provided with a one-year stipend, expenses including
travel, and needed communications equipment to work full-time on research
of their design in one of the above areas. The amount of the award will
vary depending on standards in the Fellow's country of residence and the
budgetary needs of the proposal.

To Apply: Application Requirements and Procedures

All initial queries must be entered online via the internet directly into
the IPF application database found at http://www.osi.hu/ipf. Those who have
no possibility to access the internet (including from public libraries,
internet centers, or national Soros foundations) should send an e-mail to
fellows at osi.hu or call the IPF offices at (36 1) 327-3863 to discuss the
best alternate application solution. Finalists will be interviewed by
telephone at the expense of IPF. Successful applicants will be notified in
November or December 2002 and no later than January 15, 2003. The
fellowship research cycle will approximate the period from March 2003 to
March 2004. Applications sent by mail, fax or e-mail will not be considered
unless you received prior approval from IPF staff to use an alternative
method of application.



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Music Experience http://launch.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 15 10:37:09 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 07:37:09 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Conference: BISA Working Group on the Balkans, Workshop 25 May 2002 Message-ID: <20020515143709.55815.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue May 14 00:44:42 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 14 May 2002 09:44:42 +0200 Subject: [balkans] Conference: BISA Working Group on the Balkans, Workshop 25 May 2002 2nd WORKSHOP: BISA WORKING GROUP ON THE BALKANS Following the success of the widely-attended inaugural workshop of the BISA Working Group on the Balkans, we are pleased to announce the second workshop of the working group which will be held: Saturday 25 May 2002 11:00 - 15:30 Room: Graham Wallas Room, Old Building, 5th floor London School of Economics All interested are welcome to attend PROGRAMME 11:00 - 11:30 Coffee 11:30 - 13:00 Panel 1: The State, Minority Rights and Democracy in the Balkans Ian Mitchell (Aberystwyth) '"Minority" as a pejorative: the impact of "constituent peoples" concept on democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina' Vanessa Pupavac (Nottingham) 'Multiculturalism and its Discontents: A Case Study of Bosnia' 13:00 - 14:00 Lunch: Provided 14:00 - 15:30 Panel 2: Migration and Identities in the Balkans Olga Demetriou (LSE) 'Migration and Identities in the Balkans' Helen Kambouri (LSE) 'Perceptions of Balkan Migration in Greece' For more information, please contact: Jenny Engstrom (J.M.Engstrom at lse.ac.uk) or Pavlos Hatzopoulos (P.Hatzopoulos at lse.ac.uk) Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 15 20:19:18 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 17:19:18 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Petition on Albania Message-ID: <20020516001918.56093.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> http://www.geocities.com/sosalbania/l1.html --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri May 17 06:28:46 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 17 May 2002 03:28:46 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Training of Trainers in Southeast Europe, 5-15.11.2002, Budapest Message-ID: <20020517102847.36906.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> ] CfA: Training of Trainers in Southeast Europe, 5-15.11.2002, Budapest 7. COUNCIL OF EUROPE TRAINING COURSE: TRAINING FOR TRAINERS IN SOUTH EAST EUROPE, 5-15. NOVEMBER, BUDAPEST. The Directorate of Youth and Sport has acquired an undisputed reputation for and expertise in developing educational approaches and materials suitable to both formal and non-formal contexts as well as to different cultural environments. Its work with multipliers and its long-term training programme have all contributed to the development of youth leaders and projects that make their impact first and foremost at grass-roots level while being remarkably European. "Training for Trainers working in South East Europe" complements the other training offer of the Directorate of Youth and Sport by allowing participants to not only benefit from, but also be in the position to themselves run, training programmes with an intercultural dimension. Experience has shown that some specificities exist in the field of training when working in the countries of South East Europe. The growing number of applications received from the region for the regular training courses of the Directorate of Youth and Sport demonstrates the need for an international training programme focusing on youth in the region. This course will address some of these demands by preparing young people to confidently and competently plan and run regional and international youth activities. The experience acquired during the educational activities such as Training for Trainers working in Central and Eastern Europe (2000), Long Term Training Courses for youth leaders and youth workers carrying out projects with young people in South East Europe (2000/2001), and in the Caucasus (2001/2002) reveals that focused efforts in these regions should be based on the development of quality projects and project leadership. On the other hand there is significant demand for trainers and multipliers who, at national, regional and European level, are competent to youth activities with an intercultural dimension. The course "Training for Trainers working in South East Europe" is relevant for youth organisations and other youth work institutions who need to have competent and autonomous trainers capable of delivering the training their membership needs. Building on the accumulated experience of non-formal education and youth work, the training course is participant-centred and aims at developing participants' knowledge, skills, competencies and attitudes in training on topics such as intercultural learning, human rights education, youth participation, conflict transformation, citizenship, etc. This training course will encourage the participants to develop their critical thinking, creativity, communication, ability to deal with conflicts, team work, and responsibility in training contexts. For more information about the objectives of this course, selection criteria as well as access to an application form, go to http://www.coe.int/T/E/cultural_co-operation/Youth/Activities/Training_Cours es/SEE_TC4Trainers_pres.asp#TopOfPage To get more information about the other training courses offered to youth NGOs through the Training Programme of the Youth Centres of the Council of Europe in 2002, go to http://www.coe.int/T/E/cultural_co-operation/Youth/Activities/Training_Cours es/1_TC_EYCs_prog2002.asp#TopOfPage Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri May 17 07:42:10 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 17 May 2002 04:42:10 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Afati : 20 maj 2002 Message-ID: <20020517114210.2278.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> http://www.geocities.com/sosalbania/l1.html --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri May 17 15:43:02 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 17 May 2002 12:43:02 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] USA - HOLLAND Football Game Message-ID: <20020517194302.94810.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Occupancy Permit Approval Given to Open Mezzanine Corner Seats at CMGI Field, Increasing Capacity to 38,000 FOXBORO, MA, May 14. - The previously sold-out soccer doubleheader featuring the U.S. National Team (hosting Holland) and the New England Revolution (hosting Chicago) this Sunday, May 19 at CMGI Field now has 8,000 new mezzanine level seats available due to an occupancy permit approval by the town of Foxboro. The doubleheader kicks off at 2:00 p.m. when the United States hosts Holland in its final match in the States before traveling to Asia for the 2002 World Cup. The U.S. National Team is undefeated in 10 games in Foxboro (7-0-3). At 4:30 p.m., the Revs will host the Chicago Fire. Last Saturday, the Revs christened CMGI Field when they battled the Dallas Burn and scored a 2-0 victory. This week, they will fight the Fire to remain undefeated at CMGI Field. "The support from our fans in New England has been overwhelming," Revolution General Manager Todd Smith said. "They give us a tremendous home-field advantage and are responsible for much of the success our men's and women's national teams have enjoyed in Foxboro. I am glad we received permission to expand the capacity beyond the lower bowl of the stadium. It will be a special event at CMGI Field and great day for soccer." The U.S. Men's National Team clinched its ticket for the 2002 Japan/Korea World Cup by defeating Jamaica 2-1 in the last soccer event played at Foxboro Stadium on October 7, 2001, in front of 40,483 fans, closing a decade of undefeated soccer at the historic venue. The team averaged 35,378 fans per game in its 10-match Foxboro Stadium history, which began with a 1-1 tie with Ireland on June 1, 1991. The USA-Holland event, which will be broadcast live on ABC, is included as part of the Revolution 2002 season ticket package as Special Event One. The U.S. and Holland have squared off once in their history, with Holland winning 2-0 at Pro Player Stadium in Miami on February 21, 1998. The United States National Team will feature its World Cup bound players for this international friendly, while the Netherlands will play most of their top international stars such as Frank de B?er, Michael Reizinger, Phillip Cocu and Patrick Kluivert from Barcelona F.C., Jaap Stam from Manchester United and Edgar Davis from Juventus F.C. Ticket prices for this event are $45 dollars. Groups of 20 or more will receive a discount, lowering the price to $25. Ticket prices for all other individual Revolution games are $16, $23 and $32. Groups of 20 or more will receive a significant discount, lowering the price to $12 (regularly $16), $17 (regularly $23) and $22 (regularly $32). Ticket prices can also be discounted by ordering for six or more games at a time. In such cases, tickets will be $14 (regularly $16), $19 (regularly $23) and $24 (regularly $32). To order individual tickets call Ticketmaster at 617-931-2222. For all other ticket requests, call the Revolution Ticket Office at 1-877-GET-REVS. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri May 17 21:42:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 17 May 2002 18:42:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Where is the news? The Guardian Message-ID: <20020518014204.40825.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> The Guardian (London) May 18, 2002 Guardian Foreign Pages, Pg. 17 Capital letters: Farewell to the 'ugly old woman with oodles of charm' Helena Smith in Athens "Why don't you give me your shoes?" It was pronounced more as an order than a plea. The dishevelled Albanian was deadly serious. I should, he muttered, give him what he was owed "plus those nice leather lace-ups", because he had sweated profusely moving a van-load of belongings into my new home. And anyway, I should know that there were certain things that worked differently in Greece today. This could not be denied. The city of the gods does not come close to resembling the place it was a decade ago. My own change of locale - from a studio-flat overlooking the modern world's first Olympic stadium to a neoclassical townhouse in a neighbourhood that might once have passed for a slum - brought me face to face with the magnitude of the metamorphosis. First of all there was Akim asking me for my shoes. And demanding them in fine polished Greek. Not that long ago Albanian emigres, who are thought to number 300,000 in Athens alone, were content to scratch a living on the streets. Now Akim, who still has vivid memories of sneaking past trigger-happy Greek border guards, was speaking up, loud and clear. True to tradition Yiannis, the Zorba-like character who ran the removals company, drove a van whose wind screen mirror almost trembled under the weight of amulets and crosses. "In Greece, only God and faith ward off the evil eye," he snarled. "All these xenoi (foreigners), they'll be the curse of us." But of one thing Yiannis was absolutely sure: he, like so many others, was benefiting enormously from the influx of the xenoi "I drive, they move," he said, jabbing a fat finger at Akim. Jimmy, the Albanian's happy-go-lucky compatriot, was somewhere in the back, bent-double among the lampshades, chests, boxes and chairs stuffed somewhat ingloriously into the swaying open truck. We drove past the Polish ghetto and the Pakistani ghetto, past Indians selling incense and Koreans selling binoculars and Nigerians flogging CDs: in short, the cosmopolitan mix that is killing off Greece's once fabled homogeneity. "All these xenoi ," growled Yiannis as we crawled through gridlock caused by one of an estimated 96 refurbishment projects under way for the 2004 Athens Olympics. "They're like all these blessed public works. They never seem to end!" Not that, if truth be told, most Athenians really mind. Nationwide, the games are seen as Greece's great test, its coming of age in the modern era. All the massive public works launched in their name, from the ultra-efficient Athens metro to the unification of the capital's historic centre in a giant archaeological park, have greatly improved its infrastructure and quality of life. There is much less air pollution, more green space and better public transport. With cleaner climes and cleaner streets, cafe society has also taken off with a vigour not seen since the 1960s. My Greek reality owes everything to Athens's gradual gentrification; the revival of the neighbourhood started when ladies in fur coats began patronising restaurants set up by "artistes" who had replaced artisans. " Po, po ! My, my! How Athens is changing," Yiannis exclaimed as he edged his van up to the ochre-coloured building that was about to become my home. The Greek capital is no longer the ugly old woman with oodles of charm that the late Athenians actress Melina Mercouri once raved about. Increasingly, it is becoming a sprightly young thing - confident, chic and energised by new blood, new looks and a new way of being. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 18 08:37:18 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 18 May 2002 05:37:18 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Job: Lecturer in Transition Studies, University of Glasgow Message-ID: <20020518123718.90030.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed May 15 08:15:29 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 17:15:29 +0200 Subject: [balkans] Job: Lecturer in Transition Studies, University of Glasgow UNIVERSITY of GLASGOW CENTRAL & EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES LECTURER IN TRANSITION STUDIES ?20,470 - ?32,537 PER ANNUM REF 197/02AV This is a 5* research rated dept with ESCR 1+3 approval. You will contribute to our excellent research record and make a contribution to the undergraduate and postgraduate curriculum. You should hold a PhD, be fluent in at least one language of the region and have an active research profile. Informal enquiries may be made to Richard Berry, Head of Department, 0141-330-5585 r.r.berry at socsci.gla.ac.uk. For an application pack please see our website at www.gla.ac.uk or write quoting Ref: 197/02AV to the Recruitment Section, Human Resources Department, University of Glasgow, Glasgow G12 8QQ. Closing date: 31st May 2002. DEPARTMENT OF CENTRAL AND EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES, Hetherington Building, University of Glasgow. G12 8RS tel 0141-330-5585. E-mail r.r.berry at socsci.gla.ac.uk MISSION STATEMENT: Departmental Mission Statement The Department of Central and East European Studies earned a 5* in 2001 Research Assessment Exercise and has 1+3 approval with the Economic and Social Research Council. The Mission of the Department of Central and East European Studies is to continue to be a major research-led department operating in an international context with the following fundamental aims: DEPARTMENTAL OBJECTIVES ? to maintain high quality research in the area of Russia and Central and East Europe and to provide an environment within which staff can pursue individual research interests and encourage new young scholars on research programmes in this dynamic area of studies; ? provide opportunities for postgraduate study at doctoral and master?s level which draw on current staff expertise; ? to support the skills and disciplines of independent research, defined, conducted and presented to the best academic standards; ? provide courses, at undergraduate and postgraduate level, which will encourage students to learn effectively and grow in confidence; ? to encourage respect for intellectual awareness and encourage critical thinking and disciplined analysis; ? to provide a disciplined and well-resourced teaching environment which recognises the necessary connection between practice, theory and criticism; ? to set a range of written assignments, oral communication and practical projects to develop the range of skills necessary in all possible areas of future employment; ? to focus on such transferable skills as time management, problem-solving and developing and sustaining debate persuasively; ? implement best practice with regard to equal opportunities and wider access; ? support links with other departments within the University and with other institutions by collaboration on research seminar programmes, collaborative projects and academic synergy. 1. JOB PURPOSE Lecturer Grade A/B 2. KEY TASK SUMMARY You will contribute to our excellent research record and make a contribution to the undergraduate and postgraduate curriculum. You will also make a contribution to the general running of the Department. 3. KEY TASKS 3.1 Make a positive contribution to the undergraduate and postgraduate teaching 3.2 Undertake administrative duties in the Department and in the Faculty 3.3 Contribute to the excellent research record of the Department Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 18 08:39:15 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 18 May 2002 05:39:15 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Balkanic Studies: panorama of the knowledge and new trends in the research, 19-20.12.2002, Paris Message-ID: <20020518123915.22552.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu May 16 09:26:02 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Thu, 16 May 2002 18:26:02 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Balkanic Studies: panorama of the knowledge and new trends in the research, 19-20.12.2002, Paris >From : Dora Lafazani Subject : Balkanic Studies / Etudes balkaniques Call for Papers Date: May 16, 2002 Premi?res rencontres des ?tudes balkaniques en France " Etudes balkaniques : ?tat des savoirs et pistes de recherche " Paris, 19 et 20 d?cembre 2002 First Meeting on Balkanic Studies in France Balkanic Studies: panorama of the knowledge and new trends in the research Paris, December 19-20, 2002 Appel ? communication/ Call for Papers Les 19 et 20 d?cembre 2002, ? Paris, l?Association fran?aise d??tudes sur les Balkans (AFEBalk) organise, avec le soutien du Minist?re fran?ais de la Recherche, des rencontres des ?tudes balkaniques. Celles-ci ont pour but de rassembler, dans une perspective pluridisciplinaire et europ?enne, des chercheurs, enseignants et ?tudiants en sciences sociales travaillant sur les Balkans. Elles visent en outre ? renforcer la visibilit? des ?tudes balkaniques en France, et ? favoriser les ?changes avec les milieux universitaires et scientifiques des Etats du Sud-est europ?en et de l?Union europ?enne. Les rencontres des 19 et 20 d?cembre 2002 ?tant les premi?res du genre, elles seront organis?es autour d?une probl?matique large : " Etudes balkaniques : ?tat des savoirs et pistes de recherche ". Il s?agit de permettre au plus grand nombre de participer ? ces rencontres, de dresser un panorama des savoirs et des recherches en cours, et de d?gager les pistes de recherche et les synergies possibles, tant en France qu?? l??chelle europ?enne. Organisation g?n?rale des rencontres Les rencontres comprendront une s?ance pl?ni?re consacr?e aux perspectives des ?tudes balkaniques en Europe, ainsi que neuf ateliers th?matiques. Ceux-ci dureront trois heures, seront ouverts ? tous et d?buteront par la pr?sentation de plusieurs contributions individuelles, en fran?ais ou en anglais. Les th?mes retenus sont les suivants : 1) h?ritages byzantin et ottoman ; 2) Balkans et relations internationales ; 3) fronti?res et territoires ; 4) migrations et diasporas ; 5) urbanit? et ruralit? ; 6) identit?s et pratiques religieuses ; 7) identit?s de genre et de g?n?ration ; 8) r?formes ?conomiques et politiques sociales ; 9) h?ritages et sorties du communisme. Cette liste pourra ?voluer en fonction des propositions de contribution individuelle qui parviendront au comit? d?organisation. Propositions de contribution individuelle / Paper proposal submission Deadline May 30th, 2002 Send abstract to rencontres2002 at afebalk.org Les personnes souhaitant intervenir dans un des ateliers propos?s doivent, avant le 30 mai 2002, faire parvenir au comit? d?organisation un bref r?sum? de leur contribution (200 ? 400 mots), et pr?ciser l?atelier th?matique dans lequel elles souhaitent intervenir, soit par e-mail (rencontres2002 at afebalk.org), soit par courrier postal ? l?adresse suivante: Association fran?aise d??tudes sur les Balkans (rencontres 2002) Maison des sciences de l?homme ­ bureau 108 54, Boulevard Raspail F-75 006 PARIS Si le nombre de propositions s?av?rait trop ?lev? pour certains ateliers th?matiques, le comit? d?organisation se r?serve le droit d?en limiter le nombre, soit en en affectant certaines ? d?autres ateliers, soit en proc?dant ? une s?lection des intervenants. Prise en charge des frais de voyage et de s?jour Une prise en charge des frais de transport et de s?jour (trois nuits d?h?tel) est pr?vue pour les intervenants venant de province ou des Balkans, ou ?tant originaires d?un Etat balkanique et r?sidant dans un autre pays europ?en. Le versement de per diem, visant ? couvrir les frais de restauration, est en outre pr?vu pour les intervenants balkaniques. Les personnes souhaitant b?n?ficier de cette prise en charge doivent en faire la demande au comit? d?organisation avant le 30 mai 2002, et joindre au r?sum? de leur contribution un curriculum vitae indiquant entre autres leurs publications et leur niveau de ma?trise de la langue fran?aise. Pour plus d?information / More info : Association fran?aise d??tudes sur les Balkans (rencontres 2002) Maison des sciences de l?homme ­ bureau 108 54, Boulevard Raspail F-75 006 PARIS infos at afebalk.org http://www.afebalk.org Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 18 22:03:14 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 18 May 2002 19:03:14 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] INSIG Fallout - Koha Jone Message-ID: <20020519020314.46533.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> INSIG, politikanet shqiptare ne sherbim te Greqise Anila Basha/ INSIG thellon konfliktin mes qeverise shqiptare dhe institucioneve nderkombetare donatore. Lajmi eshte konfirmuar dje edhe nga nje leter drejtuar institucioneve financiare shqiptare nga drejtori rajonal i Bankes Boterore per Europen Juglindore dhe Azine Qendrore ne Banken Boterore. Akuzat i drejtohen nje lobi deputetesh te parlamentit shqiptar, brenda Partise Socialiste, te cilet vazhdojne te ndjekin poliiken lobiste ne favor te lobit grek. Kundershtimi i bere ne komisionin parlamentar te ligjeve per projekt-ligjin per privatizimin e INSIG eshte sipas specialisteve nje veprim i qellimshem, i cili i sherben vetem interesave greke. Debati eshte zgjeruar mjaft ne rradhet e politikes, duke e bere kete nje nga ceshtjet me te mprehta. Ne varesi te miratimit ose jo te ketij projekt-ligji do te varet edhe bashkepunimi i metejshem i shtetit dhe qeverise shqiptare me Banken Boterore. Nje formule e tille e privatizmit te INSIG-ut, ashtu sikurse u paraqit ne komisionet parlamentare, eshte diskutuar shume kohe me pare, qe gjate qeverise Meta. Nje nder kundershtaret me te forte te projektit, Mustafa Muci ka qene minister gjate kohes qe eshte diskutuar nje gje e tille, dhe nuk e ka kundershtuar asnjehere kete procedure. Lobet qe influencojne per marrjen e INSIG-ut nga kompania INTERAMERIKAN, nje kompani sigurimesh greke, kane ndikuar edhe ne parlament tek parlamentaret. Madje, sipas eksperteve, dihet se nese do te behet nje tender i hapur nderkombetar, kjo eshte kompania e vetme qe do te ofrohet per blerjen e INSIG-ut ne nje vlere qesharake, gati 2 milione dollare, nga rreth 35 milione dollare qe duhet te shitet ne te vertete INSIG. projekti do t'u kthehet edhe nje here per shqyrtim komisioneve parlamentare qe nuk e kaluan ate, sidomos ne ate te ligjeve. E ndersa komisioni parlamentar i ekonomi-finances e ka dhene OK per nje projekt-ligj te tille, komisioni i ligjeve tha jo, vetem nen ndikimin e nje vote. Tashme kjo procedure, do te kerkoje vetem vullnetin politik te klases politike shqiptare per ta kaluar, si nje obligim i institicioneve nderkombetare donatore. E nese nuk do te kete vullnet politik, atehere rrezikohet nje nga proceset me te rendesishme te privatizmit ne vend. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 18 22:20:32 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 18 May 2002 19:20:32 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Qirate dhe Intervista e Rulit per INSIG - KJ Message-ID: <20020519022032.66910.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Qerate e Metes, 15 milione USD humbje ne vit Nje iniciative e re vjen nga qeveria Majko ne kuadrin e luftes antikorrupsion. Ideja mesohet se eshte drejtperdrejt e Kryeministrit dhe konsiston ne permiresimin rrenjesor te procedurave te ndjekura deri tani ne dhenien me qira te prones publike nga institucionet shteterore. Duke pare se nga qerate qe ka firmosur qeveria Meta gjate 3 vjeteve, ku jane dhene me shume se 70 e te gjitha pronave deri ne diten e sotme, rezulton te kete cdo vit me shume se 15 milione USD humbje, Majko ka vendosur te ndryshoje kete praktike korruptive. Objektet me cilesore dhe me pikante qe perfaqesojne trafikun tipik te influences, jane Kinostudioja, Porti i Durresit, Qendra Nderkombetare e Kultures, Pishinat e Tiranes, ish-stabilimenti Mihal Duri dhe siperfaqe te medha toke ne zonat me te kerkuara bregdetare. Keto objekte duhet theksuar se jane dhene me cmime qeraje deri ne 12 here me te uleta se cmimet e tregut. Kjo iniciative e Majkos eshte nje tjeter shprehje e drejtperdrejte e luftes kunder korrupsionit ligjor, si shkalla me e larte e abuzimeve. Ajo eshte pjese perberese e strategjise se qeverise per rritjen e konkurrences ne ekonomi, liberalizimin e saj dhe luftes kunder monopoleve. Thelbi i permiresimeve te propozuara ne projekt vendimin ne fjale qendron ne disa elemente themelore: Se pari, vendosja e procedures se ankandit ne kushte teresisht te ngjashme me cdo privatizim te zakonshem, si mjeti i vetem per arritjen e cmimit te tregut dhe metoda e vetme e percaktimit ligjor te fituesit ne ekonomine e tregut te lire. Pikerisht mungesa e ketij elementi ne procedurat e deritanishme ka qene shkaku i subjektivizmit ne dhenien e objekteve me qira, mundesia e korrupsionit te perfaqesuesve te shtetit e pasqyruar drejtperdrejte ne mos arketimin ne buxhetin e shtetit te shumave te konsiderueshme financiare. Duke llogaritur qe me qira jane dhene qindra objekte nga me te ndryshmet dhe me cilesoret ne vend per afate qe shkojne deri ne 20 vjet me cmime qiraje deri ne 10-12 here me te ulta se cmimet e tregut dhe duke patur parasysh qe vetem per 118 objektet me mbi 500 m2 per te cilat vilen qirate, buxheti i shtetit humbet minimalisht deri ne mbi 15 milion dollare ne vit. Duhet patur parasysh qe kjo humbje eshte e mbartur ne te gjithe fatin e kontratave te qirase, qe do te thote qe ne total llogaritet ne qindra milione dollare. Ne kete humbje nuk llogariten vlerat e humbura te qindra objekteve te tjere me siperfaqe me te vogel se 500 m2 ne te gjithe Shqiperine. Shperndarja ne vite ne perqindje e dhenies me qira te objekteve eshte: 10 per qind e objekteve me qira jane dhene ne vitin 1998, 16 per qind e objekteve jane dhene gjate vitit 1999 dhe mbi 70 per qind e numrit total te objekteve jane dhene gjate viteve 2000 dhe 2001. Se dyti, eshte parashikuar qe objektet e dhena me qira t'i nenshtrohen publikimit ne te gjitha mjetet e komunikimit masi, ashtu sikurse edhe objektet qe privatizohen. Deri me tash elementi i publikimit/transparences se procesit ka munguar krejtesisht, duke dhene shkak ligjor qe qiradhenia te kthehej ne nje proces te mbyllur per publikun si rrjedhim ne krijimin e kushteve ideale per korrupsion. Mungesa e transparences ne procesin e qiradhenies ka shkaktuar ne trajtim selektiv te biznesit, qe nga ana e tij eshte parakushti i ndertimit te monopoleve ne ekonomi. Transparenca e procesit do te beje te mundur rritjen e kerkesave dhe njekohesisht rritjen e konkurences ndermjet subjekteve te interesuara, qe do te refelektohet jo vetem ne rritjen e te ardhurave ne buxhet, por edhe forcimin e besimit te publikut dhe biznesit tek institucionet shteterore. Se treti, eshte menjanuar perfundimisht metoda e dhenies me emfiteoze, qe konsiston ne njohjen e investimeve qe privati ben ne objektin e marre me kete menyre. Nje metode e tille praktikisht ka cuar qe shteti jo vetem te humbase nga mosmarrja e cmimit te tregut te qirase, por njekohesisht te rezultoje debitor me shifra shumemiliona dollare ndaj subjekteve qiramarrese. Rast tipik i shembullit te mesiperm jane depozitat e naftes ne porte ku shteti i detyrohet kompanive private ne miliona dollare detyrime financiare. Se katerti, jane hequr nendarjet e dhenies me qira ne varesi te kohes dhe siperfaqes, duke unifikuar procesin dhe nenshtruar teresisht transparences se plote ne publikim dhe shpalljen e fituesit nepermjet ankandit. Se pesti, ne projekt vendimin ne fjale eshte perdorur metoda e zhvillimit te ankandit nepermjet paraqitjes se ofertes bankare perfundimtare te depozituar paraprakisht ne banke nga pjesemarresit e gares. Nje metode e tille e perdorur per here te pare ne procesin e privatizimit te objekteve ne Shqiperi, praktikisht eleminon praktikat korruptive qe kane qene te shpeshta gjate zhvillimit te proceseve te ankandeve ne AKP. Se gjashti, me qellim sigurimin e transparences maksimale procedura e qiradhenies eshte ndertuar ne menyre te tille qe siguron oponence institucionale te plote ndermjet institucioneve, qe iniciojne procesin, zhvillojne procedurat dhe lidhin kontratat perfundimtare. Deri me sot procesi i qiradhenies praktikisht kalonte vetem ne institucionin administrues dhe Ministrine e Ekonomise, qe njekohesisht vleresonte fituesin dhe gjithashtu kishte edhe te drejten te lidhte kontraten perfundimtare. Ne permiresimet e bera kontrata e fituesit lidhet nga AKP, duke ulur ndjeshem mundesite e subjektivizmit te procesit ne teresi. Se shtati, ne zbatim te Strategjise se Decentralizimit te Pushtetit dhe akteve ligjore te transferimit te pronave pushtetit vendor, per here te pare nje VKM nuk prek pavaresine e pushteteve vendore ne menyren se si ata do te procedojne me pronat e tyre gjate dhenies se tyre me qira, duke e lene kompetence plotesisht ne duart e organeve drejtuese te pushtetit vendor. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 18 22:46:00 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 18 May 2002 19:46:00 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare - Kisha e Shirqita Message-ID: <20020519024600.88951.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Faqja 17 - GAZETA E SHKODRESmydate = new Date();myday = mydate.getDay();mymonth = mydate.getMonth();myweekday= mydate.getDate();weekday= myweekday;myyear= mydate.getYear();year = myyear;if(myday == 0) day = " E Diele, " else if(myday == 1) day = " E Hene, "else if(myday == 2) day = " E Marte, " else if(myday == 3) day = " E Merkure, " else if(myday == 4) day = " E Enjte, "else if(myday == 5) day = " E Premte, "else if(myday == 6) day = " E Shtune, "if(mymonth == 0) month = "Janar "else if(mymonth ==1) month = "Shkurt "else if(mymonth ==2) month = "Mars "else if(mymonth ==3) month = "Prill "else if(mymonth ==4) month = "Maj "else if(mymonth ==5) month = "Qershor "else if(mymonth ==6) month = "Korrik "else if(mymonth ==7) month = "Gusht "else if(mymonth ==8) month = "Shtator "else if(mymonth ==9) month = "Tetor "else if(mymonth ==10) month = "Nentor "else if(mymonth ==11) month = "Dhjetor"document.write(" "+ month);document.write(myweekday+", " + year +""); Maj 18, 2002 Kocka e kafka lundrojn? mbi lumin q? ka hyr? deri n? ambientet e brendshme t? kish?s Buna nxjerr eshtra nga Kisha e ShirqitMonumenti 800-vje?ar p?rjeton dit?t e fundit --------------------------------- SHKODER Kisha e Shirqit n? Shkod?r ?sht? n? prag t? rr?nimit t? plot? t? saj. Uji i lumit Buna dhe g?rryerjet e shumta erozive kan? b?r? q? Kisha me varret prehistorike p?rreth t? p?rjetojn? dit?t e fundit t? tyre. Tashm? eshtrat e fisnik?ve, q? kan? patur nderin t? varrosen n? oborrin e saj, kan? dal? mbi tok? dhe n? jo pak raste, kockat e kafkat jan? par? t? lundrojn? mbi Bun?n q? v?rshon e p?rmbyt. Kisha ndodhet n? fshatin Shirq, n? af?rsi t? Daj?it t? Bregut t? Bun?s. N? brigjet e lumit Buna dhe jo shum? larg vendit ku Buna derdhet n? Adriatik, kisha e Shirqit ?sht? nj? nga pikat historike m? t? r?nd?sishme. Kisha duket se ka qen? referimi momentar historik. E nd?rtuar t? pakt?n 800 vite m? par? me nj? kombinim t? stilit t? hersh?m gotik dhe atij romak, kisha e Shirqit, p?rb?n pa asnj? dyshim nj? nga monumentet e kultur?s n? Shqip?rin? veriore. N? oborrin e p?rparm? t? saj ndodhen nj? num?r i madh varresh t? lashta, t? cilat p?rb?jn? d?shmi arkeologjike t? kulturave romake dhe bizantine, q? k?tu kan? patur p?rplasjen e par? t? tyre. Kisha e Shirqit, ?sht? l?n? pas dore megjith? alarmin e l?shuar vite m? par? nga pushtetar?t lokal? t? Komun?s s? Daj?it, ku kjo kish? ndodhet. Me vlera t? pallogaritshme arkitekturore, por edhe historike Kisha e Shirqit ?sht? l?n? n? m?shir? t? fatit. Fenomenent atmosferike dhe koha kan? b?r? t? tyren. Kisha shkon p?rdit? drejt shkat?rrimit total t? saj. Sipas historik?ve dhe shkresave q? ruan si relike kjo kish?, k?tu jan? celebruar martesa e princave t? Veriut Shqiptar. Sot nuk mund t? flitet p?r asgj? p?rve?se p?r shp?tim t? asaj q? ka mbetur. Uji i Bun?s ka prekur muret e Kish?s, duke hyr? n? jo pak raste edhe n? mjediset e brendshme. Dheu ?sht? shkriftuar dhe mund t? dallosh leht? kockat e t? vdekurve t? lasht? q? notojn? n? ujin e Bun?s, q? shpesh i merr ato me vete. Sipas fshatar?ve t? k?tyre an?ve k?to jan? d?mtimet m? t? m?dha t? k?saj kishe. Ka dhjet? vjet q? ?sht? dh?n? alarmi dhe asnj? sinjal i gjelb?r nuk ?sht? dh?n?. Deputeti i zon?s, Valentin Palaj, q? ka qen? p?r kat?r vite edhe Kryetar i Komun?s ka ngritur z?rin pa marr? asnj?her? an?n konkrete t? zgjidhjes. N? koh?n kur n? krye t? Ministris? t? Kultur?s ishte shkodrania, Esmeralda Uru?i, u duk se zgjidhja mund t? ishte e af?rt. Nj? vit m? par? u fol edhe p?r fonde dhe p?r projekte t? restaurimit t? Kish?s s? Shirqit. Por nuk u pa asnj? gur apo nj? punim sado i vog?l. Tashm? ka humbur edhe ajo shpres? e pakt? q? ishte, nd?rsa Kisha vazhdon t? ket? t? af?rt fundin e turpsh?m t? saj. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat May 18 22:47:46 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 18 May 2002 19:47:46 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kadare ne Kosove Message-ID: <20020519024746.5381.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> "Ajo q? po ndodh n? Kosov?, rrezaton p?r mir? te popujt e Ballkanit", tha Ismail Kadare n? fund t? vizit?s Kadare n? Kosov?. "Populli yn? n? themel ?sht? i qytet?ruar" "Nj? bot? e lir? shqiptare, shembull p?r Ballkanin" --------------------------------- PRISHTINE Do t? doja krijimin e nj? bote t? lir? shqiptare, europiane, shembull p?r popujt e tjer? t? Ballkanit". D?shir?n e madhe, shkrimtari yn? Ismail Kadare e ka rr?fyer n? fund t? vizit?s kat?rditore n? Kosov?. Por jo gjith?ka ka mbetur n? kornizat e nj? ?ndrre. "N? Kosov? jan? premisat, q? ajo q? po ndodh k?tu t? rrezatoj? p?r t? mir? te popujt e tjer? t? Ballkanit", tha Kadare. Shkrimtari yn? i madh tha se po ndahet me p?rshtypjet m? t? mira nga Kosova. "Populli yn? n? themel ?sht? i qytet?ruar", tha Ismail Kadare. Gjat? q?ndrimit t? tij n? Kosov?, Kadare pati takime t? ngjeshura me p?rfaq?sues t? jet?s kulturore, politike dhe shoq?rore. Duke iu referuar Panairit t? Librit "Prishtina 2002", shkrimtari Kadare tha se n? Kosov? vihet re nj? shtim i duksh?m i numrit t? lexuesve. Kjo, si? u shpreh ai, t? jep nj? shpres? dhe konfirmim se populli yn? ?sht? me themel i qytet?ruar dhe q? premton shum?. Duke iu p?rgjigjur pyetjes se si e sheh dimensionin kulturor Kosov? - Shqip?ri, Kadare tha se k?t? e konsideron si nj? t? vetme, p?rkund?r faktit se dikush n? Europ? ka rezerva ndaj k?tij k?ndv?shtrimi. "Kultura shqiptare ?sht? nj?, ajo edhe duhet t? shikohet si e till?. Ligjet e integrimit europian nuk mund t? jen? t? dyfishta p?r shqiptar?t. Ligjet q? vlejn? p?r kulturat e tjera do t? vlejn? edhe p?r kultur?n shqiptare", tha Kadare. Nd?rkaq, ministri i Kultur?s Rinis? Sporteve dhe ??shtjeve Jorezidente, Behxhet Brajshori, tha se Kadare me pun?n e tij, me veprat e tij shp?rtheu kufijt? komb?tar?, p?r ta b?r? m? t? leht? dhe t? mundur integrimin e kultur?s shqiptare n? hap?sir?n e madhe kulturore europiane. Kjo ishte vizita e dyt? e shkrimtarit Ismail Kadare n? Kosov?, q? prej p?rfundimit t? luft?s. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue May 21 08:03:44 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 21 May 2002 05:03:44 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Visiting Lecturerships in Political Science and Public Administration, The University of Prishtina, Kosovo Message-ID: <20020521120344.54929.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: CfA: Visiting Lecturerships in Political Science and Public Administration, The University of Prishtina, Kosovo Visiting Lecturerships in Political Science and Public Administration The University of Prishtina Kosovo The Department is seeking statements of interest from qualified professionals who would be interested in teaching in the following broad areas: International Relations Comparative Politics International Political Economy History and Identity Political Theory Parliament and Policy-Making Environmental Management Theory and Practice of Organisation Please send a one-page letter, indicating qualifications, experience and subject areas to Visiting Lecturer Search unmikcastle at yahoo.co.uk ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 22 07:45:02 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 22 May 2002 04:45:02 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Roman Herzog Research Fellowship Message-ID: <20020522114502.134.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue May 21 03:51:13 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 21 May 2002 12:51:13 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Roman Herzog Research Fellowship The Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and Hertie Foundation announce Roman Herzog Research Fellowship Application Deadline: on-going The fellowship will enable young highly qualified scholars with outstanding leadership qualities in research and teaching from central and south-east Europe (including the Baltic States) to carry out research projects of their own choice in Germany (age limit: 35 years). Applications may be submitted for long-term research stays of between 6 and 12 months; short-term study tours or participation in conferences cannot be founded. Research fellowships are offered on a regional competitive basis. Applications from the fields of law, economics and social sciences are particularly welcome since fellowships shall contribute to the further development of scientific policy in the home country. 12 research fellowships are available per annum. Assessment and decisions are based primarily on the quality and feasibility of research projects proposed by candidates as well as their (international) publications (including doctoral thesis). Thanks to special funds made available by the Federal Foreign Office within the framework of the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe, the Humboldt Foundation is able to offer increased sponsorship to scholars from former Yugoslavia and the neighbouring countries Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. More information: http://www.avh.de/en/programme/stip_aus/rh.htm bay at avh.de, Mrs. Erika F. Radau-Bayertz Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 22 07:49:03 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 22 May 2002 04:49:03 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Book Review: Buckley, Kosovo: Contending Voices on Balkan Interventions, reviewed by Biljana Radonjic Message-ID: <20020522114903.76659.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue May 21 03:11:55 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 21 May 2002 12:11:55 +0200 Subject: [balkans] Book Review: Buckley, Kosovo: Contending Voices on Balkan Interventions, reviewed by Biljana Radonjic Balkan Academic News Book Review 20/2002 --------------------------------- William Joseph Buckley (ed.), Kosovo: Contending Voices on Balkan Interventions, Grand Rapids, Mi./ Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000. 528 pp., ISBN 0802838898, 35 USD (softcover). Reviewed by Biljana Radonjic (Civilitas Research, Cyprus), Email: biljana.radonjic at civilitasresearch.com --------------------------------- Order Book from Amazon (By ordering this and other books through Amazon by following the link, you help support Balkan Academic News providing you with book reviews) --------------------------------- Kosovo: Contending Voices on Balkan Interventions, edited by William Joseph Buckley, is a comprehensive collection of sixty-seven insightful essays by Balkan and Western authors about various interpretations of NATO intervention in Kosovo/a. The editor is explicitly opposed to the primordial reading of the Balkan conflict as ?intractable fratricidal hostilities?. Instead, he attempts to present balanced view by means of engaging numerous diverse perspectives, ranging from testimonials and eyewitness accounts of Albanian refugees and Serbs exposed to bombs to the historical and social analysis by local and international journalists, politicians and NGO activists. A number of very important and representative themes are touched upon in the book, such as just war doctrine, distributive justice, the role of Catholic and Orthodox churches, the use of air power, collective guilt of the Serbian nation, the right to self-determination of Kosovo Albanians, etc. Kosovo consists of seven thematically ordered segments, the first of which- ?Voices Under the Bombs?, includes deeply stirring emotional accounts of personal traumas experienced by both Albanian and Serbian civilians and humanitarian workers. It is a precious bottom-up perspective that uncovers an impact of war on individual destinies. The second chapter sets the historical and cultural context through works of respectable Western and Balkan scholars and journalists and provides an important background for understanding the present-day conflict. The next section, ?Voices of Today?s Balkan People?, is a peculiar set of polarized and passionate views by intellectuals, journalists and politicians as well as thinkers from diaspora communities, and which introduces the reader to a kaleidoscope of contemporary local narratives. The fourth and fifth parts present an important compilation of famous and often cited articles by world leaders and political commentators during the course of the Kosovo/a conflict. An indispensable view ?from the inside? of the decision making process is presented in essays written by highly influential figures such as Javier Solana, Henry Kissinger, Kofi Annan, Jurgen Habermas, Vaclav Havel, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Archbishop Jean-Louis Tauran, Michael Walzer, General Wesley K. Clark and others. The next chapter voices diverse opinions of ethical and religious academic thinkers who examine philosophical rationalization behind interventions and sanctions, while the contributors to the last segment, ?Voices for the Future? consider several practical solutions for the subsequent status of Kosovo/a and the Western involvement in the province. Ironically, both the strength and the weakness of Kosovo lie in the style of writing adopted more particularly with contributions from anonymous and lesser-known academic and non-academic Balkan thinkers. On the one hand, marginalized and silenced indigenous voices are heard, while on the other, a reader has to endure many texts of extremely low language quality (Haxhiu), unconvincing quasi intellectual argumentation (Kadare, Papic), abundant with stereotypes (Anastasijevic, Sells), generalisations and ?convenient? opinion polls (Bugajski) and false analogies (Maliqi). Certainly, some local scholars are able to offer unique approaches, such as Denisa Kostovicova?s essay about the impact of segregation, which had initially enabled peaceful resistance and parallel political structures of Kosovo Albanians but consequently intensified the inter-communal conflict. Although Balkan contributors to the volume are hardly ever self-critical, the exception worth mentioning is Lubonja?s unique piece which focuses on commonalities between Kosovo Albanians and Serbs and takes an unusually reconciliatory stance. The author draws attention to the importance of myths and historical narratives in the building of the national consciousness of Balkan peoples, especially conveniently forgotten historical evidence that goes against the dominant ?truth?. Lubonja reminds us that ?Albanians, too, fought alongside the Serbs against the Ottomans at the Battle of Kosova under the flag of Christianity? and that the Albanian main national hero and liberator, Skenderbeg, was born to an Albanian prince but also a Slav mother, Vojslava. The book confirms how important particular naming is for local population and politicians. Most Kosovo Albanian authors call themselves ?Albanians of Kosova?, stressing their nationality as a basis for self-determination and justifiable rights to the territory. Serbian contributors call them simply Albanians suggesting that their claims to the territory of ?Kosovo and Metohija (the land of monasteries)? are illegitimate. The majority of western writers use the official term Kosovo for various reasons. Some of them are unaware of the significance of terms in the Balkans; others are against the intervention, which often does not presuppose the agreement with the position of Serbian officials. Those in favor of the Albanian cause call ?the field of the blackbird? Kosova. The last chapter is a perfect example of how diametrically opposing interpretations of the conflict by Kosovo Albanians, Serbs and international actors influence the way each side view the most appropriate solution to the situation. Kosovo Albanian authors unanimously opt for independence of Kosovo/a, Serbian contributors are mostly for the partition while some of them believe that the strengthening of a democratic regime in Serbia could ease tensions. The common position of representatives of the international community in this volume is that Serbia should guarantee the autonomy of the province and special minority rights together with self-government for Kosovo/a. The issue most contributors agree about, however, is that the current international presence is vital, but that it should not be prolonged into never-ending dependence and unsustainability. Instead, as some authors suggest, the right strategy of the West is to encourage the active local participation of both communities in democratic institutions within strong civil society as well as improved political culture in Kosovo/a and Serbia as a whole. Both Kosovo Albanian and thinkers from Serbia are also rather pessimistic about the possibility of peaceful coexistence of the two communities in Kosovo/a. The editor, William Joseph Buckley, manages to maintain a healthy enduring conversation between various conflicting perspectives, opinions and genres throughout the course of this volume. Although a limited resource for senior scholars with specialized interest in the Kosovo problematique, this book is an excellent starting point and a systematic reference source for IR scholars new to the subject and general readers who wish to get acquainted with the overall complexity of the war in Kosovo/a. Kosovo gathers many diverse topics, debates, official positions, alternative sources and private reflections. It is also a valuable collection of thorough regional maps, basic Balkans spelling and pronunciation rules and an extensive number of on-line resources. Finally, Kosovo: Contending Voices on Balkan Interventions powerfully illustrates how incompatible conceptions reflected in diametrically opposed claims and ambitions can exacerbate a conflict. It also reminds the reader that ?truth? about Balkan interventions can only lie somewhere in between these divergent views. --------------------------------- This an earlier book reviews are available at: www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans --------------------------------- ? 2002 Balkan Academic News. This review may be distributed and reproduced electronically, if credit is given to Balkan Academic News and the author. For permission for re-printing, contact Balkan Academic News. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed May 22 21:18:13 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 22 May 2002 18:18:13 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: A Celebration of Serbian and other Balkan Music & Dance Message-ID: <20020523011813.28505.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote: From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Wed May 22 13:40:18 2002 From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Subject: A Celebration of Serbian and other Balkan Music & Dance Date: Wed, 22 May 2002 16:40:18 -0400 The Kokkalis Program on Southeastern and East-Central Europe would like to bring the following event to your attention: A CELEBRATION OF SERBIAN AND OTHER BALKAN MUSIC & DANCE Saturday, May 25, 2002, 3pm MIT - Kresge Auditorium, Cambridge, MA Advance Purchase: $8 Students and Children (ages 7-12), $12 General Admission At the Door: $10 Students and Children (ages 7-12), $15 General Admission FREE: Children (ages younger than 7) A CELEBRATION OF SERBIAN AND OTHER BALKAN MUSIC & DANCE will include musically and visually captivating performances by: 1.THE SERBIAN FOLKLORE ENSEMBLE, "KOLO" 2.THE SINGER, SVETLANA STEVICH 3.THE SERBIAN FOLKLORE ENSEMBLE, "RASTKO" 4.THE SERBIAN FOLK DANCE ENSEMBLE, "GRACHANITSA" "KOLO" was formed in 1969 in Hamilton, Canada, as an integral part of "St. Nicholas" Serbian Orthodox Church on Barton Street. It prides itself on the perpetuation of authentic choreography and costume design, and most importantly, on the preservation of Serbian ethnic heritage. Ms. Svetlana Stevich, a singer and ethnomusicologist, has been performing for more than 25 years. She collects Serbian folk heritage (songs, customs, stories) and interprets music from all over the former Yugoslavia using the original singing style, known as pupevanje (blossoming). This is her first North American appearance. The "RASTKO" dance group is a part of "St. Sava" Serbian Orthodox Cathedral in New York City. Keeping the European, primarily Serbian, traditional dancing alive, RASTKO performances take their audience back in time. Continuing the presence of Serbian and Balkan folk dancing in the Boston area, "GRACHANITSA" was formed in 2000 by Djordje Koldzic, a former soloist and assistant-choreographer with the National Folk Ballet of Yugoslavia "Branko Krsmanovich". "GRACHANITSA" dancers are folk dance enthusiasts from around the world. The event is sponsored by the MIT Organization of Serbian Students and is made possible through generous contributions from the MIT Graduate Student Council, the Serbian-American Alliance of New England, and the Kokkalis Program on Southeastern & East-Central Europe, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. It is also sponsored by Hermes Phone, a low cost provider of phone calls to Serbia and Montenegro and the rest of Europe, and the Kolo Serbian Folklore Ensemble. All proceeds from the performance will benefit the Sasha Aleksic Fund for Education (SAFE), a non-profit organization established in Dr. Aleksic's memory to provide need-based financial aid to talented students in Serbia and to support the educational infrastructure there. There will also be a fund-raising reception for SAFE following the performance. MIT's Kresge Auditorium is located at 48 Massachusetts Ave (in the rear) Cambridge, MA 02139-4307. For more details, please go to http://whereis.mit.edu/bin/map?locate=kresge or http://whereis.mit.edu/doc/getting-to-mit.html. Advance tickets can be purchased at MIT's The Source located in the Stratton Student Center (W20, 84 Massachusetts Ave, 617.252.1994) and, during the final two weeks before the performance, in MIT's Lobby 10 (77 Massachusetts Ave) from 12-2 PM. Please visit http://web.mit.edu/most/www/folklor.htm for additional information. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri May 24 08:00:01 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 24 May 2002 05:00:01 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Research Competition, CERGE-EI Message-ID: <20020524120001.74087.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Subject: [balkans] CfA: Research Competition, CERGE-EI CERGE-EI announces Research Competition Application Deadline: July 15 2002 CERGE-EI, with financial support provided by the World Bank through the Global Development Network and additional funding provided by the Government of Austria for the South-East European region, announces a research competition in all fields of the social sciences. Proposals are invited from economists, demographers, political scientists, sociologists, and other social scientists. Projects in these areas will receive priority: I. Enterprise Development and Behavior II. Labor Markets III. EU Accession including Euro Adoption IV. Globalization including Regional and International Economic Policy Coordination V. The Reform Process VI. Education including Educational Policy, Reform, Funding and Outcomes Maximum funding will be US $20,000 and grants must begin no later than 31 December 2002 and end no later than 31December 2003. Applicants must be residents of any of the following countries: Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Former Yugoslav Republic Of Macedonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, or Yugoslav Federation. More information: http://www.cerge-ei.cz/ research.competition at cerge-ei.cz GDN 2002 Research Competition, CERGE-EI, Politickych veznu 7, 111 21 Prague 1, Czech Republic ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri May 24 08:05:46 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 24 May 2002 05:05:46 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Summer Camp in Albania - Fwd: Youth Link Leadership Institute 2002 Message-ID: <20020524120546.1012.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Ina V wrote: From Ina V Sun May 19 04:09:27 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: "Ina V" Date: Sun, 19 May 2002 13:09:27 +0200 Subject: [balkans] Youth Link Leadership Institute 2002 YOUTH LINK LEADERSHIP INSTITUE 2002 ? YLLI 2002 Hello to everyone? There is a big event happening this summer in Albania : YLLI 2002 ? Youth Link Leadership Institute Will you be staying home watching the grass grow this summer? We didn't think so either and that's why we are bringing to you the Youth Link Leadership Institute (YLLI 2002) - an powerful and exhilarating experience that brings together the best and brightest youth activists in the Balkans. This is a 10 days camp, in which you will have the chance to take part in five interactive sessions, far away from being boring, learn a lot of new things, develop and gain leadership skills and at the same time have fun with young people from the region. BYL (Balkans Youth Link) is organizing this outstanding camp in cooperation with BYL-Albania and ANDA (Albanian National debate Association). Modeled on similar events that took place in the past two years in Kosova, YLLI 2002 will take place AUGUST 5-16, 2002, in one of the best places around: Cheateu Linza, Tirana, Albania (you can have a look at the place in the website). Reflecting our goal of expanding the successful model used in Kosova, this year's participants will be drawn from Albania, Bosnia, Kosova, Macedonia and Yugoslavia (Montenegro and Serbia). YLLI2002 will involve 60 participants ranging from 14-19 years of age. The criteria for student selection will include their leadership aptitude, involvement with youth activism, commitment to community service, and desire to share their experience and knowledge with their peers. This is not a chance to lose, and if you are under eighteen and from one of the countries included, just fill in the application attached to this message or download it from the site (www.balkansyouth.org/albania). If you know somebody else who you think it might interest please forward this email to all of them. You will find much more information about this program in this site, and for any question or suggestion feel free to write me back or to the address : byl_a at yahoo.com. For more information please click the link below: http://www.balkansyouth.org/albania Hope to hear from you soon? Best wishes to all of you. Ina Verzivolli --------------------------------- tel: 069 22 35 226 home: 043 679 83 email: v_ina24 at hotmail.com v_ina24 at yahoo.com --------------------------------- Join the world?s largest e-mail service with MSN Hotmail. Click Here ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? LAUNCH - Your Yahoo! Music Experience -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jetkoti at hotmail.com Thu May 30 16:15:26 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli) Date: Thu, 30 May 2002 16:15:26 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: Hi, Below please find two flyers that I am distributing at the kind request of the executive director of AAWO, Ms. Shqipe Malushi. I take this opportunity to invite you all to these two performances: those of you who have young children who would enjoy a two hour artistic performance by other bright and promising children from New York City and elsewhere, and also those of you who would delight in the poetry of Rumi and the presence of the American actress Susan Sarandon, among other things. Your presence would not only help make our events more successful but also present the hope for the completion of a school and of a better education for a few hundred children in Kabul, Afghanistan, for whom AAWO is organizing and sponsoring these performances. Hope to see you there. Yours sincerely, Xhuliana Agolli -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- [ The following attachment was DELETED when this message was saved: ] [ A Application/MSWORD (Name="FLYER FOR TALENT SHOW.doc") segment of a ] -------------- next part -------------- [ The following attachment was DELETED when this message was saved: ] [ A Application/MSWORD (Name="HANDS OF PEACE FLYER.doc") segment of ab ]