From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Mar  1 00:52:56 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 21:52:56 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Punesim ne Europe
Message-ID: <20020301055256.7727.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.coe.int/t/e/Human_Resources/Jobs/08_Current_vacancies/


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Mar  1 07:53:40 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 1 Mar 2002 04:53:40 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Minorities in History Textbooks, 23-26.5.2002,  Braunschweig
Message-ID: <20020301125340.75946.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu Feb 28 01:03:44 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 10:03:44 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Minorities in History Textbooks, 23-26.5.2002,
Braunschweig

From: Heike Karge <karge at gei.de>

Workshop ?Minorities in the Educational Systems in South Eastern Europe?
23-26 May, 2002, Braunschweig/Germany


Announcement

Within the framework of a Stability Pact project, the Georg Eckert 
Institute organizes a workshop on the topic ?Minorities in History 
Textbooks?, which will take place on 23-26 May, 2002. It is intended for 
historians, history teachers, and (future) history textbook authors from 
Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Former Yugoslav 
Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Yugoslavia (Kosovo, Montenegro, and Serbia).
In plenary and working group sessions, the about 15 participants will work 
on current questions related to the presentation of minorities in the 
textbooks of both the majority and minority groups of the respective 
countries. On the basis of a questionnaire that will be sent beforehand to 
the participants, the state-of-the-art of latest textbook presentations 
will be first assessed and compared at a regional level. Lectures on 
historical and methodological issues given by academic experts will 
accompany working groups, in which the participants will conceptualise and 
discuss ideas and views.
The aim is to
a)      reshape the quantitative balance between the representation of 
minorities and majorities in textbooks;
b)      define crucial topics for interpreting the (historical and present) 
interrelations between majority and minority groups,
c)      develop concepts, how to present in a more adequate manner 
multiethnic, multinational, multireligious (etc.) societies and their 
histories in textbooks.

The Georg Eckert Institute is able to fund the expenses of about 15 
participants from South-East Europe. Further applicants are asked to bear 
their travel and accommodation expenses or to apply for financial support 
with other institutions.

Applications are to be sent by 30.04.2002 to:
e-mail: karge at gei.de
Fax: ++49 531 590 99 99
www.see-textbook.net



Minorities in the Educational Systems in South Eastern Europe

Seminar of the Georg-Eckert-Institute
for International Textbook Research
Braunschweig, 23 -26 May 2002

Draft Programme

Thursday, 23rd May
Arrival of the participants
18.30                           Dinner
20.00   Opening Lecture: Problems and methods of minority education  a 
comparative overview

Friday, 24th May
Plenary Sessions and Discussions
09.30  - 11.00  Presentation of textbook analyses  the state of the art
11.00 -  11.30                  Coffee Break
11.30  13.00    The example of Vojvodina, prospects for the future
13.00  14.30    Lunch
14.30  16.00                    The example of Transylvania, prospects for 
the future
16.30  19.00                    Excursion
19.30                           Dinner

Saturday, 25th May
Parallel Working Group Sessions tutored by experts in Intercultural Studies
09.30  - 11.00  First Session
11.00 -  11.30                  Coffee Break
11.30  13.00                    Second Session
13.00  14.30            Lunch
14.30  16.00                    Third Session
16.00  16.30                    Coffee Break
16.30  18.00                    Evaluation of the Seminar; Follow-up-activities
19.30                           Dinner

Sunday, 26th May                Departure of the participants




Heike Karge, M.A.
Project Coordinator=20
"Project for the Coordination of Textbook Research, Development and
Textbook Comparison in South-East Europe"
Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research
Cellerstr. 3
38114 Braunschweig
Tel: 0049-(0)531-590 9962=20



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From naac at naac.org  Fri Mar  1 14:26:47 2002
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Fri, 1 Mar 2002 14:26:47 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] New Additions to the Hope Fellowship Team in Kosova
Message-ID: <007d01c1c157$1c4f0220$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Brigada e Krajishtes, No. 8, 38000 Prishtina, Kosova
Telephone: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release: March 1, 2002      Contact: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900
 
PRESS RELEASE
 
New Additions to the Hope Fellowship Team in Kosova  
 
Washington, DC, March 1, 2002: The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) issued the following statement announcing the completion of the Hope Fellowship team with two new members joining the Kosova office.

Laura Kryeziu, an alumna of the first group of Hope Fellows, and Vjollca Krasniqi, an activist from Prishtina, have joined the Hope Fellowship program team respectively as the new Kosova Country Coordinator and Follow-On Coordinator.  They are the most recent additions to a dynamic staff that develops and implements the Hope Fellowship program of the National Albanian American Council and USAID in Prishtina and Washington, D.C.
 
Prior to joining the Hope Fellowship team, Ms. Kryeziu worked as a Political Researcher for the International Crisis Group (ICG) writing, researching, and editing briefing papers for the world renowned NGO.  She has also worked in different capacities with the US Office in Prishtina, the US Kosovo Diplomatic Observer Mission, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and the International Rescue Committee (IRC).  Ms. Kryeziu worked with the League of Women Voters while a Hope Fellow in Washington, D.C. and designed and is implementing a pilot program empowering Kosovar women in politics through the Political Advisory Board of Kosova Women.  As Kosova Country Coordinator, Ms. Kryeziu will coordinate the recruitment of potential Hope Fellows, forge relationships and promote the program with the emerging government and existing public and private institutions in Kosova.
 
Ms. Krasniqi has extensive experience in international work, as well.  She has worked with many organizations including USAID and the Soros Institute for Open Society, has served as an advisor to the Department for International Development of the British Government, UNHCR, and BBSS Gallup International.  She is also a Columnist for Kosova's weekly Zeri and women's magazine Teuta.  Ms. Krasniqi will use her experience and contacts within the government, NGO, and media community as a Follow-On Coordinator for Hope Fellows upon their return to Kosova.  She will coach graduates to model their new leadership skills while implementing projects of change in their workplaces and communities.
 
"We are thrilled to have Laura Kryeziu as our Country Coordinator for the Hope Fellowship program.  As a Hope Fellow herself, Laura will bring a unique perspective to the staff and will contribute to the advancement of the program," said Richard Lukaj, Chairman of NAAC.  "It is also a pleasure for NAAC to welcome to our team Vjollca Krasniqi whose vision and experience will help our Hope Fellows in advancing women's role in and contributions to public and civic life in Kosova," concluded Lukaj.

The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs. For more information on the Hope Fellowship program and the National Albanian American Council please visit us on the web at: www.hopefellowships.org and www.naac.org
 
###

You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv.  If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you.
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Mar  1 23:04:40 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 1 Mar 2002 20:04:40 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20020302040440.26348.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

DOSSIER Historia e familjes s? Esheref Dano Bo?arit nj? nga m? t? njohurat n? Shqip?ri, nga rrjedh i fam?shmi Marko Bo?ari, hero i revolucionit Grek q? ?sht? varrosur n? Panteonin e Athin?s Si vdiq n? mjerim Bo?ari, q? financoi Luft?n e Vlor?sD?shmia e 68-vje?arit Agim Bo?ari: "N? n?ntorin e vitit 1912 kur po b?heshin p?rgatitjet p?r Shpalljen e Pavar?sis?, babai im Esheref Dano u caktua nga Komisioni i Fest?s dhe e priti Isa Boletinin n? sht?pin? e Xhyherajve ku ata biseduan kok? m? kok? p?r disa or?. N? vitin 1920 babai im financoi Luft?n e Vlor?s dhe p?r k?t? italian?t e internuan familjarisht n? Bari t? Italis?, duke e konsideruar si Prapavija e asaj Lufte"
---------------------------------

Dashnor Kalo?i

N? fundin e n?torit t? vitit 1912 kur Isa Boletini erdhi n? Vlor? p?r t? marr? pjes? n? ngritjen e Flamurit, ai u prit nga babai im Esheref Dano Gjonbo?ari, t? cilit at? gj? ia kishte ngarkuar Komisjoni i Fest?s dhe t? dy kan? biseduar p?r rreth nj? or? kok? m? kok? n? sht?pin? e Xhyherjave, n? lagjen Karabash, e cila q? ka qen? e njohur si familje patriote. Po k?shtu gjat? atyre dit?ve q? u shpall Pavar?sia e Shqip?ris?, babai im e ka pritur dhe p?rcjell? disa her? Isa Boletinin me gjith? Ismail Qemalin t? cilin e kishte nj? nga miqt? m? t? ngusht? dhe kur ai vdiq i helmuar n? Itali, Esherefi mori n? mbrojtje dhe u kujdes p?r djalin e Ismail Beut t? cilit i rrezikohej jeta dhe e nxorri jasht? kufijve t? Shqip?ris?. 

Babai im Esheref Dano ?sht? i njohur gjithashtu dhe p?r ndihm?n e madhe q? i dha popullsis? ?ame n? vitin 1914 kur ata u shp?rngul?n me dhun? nga trojet e tyre n? Greqi, si dhe n? vitin 1920 kur ai ishte nj? nga njerzit q? shpenzoi dhe mbajti me lek?t e tij t? gjith? Luft?n e Vlor?s. P?r at? ndihm? t? madhe financiare q? ai dha, italian?t e konsideruan si prapavija e asaj lufte dhe megjithse e internuan familjarisht n? Bishelje (Bari ) t? Italis?, ata detyroheshin ta respektonin si familje aristokrate. Njeriu q? flet dhe d?shmon p?r her? t? par? p?r "Gazet?n" ?sht? 68-vje?ari Agim Bo?ari, i cili rr?fen mbi baban? e tij Esheref Dano Gjonbo?ari dhe historin? e familjes s? tij tep?r t? njohur e cila rrjedh nga trungu i t? fam?shmit Marko Bo?ari t? Sulit, heroit t? revolucionit grek i cili e ka varrin n? Panteonin e Greqis? dhe ?sht? pinjoll nga dera e Gjon Bo?arit nga Tragjasi i Vlor?s i cili q? para gjasht? shekujve pati ngritur kalan? e fam?shme, rr?nojat e s? cil?s gjenden e dhe sot aty n? fshatin Tragjas t? vjet?r. Po kush ?sht? Esheref Dano Gjonbo?ari dhe cila ?sht? origjina e familjes s? tij? Cilat jan? lidhjet e gjakut t? Esheref Danos me Marko Bo?arin e famsh?m t? Sulit q? ndihmoi n? fitoren e Revolucit Grek dhe me Gjon Bo?arin i cili nd?rtoi Kalan? e Tragjasit n? shekullin e XV-t?? P?rse n? n?ntorin e vitit 1912 kur po p?rgatitej ngritja e Flamurit n? Vlor? prej Ismail Qemalit, Komisjoni i Fest?s e ngarkoi Esheref Dano Gjonbo?arin q? t? priste Isa Boletinin dhe p?rse ai mori n? mbrojtje dhe u kujdes p?r djalin e Ismail Qemalit, duke e p?rcjell? at? jasht? Shqip?ris? menj?her? pas vdekjes s? t? jatit? Cili ?sht? kontributi i Esherefit n? vitin 1914 p?r pritjen e ?am?ve q? u p?rzun? me dhun? nga trojet e tyre n? Greqi? Cila ishte gjendja ekonomike e Esheref Dano Bo?arit dhe ?far? pronash dispononte ai n? at? koh? q? financoi Luft?n e Vlor?s, duke b?r? q? italian?t ta konsideronin si prapavija e asaj Lufte dhe ta intrenonin n? Bari t? Italis? me gjith? familje? Cila ?sht? veprimtaria e tij gjat? viteve t? Monarkis? s? Zogut dhe si arriti Esherefi q? t? b?hej nj? nga bamir?sit m? t? m?dhej aq sa t? njihej si "?ezma e fukaras?". Cilat ishin lidhjet e tija me politikan?t e njohur t? atyre viteve dhe me senatorin italian De La Rocca dhe p?rse ai nuk e pranoi dekorat?n "Cavaliere" nga Familja Mbret?rore e Savoj?s s? Italis?? Cili ishte q?ndrimi i tij dhe i familjes gjat? periudh?s s? pushtimit fashist t? Shqip?ris? dhe p?rse ai q? konsiderohej si nj? nga njerzit m? t? pasur me 220 hektar? tok?, e nj? nga bamir?sit m? t? m?dhenj, u pa me sy t? keq dhe pati probleme nga regjimi komunist i Enver Hoxh?s? Si jetoi ai gjat? periudh?s s? regjimit komunist dhe si vdiq n? mjerim pa pasur mund?sin? q? t? kishte nj? sht?pi t? tij?n n? Tiran? ku ai jetoi si qeraxhi deri n? 1961-in? Lidhur me k?to e plot fakte t? tjera nga Esheref Dano Bo?ari dhe familja e tij, na njeh djali i tij 68-vje?ar Agimi. 


Kush ?sht? Esheref Dano Bo?ari
Eshref Dano Bo?ari u lind n? vitin 1886 n? Lagjen e Re t? qytetit t? Vlor?s ku i jati i tij Ismaili kishte ardhur aty nga viti 1870 pasi ishte shp?rngulur nga Tragjasi. Esherefi u shkollua n? nj? nga shkollat turke (Mejtep) q? ishin asokohe n? at? krahin? dhe ai nuk vazhdoi m? tej sepse iu vu m?simit t? shqipes q? n? at? koh? m?sohej fshehurazi. N? at? koh? Esherefi s? bashku me disa miq t? tij u muar me shp?rndarjen e librave shqipe t? cilat i merrte nga disa Shoq?ri t? fshehta t? asaj kohe. N? at? koh? shp?rndarja e librave n? gjuh?n shqipe q? vinin fshehurazi nga Stambolli ishte e nadalur e p?rb?nte nj? rrezik t? madh dhe p?r at? Esherefi kishte mbrojtjen e Sali Murat Vranishtit dhe ?et?s s? tij me t? cil?n ai bashk?punoi p?r disa koh?. Pas vdekjes s? t? jatit Ismailit dhe n?n?s s? tij e cila ishte nga fisi i Suparak?ve t? Elbasanit, n? vitin 1907 kur Esherefi nuk ishte m? shum? se 20 vje?, ai mori p?rsip?r barr?n e gjith? familjes dhe u muar me t? gjith? administrimin e pasuris? s? familjes e cila kishte mbi 220 hektar? tok?, nga t? cilat 130 i kishte n? bregdet me disa mijra rr?nj? ullinj. Esherefi u martua n? vitin 1905 dhe nga ajo martes? atij i lind?n tet? djem dhe nj? vajz?. Djemt? e tij u quajt?n Njazi, Ismail, Sk?nder, Mithat, Muhedin, Gjon, Agim, dhe Agron, kurse vajza Hava



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Mar  1 23:06:03 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 1 Mar 2002 20:06:03 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Big in Albania
Message-ID: <20020302040603.40176.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) 
March 01, 2002, Friday 
Pg. 28 

Trio set their sights on being big in Albania 

Edited by Charlie Methven 

The people of Albania will this weekend witness a remarkable musical collaboration. 

At the age of 87, Sir Norman Wisdom - the country's biggest film star - is launching a new career in pop. His debut track co-stars the writer and comedian Tony Hawkes and lyricist Sir Tim Rice. 

The project is the result of an eccentric wager between Hawkes, who, in 1988, tasted chart success with the distinctly forgettable hit Stutter Rap, and Pop Idol impresario Simon Cowell. 

"Tony was interviewing me," says Cowell, "and he mentioned that he'd once had a hit with that awful song. He sang a few lines to see what I thought and I told him that he had no chance, whatsoever, of having another hit, anywhere. He's too old, he doesn't look the part, and he can't sing. We ended up making a bet that if he gets a Top 10 hit again, I will have to eat something disgusting - I can't remember exactly what." 

Hawkes swiftly recruited Wisdom - whose films were among the few allowed to be shown under Albania's former communist regime - and persuaded Rice to write a track for the project. 

The three men yesterday flew to Tirana, accompanied by Rice's daughter Eva on backing vocals, to launch the single, Big in Albania. 



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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Sat Mar  2 03:25:55 2002
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Sat, 2 Mar 2002 01:25:55 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject)
Message-ID: <000a01c1c1c3$e06910d0$6628a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

American Journal
The Quadruple Axel of Evil
By Alexander Cockburn

The hoofprints of Lucifer are everywhere. And since this is America, eternally at war with the darker forces, the foremost Enemy Within is sex, no quarter given. Here are some bulletins from the battlefront, drawn from a smart essay on "Sex & Empire" in the March issue of The Guide, a Boston-based monthly travel magazine, whose features and editorials have "about the best gay sex politics around", according to Bill Dobbs of Queerwatch, whom CounterPunch takes as its advisor in these matters.

In February 2000, 18-year old Matthew Limon had oral sex with a 14-year old male schoolmate. A Kansas court sentenced him to 17 years in prison, a punishment upheld by a Federal court in February.

Last July, Ohio sentenced 22-year-old Brian Dalton to seven years in prison because of sex fantasies he wrote in his diary. A woman teacher in Arizona up on trial last month for a relationship with a 17-year-old boy faces 100 years in prison.

Apropos the triumph of identity politics across the last thirty years Bill Andriette, the author of "Sex & Empire", remarks wittily that "In America, your clout as identity group depends how much of an enhanced sentence someone gets for dissing you" and then observes that "The same PR machinery that produces all these feel-good identities naturally segues into manufacturing demonic ones? indeed, creates a demand for them. The ascription of demonic sexual identities onto people helps drive repression, from attacks on Internet freedom to sex-predator laws. Identity politics works gear-in-gear with a fetishization of children, because the young represent one class of persons free of identity, the last stand of unbranded
humanity, precious and rare as virgin prairie."

This brings us into an Olympian quadruple axel of evil: sexually violent predators (familiarly known as SVPs) preying on minors of the same sex. There's no quarrelling between prosecutor and judge, jury and governor, Supreme Court and shrinks. Lock'em up and throw away the key.

I went to a Bar Mitzvah in Berkeley the other day, and after listening to passages from the Torah transmitting Yahweh's extremely rigorous prescriptions for his temple, right down to the use of acacia wood and dolphin skins, listened to Marita Mayer, an attorney in the public defender's office in Contra Costa county, describe the truly harrowing business of trying to save her clients-SVPs--from indeterminate confinement in Atascadero, the state's prime psychiatric bin within its prison system.

Among Mayer's clients are men who pleaded guilty to sex crimes in the mid-1980s, mostly rape of an adult woman, getting a fixed term of anywhere from ten to 15 years. In the good old days, if you worked and behaved yourself, you'd be up for parole after serving half the sentence.

In California, as in many other states, SVP laws kicked in the mid 1990s, crest of the repressive wave by hysteria over child sex abuse and crime generally: mandatory minimum sentences, reduction or elimination of statutes of limitation, erosion of the right to confront witnesses, community notification of released sex offenders, surgical and chemical castration, prohibition of mere possession of certain printed materials, this last an indignity previously only accorded atomic energy secrets.

So California passes its SVP law in January of 1996, decreeing that those falling into the category of SVP have a sickness that requires treatment and cannot be freed, until a jury agrees unanimously that they are no longer a danger to the community. (The adjudicators vary from state to state. Sometimes it's a jury, or merely a majority of jurors, sometimes a judge, sometimes a panel, sometimes an (unlicensed) "multidisciplinary team".

Mayer's clients, serving out their years in Pelican Bay or Vacaville or San Quentin, counting the months down to parole date, suddenly find themselves back to jail in Contra Costa county, told they've got a mental disorder and can't be released till a jury decides they're no danger to the community. Off to Atascadero they go for a two-year term, at the end of which they get a hearing, and almost always another two-year term.

"Many of them refuse treatment," Mayer says. "They refuse to sign a piece of paper saying they have a mental disease." Of course they do. Why sign a document saying that for all practical purposes you may well be beyond reform or redemption, that you are Evil by nature, not just a guy who did something bad and paid the penalty?

It's the AA model of boozing as sin, having to say you are an alcoholic and will always be in that condition, one lurch away from perdition. Soon everything begins to hinge on someone's assessment of your state of mind, your future intentions. As with the damnable liberal obsession with hate crime laws, it's a nosedive into the category of "thought crimes."

There the SVPs sit in Astasdcadero surrounded by psych techs eager to test all sort of statistical and behavioural models, phallometric devices designed to assist in the persuasion of judge and jury that yes, the prisoner has a more than 50 per cent likelihood of exercising his criminal sexual impulses, should he be released.

Thus, by the circuitous route of "civil commitment" (confining persons deemed to be a danger to themselves or others) we have ended up with a situation that, from the constitutional point of view, is indeed absolutely Evil: held in preventive detention or being locked up twice for the same crime.

"It's using psychiatry, like religion, to put people away", Mayer concludes. "Why not hire an astrologer a goat-entrail reader to predict what the person might do? Why not the same for robbers as for rapists? What's happening is double jeopardy. If we don't watch it, it will come back to haunt us. People don't care about child rapists, but the constitution is about protections. I think it's shredding the constitution. I get into trouble because they say I'm into jury nullification and that's not allowed.

"Most of my clients tell me it's worse in Atascadero than in the regular prisons. How do I feel about these guys? When I talk to my clients I don't presume to think what they'll do in future. I believe in redemption. I don't look at them as sexually violent predators, I see them as sad sacks, they have to register. They could be hounded from county to county. Even for a tiny crime they'll be put away. Their lives are in ruin I pity them."

But not goat entrails, surely. The animal rights crowd would never stand for it. 

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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Sat Mar  2 03:50:48 2002
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Sat, 2 Mar 2002 01:50:48 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject)
Message-ID: <000a01c1c1c7$59b26240$6628a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

February 12, 2002

America's Imperial War 
Liberals Who Backed the Afghan War are Now Lined Up with Rampant US Militarism 

By George Monbiot

Never was victory so bitter. Those liberals who supported the war in Afghanistan, and so confidently declared that their values had triumphed in November, must now be feeling a little exposed. Precisely who has lost, and what the extent of their loss may be, is yet to be determined, but there can now be little doubt that the dangerous and illiberal people who control the US military machine have won. The bombing of Afghanistan is already starting to look like the first shot in a new imperial war.

In 30 years' time we may be able to tell whether or not the people of Afghanistan have benefited from the fighting there. The murderous Taliban have been overthrown. Women, in Kabul at any rate, have been allowed to show their faces in public, and readmitted into professional life. Some $3bn has so far been pledged for aid and reconstruction. But the only predictable feature of Afghan politics is its unpredictability. In the absence of an effective peacekeeping force, the tensions between the clan leaders could burst into open warfare when the fighting season resumes in the spring. Iran, Russia and the US are beginning, subtly, to tussle over the nation's future, with potentially disastrous consequences for its people.

In the meantime, 7 million remain at risk of starvation. Some regions have been made safer for aid workers; others have become more dangerous, as looting and banditry fill the vacuum left by the Taliban's collapse. Already, some refugees are looking back with nostalgia to the comparative order and stability of life under that brutal government. For the Afghan people, the only certain and irreversible outcome of the war so far is that some thousands of civilians have been killed.

But other interests in Afghanistan are doing rather nicely. On January 29, the IMF's assistant director for monetary and exchange affairs suggested that the country should abandon its currency and adopt the dollar instead. This would, he explained, be a "temporary" measure, though, he conceded, "when an economy dollarizes, it takes a little while to undollarize". The day before, the administrator of the US Agency for International Development revealed that part of its aid package to Afghan farmers would take the form of GM seed.

Both Hamid Karzai, the interim president, and Zalmay Khalilzad, the US special envoy, were formerly employed as consultants to UNOCAL, the US oil company which spent much of the 1990s seeking to build a pipeline through Afghanistan. UNOCAL appears to have dropped the scheme, but smaller companies (such as Chase Energy and Caspian Energy Consulting) are now lobbying for its revival. In October the president of Turkmenistan wrote to the United Nations, pressing for the pipeline's construction.

More importantly, the temporary US bases in Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Caspian states appear to be putting down roots. US military "tent cities" have now been established in 13 places in the states bordering Afghanistan. New airports are being built and garrisons expanded. In December, the US assistant secretary of state Elizabeth Jones promised that "when the Afghan conflict is over we will not leave central Asia. We have long-term plans and interests in this region."

This is beginning to look rather like the "new imperium" which commentators such as Charles Krauthammer have been urging on the US government. Already there are signs that confrontation with the "axis of evil" is coming to involve more than just containing terrorism. Writing in the Korea Times last month, Henry Kissinger insisted: "The issue is not whether Iraq was involved in the terrorist attack on the United States, though no doubt there was some intelligence contact between Iraqi intelligence and one of the chief plotters. The challenge of Iraq is essentially geopolitical."

An asymmetric world war of the kind George Bush and his defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, have proposed provides the justification, long sought by the defense companies and their sponsored representatives in Washington, for a massive increase in arms spending. Eisenhower warned us to "guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist." But we have disregarded his warning, and forgotten how dangerous the people seeking vast state contracts can be.

In October I wrote that "the anthrax scare looks suspiciously convenient. Just as the hawks in Washington were losing the public argument about extending the war to other countries, journalists start receiving envelopes full of bacteria, which might as well have been labeled 'a gift from Iraq'. This could indeed be the work of terrorists, who may have their own reasons for widening the conflict, but there are plenty of other ruthless operators who would benefit from a shift in public opinion." The suggestion was widely ridiculed.

This week's New Scientist reports that the FBI has yet to catch the perpetrators of the anthrax attacks. "Investigators are virtually certain of one thing, though: it was an inside job. The anthrax attacker is an American scientist - and worse, one from within the US's own biodefense establishment... If he wished to scale up US military action against Iraq, he almost succeeded - many in Washington tried hard to see Saddam Hussein's hand in the attacks. If he wished merely to make the US pour billions into biodefense, he did succeed."

Now Bush has secured a further $48bn for the defense contractors who helped him into office, and those who contested the first phase of his war are still reviled, by people such as the British foreign office minister Peter Hain, as "rejectionists" and "isolationists". In truth, it is those who supported the war who have endorsed US isolationism.

Hain insists that Britain will use its influence to restrain the "hawks on Capitol Hill", but I fear that Henry Kissinger comes closer to the truth when he suggests that "Britain will not easily abandon the pivotal role based on its special relationship with the US that it has earned for itself in the evolution of the crisis... A determined American policy thus has more latitude than is generally assumed." Jack Straw's newfound enthusiasm for the US missile defense program (which necessitated, of course, the unilateral abandonment of the anti-ballistic missile treaty) suggests that Dr Kissinger is rather better versed in British politics than Mr Hain.

Over the past few weeks, the men who run the military-industrial complex have shoved aside the government of the Philippines, dispatched 16 Black Hawk helicopters to Colombia, arrested the Cuban investigators seeking to foil a bomb plot in Miami, alarmed Russia and China by scrambling for central Asia, begun developing a new tactical nuclear weapon, and all but declared war on three nations. Yet still the armchair warriors who supported their bombing of Afghanistan cannot understand that these people now present a threat not just to terrorism but to the world.

George Monbiot writes for the London Guardian. Monbiot's past columns are collected on his website.


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  2 09:37:03 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 2 Mar 2002 06:37:03 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Balkan societies in change: The use of historical myths,  7-9.11.2002, Sarajevo
Message-ID: <20020302143703.83875.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote: From Florian Bieber Fri Mar 1 00:33:49 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Fri, 01 Mar 2002 09:33:49 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfP: Balkan societies in change: The use of historical myths,
7-9.11.2002, Sarajevo

From: Pal Kolsto <pal.kolsto at east.uio.no>
Subject: call for papers, conference on historical myths
CALL FOR PAPERS

Balkan societies in change: The use of historical myths

The Department for East European and Oriental Studies, University of
Oslo, in collaboration with the Institute of History, Sarajevo, hereby
invites scholars to submit proposals for papers to be presented at an
international conference on:
Balkan societies in change: The use of historical myths
The societies of South Eastern Europe are in transition. In the region
there exists a strong tradition of using historiography for political
and mobilizational purposes, something of which the conflicts in the
former Yugoslavia have numerous examples. Is this tradition of using
mythologized historical accounts still continued
today? If so by whom and for what purposes? Or are there new trends in
the way history is perceived by politicians and by the public? And
what of the way in which historians (both South East European and
others) treat their subject?"
The conference is part of a co-operation project between the
University of Oslo and Institut za Istoriju (Institute of History) in
Sarajevo, The conference will take place on the 7th through the 9th
of November 2002, in Sarajevo. The invitation goes out to all, but
scholars from the Balkan countries-Albania, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia,
Greece, Macedonia, Romania, Turkey, and Yugoslavia-are encouraged to
apply. Women are especially encouraged to apply.
Applicants whose papers are selected will be given a honorarium of 500
Euro, as well as free accommodation in Sarajevo for the duration of
the conference. The organizers will also cover travel expenses to and
from Sarajevo for all paper givers.
Twenty papers will be selected, in a dual selection procedure. The ten
first papers will be selected from among proposals that reach us
before 15 May 2002, and ten more papers will be selected from among
proposals that reach us before 1 July 2002.
Applications may be submitted by fax, to +47 22 85 40 41, by regular
mail, to Jon Kv=E6rne, Dept. of East European and Oriental Studies,
University of Oslo, Box 1030, Blindern N-0315 Oslo, Norway, or by
e-mail, to jonkvaerne at yahoo.com.
Applications may be submitted by fax, to +47 22 85 40 41, by regular
mail, to Jon Kvaerne, Dept. of East European and Oriental Studies,
University of Oslo, Box 1030, Blindern N-0315 Oslo, Norway, or by
e-mail, to historical-myths at east.uio.no'
The conference is part of a larger research project on Balkan
societies in change and the use of historical myths. A 2,500 - word
description of this research project is available at
http://folk.uio.no/palk/home/Historical_myths.htm , or upon request
from Jon Kv=E6rne, jonkvaerne at yahoo.com. Applicants should consult
this project description before they formulate their paper proposals.
Applications that conform to the main thrust of this project will be
preferred.
Special emphasis should be place on the function of Historical
myth-making as boundary-defining mechanism, as this focus will serve
as the unifying element of the conference. Applications with a
comparative approach are strongly encouraged.
Applications should contain a 500-1000 word outline of the structure,
thesis, and main arguments of the proposed paper; a CV; and a list of
publications. Applicants should specify language proficiencies. A good
command of English is desirable, but not a formal requirement. Copies
of diplomas, etc, should not be submitted, but should be available
upon request. Applications may be submitted in
Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian or English.
Applicants that are selected must present a complete version of their
papers no later than October 1st 2002. Papers should be no shorter
than 7,000 words and no longer than 10,000 words. Roughly half of the
papers will be developed into two books, one in English and one in
Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, which will be published as part of the
research project.
In order to rework the conference papers into book chapters, two
workshops will be organized: one immediately after the conference in
November 2002, and one to be agreed upon at a later date.
All expenses in connection with these workshops will be covered by the
organizers. Participants will also be paid an additional 500 Euro for
the extra work required to rework the manuscripts into book chapters.
This extra remuneration will be paid when the final version of the
chapter manuscript has been accepted.




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  2 15:44:33 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 2 Mar 2002 12:44:33 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zhvillimet e fundit ne Shqiperi
Message-ID: <20020302204433.51961.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


Nano, si do pastronte 1 miliard USD  - Korrieri 2/3/2002

Nano, si do pastronte 1 miliard USD


Ish-ministri i Shtetit per Energjine, Dritan Prifti akuzon kryesocialistin se ishte ndermjetes i nje grupi amerikan per te bere pastrim parash ne Shqiperi. Si iu paraqit oferta Kryeministrit Meta dhe dokumentacioni qe Nano i dorezoi shefit te kabinetit. Te gjitha detajet e refuzimit te operacionit


TIRANE - "Fatos Nano ka qene ndermjetes i nje grupi amerikan per te bere pastrim parash ne Shqiperi". Dritan Prifti, ish-drejtor i KESH dhe ish-minister i Shtetit per Energjine, ka hedhur dje akuzen e rende ndaj kryetarit te Partise Socialiste. "Si drejtor i kabinetit te Kryeministrit, menjehere sapo jam kthyer nga studimet ne Universitetin e Havardit, kam keshilluar Kryeministrin e Shqiperise kunder disa propozimeve te kryetarit te PS dhe mazhorances, Fatos Nano per pastrim parash nepermjet qeverise se Republikes se Shqiperise", tha Prifti. Duke akuzuar ne te njejten kohe, kryesocialistin si hakmarres, ndersa tha se kishte marre edhe telefonata kercenuese. 


Burime nga Kryeministria i thane dje "Korrieri"-t se behet fjale per 1 miliard USD, te cilat Nano pasi kishte hyre ne kontakt me grupe financiare qe merren me pastrim parash, ja serviri kabinetit te Kryeministrit Meta. Ne ate kohe shef kabineti ishte Dritan Prifti, i cili duket se e mori seriozisht ceshtjen dhe filloi ta shikonte si "nje burim te ardhurash per shtetin, pasi Nano e kishte servirur si nje afere normale financiare". Per kete rast mesohet se Prifti i ka kerkuar Nanos t'i jape gjithe praktiken qe kishte ne dispozicion, korrespondencen dhe kontaktet me personat e huaj te perfshire ne kete ceshtje. "Pasi u verifikua dhe pasi te dhenat u konsultuan me agjensi te specializuara, kabineti i Kryeministrit mori pergjigjen se nuk behej fjale per operacion financiar, por per pastrim te mirefillte parash. Per kete jane ne dijeni edhe Kryeministri Meta dhe Ministri i Financave, Angjeli, te cilet ja kane bere te qarte te dhenat dhe qendrimin e tyre edhe Kryetarit te PS", thane burimet. Por, sipas burimeve te mireinformuara, ky aksion nuk mund te behej pa dijenine dhe pa miratimin e Guvernatorit te Bankes se Shqiperise, ndersa ende mbetet e paqarte nese vete Nano ka qene ne dijeni se behej fjale per nje pastrim te mirefillte parash.


Vete Prifti tha dje se ishin zhvilluar konsultimet me institucionet e duhura nderkombetare dhe eshte marre vendimi qe "te mos ia bejme zotit Nano nderin e pastrimit te parave nepermjet Shqiperise". "Posedoj dokumenta qe mund t'i bej publike ne cdo kohe, te kesaj tentative dhe dokumenta autentike amerikane, qe tregojne qe kjo eshte nje tentative e tij", u shpreh Prifti. Duke akuzuar Prokurorin e Pergjithshem, Arben Rakipi per pergjime te telefonatave dhe hetime te jashteligjshme. "Mua me akuzon Fatos Nano dhe po perdor veglen e tij politike, Arben Rakipi. Nga zoti Nano mund t'i presesh te gjitha dhe une pres qe z. Nano te me fuse edhe ne burg, sepse i ka mjetet, ka Prokurorin e Pergjithshem, ka lidhjet e tij me institucionet e tjera te drejtesise, qe ta realizoje kete", tha deputeti socialist. Ai permendi se gjate nje takimi, kryeoprokurori i kishte kerkuar informacione per shkeljet e mundshme te Ilir Metes dhe Mustafa Mucit, ne kembim te mbylljes se ceshtjes per abuzime ne tenderat e KESH-it. Per keto, tha Prifti, kam informuar Presidentin Meidani dhe Kryeministrin Meta.

Dosja penale n? ngarkim t? KESH-it ?sht? transferuar dje n? Prokurorin? e P?rgjithshme ku do t? riinspektohet. 
Kryeprokurori i Tiran?s, Petrit Hysi, do t? shkoj? n? parlament p?r t'u ballafaquar me Priftin n? komisionin  e mandateve. 
"Nano", dosja nr.2 p?r Priftin 

Prokuroria: "Prifti ka konsumuar vepr?n penale t? moskall?zimit t? krimit"
TIRAN? - Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme reagoi dje menj?her? pas akuzave t? deputetit Dritan Priftit dhe lajm?roi se po p?rgatit akuz?n e dyt? p?r ish-ministrin e energjetik?s, "p?r moskall?zim t? krimit". Pas konferenc?s p?r shtyp, t? dh?n? dje nga ish-drejtori i KESH-it, organi qendror i akuz?s ka dh?n? versionin e tij. Sipas z?dh?n?sit t? k?tij institucioni, Ardian Visha, deklarimet e b?ra nga Prifti jan? krejt?sisht t? pav?rteta. "K?to jan? shpifje t? b?ra nga Prifti n? sallat e shtrenjta t? hotel "Rogner"-it"-, ka th?n? dje p?r median Visha. Ai ka mohuar kategorikisht faktin se telefoni i ish-drejtorit t? Korporat?s Elektroenergjetike ?sht? p?rgjuar nga ana e organit qendror t? akuz?s. Sipas tij, prokuroria nuk ka b?r? asnj? p?rgjim n? lidhje me Priftin. Nd?rkoh?, p?rsa i p?rket deklarimit t? ish-drejtorit t? KESH-it, se kryetari i Partis? Socialiste, Fatos Nano, i ka k?rkuar t? pastroj? para, organi qendror i akuz?s ka reaguar mjaft ashp?r. Sipas burimeve zyrtare pran? k?tij institucioni, n? rast se Dritan Prifti ka mbledhur prova n? lidhje me k?rkes?n e Fatos Nanos p?r pastrim parash t? pista, at?her? ai do t? thirret t? d?shmoj? n? cil?sin? e deklaruesit. Kjo do ta b?nte Priftin nj? akuzues t? drejtp?rdrejt? t? kryetarit t? Partis? Socialiste, pasi ai do t? d?shmonte p?r faj?sin? e tij. "Ai nuk ka b?r? asnj? tjet?r, p?rve?se ka konsumuar vepr?n penale t? moskall?zimit t? krimit",- ka th?n? Ardian Visha, z?dh?n?si i Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme, n? lidhje me akuz?n e ngritur ndaj Nanos. N? rast se do t? ngrihet, kjo akuz? do t'i bashk?ngjitet shp?rdorimit t? detyr?s, asaj akuze p?r t? cil?n prokuroria e rrethit t? Tiran?s po i k?rkon parlamentit shqiptar heqjen e imunitetit t? Priftit. Duke marr? parasysh vet?m akuz?n e shp?rdorimit t? detyr?s, Dritan Prifti rrezikon nj? d?nim nga gjoba deri n? shtat? vjet heqje lirie. Nd?rkoh?, n? baz? t? Kodit Penal t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, vepra penale e moskall?zimit t? krimit ka nj? d?nim q? shkon deri n? tre vjet heqje lirie. K?shtu n? total t? dyja akuzat q? mund t? ngrihen p?r Priftin e b?jn? at? t? rrezikoj? nj? d?nim deri n? dhjet? vjet heqje lirie. 
Takimi me Rakipin
P?rsa i p?rket takimit q? Dritan Prifti ka pasur me kryeprokurorin Arben Rakipi, z?dh?n?si i Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme thot? q? kjo ?sht? e v?rtet?. "Ka qen? vet? Dritan Prifti, i cili, edhe me nd?rmjet?sin? e nj? personi t? tret?, emrin e t? cilit nuk mund ta b?jm? publik, ka k?rkuar takim me kryeprokurorin Rakipi",- tha dje Visha. Sipas tij, ish-drejtori i KESH-it ka k?rkuar disa her? t? takohet me kreun e organi t? akuz?s shqiptare, deri sa m? n? fund ia ka arritur q?llimit. Ky takim ?sht? zhvilluar vet?m pak dit? pasi kishin filluar zyrtarisht hetimet p?r abuzimet me tenderat me objekt blerje t? energjis? elektrike n? KESH. Shkaku i k?tij takimi kan? qen? problemet personale t? vet? Priftit. Ai pretendonte se disa persona t? paidentifikuar e merrnin n? telefon dhe e k?rc?nonin me jet?. K?shtu ai kishte nevoj? p?r roje q? t'i siguronin jet?n. Nj? tjet?r "problem" q? e shqet?sonte Priftin kishte qen? gjendja e tij sh?ndet?sore. Ai kishte nj? s?r? problemesh sh?ndet?sore dhe, p?r t'i zgjidhur ato, do t? largohej n? drejtim t? Gjermanis? p?r t'u kthyer n? fund t? muajit. N? k?t? m?nyr? prokuroria ka pasur dijeni se ku ka qen? dhe se sa do t? rrinte Prifti. N? takim Prifti ka pasur edhe me kryeprokurorin e rrethit Petrit Hysi. N? p?rfundim t? k?tyre dy takimeve, policia e kryeqytetit i kishte v?n? Priftit n? dispozicion edhe truproja personale. Imuniteti i Priftit me sa duket i ka pezulluar t? gjitha hetimet e organit t? akuz?s. Dje e gjith? dosja penale n? ngarkim t? KESH-it ?sht? transferuar p?r n? Prokurorin? e P?rgjithshme ku do t? riinspektohet. P?r hetimin e saj ?sht? ngritur nj? grup hetimor, i cili kryesohet nga kryeprokurori i Tiran?s, Petrit Hysi. Kryeprokurori Hysi do t? jet? edhe personi q? do t? shkoj? n? parlament p?r t'u ballafaquar me Dritan Priftin p?rpara komisionit t? mandateve. 
Nano: Ishin shpifje t? nd?shkueshme ligj?risht  - Zeri i Popullit

Kryetari i PSSH z.Fatos Nano, si inicues i l?vizjes socialiste p?r katharsis, i konsideron deklarimet e ish ministrit Dritan Prifti n? em?r t? tij si shpifje t? nd?shkueshme ligj?risht dhe nj? tentativ? t? drejtp?rdrejt? p?r t?u shmangur nga p?rgjegj?sit? personale.

Nisja e hetimeve nga ana e Prokuroris?, z.Prifti e di fort mir? se nuk ?sht? akt faj?sie dhe aq m? pak hakmarrje politike, por nj? shans ligjor q? ai mund ta shfryt?zoj? p?r t? v?rtetuar pafaj?sin? e tij n? gjykat?.

N? filozofin? dhe praktik?n e z.Nano nuk njihen nd?rhyrjet n? pun?t e organeve t? specializuara dhe t? pavarura t? drejt?sis? as p?r ata q? e mbajt?n p?r 4 vjet peng n? qeli me motive t? qarta politike, t? nj?jt?t prokuror? politik, q? nxit?n djegien dhe shkat?rrimin e Shqip?ris? n? kaosin e vitit ?97.

N? m?nyr? t? p?rs?ritur z.Nano pas ?do shpifje t? inskenuar prej m?katar?ve t? pushtetit dhe t? form?suara nga jurist? q? jan? m? af?r me krimin se sa ligjin, ka shprehu gatishm?rin? dhe vullnetin p?r t?i sqaruar ato p?rball? ?do organi dhe niveli drejt?sie. Kjo vlen edhe p?r Priftin q? duhet t? m?sohet t? rr?fehet para ligjit dhe jo t? sajoj? m?kate p?r t? tjer?t.

Konisderimi nga ana e Priftiti veprimeve ligjore t? organeve t? drejt?sis? si prapaskena politike t? urdh?ruara nga Kryetari Nano, ?sht? nj? presion i hapur ndaj k?tyre organeve q? synon t? devijoj? v?mendjen e opinionit publik nga hetimi mbi veprimet dhe mosveprimet q? shkaktuan kriz?n m? t? r?nd? energjitike n? vend.

Presidenti i Republik?s, n?se disponon si? thot? Prifti dosje q? p?rb?jn? vepra penale, duhet t?ia kishte dor?zuar menj?her? organit t? Prokuroris? duke i hequr shansin k?shtu gjithkujt t? b?j? lojra apo presione politike p?r t? fshehur m?katet ligjore, apo p?r t? krijuar struktura paralele me institucionet ligjore t? shtetit.

SHEKULLI - Mocioni i opozit?s p?r shkarkimin e Rakipit do t? shqyrtohet para k?rkes?s s? heqjes s? imunitetit
Rakipi-Prifti, dueli n? parlament 

Prifti: "Do t? diskutoj me PS-n? e PD-n? largimin e Rakipit, prokurori t? jet? i opozit?s" 
T? h?n?n diskutohet n? byron? parlamentare mocioni i opozit?s, nd?rsa ??shtja e imunitetit t? Priftit shtyhet, pasi do t? operohet n? Gjermani
Nga Arion Sulo 
TIRANE - Mocioni ndaj kryeprokurorit Rakipi pritet t? shqyrtohet nga parlamenti m? par? se k?rkesa e Prokuroris? p?r heqjen e imunitetit t? Dritan Priftit. T? h?n?n mocioni i mosbesimit t?  opozit?s do t? jet? objekt diskutimi i mbledhjes s? byros? parlamentare dhe, sipas burimeve nga ky forum, po t? h?n?n pasdite n? seanc? do t? vendoset p?r dat?n e zhvillimit t? debatit t? k?tij mocioni. Opozita k?rkoi dje p?rshpejtimin e diskutimit t? mocionit t? mosbesimit ndaj Arben Rakipit. Nd?rkoh?, edhe k?rkesa e Prokuroris? p?r heqjen e imunitetit t? deputetit Prifti do t? jet? objekt i mbledhjes s? byros? parlamentare dhe kryetari Dokle ?sht? i detyruar t'ia kaloj? at? p?r shqyrtim komisionit parlamentar t? mandateve, imuniteteve dhe rregullores. Por largimi i Priftit nga Shqip?ria jav?s q? vjen, i konfirmuar nga vet? ai dje, do t? b?j? q? shqyrtimi n? komisionin p?rkat?s parlamentar t? shtyhet deri n? kthimin e tij nga jasht? (t? pakt?n nj? jav?).  Interesante ?sht? se, sipas rregullores s? kuvendit, debati p?r mocionin zhvillohet brenda 45 dit?sh nga paraqitja e tij, nd?rsa shqyrtimi i k?rkes?s p?r heqje imunitetit p?r fillimin e ndjekjeve penale ndaj nj? deputeti, vendoset me p?rpar?si n? rendin e dit?s. Por nga kryesia e kuvendit u njoftua dje se "zhvillimi i mbledhjeve t? komisionit t? imunitetit, mandateve dhe rregullores varet nga qenia ose jo e Priftit n? Shqip?ri". Diskutimi i ??shtjes "Rakipi" para ??shtjes "Prifti", u duk edhe nga kthimi i k?rkes?s s? Prokuroris?, dy dit? m? par? nga Dokle, p?r nj? pasakt?si t? k?tij organi, q? nga n?nkryetarja ?e?o u kund?rshtua. Gjithsesi, Prokuroria po dje ia ka d?rguar k?rkes?n kryetarit t? kuvendit s? bashku me dokumentacionin p?rkat?s. Var?sia e shqyrtimit t? k?tyre dy ??shtjeve nga nj?ra-tjetra u evidentua dje dhe nga vet? Prifti, i cili deklaroi se "do t? filloj t? diskutoj n? parlament me pjes?tar? t? ndrysh?m t? pozit?s dhe opozit?s, q? zoti Rakipi t? largohet nga detyra e prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m si nj? prokuror politik i pandersh?m, q? mban nj? krah politik. Un? propozoj dhe jam i gatsh?m q? prokurori i p?rgjithsh?m t? jet? nj? i propozuar nga opozita. Un? jam i gatsh?m t'i marr? opozita dosjet q? kam firmosur un? n? KESH, t'i shoh? dhe, n?se aty ka element? penal?, n?se aty ka nj? akt sado t? vog?l t? korrupsionit tim, un? do ta k?rkoj vet? penalizimin. Jam i hapur t? b?het kontrolli, por jo nga nj? person politik, q? ?sht? veg?l e dikujt tjet?r. Le t? ngrej? parlamenti nj? komision pozit?-opozit? hetimor vet?m p?r dosjet e KESH-it". 
Shtyrja 
Parlamenti nuk do t? diskutoj? jav?n q? vjen k?rkes?n e Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme p?r heqjen e imunitetit t? deputetit Dritan Prifti. Sipas vet? ish-drejtorit t? KESH-it, "jav?n q? vjen ai nuk do t? jet? n? Shqip?ri, pasi  do t'i n?nshtrohet  nj? operacioni kirurgjikal n? kok? n? nj? klinik? jasht? vendit,  p?r shkak t? nj? s?mundjeje t?  rrezikshme". Nd?rkoh?, ai k?rkoi dje t? jet? i pranish?m n? shqyrtimin e k?rkes?s s? Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme p?r heqjen e imunitetit t? tij. Edhe rregullorja e kuvendit e parashikon q? depueti ndaj t? cilit k?rkohet autorizimi i parlamentit t? d?gjohet si n? komisionin parlamentar t? mandateve, ashtu dhe n? seanc?n plenare. Kryetari i k?tij komisioni, Lek? ?ukaj, tha dje se "normalisht Prifti do t? jet? i pranish?m n? momentin q? ne do ta shqyrtojm? k?rkes?n e Prokuroris?". Procedura e shqyrtimit t? k?rkes?s s? Prokuroris? p?r heqjen e imunitetit t? Priftit u komentuan dje nga kryesia e kuvendit  me terma t? tilla: "Ish-drejtori i KESH-it duhet t? jet? patjet?r i pranish?m n? mbledhjen e komisionit t? mandateve, imunitetit dhe rregullores". 

=====

TIRANE (2 mars) - Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m, urdh?roi sot Prokurorin? e rrethit t? Tiran?s q? t? marr? n? pyetje kryetarin e PS-s?, Fatos Nano; ish-Kryeministrin Ilir Meta; Ministrin e Financave, Anastas Angjeli, dhe ish Ministrin e Energjetik?s e ish-drejtor i p?rgjithsh?m i KESH, Dritan Prifti, p?r t? dh?n? sqarime mbi deklarimet e djeshme t? Priftit "p?r tentativ?n e Nanos p?r pastrim parash". Z?dh?n?si i Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme sot se, "z.Rakipi i ka k?rkuar Prokuroris? s? Tiran?s marrjen n? pyetje, n? cil?sin? e "d?shmitarit" t? Nanos, Met?s, Angjelit dhe Priftit". Z?dh?n?si nuk dha holl?sira t? tjera, por shtoi se, marrja n? pyetje e tyre do t? jet? n? funksion t? zbardhjes t? s? v?rtet?s, n? lidhje me deklarat?n e b?r? dje nga ish-Minister i Energjetik?s dhe ish drejtor i P?rgjithsh?m i KESH-it, Dritan Prifti i cili u shpreh se "Fatos Nano kishte tentuar t? ndikonte te Kryeministri p?r pastrim parash, n?p?rmjet Qeveris?". ad/ko (BalkanWeb) 

======

TIRANE (2 mars) - "Nuk dua t? propozoj ndonj? kandidat p?r postin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m sepse ai duhet t? jet? i pavarur nga politika". K?shtu u shpreh sot kryetari i Partis? Demokratike, Sali Berisha duke iu referuar mocionit p?r Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m dhe emrit q? do t? z?vend?soj? Rakipin n? k?t? detyr?. Berisha tha se, "nuk do t? jet? prokurori i opozit?s, sepse ky nuk ?sht? vullneti yn? dhe q?llimi i k?tij mocionin. Ky do t? jet? nj? jurist i ndersh?m, me nj? curriculum t? luajalitetit ndaj ligjit dhe t? mos ket? lidhje me krimin e organizuar"- p?rfundoi lideri demokrat Berisha. ad/ko (BalkanWeb) 

 

 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  2 18:59:21 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 2 Mar 2002 15:59:21 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zhvillimet ne Shqiperi - 3.3.2002
Message-ID: <20020302235921.69407.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


Ko?i: 11 veprime p?r "duart e pastra" 

TIRANE - Petro Ko?i, sekretari organizativ n? Partin? Socialiste, b?ri publike dje n? em?r t? grupit nism?tar t? l?vizjes p?r referendum platform?n e l?vizjes p?r qeverisje me "dor? t? past?r". Sipas tij, kjo platform? do t?i paraqitet p?r miratim

Komitetit t? P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues, p?r t?u shnd?rruar n? platform? t? partis?, pasi platforma antikriz? e miratuar disa koh? m? par? ?sht? d?mtuar p?r shkak t? k?rkes?s p?r votbesim t? kryesis? dhe sekretariatit t? partis?. "L?vizja p?r qeverisje me "dor? t? past?r" po shnd?rrohet n? platform? politike t? PS-s? dhe ?sht? kthyer n? detyrim moral e programor t? p?rfaq?simit t? saj institucional n? nivel q?ndror e vendor", tha Ko?i. Duke b?r? publike k?t? platform?, ai p?rmendi rolin e kompromentuar t? opozit?s ndaj institucionit politik dhe ligjor "antikorrupsion".

"Partneriteti tashm? publik i opozit?s kryesore me segmente t? akuzuara p?r shp?rdorim t? p?rgjegj?sive zyrtare, p?rfaq?suese t? maxhoranc?s p?r realizim t? p?rbashk?t t? nism?s p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, v?rteton denoncimin politik p?r funksionimin e nj? aleance jopublike pushtetar?sh e opozitar?sh, kund?r organeve t? drejt?sis? q? po intensifikojn? luft?n kund?r korrupsionit e trafiqeve", tha Ko?i. L?vizja p?r qeverisje me "dor? t? past?r" parashikon katarsisin n? nivelin q?ndror e lokal, n? struktur?n politike e administrative t? p?rfaq?simit t? PS-s?. Sipas sekretarit Ko?i, do t? nxitet opozita p?r t? b?r? t? njejtin ushtrim p?rgjegjshm?rie, sidomos n? ato nivele ku ajo ka p?rgjegj?si pushteti. Platforma parashikon p?rmir?simin e kuadrit ligjor q? t? mbyll? hap?sirat p?r abuzime, marrjen e nismave p?r t? promovuar kriterizimin politik, moral e profesional t? p?rfaq?simit t? partis?, etj. N? t? parashikohet vendosja e nj? sistemi legjitim politik dhe juridik t? funksionimit t? marr?dh?nieve t? personave me p?rgjegj?si publike me komunitetin q? siguron kontrollueshm?ri p?r veprimtarin? e tyre pushtetore e shtet?rore. PS do t? ndryshoj? sistemin e funksionimit t? demokracis? s? vet n? favor t? p?rfshirjes, respektimit t? an?tarit t? partis? n? vendimmarrjet e r?nd?sishme politike, duke u shnd?rruar n? nj? mekaniz?m demokratik t? p?rfshirjes s? qytetarit n? qeverisje. N? nivel vendor Partia Socialiste t? hapet ndaj komunitetit n? trajtimin e ??shtjeve t? administrimit t? pushtetit e t? funksionimit t? saj t? brendsh?m, p?rfundoi paraqitjen e platform?s s? l?vizjes me dor? t? past?r, sekretari organizativ Petro Ko?i

 

T? hetohet tentativa p?r pastrim parash 

Tirane- Z?dh?n?si i Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme, Ardian Visha , i tha dje disa televizioneve se Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme kishte urdh?ruar Prokurorin? e Tiran?s p?r t? filluar nj? proces hetimi lidhur me akuzat e ngritura nga ish ministri i Energjis? Dritan Prifti. Por kjo vlente vet?m p?r deklarimin e zotit Prifti p?r bllokimin nga ana e tij, e kryeministrit Meta dhe Ministrit Angjeli t? nj? tentative p?r pastrim parash.

Zoti Visha nuk dha t? nj?jt?n p?rgjigje p?r akuzat e tjera t? zotit Prifti sidomos p?r ato q? lidhen me p?rgjimin e telefonave.

U m?suam me akuzat e t? inkriminuarve dhe politikan?ve sa her? q? ata hetohen apo u preken interesat - tha dje n? nj? prej televizioneve komb?tare, z?dh?n?si Visha. Ne e b?m? pun?n ton?, i takon Parlamentit tani t? vendos heqjen ose jo t? imunitetit t? zotit Prifti - tha Visha p?r hetimin e deputetit.

Nga ana tjet?r, shum? shpejt do t? nisin hetimet edhe p?r faktin n?se jan? t? v?rteta deklaratat e zotit Prifti p?r tentativ?n k?rkuar Qeveris? shqiptarep?r pastrim parash.

Mendoj se deklaratat e zotit Prifti, t? b?ra dje, ndon?se n? munges? gjakftoht?sie, p?rb?jn? shkak serioz p?r t? filluar hetimet dhe menj?her? Prokuroria shqiptare do t? filloj? hetimet lidhur edhe me k?to akuza t? r?nda p?r pastrim parash, duke i kujtuar zotit Prifti dhe kujtdo politikani tjet?r q? t? mos kallzoj? krimin. N? baz? t? Kodit Penal t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris? ajo nuk p?rb?n gj? tjet?r ve?se kryen nj? vep?r tjet?r penale- tha Visha.

Ai shtoi se pik?risht p?r k?t? ??shtje Prokuroria do t? th?rras p?r t? d?gjuar t? gjith? personat e p?rmendur nga zoti Prifti.

======

Intervista e Ilir Metes 

Meta:Transaksione p?r pastrim parash, personat ishin n? ndjekje penale 

Dje ish ministri Dritan Prifti, ka deklaruar se zoti Fatos Nano ka k?rkuar q? t? b?het nj? operacion p?r pastrim parash t? nj? shume rreth 1 miliard dollar?. Zoti Nano e ka kund?rshtuar k?t?, a ?sht? e v?rtet? zoti Meta?

Do t?ju konfirmoj se, sikurse iu referuat edhe ju zotit Priftit n? konferenc?n p?r shtyp q? ai ka dh?n? dje, q? ?sht? e v?rtet? se zoti Nano ka insistuar p?r transaksione financiare t? paligjshme t? cilat u identifikuan menj?her? nga ana jon? me institucione nd?rkomb?tare q? ishin t? natyr?s s? pastrimit t? parave. Nd?rsa personat e angazhuar me to ishin p?r n? ndjekje penale n? vendet e tyre.

 

Zoti Dritan Prifti e ka konsideruar procesin ndaj tij si proces politik. A jeni edhe ju i mendimit se procesi ndaj tij ?sht? proces politik?

Un? dua t? shpreh keqardhjen p?r modestin? me t? cil?n e ka karakterizuar zoti Prifti k?t? proces si proces politik. Ai nuk ?sht? thjesht nj? proces politik, por ?sht? nj? veprim t?r?sisht mafioz. Zoti Prifti ?sht? v?n? p?rball? terrorit psikologjik i cili synonn t? detyroj? nj? njeri i cili ka edhe problemet serioze sh?ndet?sore p?r t? d?shmuar gj?ra t? pav?rteta p?r interesin politik t? Fatos Nanos p?r t? diskredituar kund?rshtar?t e tij, dhe n? rradh? t? par? mua, q? kam qen? n? detyr?n e kryeministrit. Nj?koh?sisht, sikurse e tha zoti Prifti, k?to presione dhe ky terror psikologjike jo vet?m nga ana e Prokuroris?, por n? radh? t? par? nga ana e zotit Nano dhe p?rkrah?sve t? tij, kan? filluar ndaj tij q? m? dat? 3 dhjetor kur disa ministra dhan? dor?heqjen dhe ku zoti Prifti nuk iu p?rgjigj k?rkes?s s? zotit Nano q? edhe ai t? jepte dor?heqje me q?llim q? t? rr?zohej Qeveria. Gj? q? nga ministrat q? iu k?rkua nga zoti Nano e b?ri vet?m ish ministri i Bujq?sis?. Nj?koh?sisht po theksoj se q? prej nj? muaji kur un? isha ende n? detyr?n e kryeministrit, n? nj? mbledhje t? kryesis?, Limoz Dizdari, an?tari i kryesis?, na njoftoi q? sapo kishte folur me Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m dhe se Dritan Prifti ishte arrestuar n? flagranc?. Dhe pasi un? fola me zotin Gjoni, n? detyr?n e ministrit t? Rendit, dhe me zotin Prifti, p?rfundimisht ishte e qart? se kjo ishte nj? prov? dhe nj? pjes? e nj? terrorit psikologjik t? nd?rtuar ndaj k?tij personi, i cili duhet t? d?shmoj? ato gj?ra q? k?rkon Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m sepse ia k?rkonte atij zoti Nano.

P?r t? gjitha k?to element? del e qart? q? ne k?tu kemi t? b?jm? jo thjesht me nj? proces politik. Esht? shum? m? tep?r, ?sht? nj? proces i t?r? mafioz.

At?her?, zoti Prifti ka b?r? t? ditur n? deklarat?n e tij se prokurori i p?rgjithsh?m Rakipi i ka k?rkuar atij q? t? d?shmoj? kund?r jush dhe disa ministrave n? kompensim t? mbylljes s? procesit ndaj tij. Komenti juaj.

Un? e besoj plot?sisht zotin Prifti. Un? nuk dua t? reagoj thjesht tani ndaj Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme p?r k?to arsye dhe as n? shenj? hakmarrje, absolutisht. Q?ndrimet e mia lidhur me ato se ?far? p?rfaq?son Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme jo vet?m q? ia kam shprehur prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m n? muajin gusht, nj? dit? p?rpara mbledhjes s? KPD-s? q? do t? b?nte zgjedhjen e kryeministrit, ku ai kishte dh?n? nj? intervist? n? gazet?n Shqiptare e ku b?nte t? nj?jtat insinuata si ato q? b?nte Nano n? fjalimet e Lezh?s dhe n? fjalimet e tjera, por nj?koh?sisht i kam shprehur shum? qart? jan? ende t? protokulluara, edhe n? nj? mbledhje t? Qeveris? m? dat?n 20 ose 22 tetor ku ai insistonte q? policia t? ?onte me forc? zotin Sali Berisha p?r t? d?shmuar n? procesin "Hajdari", pa k?rkuar heqjen e imunitetit n? Parlament. Gj? q? b?hej p?r t? tensionuar politikisht situat?n n? vend dhe p?r t? b?r? p?rgjegj?se Qeverin? dhe kjo natyrisht n? funksion t? llogarive t? zotit Nano p?r t? destabilizuar q? n? fillimet e veta dhe p?r t? m? diskredituar politikisht mua brenda dhe jasht? vendit si njeri q? persekuton opozit?n. Dhe nj?koh?sisht un? ia kam b?r? me dije vazhdimisht edhe Presidentit Meidani, edhe kryetarit t? Parlamentit Dokle, se Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme ?sht? nj? veg?l e verb?r politike e Fatos Nanos dhe e band?s s? tij mafioze staliniste. Dhe nj? nga arsyet q? un? e kam quajtur band? mafioze staliniste ?sht? pik?risht, sepse p?rdor n? m?nyr? t? verb?r institucionet e shenjta q? kan? t? b?jn? me integritetin e shtetit dhe jo vet?m t? shtetit, por gjith? institucioneve dhe t? qytetarit p?r q?llime politike t? f?lliqura.

==

Deklarate e Dritan Priftit

Provoj para ?do prokurori t? bot?s tentativ?n p?r pastrim parash 

D?shiroj t?i b?j t? qart? dhe nj?here opinionit publik shqiptar se nuk ndryshoj asnj? pik? nga ato q? deklarova dje n? konferenc?n p?r shtyp.

Po e informoj p?rs?ri z. Rakipi se dhe numri im i ri i telefonit celular q? kam filluar ta p?rdor para dy ditesh ka filluar s?rish t? p?rgjohet q? nga mesdita e dites s? djeshme, pas konferenc?s time p?r shtyp. Me kan? informuar p?r k?t? fakt burime t? sigurta jasht? Shqip?ris?. Esht? detyra e tij si Kryehetues q? t? zbuloj t? v?rtet?n se kush i jep urdhrat p?r p?rgjimin e telefonit tim nga Italia apo ndonj? vend tjet?r. Megjith?se p?rgjimi i telefonit m? ka dh?n? dhe k?naq?sin? q? k?tyre njer?zve q? e b?jn? k?t?, ?ti them disa fjal? direkt.

Z?dh?n?sit t? z. Rakipi nuk i marr gj? p?r keq nga reagimi i tij dje, sepse ai paguhet p?r t?i dh?n? z? t? tjer?ve. Ai deklaroj se p?r mua do te shtohet akuza p?r mosdenoncim t? krimit. I kujtoj z?dh?n?sit q? flet p?r prokurin q? t?i thote prokurorit q? nuk ka asgje t? keqe q? ai t? hape librat e shkoll?s dhe t? kujtoj q? detyrimi ligjor i individit p?r t? denoncuar ?sht? kur krimi ?sht? i ndodhur dhe i provuar. Un? nuk fola p?r nj? krim t? provuar, por p?r nj? tentativ? p?r t? b?r? krim, tentativ? t? cilen mund ta provoj p?rpara ?do prokurori n? bot?.

N? qoft? se z?dh?n?si Visha deklarat?n e ka personale, detyrohem t?i kujtoj z?dh?n?sit q? nga goja e tij n? ambjente t? pista shoq?rore jam p?rgojuar un? dhe Ministra t? tjer?. Z?dhenesi nuk duhet t? nxjerr? n? pazar me mburrje bisedat e shefit te tij me ambasador e personalitete te tjera, sepse k?shtu jo vet?m nuk ruan figuren e shefit te tij, por fiton p?rbuzje p?r institucionin q? p?rfaq?son. P?rsa i p?rket deklarat?s s? djeshme t? z. Nano dua t? them q? ishte ajo q? prisja; presione dhe k?rcenime p?r kundershtar?t e tij dhe marrje n? mbrojtje p?r t? vet?t. Un? jam p?r drejt?si mbi baz?n e ligjit dhe jo p?r drejt?si mbi baz? udh?rash t? individ?ve. Le t? b?het flamurtari i kararsisit n? Partin? Socialiste, n? qoft? se me t? v?rtet? deshiron katarsis dhe transparenc? p?r t? gjithe, mbeshtet?si i ides? time q? prokurori i p?rgjithsh?m t? propozohet nga opozita dhe t? b?j transparenc? p?r t? gjith?, duke filluar tek un? dhe pastaj tek ai. Un? e kam te qart? se kush ?sht? z. Nano. K?t? po e kuptojn? me zhg?njim gjithe socialistet shqiptar dhe nj? pjes? e ndershme e mb?shtet?sve t? tij n? Parlament q? jan? me t? v?rtet? idealist p?r nj?Shqip?ri m? t? mir?.

Z. Nano do t?i them se ?sht? mjerane p?rpjekja e tij p?r t? p?rbaltur Presidentin e Republik?s n?p?rmjet k?qinterpretimit te fjaleve t? mia. Un? deklarova q? e kam informuar z. Meidani p?r presionet politike dhe fizike q? kan? b?r? ndaj meje persekuturoret e mi. Z. Nano nuk ka asgje t? p?rbashk?t me Presidentin Meidani, i cili p?rfaq?son intelektualin e shquar shqiptar, p?rfaq?sues dinjitoz t? k?tij shteti. Duke mos e tepruar po them q? k?to dy figura jan? 100 vjet drit? larg njeri-tjetrit.

 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  2 19:19:58 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 2 Mar 2002 16:19:58 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone - Frrok Cupi - 3/3/2002
Message-ID: <20020303001958.4402.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

Fjalen e ka Amerika
Nga Frrok Cupi/ Dje, papritur (ose ndoshta papritur) Ambasada e SHBA ne Tirane u vu para nje detyre te re e shume te rendesishme. Detyra lidhet sa me vijueshmerine dhe specifikat e maredhenieve me shtetin shqiptar; aq me sigurine e shtetit dhe kombit amerikan.

Qe dje, shteti amerikan ka marre nje informacion shume te rendeishsem nga politikanet shqiptar: Para pak kohe, kur z. Meta ishte kryeminister i Shqiperise, disa qytetare amerikane kane "mbartur" nga teritori i shtetit amerikan 1 miliarde dollare "te palare" per t'i derguar drejt Shqiperise. Deklarata, qe ben pjese ne radhen e deklaratave me te "renda" per Ameriken pas 11 Shtatorit tragjik te vitit te kaluar, nuk mund te quhej edhe aq serioze duke qene vetem ne gojen e nje Ministri (zotit D. Prifti), per shkak te rendesishse se saj te pakrahasueshme, ose per shkak se nje mendje e vetme edhe mund te lajthise. Por kur deklaraten e ministrit e konfirmoi vete Kryeministri Ilir Meta qe nga Viena, kjo mori peshen e vertete te nje alarmi per shtetin amerikan dhe per linjen nes Shqiperise e Amerikes.

Prokuroria e Pergjithshme e Shqiperise, e ndodhur nen nje trysni te pritshme te politikes ne grindje, njoftoi se ka filluar punen e saj investiguese rreth deklarates qeveritare per "pastrim parashe nga zoti Fatos Nano dhe disa qytetare amerikane". Por ne keto kushte Prokuroria e Pergjitheshme mund te jape vetem nje ndihme te vogel per te mbushur dosjen me fjali ne gjuhen shqipe te kater politikaneve te Shqiperise. Pjesa tjeter, ajo e madhja dhe e verteta, i perket Amerikes. Amerika ndodhet para detyrimit per te investiguar tere eshtjen.

Ne kete kuptim, me sa duket, ish- kryeministri Ilir Meta po jep kontributin me te veante mes politikaneve te Globit, duke i hapur syrit amerikan nje drite ku nuk kishte vezhguar deri tani. 

Eshte koha me e volitshme per shtetin amerikan qe te mbledhe informacion me vlere per te ditur se fare ka ndodhur me ate dhe rreth Amerikes ne atmosfeen e terrorizmit anti-amrikan. Ne kete periudhe, sipas informacionit te qeverise Meta, nga Amerika paskan dale 1 miliarde dollare te "palare". Pas kesaj shtrohen disa pyetje:

Valle, cilet jane qytetaret amerikane qe e bene kete? Emra e tyre, padyshim, jane ne dosjet e qeverise Meta. Dhenia e emrave do te jete nje ndihme e madhe per vete Ameriken.

Ku ndodhen tani 1 miliarde dollarete "palare" te Amerikes? Edhe kete, padyshim, e di qeveria Meta. Sepse nuk mund te mendohet ndryshe. Me siguri, Kryeministri, sapo ka marre dijeni se nga Amerika po fluturojne 1 miliarde dollare te dyshimte, do te kete njoftuar Ambasaden Amerikane ne Tirane ose direkt shefin e CIA dhe dollaret do te jene bllokuar urgjentisht; tani dikush i ka ne sirtar. Kjo eshte nje detyre dhe mundesi reale per nje Kryeminister shteti; gje qe me siguri e ka bere nje qeveri serioze ndaj aleatit me te fuqishem te aj.

Pse ishin destinuar 1 miliarde dollare te nisur drejt Shiperise? Jane vertetuar disa fakte (kullat binjake, etj) se ne Shqiperi kishin tentuar te hidhnin rrenje investimet e terroristit Bin Laden. Valle edhe keta 1 miliarde dollare kishin kete qellim?

Nga 'rruge vinin ne Amerike 1 miliarde dollare "te palare"? Gjetja e ketij shtegu do te jete nje pune e veshtire dhe serioze e shtetit amerikan dhe e CIA; ne te cilen, padyshim do te ndihmojne deshmite e qeverise Meta. Por veshtrimi i pare bie mbi vendet e dyshuara per mbarjtje te potencialeve terroriste, per te cilat eshte e njoftuar edhe diplomacia qeveritare e Shqiperise.

Mbi te gjitha kerkesat, tashme te shtetit Amerikan, do te hedhe drite deshmia e Kryeministrit Ilir Meta dhe e kabinetit te tij. Ky do te jete nje kontribut i madh boteror.

Sa per zhurmen qe behet ne Shqiper, Prokuroria e Pergjitheshme mund te ndihmoje me ca flete te vogla ne nje dosje te medha. Ndersa per zhurmen qe behet ne Shqiperi, disa qytetare u degjuan te thone: "Kush na i bllokoi keta 1 miliarde, mor jahu; le te vinin ketu sido qe te ishin, te lara apo te palara". 

Ka shume shtetas qe afrohen me mentalitetin e fillimit te kapitalizmit dhe nuk duan te pyesin per emocione politike.



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From Heljo at mediaone.net  Sat Mar  2 21:00:10 2002
From: Heljo at mediaone.net (Sejfi Protopapa)
Date: Sat, 2 Mar 2002 21:00:10 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] New e-mail address:< heljo@attbi.com>
Message-ID: <002401c1c257$60f1fee0$0f043c18@ne.mediaone.net>

Friends,
Please, note my new e-mail address:

                                         heljo at attbi.com

Best wishes, 
Sejfi





From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Mar  3 22:26:44 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 3 Mar 2002 19:26:44 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ngjela ne Korrieri
Message-ID: <20020304032644.93937.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

Pertej marreveshjes Nano- Rakipi

Pertej marreveshjes Nano- Rakipi


Nga Spartak Negjela/ Agresiviteti qe po shfaqet keto kohet e fundit brenda politikes aktuale, dalengadale po duket t'i fashise disi konfliketet e brendshme. Konflikte te cilat ne fund te fundit, edhe kur jane te paqarta apo te pamotivuara mire si keto tonat, pa dyshim qe mbartin me vete progres per demokracine. Por ne fakt, ky agresivitet i behte nderkaq, nuk po spikat per te shnderruar ne lufte konfliktin normal midis mazhorances dhe opozites, por per te anulluar me ne fund cdo menyre bashkejetese edhe me kontradikta te brendshme mes dy grupeve rivale qe jane ngjizur ne Partine Socialiste, perkatesisht ai i Metes dhe ai i Nanos.


Pati mendime ne fillim se qeveria e re Majko do ta bllokonte konfliktin e dy grupeve qe ai te mos degradonte ne shperberje. Por ne fakt kjo ishte nje pamundesi absolute, sepse vete Majko nuk mund ta bente kete. Zhvendosja e tij nga grupi Meta, per ne grupin Nano, ishte prova me e sigurt se ai nuk ka mesuar gje prej gjeje nga politika ne keta dhjete vjet qe eshte i involvuar ne te, sepse befas, per nga zhvillimet e reja politike, ai duket se po del nga politika, ndonese si gjithmone, duke buzeqeshur. E pra, zhvillimet jane pikerisht ato qe me lart i quajtem "agresivitet i paleve", i cili po i anashkalon qeverise Majko sikur ajo te mos jete fare ekzistente. Menyra agresive e politikes u shfaq ne fillim si kerkese e polit Nano, qe me ane te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, mes akuzave te tij penale, te frikesonte polin Meta, ne menyre qe pastaj te fitonte keshtu votat ne Kuvend. Ne fakt kjo nuk eshte nje skeme qe Nanos i duhet tani, sepse kete ai kerkon ta shnderroje ne esence te levizjes presidenciale, prandaj dhe marreveshja midis Nanos dhe Prokurorit Rakipi eshte krejt e krejt politike. Duke frikesuar deputetet e Metes, Nano mendon se mund te behet President, e me pas te emeroje serish Prokurorin Rakipi, per te vijuar keshtu ndertimi i nje shteti personal nepermjet frikes, i cili rendom eshte quajtur diktature. Por ne te njejten kohe, kur Prokurori Rakipi e kishte nisur sulmin e tij, poli Meta nxorri ne pah fakte qe implikojne Nanon per nderrmarje teper te dyshimta, gje kjo qe e shtyu ceshtjen ne nje agresivitet dypalesh, nga i cili eshte e pamundur qe te mberrihet me ne nje marreveshje.


Tamam ne keto momente, kur gjithcka dukej se kishte hyre ne nje lufte agresive, te udhehequr nga Prokurori i Pergjithshem per te dominuar me frike gjendjen ne PS, opozita me nje akt teper elokuent per kohen, ushtroi ne Kuvend nje mocion me kerkese per debat dhe per marrjen e nje vendimi me ane te te cilit t'i propozohet Presidenit te Republikes shkarkimi i Prokurorit te Pergjithshem. Pikerisht ky fakt, duket se hap nje hulli te re ne politiken aktuale, sepse per shkarkimin e Prokurorit Rakipi do te duhen 71 vota ne Kuvend, numur ky qe mund te arrihet vetem nese bashkohen votat e polit te Metes me opoziten. Kurse, pas kesaj duket se frika ka kaluar nga ana e Prokurorit Rakipi, i cili po lufton nderkohe me mullinjte e eres, pasi eshte kaq miop sa nuk arrin te shohe qe ne kete lufte befas ka kunder dhe Presidentin e Republikes. E pra, shihet qarte se Rakipi eshte kapur me thonj pas postit te tij, gje kjo qe ka sjelle dyshime te medha ne te gjitha qarqet qe investigojne politiken shqiptare, por qe me shume ka indinjuar dhe shqetesuar opoziten, e cila, pikerisht per kete eshte e vendosur ta coje ceshtjen deri ne fund. Bashke me opoziten, kete gje e sheh mjaft qarte edhe poli i Metes, prandaj dhe mund te thuhet se politika shqiptare ka hyre ne nje hulli te re, sepse tani, pas ceshtjes se integrimit euro atlantik ku u pane qarte pika bashkimi midis polit te Metes dhe opozites, ceshtja e Prokurorit Rakipi eshte i dyti rast, por teper i ngajshem me ate te parin, pasi kuptohet se marreveshja Nano - Rakipi eshte nje marrveshje anti perendimore.


Ne fund te fundit, kjo eshte nje krize qe befas ka mberritur ne pragun e nje agresiviteti thuajse diktatorial, ku njera nga palet ne gjirin e PS-se, me deshire te ethshme per pushtet absolut, i eshte drejtuar per ndihme politike Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, kur ky i fundit eshte kthyer ne politik dhe ka bere marreveshje banale per te na sjelle nje President nepeermjet frikes, dhe kur opozita ka kerkuar rrezimin e tij, i ka kujtuar edhe nje here polit Meta integrimin euroatlantik si nje ceshtje kardinale te historise sone gjithe me mendimin e vet te kristalizuar se keshtu, duke rrezuar nje prokuror politik, shpeton shtetin dhe shoqerine nga kthetrat e nje shteti sicilian qe kerkon te ndertoje Nano -Rakipi.


---------------------------------
Korrieri, 03/03/2002 


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From naac at naac.org  Tue Mar  5 14:01:04 2002
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Tue, 5 Mar 2002 14:01:04 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NAAC Open Letter to Ibrahim Rugova, Hashim Thaci, and Ramush Haradinaj
Message-ID: <00a001c1c478$3cee89f0$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Brigada e Krajishtes, No. 8, 38000 Prishtina, Kosova
Telephone: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release: March 5, 2002        Contact: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900
 
PRESS RELEASE
 
Open Letter to Ibrahim Rugova, Hashim Thaci, and Ramush Haradinaj
 
Washington, DC, March 5, 2002:  The National Albanian American Council issued the following open letter to the political leaders of Kosova.
 
On November 17, 2001, the people of Kosova participated in one of the best run, most free and fair elections ever held in the Balkans.  Albanians worldwide shared a great moment of joy and pride, and felt optimistic about Kosova's future.
 
After meeting with each of you on November 18th, we also felt optimistic. Each of you expressed to us a strong desire to work for the good of Kosova.
 
Each of you stated that in your actions for and on behalf of your constituents, you would place national interests above party politics and personal ambitions and would reach a compromise when forming a government.
 
Now, nearly three months later, a government has been formed.  For that we congratulate each of you and UNMIK Special Representative Michael Steiner, US Ambassador John Menzies, and others who helped the three of you find a compromise.  Like most Albanians, however, we are very disappointed with how long it took to achieve this goal and the tension that it created.
 
The impasse undermined Kosova, at least in the short term.  That means that each of you will now have to work harder to repair the damage and to make a multi-party government function efficiently and effectively.  Your abilities to compromise with each other will be the critical factor in your success.  As you know, there is much to be done.  You must lead the way in rebuilding an economy, the infrastructure, and the government and civic institutions of Kosova.
 
We will try to do our part in the United States by keeping Kosova on the US foreign policy agenda and involved in region.  For its part, the government of Kosova should establish formal channels of communication and perhaps establish an office in the United States as soon as possible, so that it may interact directly with the United Nations, the US Congress, the Bush Administration, and the Diaspora.
 
We hope that the political impasse will now be relegated to history and that very soon the government will become busy working to improve Kosova's future.
 
The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs. For more information on the National Albanian American Council please visit us on the web at www.naac.org
 
###

You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv.  If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you.
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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Tue Mar  5 15:38:20 2002
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Tue, 5 Mar 2002 15:38:20 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NAAC Career workshop for Albanian&ALbanian-American Students /Please
 distribute (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0203051537510.4835-100000@ws15.fas.harvard.edu>


The following announcement is both in English and Albanian.


The National Albanian-American Council will organize a career workshop in New York City for the Albanian and Albanian-American students who study in the United States. The workshop will focus on the specific needs of these students starting from how to market yourselves in cover letters, resumes, and interviews, as well as will give an insider's view on the unconventional methods to make the employers interested in your application even in seemingly hopeless situations. Speakers and advisors will include some of the most successful professionals the Albanian-American community has to offer engaged in a variety of areas and professions such as representatives from premiere investment banking and law firms, artists and academics, as well as successful businessmen. This event is an excellent opportunity to personally meet with successful Albanian professionals who are willing to help you in your pursuits.

The National Albanian American Council believes that the education of young Albanians and the creation of possibilities for their professional engagements is the safest path to the strengthening of the Albanian-American community which in turn will contribute directly and indirectly to the progress of our nation in the Balkans. Therefore, every student who is currently attending school or has recently graduated is welcomed to participate in this workshop.

To apply for this workshop go to http://www.naac.org and click the career workshop link under "New" at the left of your screen or go directly by clicking http://www.naac.org/jobs/workshop-english.html.  Please feel free to forward this message to anyone you believe would be interested.




ALBANIAN/SHQIP

K?shilli Komb?tar Shqiptaro-Amerikan do t? organizoj? n? qytetin e New York-ut nj? seminar pun?simi p?r student? shqiptaro-amerikan? dhe shqiptar? q? studiojn? n? Amerik?. Seminari do t? p?rq?ndrohet n? nevojat e ve?anta t? student?ve, p?r t? p?rballuar k?rkesat e tregut t? pun?s, duke filluar nga m?nyra e hartimit t? jet?shkrimit (CV-Rezyme), rekomandimeve, p?rgatitja p?r intervista pun?simi, dhe deri tek  informimi mbi m?nyrat sesi mund t? nxitet kureshtja dhe interesimi i pun?dh?n?sve, edhe n? raste n? dukje t? pashpresa.

Referues n? k?t? seminar do t? jen? disa prej profesionist?ve m? t? suksessh?m t? komunitetit shqiptaro-amerikan t? pun?suar n? fusha t? ndryshme si n? banka investimesh apo firma avokatore t? dor?s s? pare, p?rfaq?sues t? artit  dhe akademik?, si dhe sip?rmarr?s e biznesmen? t? ndrysh?m  t? suksessh?m. Ky takim ?sht? nje rast i shk?lqyer p?r t?u njohur personalisht me profesionist? t? suksessh?m shqiptar? q? jan? t? gatsh?m p?r t'ju ndihmuar.

K?shilli Komb?tar Shqiptaro-Amerikan mendon se arsimimi i metejsh?m i t? rinjve shqiptar? si dhe krijimi i shanseve dhe hap?sirave p?r ta ?sht? rruga m? e sigurt? p?r forcimin e komunitetit shqiptar n? Amerik?, i cili, nga ana e vet,do t? kontribuoj? drejtp?rdrejt? dhe t?rthorazi p?r p?rparimin e kombit ton? n? Ballkan. Ndaj, t? gjith? student?t apo t? sapodiplomuarit jan? t? mir?pritur p?r t? marr? pjes? n? seminar.

P?r t? b?r? k?rkes? p?r t? marr? pjes? n? k?t? seminar,  ju mund t? shkoni tek http://www.naac.org dhe t? shikoni informacionet p?r seminarin e karrier?s posht? "New" n? krahun e majt? te ekranit tuaj, ose mund t? shfryt?zoni adres?n e m?poshtme:
http://www.naac.org/jobs/workshop-albanian.html.  Ju lutem p?rcilluani  k?t? njoftim kujtdo q? mendoni se mund t? jet? i interesuar.



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar  5 17:31:16 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 5 Mar 2002 14:31:16 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Fw: Opportunity Free space to exhibit your work in NYC Village area
Message-ID: <20020305223116.15574.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


> Subject: Fw: Opportunity Free space to exhibit your
> work in NYC Village area 
> Date: Tue, 5 Mar 2002 17:26:12 -0500
> 
> 
>  -Looking for Artist - 
>  Encouraging Albanian Artists
> Free space to exhibit your work in NYC Village area.
>        Here at Arenc Pro we believe that Albanian
> Art has not been represented enough outside of
> Albania. Therefore, we decided to become its
> Promoters to bring the best of the Albanian Visual
> Art with paintings,  photographs,  sculptures  and 
> more. 
> 
>       By doing this, we create a chance for the
> Albanian Artists to show their creativity.
> 
> Call 212-675-9466 http://www.arencpro.com/albart.php
> 
> 


__________________________________________________
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Try FREE Yahoo! Mail - the world's greatest free email!
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar  5 17:31:49 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 5 Mar 2002 14:31:49 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Questionnaire: Journalists and Environment in SEE
Message-ID: <20020305223149.32486.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

--- Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote:
> From Florian Bieber Fri Mar  1 00:35:28 2002
> To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
> From: Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com>
> Date: Fri, 01 Mar 2002 09:35:28 +0100
> Subject: [balkans] Questionnaire: Journalists and
> Environment in SEE
> 
> From: Tom Popper <tom at rec.org>
> Sent: Thursday, February 28, 2002 1:01 PM
> Subject: Survey of SEE journalists covering
> environment
> 
> Dear Green Horizon Subscribers:
> Below is a survey for journalists covering the
> environment in the
> countries of South Eastern Europe.
> The information from this survey will be used to
> help design a
> Regional Environmnetal Press Centre to assist
> environmental
> journalists in South Eastern Europe. This project is
> funded by the
> Government of The Netherlands through the Regional
> Environmental Reconstruction Programme for South
> Eastern
> Europe, which is part of the Stability Pact for
> South Eastern
> Europe.
> The project is implemented jointly by the
> Environmental Press
> Centre, a Skopje-based organisation of environmental
> journalists,
> and the Regional Environmnetal Center for Central
> and Eastern
> Europe. For more information about the project, you
> can write to
> <ecopress at ecopresscenter.org> or to
> <pantonov at rec.org>.
> We would be grateful to those of you who are
> environmental
> journalists in South Eastern Europe if you could
> answer the very
> short questions below and return them by reply
> e-mail, or by
> mailing them to: <media-info at rec.org>.
> You may use the questionnaire to make any
> suggestions,
> recommendations or comments about setting up the
> Regional
> Environmental Press Centre. Your feedback will help
> us to help you.
> Please submit your response by March 8.
> 
> QUESTIONNAIRE
> Please note that you may give more than one answer
> to questions
> 4, 13 and 14 only!
> Your Country: ...............
> 1. What form of media do you work in?
> A/ daily print media
> B/ weekly print media
> C/ radio
> D/ TV
> E/ other, please indicate
> 2. How long have you been working as an
> environmental journalist?
> A/ less than a year
> B/ one to two years
> C/ two to five years
> D/ more than five years
> 3. Do you cover primarily environmental issues?
> A/ yes
> B/ no (please, specify your main area of work)
> 4. What are your sources? (it is possible to give
> more than one
> answer)
> A/ state institutions
> B/ specialised or research institutes
> C/ NGOs
> D/ specialised articles
> E/ others (please, specify)
> 5. How frequently are environmental issues covered
> by your form of
> media (in your judgment)?
> A/ on a daily basis
> B/ two to three times a week
> C/ once a week
> D/ less than once in a week
> 6. What type of environmental story is covered most
> frequently?
> A/ reports
> B/ analysis, commentary
> C/ investigation
> 7. Which environmental issue is covered most often?
> A/ pollution
> B/ waste
> C/ nuclear plant safety
> D/ activities of civic organisations
> E/ achievements in environment protection
> F/ impact on the environment caused by
> businesses/private
> industry
> G/ others (please, specify)
> 8. Do you think that state institutions give you the
> all the
> information available to them?
> A/ yes, always
> B/ yes, occasionally
> C/ yes, seldom
> D/ never (please indicate the reasons)
> 9. Do you think that NGOs give you the all the
> information available
> to them?
> A/ yes, always
> B/ yes, occasionally
> C/ yes, seldom
> D/ never (please indicate the reasons)
> 10. Is there an organisation of environmental
> journalists in your
> country?
> A/ yes, its name is ..
> B/ no
> 11. Does the media/media in your country cover the
> environmental
> situation in other countries of the region?
> A/ yes, often
> B/ yes, occasionally
> C/ no
> 12. If yes, what sources of such information can you
> name?
> 13. Do you cooperate with environmental journalists
> from the region
> (you may give more than one answer)
> A/ yes, regularly, on a professional basis
> B/ yes, regularly, on a personal basis
> C/ yes, periodically, on a professional basis
> D/ yes, periodically, on a personal basis
> E/ no
> 14. How can regional journalistic cooperation in
> environmental
> areas improve through REPC (it is possible to give
> more than one
> answer)
> A/ through the establishment of an information
> exchange network
> B/ through joint projects
> C/ through extension of personal contacts
> D/ by other means (please, specify)
> 15. What kind of REPC-organised training would you
> prefer?
> (by themes; journalist approaches and techniques;
> working with
> sources; promotion; relations with NGO and
> institutions, etc./
> Please, formulate the training courses and workshops
> in which you
> would like to participate.
> 16. Are there any questions (answers) that you think
> are important,
> but have been omitted from the questionnaire?
> A./Question
> B./ Answer
> 17. Would you be interested in contributing to the
> work of a
> Regional Environmental Press Centre satellite office
> in your
> country?
> ?./ N?
> B./ Yes
> If yes, in what way? Please, describe:
> 
> Please, feel free to add any comments or suggestions
> for the work
> of the Regional Environmental Press Centre. Thank
> you for your co-
> operation.
> 
> 
> 


__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar  6 13:28:53 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 6 Mar 2002 10:28:53 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shekulli - Porti i Durresit
Message-ID: <20020306182853.25199.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

Banka Bot?rore do t? financoj? vet?m n?se qeveria heq depozitat e naft?s nga Porti i Durr?sit
Poortman: Hiqni tankerat grek? nga porti 

Mosheqja e depozitave greke rrezikon rreth 200 milion? dollar? investime t? huaja 

N? nj? konferenc? shtypi me video nga Uashingtoni, drejtori p?r Evrop?n Juglindore i Bank?s Bot?rore, Poortman, tha se "largimi i tankerave t? naft?s n? Portin e Durr?sit ?sht? pjes? e masterplanit q? ka miratuar banka p?r financim"
Nga Gerti Osmani
Banka Bot?rore k?rkon largimin urgjent t? tankerave grek? nga Porti i Durr?sit. N? nj? konferenc? p?r shtyp, direkt nga Uashingtoni, drejtori i Bank?s Bot?rore (BB) p?r Evrop?n Juglindore, Portman, tha se qeveria shqiptare duhet t? marr? masa urgjente p?r largimin e tankerave t? naft?s nga Porti i Durr?sit. Sipas burimeve nga selia e Bank?s n? Tiran?, Portman ka kusht?zuar investimet e parashikuara nga Banka Bot?rore n? Portin e Durr?sit me heqjen e tankerave. K?ta rezervuar?, t? nd?rtuar nga kompania greke "Hellas Petrolium", jan? b?r? shkak jo vet?m p?r bllokimin e investimeve n? port, por edhe kan? rrezikuar me shp?rthim ekzistenc?n e qytetit t? dyt? m? t? madh n? vend, Durr?sit. "Largimi i tankerave t? naft?s nga Porti i Durr?sit ?sht? pjes? e masterplanit q? ka miratuar p?r financim Banka Bot?rore",- theksoi Poortman. Por, ka shtuar Poortman, "qeveria shqiptare e ka miratuar vet? k?t? projekt, k?shtu q? duhet t? zgjidh? edhe largimin e tankerave t? naft?s nga porti". P?rve? kredive t? Bank?s Bot?rore edhe donator? t? tjer? kan? k?rkuar heqjen e tankerave nga porti. Vet?m para pak jav?sh ishte Banka Evropiane e Investimeve (BEI) q? konfirmoi kredin? 17 milion? euro p?r Portin e Durr?sit. Por edhe kredia e BEI ?sht? e lidhur ngusht? dhe ?sht? plot?suese e kredis? s? BB. N? vitin 1998, BB akordoi 17 milion? dollar? p?r projektin e Portit t? Durr?sit p?r eficienc?n dhe rritjen e kapacitetit t? shfryt?zuesh?m t? portit. Fondet p?r k?t? projekt plot?sohen nga financimet e qeveris? shqiptare dhe fondet p?r zhvillimin nd?rkomb?tar t? OPEC-ut (Organizat?s s? vendeve eksportuese t? naft?s).  Nj? projekt i r?nd?sish?m ?sht? menaxhimi i tok?s brenda sip?rfaqes s? Portit t? Durr?sit, q? financon Banka Bot?rore. Nd?rsa n? Konferenc?n e Dyt? t? Donator?ve p?r Paktin, t? zhvilluar tetorin e kaluar, Porti i Durr?sit mori rreth 160 milion? euro financime nga donator? t? ndrysh?m. Por t? gjitha projektet e donator?ve vazhdojn? t? mbahen peng nga tankerat grek?.  Nd?rkoh?, Banka Bot?rore deri n? qershor ka afatin p?r miratimin e 4 projekteve t? saj p?r Shqip?rin?, q? kapin shum?n e 70 milion? dollar?ve. K?to projekte presin rinegociimin me qeverin? "Majko" dhe duhet t? miratohen brenda fundit t? qershorit n? bordin e drejtor?ve t? bank?s. Gjithsesi, sipas burimeve, Poortman ka siguruar mb?shtetjen me financime t? m?tejshme p?r zhvillimin ekonomik t? Shqip?ris? jo vet?m p?r projektet e nisura, por edhe me t? tjera. Si kusht, BB ka vendosur vazhdim?sin? e reformave t? nisura. Banka do t? mb?shtes? me projekte t? reja sektorin financiar, privatizimin e Bank?s s? Kursimeve, projektin "P?r zbutjen e varf?ris?", sistemin elektroenergjitik, etj. Poortman ka v?n? theksin edhe te v?shtir?sit? e kriz?s energjetike n? Shqip?ri dhe, sipas tij, ve? nd?rtimit t? veprave t? reja prodhuese termike, duhet t? rriten ark?timet dhe t? p?rmir?sohet menaxhimi i KESH-it. Gjithashtu, sipas tij Banka Bot?rore mb?shtet luft?n kund?r korrupsionit. Problemet e luft?s kund?r korrupsionit po nxiten nga Banka Bot?rore p?rmes programeve antikorrupsion n? mb?shtetje t? projekteve t? nd?rmarra nga qeverit? e vendeve t? Evrop?s Juglindore, ku b?n pjes? dhe Shqip?ria. "Nuk dua t? komentoj n? ??shtje t? ve?anta, por lufta kund?r korrupsionit mbetet shum? e r?nd?sishme. ??shtja e korrupsionit n? Shqip?ri ?sht? e r?nd?sishme, ndaj ne e kemi marr? shum? seriozisht dhe do t? merremi n? menyr? t? drejtp?rdrejt? me k?t? problem",- m?sohet t? ket? deklaruar numri nj? i Bank?s Bot?rore p?r Shqip?rin?.


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From Fdcleis at aol.com  Wed Mar  6 14:58:15 2002
From: Fdcleis at aol.com (Fdcleis at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 6 Mar 2002 14:58:15 EST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Melanie Friend In U.S.
Message-ID: <87.188a6156.29b7ced7@aol.com>

Dear People,

 I'd be grateful if you could possibly help pass on this info to faculty, 
students, activists whom you think might be interested in the book and/or 
events. Do feel free to post this, and do not hesitate to contact me should 
you need further information.

With all good wishes,

Frederique Delacoste
Midnight Editions





Please come and feel free to pass on, or announce that


On Tuesday March 19 at 7pm
Melanie Friend will be in San Francisco at Modern Times Bookstore
888 Valencia Street
San Francisco, ca 94110
Phone 415 282 9246

On Thursday March 21 at 7:30
Melanie Friend will be in Berkeley at Black Oak Bookstore
1491 Shattuck
Berkeley, Ca 94709
Phone 510 486 0698



 On Friday April 5 at 7pm
Melanie Friend will be in New York  at Bluestockings Bookstore
172 Allen St
New York, New York 10002
Phone  212 777 6028
Bluestockingsevents at hotmail.com



On Tuesday April 9 at 7pm  
Melanie Friend will be in Boston at New Words Bookstore                       
                                                    
186 Hampshire Street (Inman Square)

 Cambridge, Ma 02139

 Phone  617 876 5310
newwords at world.std.com



British photojournalist Melanie Friend will discuss and show slides from her 
powerful and haunting book, No Place Like Home: Echoes from Kosovo. The 
personal testimonies of Albanians who fled Serbian repression and systematic 
violence are strikingly juxtaposed against her dignified studio-style 
portraits of the refugees and the very ordinary homes they eventually 
returned to. Ian Jack, editor of Granta, observes that "the power of her book 
doesn't come from obviously shocking pictures; the shock is the realization 
that these suddenly-changed and cancelled lives were once so like our own."







No Place Like Home
Echoes from Kosovo
By Melanie Friend

CONTACT: Fr?d?rique Delacoste
(415) 575-4700
Publication Date: December 2001
Current Events/Photography

"The power of No Place Like Home doesn?t come from obviously shocking 
pictures; the shock is the realization that these suddenly-changed and 
cancelled lives
 were once so like our own." ? GRANTA

Midnight Editions is pleased to announce publication of No Place Like Home: 
Echoes from Kosovo (ISBN 1-57344-119-8, $39.95).

Through 75 color photographs and 50 accompanying personal testimonies, No 
Place Like Home offers an extraordinary insight into how history is lived by 
ordinary citizens. How do people persist with the chores of daily life, 
knowing that at any time their villages, or even their own homes, may be 
targeted for terror? How do they survive the murder of entire families? Or 
the hope of ever finding loved ones who have disappeared? How do they live in 
the landscapes where massacres took place?and reconcile the thirst for 
revenge with the need for peace of mind? These questions, which can be asked 
in the aftermath of any act of violence, are the subject of No Place Like 
Home: Echoes from Kosovo.

British photojournalist Melanie Friend has covered the Balkans since 1989. 
Well before Kosovo began to make headlines, she was gripped by the region, 
whose autonomy was revoked by the government of Yugoslav President Slobodan 
Milosevic that same year. Friend became familiar with the tactics of the 
Serbian police, who spread fear through the predominantly Albanian Muslim 
population. Her visits were brief, often subject to surveillance and film 
confiscation.
NO PLACE LIKE HOME, 2

"Everyone had a story to tell, but it wasn?t always easy to find publishable 
newspaper photographs," Friend writes in the introduction to No Place Like 
Home. "Repression was hidden, dramatic visual images rare. Police frequently 
cordoned off whole villages in the aftermath of police raids and beatings. 
How could you visually represent fear and repression in picturesque villages 
where roadblocks and surveillance of foreigners? movements made it impossible 
to witness such events? 
 I wanted to try a different strategy from 
straightforward photojournalism. I began photographing the rooms and gardens 
where police raids had taken place." Friend conducted taped interviews with 
the inhabitants of those rooms and gardens.

In 1999, when thousands of Kosovo Albanians fled large-scale reprisals and 
killings of civilians by the Serbian police in the wake of the NATO bombings, 
Friend traveled to Macedonia and interviewed refugees. "I knew I could not 
photograph nameless people crying as they streamed across the border on 
tractors, as in so many newspaper images I had seen. These pictures may have 
been necessary, but I could not bring myself to take them," she writes. 

Instead, Friend took dignified studio-style portraits of refugees. Later, 
when the refugees returned to Kosovo, she sought out and re-interviewed all 
the people she had met in the refugee camps in Macedonia. In some cases, she 
had only the name of a village for an address. She visited massacre sites in 
Recak, Lubizhde, and Celine, where Albanian survivors walked with her through 
beautiful landscapes, now haunted by the memories of those who were killed 
there. She also interviewed Serbs, Roma, Turks, and other minorities, who, 
fearing revenge killings, did not wish to be photographed for publication.

Melanie Friend?s photographs and interviews span the past decade and offer a 
profound and original look at repression, war and its aftermath, and their 
effect on the lives of ordinary citizens. No Place Like Home not only "shows 
us the human particularity that lies within phrases such as ?ethnic conflict? 
and ?civil war? " (Ian Jack, Granta), "it enriches our knowledge of Kosovo 
and inspires deeper reflection about the wider Balkans"(Gabriel partos, BBC 
World Service).
NO PLACE LIKE HOME, 3
SELECTED REVIEWS

NO PLACE LIKE HOME WAS SELECTED AS ONE OF THE "BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR" IN THE 
GUARDIAN (UK), THE INDEPENDENT (UK), TIME OUT (UK) AND THE  FINANCIAL TIMES  
(GLOBAL EDITION)

"Melanie Friend?s remarkable photographs and interviews show us the human 
particularity that lies within phrases such as ?ethnic conflict? and ?civil 
war? ? and help us understand how communal hatred and savagery can break out 
of (and into) the most peaceful field, the most ordinary living room, and 
what happens after it does. The power of her book doesn?t come from obviously 
shocking pictures; the shock is the realization that these suddenly-changed 
and cancelled lives were once so like our own." ? Ian Jack, GRANTA

 "Melanie Friend?s volume of photographs and accompanying personal 
testimonies provides an extraordinary insight into Kosovo?s turbulent recent 
history through the eyes of its ordinary people. Albanians, Serbs, Roma, 
Turks and Kosovo?s other ethnic communities tell their stories of suffering, 
flight, resistance, intolerance and comradeship against the backdrop of an 
often hostile political and social environment. The understated, even 
restrained imagery - portraits, homes and landscapes - is in sharp contrast 
with the atrocities chronicled by the victims or their close relatives and 
friends. It is a book that enriches our knowledge of Kosovo and inspires 
deeper reflection about the wider Balkans."?Gabriel Partos, BBC WORLD SERVICE

"These are not war photographs in the way we would expect, but calm 
statements of witness, filled with a pathos which even the best of 
photojournalism could not hope to convey
."
? Val Williams, Curator, THE HASSELBLAD CENTER




LIBRARY JOURNAL (MARCH 1st 2002)
Those who study world conflicts from afar tend to portray both the 
perpetrators and their victims through a series of politically correct 
phrases, often masking just what years of oppression, ethnic cleansing, and 
nationalistic intolerance (to name just a few terms often used to describe 
Kosovo) mean for the common people who must bear the consequences. This 
remarkable collection reveals how easy it is for those in power to manipulate 
the feeling of nationalism and systematically create an environment in which 
brutality becomes part of life. Friend, a British photographer who has 
covered Kosovo?s political turmoil since 1989, has collected some 50 
interviews. The compelling and often disturbing photographs that accompany 
them serve not only to document the actual experiences of Kosovo?inhabitants 
but to help us understand why the region must remain multiethnic for the good 
of all. Highly recommended for all interested in international conflicts.     
?Natasa Musa, New York


Melanie Friend?s work has appeared in NEWSWEEK, THE GUARDIAN, THE 
INDEPENDENT, GRANTA, and MARIE CLAIRE among other publications. Her 
photographs of Kosovo have been exhibited at Camerawork, the National 
Portrait Gallery in London, The Houston Center for Photography, and are 
currently showing at the Hasselblad Center in Sweden. She lives in London.

NO PLACE LIKE HOME: ECHOES FROM KOSOVO by Melanie Friend
Publication Date: November 2001      Current Events/Photography
75 Color Photos, 10x11, 160 pages     ISBN 1-57344-119-8, $39.95
Midnight Editions, an imprint of Cleis Press     Distributed by Publishers 
Group West

You can listen to Melanie Friend?s interview on Woman?s Hour (BBC radio 4) on 
the web: http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/womanshour/19_11_01/friday/info2.shtml




On Tuesday April 9  

Melanie Friend will be in Boston and will be interviewed by Dick Gordon  on 
The Connection (WBUR) 

at 7pm she will be at New Words Bookstore                                     
                                      
186 Hampshire Street (Inman Square)

 Cambridge, Ma 02139

 Phone  617 876 5310
newwords at world.std.com


British photojournalist Melanie Friend will discuss and show slides from her 
powerful and haunting book, No Place Like Home: Echoes from Kosovo. The 
personal testimonies of Albanians who fled Serbian repression and systematic 
violence are strikingly juxtaposed against her dignified studio-style 
portraits of the refugees and the very ordinary homes they eventually 
returned to. Ian Jack, editor of Granta, observes that "the power of her book 
doesn't come from obviously shocking pictures; the shock is the realization 
that these suddenly-changed and cancelled lives were once so like our own."










From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar  6 15:34:30 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 6 Mar 2002 12:34:30 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Curriculum designers for SEEYLI 2002
Message-ID: <20020306203430.98365.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Dec 5 01:07:40 2001
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Wed, 05 Dec 2001 10:07:40 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Curriculum designers for SEEYLI 2002

From: Turowski, Lisa <lturowski at towson.edu>


Greetings!  The Southeast Europe Youth Leadership Institute is soliciting
topic session proposals for SEEYLI 2002, to be held during the month of
July 2002 at the Towson University campus.


Attached please find a general description of SEEYLI, a listing of topics
to be covered during the camp and a general description of job
roles/expectations and salaries [Attachment added to the body of the 
message, moderator]


Please note that we are soliciting proposals for fully formed projects.
That is, we ask that the individual or organization that designs curriculum
for one of the topics also provides for the facilitation of the topic
sessions.


To apply, please submit a resume or background information on your
organization (whichever is applicable) and a detailed proposal using the
topic session proposal form found at www.towson.edu/seeyli.


Thank you.  We look forward to receiving your applications.


Sincerely,


Lisa Turowski


MCCS Faculty/Associate Director, SEEYLI 2002


***


  The Southeast Europe Youth Leadership Institute / SEEYLI



SEEYLI is a program of the United States Department of State's Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs. It is administered by the Open Society
Institute in cooperation with IDEA and Towson University.  The program will
be held at the Towson University campus July 2, through July 31, 2002 and
will bring together 95 high school students and teachers from six countries
in Southeast Europe for an intensive, challenging 4-week study of civil
society.  In addition to participating in debate activities and exploring
American culture through cultural/recreational outings, the participants
will also engage in several small, intensive workshops that investigate the
following topics:
      ?         The Courts
      ?         The Congress
      ?         Drug Policy
      ?         Environmental Policy
      ?         Globalization and Economic Development
      ?         Media
      ?         Minority rights
      ?         Youth Culture

SEEYLI is soliciting applications/proposals from individuals and
organizations that are interested in designing curriculum and providing
facilitators for one of the above-listed topics.  The salary for design and
facilitation of one topic is  $6,000, broken down as follows:  $1,000 for
curriculum design, and $2,500 each for two facilitators.  The designers may
be the facilitators, though this is not required.  We do ask, however, that
the individual or organization providing the curriculum for a topic area
also provide and arrange for the facilitation of the topic sessions.

The job descriptions are as follows:





Topic Session Curriculum Designers:  The topic session curriculum designers
will create a 5-day unit for 15 participants based upon the topic
description in the program handout. (Please see www.towson.edu/seeyli for a
description of the topics). The curriculum should meet the overall goals of
the SEEYLI 2002 program: exploration of American culture; interaction among
participants and American youth; developing skills of advocacy,
negotiation, investigation, team work, problem solving, and leadership;
exploration of the role of the individual in civil society; preparing the
adult participants to use the topic session information at home as they
work in the development of youth.  However, there is some flexibility in
the methods used to achieve these goals.





In addition to general design, the curriculum designers will be expected to
provide:
      An hour by hour schedule for each day
      A detailed description of all topics, exercises, and activities
      Complete versions of all handouts

    Also, it is expected that the curriculum designers will:
      Attend a general staff meeting in mid-June
      Schedule any guest speakers
      Arrange and schedule any field trips (with the exception of
      transportation)
    Consult with the SEEYLI program manager and university liaison before
    any curriculum is finalized



Topic Session Facilitators: The topic session facilitators will lead
(teach/coordinate) sessions in both of two different time periods.  The
first time period is Monday July 8 through Friday July 12, 9 a.m. ? 5 p.m.
The second time period is Monday July 15 through Friday July 19, 9 a.m.  ?
5 p.m.  The facilitators will follow the existing, detailed curriculum that
emphasizes interaction, teamwork and problem solving.   The facilitators
will present topics, conduct exercises, and accompany the group on any
fieldtrips.





In addition, the topic session facilitators will be expected to attend
scheduled morning staff meetings during the two sessions.  The facilitators
are encouraged to attend, if possible, full-group social gatherings,
cultural/recreational outings, and the final program banquet to be held in
the evening on July 29, 2002.


It is expected that, before and during the two sessions, the facilitators
will periodically meet with the topic session curriculum designers to
ensure proper application of materials and to modify the curriculum, if
necessary.


Please submit application materials {resumes/organization information and a
proposal (using the form found at www.towson.edu/seeyli)} to:


Lisa Turowski


MCOM/COMM Studies Faculty


Associate Director SEEYLI


Media Center 114


Towson University


Towson, MD 21252


FAX:  410-704-3656


Phone:  410-704-3039


E-mail: turowski at towson.edu


Please be sure to indicate on the proposal form which topic you are
interested in designing and facilitating.


For more information on SEEYLI, including topic area descriptions and the
topic session proposal form, please visit www.towson.edu/seeyli.


Thanks.  We look forward to receiving your proposals.

__________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar  6 15:35:45 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 6 Mar 2002 12:35:45 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Alb Telecom
Message-ID: <20020306203545.63147.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>


 

Rruge e gjate drejt privatizimit 


Ndermarrja me fitimprurese shqiptare ka filluar procesin e 
privatizimit. Vlera e Albtelekom kuotohet rreth 600 milione 
dollare amerikane, por shoqeria ka nje mal me probleme te cilat 
mund te shfrytezohen nga bleresit eventuale per t'i ulur cmimin e 
shitjes 






(Embedded image moved to file: pic32391.jpg) 




Me ne fund ka trokitur ora. Mjaft me me privatizime ndermarrjesh 
me vlera dhjeteramilione dollareshe. Procesi i privatizimit te 
ndermarrjeve te medha te vendit mund te filloje. I pari ne liste, 
i perfolur per nje kohe te gjate, i parashikuar per nje kuotim 
prej rreth 600 milione dollaresh, gjigandi veteran: Albtelecom. 


Kete qershor, ne vafshin punet ashtu sic duhet, Albtelekomi do te 
nderroje zot. Kjo ndermarrje, nje nga me te medhate dhe me 
fitimprureset ne vend, eshte nxjerre ne shitje ne fund te janarit. 
Gjithcka eshte gati, thone drejtuesit e Albtelekom: lajmerimet 
neper gazetat me te rendesishme ekonomike te botes si "The Wall 
Street Journal", apo "Financial Times", kriteret per kompanite 
pretendente, por edhe nje festival i tere ligjesh dhe vendimesh 
qeveritare rreth ketij procesi. Qeveria ka investuar shume per 
kompanine, dhe tashme pret qe edhe shperblimi qe do te nxjerre nga 
shitja e tij, te jete ngushellues. Mirepo, ndonese "lekura" e 
Albtelekom pretendohet te shitet shtrenjt (eshte kompania qe ka 
monopolin e telefonise fikse ne vend), gjigandi shqiptar ka 
probleme. Probleme te cilat rrezikojne ta thjeshtojne dukshem 
shifren prej 600 milione dollaresh qe qeveria synon te vjele nga 
shitja e tij. Problemi me i madh dhe me skandalozi, eshte 
natyrisht i mirenjohuri, ai i ciftezimit misterioz midis 
Albtelekomit shqiptar dhe nje ndermarrjeje fantazme 
indo-amerikane, NEW World Telecom. Nuk u moren kurre vesh arsyet, 
por ndoshta ne entuziazem e siper gjate nje vizite ne Washington, 
kryeministri i atehershem (dhe i ardhshem) Pandeli Majko, 
nenshkroi nje marreveshje per formimin e ndermarrjes se perbashket 
mes Albtelekomit dhe kesaj kompanie. Nuk dihet se kush ia sugjeroi 
Majkos kete vendim atehere, por ai ende nuk eshte prononcuar ne 
lidhje me kete levizje, e cila mund te thuhet se ka sjelle jo pak 
kokecarje ne gjirin e qeverise se mepasshme. Kryeministri Meta e 
shkarkoi ministrin Preci dhe me pas edhe drejtorin e pergjithshem 
te Albtelekomit Rafti, si pasoje e implikimit te tyre ne shtyrjen 
edhe me larg te lidhjes midis Albtelekom dhe NEW World Telecom. Si 
pasoje aktualisht ndermarrja qe shteti shqiptar deshiron ta shese 
si te tijen, ne te vertete eshte e perbashket. Mbetet gjithashtu 
per t'u sqaruar kembengulja e ambasades amerikane ne Tirane ne 
mbeshtetje te presidentit te NEW Eorld Telecomit, indianit 
Kathuria, i cili pasi premtoi investime prej qindramilione 
dollaresh per llogari te Albtelekomit, u zhduk pa lene gjurme, por 
duke lene njekohesisht pengun e pronesise se tij mbi nje pjese te 
Albtelekomit. Qeveria shqiptare u perpoq ta zgjidhte me konsensus 
kete marreveshje duke e zhveshur Albtelekomin nga dypronesia. 
Ndonese nuk u be kurre publike, kjo nuk u arrit dhe puna ka shkuar 
ne gjykate ku pala shqiptare do te prishe ne menyre te dyanshme 
kontraten. Nese kjo arrihet perpara qershorit qe eshte afati i 
privatizimit, do te jete nje avantazh shume i mire per Albtelekom 
dhe do ta shpetoje ate nga nje renie edhe me e thelle e kuotave te 
tij, por kjo duket se do te jete njekohesisht edhe nje mrekulli 
duke ditur kohezgjatjen mesatare te ketyre lloj procesesh ne 
gjykatat shqiptare. Njekohesisht nuk eshte marre parasysh edhe 
mundesia qe NEW World Telecom te apeloje vendimin gjyqesor per 
prishjen e njeanshme te kontrates nga ana e Albtelekomit. Historia 
ka nisur te mbaje ere dhe ka rrezik te shnderrohet ne nje odise me 
rezultat humbjen e pashmangshme te Albtelekom. 


Pervec kesaj aventure, ne lojen e keto viteve te fundit ne treg, 
midis tij dhe dy kompanive qe blene me shpejtesi licencat e 
operatoreve te pare GSM ne vend, e konstatojne perdite te gjithe, 
strategjia e ndjekur nga Albtelekom ka qene e gabuar. Mbase edhe 
per shkak te kushteve specifike qe ka nje telefoni fikse, por 
Albtelekom i themeluar me 1912, arriti me nje mije mundime t'i 
afrohet numrit 197 500 abonente vetem keto kohet e fundit, ne nje 
kohe qe AMC-ja, e krijuar aty nga '95-a dhe e privatizuar dy vjet 
me pare po troket tek 300 mijet, ndersa Vodafone e cila hyri ne 
treg vetem para nje viti, po perparon me ritme dhe me te shpejta 
ndoshta drejt 150 mije abonenteve. Familjareve shqiptare u duhet 
te presin ne lista te stergjata per muaj te tere derisa t'u vije 
radha te kene nje telefon shtepie, ne nje kohe qe per t'u pajtuar 
ne sherbimin GSM te secilit operator, mjaftojne pak sekonda. 
Pervec kesaj, Albtelekom trashegon nga e kaluara nje administrate 
te ultraburokratizuar, nje numer punonjesish te panevojshem, si 
dhe nje nam te keq ne marrdheniet me klientet. Edhe praktika me e 
thjeshte, ajo e pageses se detyrimit mujor ne sportelet aktuale te 
Albtelekom, mund te sherbeje shume mire si nje bankoprove e 
kalitjes se durimit, ndersa neper lagjet e qyteteve, shume teknike 
sillen si matrapaze te vegjel me abonentet ne menyre qe te shtojne 
me ane te metodave te uleta rrogat e tyre qesharake. Ndoshta 
gjithcka mund te nderroje ne momentin e privatizimit, kur edhe 
shume nga punonjesit aktuale te Albtelekom do te jene pronare (nje 
pjese e madhe e aksioneve do te blihet prej tyre), por ai qe do te 
bleje Albtelekomin do te paguante me shtrenjte nese do t'i ofrohej 
nje kompani te pakten administrativisht e reformuar dhe jo nje 
ndermarrje kaotike per te cilen do t'i duhet te nxjerre para nga 
xhepi per ta futur ne binare. Perpjekjet e drejtuesve aktuale te 
Albtelekom, ndonese duhen pershendetur, sidoqofte nuk e kane 
zgjidhur problemin (per te mos thene qe kane hapur telashe te 
tjera). Ndermarrja shkurtoi rreth 800 punonjes tetorin e vitit qe 
shkoi, sipas keshillave nga nje kompani qe I jep rekomandime per 
procesin e privatizimit, por kjo levizje, ndonese do te rrise disi 
vleren e Albtelekom ne treg, nisi te interpretohet menjehere nga 
ana e punonjesve te shkurtuar si metode mafjoze per t'i menjanuar 
pikerisht ata dhe jo koleget qe "mbijetuan" ne ndermarrje, nga 
blerja e aksioneve te ardhshme. Ne nje tentative te dyte per te 
rritur vleren e Albtelekom, qeveria vendosi qe se bashku me 
monopolin e telefonise fikse ne vend, te shese edhe licencen e 
operatorit te trete GSM. Me nje fjale, ai qe do te bleje 
Albtelekom, do te kete te perfshire ne pakete edhe licencen e 
operatorit te trete celular. Menjehere pas ketij njoftimi, dy 
kompanite aktuale te celulareve, jo vetem qe i ulen edhe me tej 
cmimet e sherbimeve te tyre dhe thjeshtuan procedurat, por 
presioni i tyre arriti deri aty, saqe njoftimin per shitjen e nje 
licence GSM bashke me Albtelekomin e ndoqi nje i dyte qe 
kushtezonte fillimin e ketij sherbimi nga bleresi eventual i tij, 
vetem ne vitin 2003. Por ky nuk eshte problemi i vetem qe 
Albtelekom ka me operatoret GSM. Ne baze te disa kontratave mjaft 
te dyshimta mes Albtelekomit dhe kompanive te telefonise mobile, 
nje qytetar shqiptar i cili sot kerkon sherbim telefonik, 
natyrisht do te preferonte ate celular ne vend te fiksit. Kjo jo 
vetem per shkak te tarifave te uleta te pajtimit ne sistemin GSM, 
por per nje shqiptar te varfer, edhe per shkak te cmimit te 
impulseve. Kushton cuditerisht shume me shtrenjte nje thirrje nga 
telefoni fiks ne nje celular sesa e anasjella. Enti Rregullator i 
Telekomunikacioneve ERT, i cili duhej te mos e kishte lene 
gjendjen te degradonte deri ne kete pike, ende po ngurron te 
nderhyje ne nje kohe qe dita e ballafaqimit te vleres se 
Albtelekomit me bleresit po afron. Natyrisht, kjo gjendje vjen si 
nje darovi hyjnore per te gjithe ujqit e vjeter te ndermarrjeve 
nderkombetare te sprovuar ne blerje aksionesh dhe ne ulje cmimesh 
edhe atehere kur eshte e pamundur, dhe jo me kur ne rastin e 
Albtelekomit te palarat jane sheshit. 










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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar  6 16:17:43 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 6 Mar 2002 13:17:43 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Woodrow Wilson Center Events
Message-ID: <20020306211743.38465.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

8 Friday, 11:00 a.m. to 12:30 p.m.
Book Launch: Slobodan Milosevic: From Kosovo to the Hague 
Louis Sell, former U.S. Department of State and International Crisis Group expert on the Balkans, and former Wilson Center Fellow


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar  7 07:11:36 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 7 Mar 2002 04:11:36 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] TOC: Slovo
Message-ID: <20020307121136.71887.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Mar 6 02:28:34 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Wed, 6 Mar 2002 02:28:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [balkans] TOC: Slovo

Slovo

http://www.ssees.ac.uk/slovo/current.htm

UPCOMING ISSUE: VOLUME 14 (2002)

Abstracts available soon
Order Form

Articles

     Erin Collopy
     Death and the Superfluous Maiden: Nina Sadur's
Almaznaia Dolina

     Tatiana Majcherkiewicz
     Challenges to Upper Silesia's reintegration with
Poland, 1922-1939: Regional administration and its
elite in the
     inter-war period

     Andrei Makarychev
     Democratic Institution Building and
Globalisation: Controversies of Russia's regions

     Adam Strangfeld
     The Causes of War in Bosnia: A Narrativist
Approach

     Nick Sturdee
     Sinking, death and drowning: the Kursk Disaster
as National Event

     Petar Sudar
     Forgotten corners of a global world: Albania's
accounting institutions

     Ingrid Veinmann
     Can 'Europe' and 'European identity' provide an
alternative to nationalism in post-communist East
Central Europe?

     Ludmilla Voitkovska
     The Origins of Russian Terrorism: Conrad's answer
to Dostoevsky in Under Western Eyes

     Eric Weaver
     The Crucified Madonna: A Semiotics of Motherland
Imagery in Hungary

     Kate Wilson
     The politics of toleration among the szlachta of
Great Poland: Rafal Leszczynski (1579-1636) and
Krzysztof
     Opalinski (1609-55) 

Review Articles

     Andrew J. Horton
     The Year in Review: Central and Southeast
European film in 2001

     Thomas Ort
     A Rebours in Brooklyn: the Makropoulos Case at
the Brooklyn Academy of Music 

PLUS 7 book reviews and 6 film and theatre reviews


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_______________________________________________

Balkan Academic News

Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar  7 08:40:43 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 7 Mar 2002 05:40:43 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] ECMI Brief: Minorities and Montenegrin Independence
Message-ID: <20020307134043.82389.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Subject: [balkans] ECMI Brief: Minorities and Montenegrin Independence

THE INSTRUMENTALIZATION OF MINORITIES IN THE
MONTENEGRIN DISPUTE OVER INDEPENDENCE
Florian Bieber
ECMI Brief # 8
March 2002

http://www.ecmi.de/doc/public_issue.html#b8

The dispute of Montenegrin independence in recent years has largely stayed clear of ethnic connotations.
The protracted nature of the dispute does, however, pose a number of threats for minorities in Montenegro
and the border area. A particular danger arises from the deliberate mobilization of such fears by the media
and political parties. The overall number of anti-minority incidents in Montenegro over the past
years has been altogether small in comparison to most neighbouring countries. Given the fact that the prime
political divisions in Montenegro do not follow ethnic lines, there is additional reason to believe that a
repetition of violent interethnic tensions, as has been the case in most countries of the region, can be
avoided in Montenegro. The fundamental divide between supporters of Yugoslavia and of an independent
Montenegro has, however, run the risk of also adversely affecting interethnic relations in the country. 


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Mar  7 10:29:54 2002
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 07 Mar 2002 10:29:54 EST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albania: un regno per sei mesi -- By the Italian Ambassador to US
Message-ID: <9c.1c1c2ba8.29b8e172@aol.com>

La Stampa, Gioved? 16 Novembre 2000 

Salleo nel regno d?Albania 
Maria Grazia Bruzzone

ROMA E? un?idea felice, quella dell?editore Enzo Sellerio, di dar vita a una collana (?La memoria illustrata?) di storia ?da vedere?. Contiene parole e immagini, racconti e fotografie, documenti storici capaci di rivelare situazioni, atmosfere, dettagli con la concreta immediatezza che oggi riconosciamo alla televisione, ma che un tempo era affidata alle foto d?attualit?. 
Il primo volume, intitolato Albania: un regno per sei mesi (autore Ferdinando Salleo), unisce la narrazione di una vicenda poco nota al grande pubblico (eppure esemplare ancora oggi: il regno d?Albania, durato sei mesi, del principe prussiano Wied, nell?anno terribile in cui scoppia la prima guerra mondiale) a un corpus di immagini che hanno a loro volta una curiosa storia. Trovate trent?anni fa dallo stesso editore a un mercatino delle pulci di Palermo, sono fotografie di attualit?, pubblicate talvolta anche sui giornali dell?epoca, che il ministro degli Esteri italiano, il Marchese Antonino di San Giuliano, grande fautore di quell?esperimento che avrebbe dovuto dare vita a un nuovo stato albanese ?vitale e progressivo?, aveva inviato alla nuora, Marchesa di Capizzi, dal marzo al giugno del fatale 1914, anno in cui l?Europa delle Potenze si andava disfacendo. 
?Una storia che ? come un film potenziale, con personaggi che vengono fuori a tutto tondo?, spiega Salleo, siciliano di Messina, diplomatico di lungo corso e attuale ambasciatore italiano a Washington, alla presentazione avvenuta ieri a Roma. Salleo ? un osservatore privilegiato, che riesce a guardare ai lontani ?fatti d?Albania?, a met? strada fra l?operetta e la tragedia. La sua prospettiva, alla luce delle ultime vicende balcaniche, restituisce a quei fatti tutta la loro drammatica contemporaneit?. 
L?impero ottomano si era ormai disfatto. E l?Italia e l?Austria-Ungheria si fronteggiavano con scopi opposti nella regione balcanica, ma volevano essere unite e Durazzo, la capitale del Principe, dallo stesso obiettivo: dar vita a un?Albania non soggetta all?influenza della Potenza rivale. A Roma e a Vienna, per?, in contrasto con i disegni della diplomazia dei due Stati, impersonata dallo statista catanese San Giuliano e dal suo omologo austriaco, prevaleva un?atmosfera di diffidenza reciproca e di ostilit?. Tale clima di sospetti e di rivalit? contribuisce a far precipitare il regno, travolto comunque dalla deflagrazione del conflitto mondiale. Una guerra che nessuno allora riteneva possibile.


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar  7 14:37:39 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 7 Mar 2002 11:37:39 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Kokkalis Program March Events
Message-ID: <20020307193739.55123.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote: From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Thu Mar 7 08:23:42 2002
From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu
Subject: Kokkalis Program March Events
Date: Thu, 7 Mar 2002 11:23:42 -0500

The Kokkalis Program on Southeast and East-Central Europe invites you to
the following events:
______________________

Hellenic Encounters Film Series
To purchase tickets and find more information, visit
www.harvardfilmarchive.org
All films shown at the Carpenter Center for the Visual Arts, 24 Quincy
Street, Cambridge.

He Who Must Die
Tuesday, March 19, 2002
9:30 PM

Directed by Jules Dassin, France/Italy 1957
At the end of World War I, a Greek village that is prospering under
laissez-faire Turkish dominion and practicing for its annual Easter passion
play finds itself host to a horde of starving peasants - survivors of a
distant massacre. Fearing the wrath of the Turkish bey, the village elders
refuse them refuge, but a few - including the local harlot, cast as Mary
Magdalene, and an illiterate shepherd assigned to play Jesus - come to
their aid, with fateful consequences. Adapting Nikos Kazantzakis's Christ
Recrucified, Dassin and fellow blacklist exile Ben Barzman create a
timeless parable of righteous defiance in the face of corrupt authority.
We are pleased to present a newly restored 35mm archival CinemaScope print,
courtesy of MGM.

The Last Temptation of Christ
Tuesday, April 16, 2002
9:00 PM

Directed by Martin Scorsese, US 1988
While Scorsese's faithful adaptation of the Nikos Kazantzakis novel is a
controversial telling of the Christ story, for many believers and
nonbelievers alike this exploration of the man behind the myth is
considered a true article of faith. Dafoe delivers a brilliant portrayal
of a Jesus who, uncertain whether the voices he hears are from God or
Satan, is locked in an agonizing battle with his own destiny. A labor of
love many years in the planning, Scorsese's epic work is an elegant and
thought-provoking treatise on spirituality and existence.

Co-Sponsored with the Harvard Film Archive
__________________________

Thursday, March 14, 2002
1:30 PM

The Balkans: A Mission Neither Accomplished Nor Impossible
H.E. Fatos Tarifa, Ambassador of Alabania to the United States

Fainsod Room, Littauer Building
John F. Kennedy School of Government
__________________________

Three Greek Poets
Thursday, March 28, 2002
4:30 PM

Greek poets Tassos Denegris, Antonis Fostieris,
and Costas Papageorgiou read from their work.

Cabot Room, Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies
27 Kirkland Street at Cabot Way, Cambridge, MA 02138
Co-Sponsored with the Greek Consulate General of Boston
__________________________

For more information please visit http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/kokkalis



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar  7 19:30:50 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 7 Mar 2002 16:30:50 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20020308003050.67659.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


Majko: Mos e ngacmoni Rakipin
Erl Murati/ Kryeministri Majko i ka sugjeruar grupit parlamentar te Partise Socialiste qe te "veproje sipas ligjit" duke bllokuar mocionin e kerkuar nga Partia Demokratike per shkarkimin e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, Arben Rakipi. Burimet nga PS-ja thane per "KJ" se pretendimi qe ngre kryeministri per kete, eshte se "nje mocion i tille eshte kerkuar dhe ne legjislaturen e kaluar dhe eshte hedhur poshte nga komisioni i ligjeve ne parlament". Kryeministri Majko e ka te bazuar kerkesen e tij ne nenin 162 te rregullores se Kuvendit, ku thuhet shprehimisht se "Kryetari i Kuvendit ka te drejte te mos pranoje e te mos vendose ne rendin e dites... mocione per te cilat eshte diskutuar dhe marre vendim per te njejtin motiv". Ne kete rast, eshte ne doren e kryetarit te Kuvendit, Dokle qe duke u bazuar ne kete nen te rregullores, edhe mund te mos e fuse ne rendin e dites, shqyrtimin dhe votimin e kerkeses per mocion per Rakipin.

Ne seancen e sotme plenare, deputetet do te percaktojne daten e zhvillimit te diskutimeve dhe votimit te kerkeses per mocion per kryeprokurorin Rakipi. Sipas rregullores, kryetari Dokle do t'ia njoftoje kete kerkese deputeteve, me pas do te degjohet nje ze pro dhe nje kunder mocionit, e me pas do te vendoset per daten e votimit. Sipas burimeve nga Partia Socialiste, kryetari i grupit, Arben Malaj do te propozoje sot daten 25 mars per votimin e mocionit, nderkohe qe PD-ja do te propozoje nje date me te afert, sipas te gjitha gjasave 18 marsin. Rregullorja e Kuvendit parashikon nje debat persa i perket mocionit dhe ne perfundim te tij, Kuvendi duhet te marre nje vendim te caktuar, mund te beje nje deklarate ose te miratoje nje rezolute. 

 

"Dokle fsheh raportin e Rakipit"
Erl Murati/ Prokurori i Pergjithshem, Arben Rakipi i ka derguar parlamentit shqiptar informacionin per punen gjashte mujore te institucionit qe ai drejton dhe gjendjen aktuale te kriminalitetit ne Shqiperi. Ky informacion i cili ka mberritur qe prej tre javesh ne sekretarine e Kuvendit, sipas disa deputeteve socialiste fshihet dhe nuk i behet i njohur parlamentit nga kryetari, Namik Dokle. Sipas ligjit, Prokurori i Pergjithshem raporton ne parlament dy here ne vit per punen e bere nga institucioni i akuzes. Para kesaj ai dergon nje informacion me shkrim kryetarit te Kuvendit, i cili me pas e fut proceduren e raportimit te kryeprokurorit, ne programin dhe kalendarin e punimeve te Kuvendit. Nje nga anetaret e komisionit te ligjeve u shpreh dje se eshte e vertete qe ka kaluar afati i raportimit te Rakipit ne parlament i percaktuar ne ligjin per funksionimin e prokurorise. Zedhenesi i prokurorise, Ardian Visha konfirmoi per "KJ" se raporti i Rakipit ka tre jave qe i eshte derguar parlamentit shqiptar.

Disa deputete te grupit parlamentar te PS-se, thane dje per "KJ" se informacioni nga prokuroria ka dite qe ka ardhur ne Kuvend, por kryetari Dokle enkas nuk i njofton deputetet per kete dhe nuk ia ka paraqitur byrose parlamentare. Sipas deputeteve, ne raportin qe paraqitet cdo gjashte muaj te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem permenden shkeljet dhe abuzimet me pushtetin nga disa njerez te fuqishem te politikes. "Kryetari Dokle kerkon te kaloje mocionin e mosbesimit ndaj Rakipit, perpara se ai ta beje publik kete informacion ne parlament", u shpreh njeri nga "Nanoistet" i cili nuk deshi te identifikohej. Ai shtoi se ky grup deputetesh do t'i kerkoje Dokles qe ta fuse menjehere ne kalendarin e Kuvendit, raportin e Arben Rakipit per punen e bere nga prokuroria dhe per gjendjen aktuale te kriminalitetit.

Mberritjen e raportit te prokurorise e konfirmoi dje edhe zedhenesi i kryetarit te Kuvendit, Skender Duka. Sipas tij ky informacion ka mberritur, por nuk eshte futur ende ne proceduren e shqyrtimit nga Kuvendi.

Marredheniet midis institucionit te akuzes dhe disa personave te politikes kane qene te acaruara kohet e fundit. Prokurori i Pergjithshem, Rakipi ka derguar ne parlament pak kohe me pare nje kerkese per heqje imuniteti per deputetin, Dritan Prifti. Nga ana tjeter, Prfiti ka deklaruar se "Rakipi eshte nje vegel qorre ne duart e Fatos Nanos dhe se kerkesa per heqjen e imunitetit te tij, eshte nje levizje politike". Gjithashtu, prokuroria ka nisur hetimet persa i perket deklarates se deputetit Prifti se Nano ka kerkuar te beje pastrim parash per llogari te nje firme amerikane nepermjet qeverise shqiptare. Duke hedhur poshte kete denoncim te Priftit, kryetari i grupit socialist, Malaj i shtoi nje tjeter element kesaj ceshtjeje se "pastrimi i parave nuk mund te behet nepermjet ndertimit te hidrocentraleve", gje qe nuk eshte permendur aspak nga vete Prifti. Kryetari i PS-se, Nano e ka pershendetur iniciativen e kryeprokurorit Aren Rakipi per hetimet ndaj "pastrimit te parave" te denoncuar nga deputeti Prifti. Paralel me keto ngjarje ka ecur edhe kerkesa e Partise Demokratike per te paraqitur ne Kuvend nje mocion per shkarkimin e Rakipit. Data e votimit te ketij mocioni do te percaktohet sot ne seance plenare.


Pastrimi i parave dhe anarshia institucionale
Nga Gjergj Buxhuku/ Menyrat e perfshirjes te ekzekutivit ne pastrimin e parave jane vetem dy: ose amnistia fiskale ose privatizimi i pasurive shteterore me burime financiare te pakontrolluara per nga origjina e tyre. Ne te dyja rastet qarjet e ish qeveritareve per tentativa te individeve jo shteterore kushdoqofshin ata per t'i perfshire ne procesin e pastrimit te parave, jane te cilesise komiko-tragjike.

Sepse, propaganduesi i pare i nevojes se amnistise fiskale ne Shqiperi, pra pastrim parash, nuk eshte askush tjeetr, pervec vete Kreut te shtetit shqiptar. I vetedijshem ose viktime e nje stafi personal te brendshem dhe te jashtem, ne rastin me te mire krejt te paafte profesionalisht, ne prononsimet e veta, Presidenti i Republikes duhet te ishte i pari institucion shteteror, qe duhej akuzuar nga ekzekutivi per nxitje te pastrimit te parave nese ishin aq te shqetesuar per kete fenomen. Asgje e tille nuk ndodhi prej mese dy vjetesh!

Sepse, perpara se te akuzosh te tjeret duhet te jesh krejt i qete me veten tende nese ne privatizimet e shumta dhe te "suksesshme" te pasurive shteterore strategjike dhe jo strategjike gjate kohes se qeverisjes, eshte kontrolluar plotesisht pastertia e parave te subjekteve fituese te vendit dhe te huaj ne tendera dhe ankande. Veshtire se institucionet perkatese shteterore te kene kryer te tilla investigime dhe t'i disponojne ne dosjet e privatizimit.

Sepse, qe Shqiperia nuk eshte vetem nje vend ku nuk behen vetem tentativa per pastrim parash, por jane pastruar dhe pastrohen me dhjetra milione dollare, kete edhe nje mendje feminore nuk e ve ne dyshim. Mjafton te kujtosh se me shume se 50 perqind e parave qarkullon ne kanale informale, evazioni fiskal ne dogana e tatime eshte i rendit 50-60 per qind, qindra e qindra miliona dollare vijne nga kontrabanda dhe trafiqet! Mjafton te kujtosh sesi jane ndertuar shoqeri sigurimesh private, qindra pallate, bare, vende defrimi, karburante, etj. Te gjitha keto fenomene te pastra te pastrimit te parave vijne pikerisht nga bashkepjesemarrja e qeveritareve ne korrupsion ligjor, legjislacionin kontabel mashtrues, legjislacioni subjektiv doganor dhe tatimor, etj.

Tragjizmi i shfaqjeve te diteve te fundit, eshte pikerisht ne faktin e dhimbshem jo vetem te shkalles se larte te papergjegjshmerise, por edhe te mungeses elementare te inteligjences te individeve, qe kemi fatin e zi te na qeverisin ne kete dekade tranzicioni. Tragjizmi eshte mbi te gjitha ne anarshine e plote ne te cilen ndodhen institucionet me te larta shteterore shqiptare, qe do te thote se jo vetem e djeshmja dhe e sotmja jane te zeza, por e tille paraqitet edhe e ardhmja.

Politika kerkon te na mpije nervin godites
TIRANE - Prokuroria eshte e vendosur te qendroje jashte lojes se politikes, pavaresisht nga sulmet qe po i vijne asaj se fundi nga te gjitha anet. Zedhenesi i Prokurorise se Pergjithshme dhe njekohesisht Drejtor i Marredhenieve me Jashte Ardian Visha, ne nje interviste per "KJ" sqaron se organi i akuzes ka marre nen hetim te gjithe njerezit apo zyrtaret e shtetit qe kane kryer nje veper penale. Sipas tij situata e krijuar se fundi pas kerkeses se mocionit te mosbesimit per kreun e akuzes Arben Rakipi dhe kordinimi i veprimeve e i ngjarjeve ne te njejten kohe, e ka coroditur disi veprimin godites te prokurorise ndaj krimit. Por gjithsesi, pavaresisht akuzave qe jane bere ne drejtim te prokurorise asnje shpifje nuk mund te mbuloje veprat penale te kryera nga zyrtaret e shtetit te marre nen akuze se fundi nga ky organ hetimorshton me tej Visha. 

Cfare ka ndryshuar ne punen e Prokurorise se Pergjithshme pas situates se krijuar se fundi me dorezimin e kerkeses se deputeteve te PD-se ne Kryesine e Parlamentit per mocionin e mosbesimit ndaj 

Prokurorit te Pergjithshem Arben Rakipi?

- Padyshim keto jane levizje politike qe per nga shkalla e agresivitetit, momentit te reagimit dhe kombinimit te cuditshem kolorik, tek e fundit mpijne pjeserisht nervin tone godites dhe corodisin vemendjen tone perkatese ndaj krimit. Institucioni i prokurorise eshte kushtetueshmerisht i pavarur dhe Prokurori i Pergjithshem njehere i emeruar ne detyre nuk mund te jete me ne varesi te ndjenjave apo pelqimit te deputeteve per te, per sa kohe ai nuk shkel kushtetuten, nuk kryen nje veper te rende penale, eshte menderisht dhe fizikisht i afte apo nuk kryen nje sjellje qe cenon rende figuren e prokurorit. Kjo duhet te kuptohet nga te gjithe tashme, por duhet te ishte parakuptuar nga ata qe iniciojne levizje te tilla qe pavaresisht formes, thelbin e tyre e kane antikushtetues. 

- Ish-ministri i energjetikes Dritan Prifti, per te cilin prokuroria ka kerkuar heqjen e imunitetitit paralamentar lidhur me hetimet per dosjen e KESH-it ne konferencen e ij per shtyp e ka akuzuar prokurorine se njerezit qe jane marre nen hetim se fundi i perkasin perkrahesve te Metes. Sa e vertete eshte kjo apo eshte thjesht tendencioze?

Te gjitha ceshtjet hetimore qe ka ka filluar prokuroria i perkasin njerezve qe kane kryer krime. Prokuroria eshte e vendosur te mos behet pjese e lojes se politikes, por nga ana tjeter nuk do te hezitoje te godase penalisht cdo individ pavaresisht vetidentifikimit te tij si pjese e nje korenti te caktuar politik apo te nje grupi te caktuar me interesa te perbashketa ekonomiko-politike. Per te gjithe ata individe qe kane kete lloj statusi e per te cilet Prokuroria ka filluar ceshtje penale, kam parasysh Kosenin, Meten, Hajdaragen, Shamkun, Priftin n.q.s i hiqet imuniteti, disponohen fakte qe i kompromentojne ata penalisht ne ushtrimin e detyrave te tyre. Nese per te mbijetuar ne keto zyra ne kundershtim me ligjin, u dashka qe nje polici, i cili thyen ligjin qe rreh ne menyre te dhunshme dhe vjedh per te ndertuar "kalane" e tij; apo nje zyrtari qe falsifikon ne menyre arbitrare e tejet te dyshimte per motivin, dokumentat e shtetit apo qe ne kundershtim me ligjin nxjerr te burgosur te denuar per vrasje, me leje te dhene mbi kritere qe vetem mendja e tij i pjell; pra ne rast se ketyre u dashkerka thene nga Prokuroria "aferim" me qellim qe ne te qendrojme ne keto zyra, pohoj qe nje gje e tille nuk ka per te ndodhur kurre. Le te cirren keta njerez per gjoja persekutimin e tyre per shkaqe te perkatesise se siperpermendur, i vetmi motiv qe na shtyn ne eshte permbushja e detyrimit ligjor per te ndjekur penalisht kedo zyrtar qe ne shperdorim te pushtetit te tij, vjedh, rreh apo mashtron. Nuk ka shpifje qe te mund te mbujoje te verteten, pavaresisht sinkronit te altoparlanteve qe disponon krimi ordiner me ate te njerezve te veshur me imunitetin e politikes. 

- Gjate ketyre viteve hetimet e nisura nga prokuroria per korrupsionin kane qene te pakta dhe rralle kane perfunduar per gjykim pasi jane mbyllur apo pushuar nderkohe qe denimet kane qene sporadike. Perse ka ndoshur kjo?

Nuk eshte e vertete qe nuk ka pasur te denuar per korrupsion. Jane hetuar dhe jane denuar me dhjetra raste zyrtaresh te larte shteti, pushtetaresh lokale, drejtues partish politike, prokurore, gjyqtare, avokate, oficere policie dhe doganash. Duke pasur parasysh qe ceshtjet e korrupsionit jane shume te veshtira per t'u provuar, percaktuar kjo nga fakti qe dhenia dhe marrja e rryshfetit ne te dy kahjet eshte e ndeshkueshme penalisht dhe menyra e realizimit te saj mbetet objektivisht e veshtire per t'u zbardhur, gjithsesi ndryshimi i nenit 248 te Kodit Penal (shperdorimi i detyres) permiresimi racional i tij, i realizuar me ndryshimet e bera ne Kodin Penal gjate vitit te kaluar, ndikon shume ne nxitjen e veprimit tone ligjor kunder bartesve fizike te fenomeneve te tilla si korrupsioni, marrja e shperblimit, marrja e mites etj. Megjithate permirsimi i metejshem imediat i kuadrit ligjor perben kusht te domosdoshem qe krahas permirsimit te teknikes ne perdorim te policise gjyqesore do te percaktoje arritjet e rezultateve me te mira ne kete drejtim. 

- Cfare pasojash do te kete per prokurorine shqiptare ne rast se me shumice votash Parlamenti voton per shkarkimin nga detyra te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem Arben Rakipi?

- Ketu pasojat kalojne kufijte institucional te prokurorise, pasi duke e konsideruar ne thelb antikushtetues cdo perpjekje te politikes per te goditur pushtete te pavarura te drejtesise, duke kujtuar precedente te meparshem te realizuar ne funksion te permbushjes se epsheve kriminale te nje pjese te politikes shqiptare si dhe duke qene krejt i vetdijshem per pastertine e objektivitetin, aftesine profesionale dhe ndjenjen e larte patriotike nga te cilat percohemi te gjithe ne, e ne menyre te vecante Prokurori i Pergjithshem, kjo s'do te perbente asgje tjeter vecse nje triumf te se keqes mbi te miren, nje perdhunim te institucioneve te shtetit dhe nje "fillim te ri" te ciklit "partia mbi te gjitha".

Intervistoi: Anila Rama Deputeti i Durresit i lidhur me trafikantet
Vali Qyrfyci Durres - Nje nga pese deputetet e Durresit, i implikuar ne trafikun e droges. Pas kapjes edhe te 19 kilogrameve te tjere heroine ne anijen Delon, policia ka zbuluar ne memorien e personave te arrestuar nje nga deputetet aktuale te rrethit. Tani per tani ai mbahet sekret, por ka te ngjare qe shume shpejt te behet publik. Kjo i jep tone te tjera skandalit te shperthyer dite me pare ne portin e Durresit kur u kap sasia me e madhe e droges ne nje anije. Ndekrohe dje jane zbuluar dhe 19 kg te tjere heroine. Pergjuesat e vene ne dhomat e izolimit cojne policine ne kapjen e nje sasie tjeter lende narkotike te tipit heroine ne anijen e bllokuar pasditen e se henes ne det te hapur, rreth 5 milje larg portit detar te Durresit. Nderkohe, qe ne memoriet e celulareve jane shenuar numrat e disa zyrtareve te larte te shtetit. Kjo sasi e con ne 35 kilogram sasine e droges se kapur ne anije, ndersa nendrejtori i policise se qarkut te Durresit, nenkolonel Arian Doda thote per gazeten "KJ" se kontrollet ne kete anije nuk do te perfundojne ketu. Ko kapje e ka zgjeruar rrethin e te dyshuarve per trafik te lendeve narkotike. Dje uniformat blu te Durresit kane shoqeruar ne polici rreth kesaj ceshtjeje tashme te koklavitur 3 persona emrat e te cileve per arsye hetimi dhe njekohesisht mosformulimit te nje akuze per ta nuk behen te ditur nga drejtoria e policise se qarkut Durres. Te tjere persona jane planifikuar te ndalohen nga blute ne lidhje me ceshtjen "Delon" qe po verteton se Durresi eshte nje trampoline gjigande e tranzitit te droges nga Lindja ne Perendim. Kontrolli i imet i te gjitha ambjenteve te anijes ka vazhduar deri mbreme vone dhe do te jete ne vazhdimesi pasi anija tregtare ka ende shume skuta te fshehta dhe te paprekura nga dora e punonjesve te policise. Ne keto vende te fshehta drejtuesit e policise se Durresit mendojne se mund te kete dhe sasi te tjera lendesh narkotike qe automatikisht e shnderrojne "Delonin" ne anije te droges. Ndersa sasia e pare e droges se kapur ishte fshehur ne dhomen e ndenjes se bashkepronarit te anijes Muhamet Muca, 47 vjec, sasia tjeter prej 19 kg qe paraprakisht cilesohet te jete e tipit heroine eshte gjetur ne dhomen e pritjes se kapitenit e fshehur poshte pllakave te ketij ambjenti ndenjes te anijes. "Nje pune e paster e policise se Durresit dhe strukturave te saj, vecanerisht antidroges. Qe nga casti i pare i ndalimit te mjetit lundrues eshte punuar intensivisht nga ana e policise si me te arrestuarit ashtu dhe mbi anijen. Ajo i eshte nenshtruar kontrolleve te imeta per te arritur ne rezultatin e kapjes se nje tjeter sasie droge"- keshtu e ka vleresuar Doda gjetjen dhe sekuestrimin e pjeses tjeter te droges se fshehur ne anije.

Droga dhe politika

Nuk eshte hera e pare qe ne Durres, sa here qe kapen droge hetimet te cojne tek zyrtare dhe politikane. Dhe nuk ka si te ndodhe ndryshe. Pergjate ketyre viteve shume analiste dhe specialiste te huaj e kane cilesuar Shqiperine he konkretisht Portin e Durresit si porten e droges. Dhe rrjedhimisht, te lidhur dhe kupole te saj pa dyshim jane politikanet dhe drejtues te rendesishem ne shtet. Edhe kete here skandali ka shperthyer dhe nese drejtesia nuk nderhyn ka te ngjare qe gjithcka te vazhdoje si me pare. Por, mes pese deputeteve te Durresit nje prej tyre ka nje njolle qe zor se mund ta heqe ate. Gjithsesi do te jene hetimete ato qe do ta zbrethejne te gjithe kete. 

Droge nen dysheme

Droga ishte fshehur me se miri nen pllakat e dyshemese se nje prej ambjenteve te ndenjes ne anije dhe prandaj i ka shpetuar kontrolleve te realizuara gjate dites se pare te kthimit te detyruar ne portin e Durresit te anijes "Delon" e cila ishte nisur drejt Italise. Keshtu e shpjegojne kete gjetje disi te vone te sasise prej 19 kg te droges ne te njejten anije titullare te drejtorise se policise durrsake te cilet e quajne nje arritje te madhe kete goditje qe iu dha trafikut te droges qe kalon nga porti detar me i madh i vendit. Burime brenda policise durrsake flasin per vendosje pergjuesish ne dhomat e izolimit dhe nepermjet pergjimit te te arrestuarve policia ka mesuar se behet fjale dhe per nje "pakete" tjeter malli qe i kishte shpetuar gjetjes nga ana e policise. Dje rreth ores 16.00 ne vijimesi te kontrolleve te ushtruara mbi anijen e bllokuar ne kalaten nr. 6 te portit detar u arrit te gjendn dhe 19 kilogram te tjera lende narkotike. Ky fakt nuk e permbush plotesisht ciklin e kontrolleve ne anije, pasi sasia per te cilen eshte folur midis te arrestuarve mund te jete dhe me e madhe sesa ajo e kapur deri tani. Lenda narkotike e kapur pasditen e djeshme ka qene e fshehur poshte dyshemese se dhomes se pritjes se kapitenit te anijes Paskal Gega, lindur ne Mirdite e banues ne Durres, aktualisht i arrestuar nga policia nen akuzen e trafikimit te lendeve narkotike dhe te qenieve njerezore. Ne Durres kane zbarkuar drejtues te policise ne ministrine e Rendit Publik, te prokurorise por dhe agjente te sherbimeve te huaja policore. Nendrejtori i pergjithshem i policise Niko Brahimaj dhe drejtori i policise se kufirit ne ministrine e Rendit Bashkim Mustafa kane zhvilluar mbledhje me blute e Durresit rreth kapjes se fundit dhe arrestimeve te bera ndersa ka dale ne drite sasia tjeter 19 kg droge. Pergezime per aksionin e bere nderkohe qe mbi policine rendon fort si shpata e Demokleut pluhuri i bardhe qe kalon vazhdimisht nga porti i kontrolluar prej saj madje dhe ne sasira teper te medha. "Deloni" eshte nje nga deshmitaret konkrete te kesaj situate. Tashme rrethi i akuzes per favorizim te ketij trafiku zgjerohet dhe nuk mbetet vetem te ekuipazhi, pronaret apo dy punonjesit policore te turnit te arrestuar dy dite me pare pas kapjes se afro 16 kg droge, lloji i se ciles nuk eshte percaktuar ende zyrtarisht. Gjithashtu dhe pesha reale e saj. Situata eshte renduar dhe akoma hetimet nuk kane mundur te nxjerrin ne drite se kush qendron pas gjithe ketij trafiku te lendes narkotike te transportuar nepermjet "Delon"-it, anijes me te perfolur te diteve te fundit per kete lloj trafiku qe perdor portin e Durresit.

Roli i kontrolloreve te arrestuar

Oficeri i policise Bahri Xhaka dhe nenoficeri Ylber Neziri, me detyra perkatesisht kontrollor dhe ndihmeskontrollor ne piken e kalimit kufitar ne portin e Durresit vazhdojne te jene te arrestuar nga koleget e tyre. Hetimet mbi pozicionin e ketyre dy personave diten kur anijes "Delon" i eshte bere praktika para largimit nga porti i Durresit kontrollori Xhaka ka raportuar se kishte dyshime rreth saj. Madje ky sinjal i dhene nga kontrollori prane pikes se kalimit kufitar te policise se portit dhe misionit italian "Guardia di Finanza" ka shtuar bindjen per daljen ne det te motoskafeve te policise sone kufitare dhe kontrollin e anijes "Delon". Megjithate koleget e tyre nen akuzen per shperdorim te detyres kane vene prangat mbi to, por dhe nga ministria kane ardhur sinjale pozitive qe e lehtesojne pozicionin e tyre ne kete drejtim. "Asnjehere dy punonjes te tille policie nuk mund te realizojne favorizim te tille te trafikut te droges kur behet fjale per sasira te tilla te medha. Ruajtja e ketyre linjave te trafikut pervec korruptimit dhe implikimit te bluve dhe doganiereve behet nga njerez te veshur me pushtet."- thone per gazeten "KJ" ne polici. Deri vone forcat blu, drejtuesit e tyre dhe ata te ardhur nga Tirana kane ndenjur prane "Delonit", anijes se droges ne pritje te gjetjes se nje sasie tjeter droge.
Tenderat e KESH-it sollen erresiren 
Margarita Shehu Tirane - Prokuroria pret lejen e Kuvendit per te prangosur Dritan Priftin, ish-drejtorin e Pergjithshem te KESH-it. "Veprimet e Dritan Priftit i kane sjelle pasoja te renda financiare shtetit, ndaj kerkojme leje per procedim penal dhe arrestimin e tij", eshte thelbi i kerkeses se bere nga akuza qendrore ndaj Kuvendit. Nderkohe kerkesa shoqerohet nga nje material i plote hetimor per vitet 2000-2001. Ndersa Prokurori i Pergjithshem Arben Rakipi nje jave me pare i ka derguar Kuvendit te Shqiperise kete kerkese ne 11 shkurt te ketij viti Gjykata e Tiranes ka regjistruar ndaj Priftit procedimin penal nr.54 per vepren penale te shperdorimit te detyres, parashikuar si krim nga neni 248 i Kodit Penal. Hetimet mbi Priftin kane nisur kryesisht per periudhen kohore tetor-dhjetor 2000 dhe janar-dhjetor 2001. Nga hetimet paraprake rezulton se demi i shkaktuar shtetit nga veprime te paligjshme, qe perbejne permbushje, jo te rregullt te detyres nga persona te ngarkuar me funksion shteteror eshte teper i madh. 

Te gjitha kontratat e vitit 2001 me shkelje ligjore 

Ne asnje nga kontratat e vitit te kaluar qe ka lidhur KESH-i nuk eshte percaktuar si kusht sigurimi i kontrates ne masen 10%, kriter i domosdoshem per lidhjen e kontratave. Te gjitha kontratat jane shkruar ne emer te KESH-it nga Dritan Prifti. Ky fakt behet me i rendesishem kur arrihet ne konkluzionin se kontratat e lidhura me subjektet ne shumicen e rasteve kane mbetur te paekzekutuara ne sasine e percaktuar ne kontrate. Ekzistenca e sigurimit te kontrates do t'i detyronte firmat ne permbushjen e plote te detyrimit dhe ne rast mospermbushje do t'i mundesonte KESH-it sekuestrimn e sigurimit te kontrates. Nga kontrolli i dokumentacionit rezulton te jene kryer shkelje te renda te ligjit dhe nje dem financiar per periudhen tetor-dhjetor 2000 dhe vitin 2001 ne shumen 3 968 960 USD. Per vitin 2001 rezultojne dy prokurime te drejperdrejta te bera nga KESH dhe te pambeshtetura ne ligj. Po keshtu nga mospranimi i ofertave me te ulta shteti nuk ka perfituar shumen 241 730 USD. Per vitin 2001 nga tre subjekte qe kane lidhur kontrata me KESH vetem njeri eshte prodhues dhe dy te tjeret jane subjekte komisionere qe ofrojne cmime me te larta se cmimet prodhuese. Sipas prokurorise gjithe pergjegjesia bie direkt mbi ish-drejtorin e KESH-it, Dritan Prifti i cili me veprimet e tij i ka sjelle shtetit pasoja te renda financiare. 

Provat e fajesise se Priftit

Ne harkun kohor tetor-dhjetor 2000 per te furnizuar me energji elektrike vendin KESH ka inicuar nje "Kerkese per koutim". Me propozim te MP Publike, Keshillit te Ministrave i eshte kerkuar te autorizoi KESH-in te prokuroje per blerjen e energjise elektrike per kete periudhe. Ne 19.09.2000 vendimi nr.459 i KM lejon prokurimin e drejtperdrejte per periudhen tetor-dhjetor ne sasine 300 000 MEh me fond limit 1 575 000 000 leke, me proceduren "Kerkese per koutim". Por kjo procedure sipas prokurorise bie ne kundershtim me legjislacionin shqiptar ne fuqi. Neni 22 i Ligjit nr.7971 date 26.07.1995 "Per prokurimin publik" dhe pika 3 e V.K.M nr.335 date 23.06.1995 "Per rregullat e prokurimit publik" shprehimisht thone: "procedura e prokurimit me "Kerkese per koutim" do te perdoret kur kemi nje treg te stabilizuar dhe kufiri monetar i fondit limit eshte deri ne 1 milione leke per prokurimet me mallra". Per realizimin e ketij prokurimi ju eshte derguar ftese per oferte 9 subjekteve dhe sipas procesverbalit te Komisionit ne 4 dhjetor te vitit 2000 jane paraqitur vetem dy. Firma e pare ishte subjekti "EPCG" i Malit te Zi me cmimin 29 USD/MEh per sasine 150 000 MEh dhe firma e dyte subjekti "E.G.L" Zvicer me cmimin 30 USD/MEh per sasine 77 000 MEh. Dy dite me vone KESH ka lidhur kontrate me firmen "EPCG", me kushtet e paraqitura nga ajo dhe kjo kontrate eshte realizuar ne sasine 125 760 MEh ose ne masen 83.3$%. Megjithese firma zviceriane ishte shpallur fituese me te nuk eshte lidhur asnje kontrate. Ne baze te dokumentacionit nuk rezulton te jete bere ndonje pagese per furnizim me energji nga ky subjekt, dhe ne dokumentacion nuk eshte dhene asnje spjegim per mosrealizimin e kontrates, megjithese ky fakt do te kete lidhje te drejtperdrejte me kontratat, qe do lidh me pas KESH-i. Kontrata e lidhur me subjektin "EPCG" eshte nenshkruar pa sigurimin e detyrueshem te kontrates ne masen 10%. Kjo bie ne kundershtim me nenin 29 te Ligjit nr.7971 te dates 26.07.1995 per prokurimin publik dhe pikes 6 te V.K.M nr.335 date 23.06.2000 "Per rregullat e prokurimit publik". Sigurimi i kontrates do ta detyronte subjektin te permbushte detyrimet per furnizimin me energji. Per kete demi i shkaktuar kap shifren 435 000 USD. Nderkohe shkeljet kane filluar me nenshkrimin e kontrates 5 dite para se te miratohej procedura e prokurimit ne A.P.P. Ky veprim bie ne kundershtim me Udhezimin nr.1 te dates 01.01.1996 "Per prokurimin publik". Ne nje paragraf thuhet se cdo shpallje fituesi ose lidhje kontrate para miratimit me shkrim te organizmit, qe ve ne dispozicion fondin, eshte e pavlefshme. 

KM brenda nje dite nxjerr tre vendime per prokurim te drejtperdrejte

Me V.K.M nr.574 date 31.10.2000 lejohet prokurimi per blerjen e energjise per periudhen 28.10.2000 deri 15.11.2000 ne sasine 25 00 MEh me fond limit 210 250 000 leke me prokurim te drejperdrejte me subjektin "EPCG" te Malit te Zi. Megjithese ishte kjo firme, qe nuk permbushi detyrimin ne kontraten e pare KESH-i i kerkon KM te prokurohet perseri me te. Ne rast se do te ishte permbushur kjo kontrate nuk do te ishte e nevojshme nxjerrja e vendimit te mesiperm dhe per me teper nuk do te prokurohej perseri me te njejten firme me nje cmim me te larte. Ne mbeshtetje te V.K.M eshte nxjerre urdheri per prokurimin e dates 31.10.2000. Ne dosjen e tenderit ekziston nje draft kontrate i dates 15.11.2000 per sasine 13.540 MEh me cmim 34 USD/MEh per mbulimin e nevojave per periudhen 28.10.200 deri 11.11.2000, por duke mos mbuluar te tere periudhen e parashikuar nga KM. Kontrata e dyte eshte lidhur ne kundershtim me ligjin dhe ne saj te diferences nga 29 USD/MEh ne 34 USD/MEh shtetit i eshte shkaktuar nje dem prej 68 580 USD. Praktikisht ne dosjen e prokurimit mungojne procedurat e negocimit dhe ofertat e subjektit mbi bazen e te cilave duhet te mbeshteteshin per nenshkrimin e kesaj kontrate. Kjo kontrate eshte neshkruar ne emer dhe per llogari te KESH-it, nga Dritan Prifti.

Shkeljet e ligjit shtohen me nje kontrate tjeter

Ne 31 nentor 2000 KM lejon prokurimin per blerjen e energjise elektrike per periudhen 03.11.2000 deri ne 12.11.2000

ne sasine 15 000 MEh me fond limit 115 800 000 leke me prokurimin te drejtperdrejte me subjektin "Sllovenske Elektrarne Bratislave-Sllovaki". Urdhri i prokurimit del ne 31 tetor dhe po ne kete date lidhet kontrata per sasine 14 400 me cmimin 31.2 USD/MEh. Edhe ne kete dosje prokurimi mungojne praktikat e negocimit dhe ofertat e subjektit. Kjo kontrate eshte lidhur pa nje oferte te studiuar e duke patur parasysh faktin e ofrimit te energjise nga subjekti "E.G.L" me cmimin 30 USD/KEh eshte shkaktuar nje dem financiar prej 14 400 USD. Edhe kjo kontrate mban firmen e Priftit. Dy kontratat e mesiperme jane lidhur per te mbuluar te njejten periudhe kohore dhe cmimet e energjise kane qene te ndryshme. Me pas lista e prokurime per vitin 2000 vazhdon me subjektin EFT-Londer. Megjithese kjo firme eshte krijuar ne tetor po ne kete muaj KESH i ben asaj nje reklame te bujshme. Gjithe mungesa e procedurave ligjore con ne deshtimin e prokurimit te drejtperdrejte te bere me fondin 159 515 200 leke. Pavaresisht me dokumentacioni kjo firme paraqitet si britanike ajo drejtohet nga Beogradi e saktesisht nga Svetislav Bulatovic. Por KESH nuk meson nga deshtimi i pare dhe vetem 21 dite me vone e percakton ate per mbulimin e nevojave me energji per te njejtin tremujor. KM lejon blerjen e enrgjise per periudhen 22.11.2000 deri 31.12.2000 ne sasine 177 200 MEh me fond limit ne shumen 1 400 000 000 leke per prokurim me subjektin EFT-Londer. Cmimi percaktohet 31.5 USD dhe gjithashtu nuk behet as sigurimi i kontrates, si rrjedhim kontrata eshte realizuar ne masen 98.5%. Per tremujorin e fundit KESH-i ka detyruar nxjerrjen e disa vendimeve te KM dhe me teper me cmime te ndryshme nga te njejta subjekte. Demi llogaritet me masen 520 860 USD.

Tenderat e 2001 

Per vitin 2001 KESH-it i eshte lejuar te tenderoje 7 tendera, 4 me prokurim te drejtperdrejte dhe 3 me procedure prokurimi "Kerkese per koutim". Per kete vit fondi i lejuar per prokurim ishte 12 647 810 000 lek-_-_ 985 000 MEh, ndersa sasia faktike 1 895 000 MEh ose 90 000 MEh me pak sesa ajo e percaktuar me VKM. Respektimi i ligjit per cdo prokurim eshte si vijon. Janar 2001 - mars 2001 me V.K.M lejohet blerja e 340 000 MEh me fond limit 2 645 360 000 leke. Prokurimi behet me E.F.T-Londer. KESH lidh kontraten per sasine 310 000MEh me cmimin 33.5USD/MEh. Kontrata lidhet ne 04.01.2001 pa nxjerre urdher prokurimi per tenderimin e sasise se percaktuar nga V.K.M. Cuditerisht brenda dites lidhet kontrata per sasine 30 000 MEh me cmimin 36 USD, nderkohe oferta e EFT-Londer eshte 33.5 USD/MEh. Ne 19 janar me te njejten firme eshte lidhur kontrata per sasine 88 000 MEh e ndare sipas muajve, ne janar 30 000, ne shkurt 28 000 dhe ne mars 30 000 MEh me cmimin 35.5 USD/MEh. Kontrata eshte lidhur pa u zhvilluar tender dhe pa patur V.K.M. Si rezultat i ketij veprimi te kundraligjshem demi financiar kap shifren 179 210 USD. Firma edhe ketu eshte hedhur nga Prifti. Ne 26 janar 2001 lejohet prokurimi per blerjen e energjise per 3 muajte e pare te vitit ne sasine 110 000 MEh me fond limit 2 645 360 000 leke me te njejten firme. Per kete KESH-i ka lidhur dy kontrata me cmime te ndryshme. Edhe keto kontrata jane neshkruar pa nxjerre urdher prokurimi per tenderim dhe pa oferte paraprake. Si pasoje per kontraten e pare eshte shkaktuar nje dem prej 34 672,5 USD dhe per kontraten e dyte nje dem 79 878,5 USD. Edhe keto kontrata jane neshkruar nga Prifti. Nga hetimet e prokurorise jane gjetur dy oferta, njera e firmes sllovene, qe ofron energji me cmimin 32.5 USD/MEh dhe tjetra e nje firme qipriote, qe ofron energji me cmimin 30.3 USD/MEH. Nese do te ishte pranuar oferta e firmes sllovene perfitimi do te ishte 241 730 USD. Per prill-qershor 2001 V.K.M i dates 22.03.2001 lejon blerjen me proceduren "Kerkese per koutim" te 450 000 MEh me fond limit 3 217 500 000 leke. Nga 19 firma, qe u dergohet ftese per oferte paraqiten kater dhe si gjithmone fiton E.F.T pasi ka ofruar cmimin 27.6 USD/MEh. Procedura eshte ne kundershtim me ligjin. Kontrata e pare lidhur me 12 prill per sasine 378 066 MEh realizohet ne masen 84.1%. Mossigurimi i kontrates shkakton demin 1 242 000 USD. Kjo kontrate mban ne fund firmen e Priftit. 

Qershor-korrik vazhdojne shkeljet

Kontrata per sasine 15 130 MEh me K.E.K Kosove eshte lidhur pasi kjo energji ishte blere. Blerja e kesaj energjie para firmosjes se kontrates vertetohet me ane te nje fature te 03.07.2001. Per periudhen korrik-shtator KM lejon blerjen e 300 000 MEh per shumen 1 422 900 000 leke me proceduren "Kerkese per koutim". Ftohen 19 firma marrin pjese vetem 3 dhe fiton "EFT" pasi ka ofruar cmimin me te ulet 30.4 USD/MEh, per sasine 200 000 MEh per periudhen gusht-shtator. Kontrata nenshkruhet pa sigurim kontrate dhe gjithe procedura bie ne kundershtim me ligjin. Ne 17 qershor KM lejon prokurimin per blerjen e energjise per periudhen korrik-shtator 2001. Sasia eshte 145 000 MEh dhe fondi limit 835 000 000 leke per prokurim te drejperdrejte me subjektin "N.E.K"-Bullgari. Ne dosje mungon urdhri i prokurimit, praktika e negocimit, oferta konkrete dhe cmimi i percaktuar. Nga ky subjekt eshte blere sasia 120 000 MEh. Kontrata eshte realizuar ne masen 82.76%. Mossigurimi teknik shkakton demin financiar me shumen 413 250 USD. Ne 14.08.2001 lejojet blerja e energjise per periudhen tetor-dhjetor 2001 ne sasine 550 000 000 MEh per prokurim me proceduren "Kerkese per koutim". I dergohet ftese 14 subjekteve shpallen fitues dy kompani nderkohe gjithe procedura bie ne kundershtim me ligjin. Njeri subjekt fitues eshte "Montmontacana"P/C Kroaci per cmimin 33.9 USD/MEh dhe firma tjeter "EFT" per cmimin 35 USD/MEh. Me subjektin e pare ne kontrate eshte percaktuar vetem cmimi dhe jo sasia e furnizimit. Ndersa me "EFT" eshte lidhur kontrata per blerjen e 400 000 MEH. Ky subjekt ka realizuar vetem 80% te kesaj mase. Demi financiar kap shifren 1 400 000 USD. 

"Rakipi shkeli Kushtetuten"
Tirane - "Prokurori i Pergjithshem Arben Rakipi i eshte shmangur haptazi plotesimit te obligimeve kushtetuese dhe ligjore, ne menyre te vecante ai i eshte kundervene dukshem realizimit te funksioneve themelore te institucionit". Ky eshte thelbi i mocionit per debat me qellim shkarkimin nga detyra te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem te Shqiperise, qe nje grup deputetesh i kane drejtuar Kuvendit. Veprimet e Rakipit, sipas deputeteve i kane kushtuar rende ketij vendi. Me pas deputetet parashtrojne nje sere faktesh, qe aprovojne kete konkluzion. E para Rakipi i eshte shmangur haptazi dhe per motive politike nga lufta kunder fenomeneve kriminale te korrupsionit, trafikut dhe krimit te organizuar. Per lulezimin e fenomeneve kriminale pergjegjesia bie direkt mbi Rakipin, i cili ose nuk ka ditur ose nuk ka dashur te ushtroje funksionin e tij themelor ne ndjekjen penale te krimit. Hetimet e pavarura nderkombetare kane treguar se vorbulla e krimit ne Shqiperi ka perfshire nivele te larta te administrates dhe politikes. Prokuroria e Pergjithshme nuk disponon prova te hetimeve ne kete drejtim. Sipas deputeteve edhe perpjekjet e fundit te Rakipit jane bere dukshem ne shkelje flagrante te misionit dhe funksionit kushtetues. Qellimi i ketyre veprimeve eshte ai presioneve te paligjshme politik mbi segmente konkurruese te maxhorances politike. Deputetet ne mocionin shprehen se Rakipi e ka drejtuar, qe ne fillim veprimtarine e institucionit drejt persekutimit te paligjshem te perfaqesuesve dhe anetareve te opozites. Me inciativen e tij kane nisur nje sere procesesh politike, te cilat ne teresine e tyre kane deshtuar. Ne mocion lidhja miqesore me ish-shefin e policise Sokol Kociu permendet si nje nga shkaqet per te cilat vete Rakipi duhet te kishte dhene doreheqjen. Sipas deputeteve Rakipi eshte perfshire ne procesin me te madh hetimor ne historine e drejtimit te vet. Ne momentin e zbulimit te ketij grupi, vete Rakipi, deklaroi si organizator njerin nga bashkepunetoret e tij me te ngushte. Motivet e paqarta ligjore te perjashtimit te Rakipit nga deponimi para gjykates e bejne ate krejtesisht te papajtueshem dhe diskretitues per funksionin e tij ligjor. "Institucioni i prokurorise gjate gjithe periudhes se drejtimit te tij nga zoti Rakipi ka akumuluar nje numer te konsiderueshem deshtimesh edhe ne ceshtje te tjera gjyqesore me ose pa jehone politike", vijojne me tej deputetet, qe kane nenshkruar mocionin kunder Rakipit. Analiza e ketyre deshtimeve nuk eshte bere asnjehere dhe po keshtu nuk eshte bere asnje analize e shtrirjes dhe rritjes se kriminalitetit te organizuar, sidomos i atij qe eshte lidhur dhe gjenerohet nga funksionet politike. Per te gjitha keto dhe per nje numer te madh faktesh dhe rrethanash mbeshtetese, grupi i deputeteve kerkon organizimin e nje mocioni per debat, me qellim konvergimin e analizave politike per fenomenet kriminale, si dhe per t'i propozuar Presidentit te Republikes shkarkimin e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem si mase institucionale, qe do t'ihap rruge reformimit kushtetues dhe ligjor te institucionit te Prokurorise.

M.Shehu






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From mentor at alb-net.com  Fri Mar  8 11:38:18 2002
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 11:38:18 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] Macedonia ex-rebels deny ties to slain ''gunmen''
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.44.0203081137340.20807-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
---------------------------------------------------------------------
                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
              http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm

           Macedonian police brutality, abuse and massacres
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/abuse_violence.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 

1. Macedonia ex-rebels deny ties to slain ''gunmen''
2. Macedonia: Police in shootout with 'suspected terrorists'

 "It's not true. The UCK is not waging a religious war. We have been
  against the war in Macedonia. Our efforts have been aimed at respecting
  dignity, respecting the human rights of Albanians this was the essence
  of our struggle."
  ...
  The former UCK has rejected any connection with the men. The group's
  former political commander, Ali Ahmeti, in an interview yesterday with
  the Kosovo daily "Koha Ditore," said "the shootout had nothing at all to
  do with the UCK." The Albanian-language daily describes the shootout as
 "a set-up by Boskovski."
  ...
 ''There are some questions that should be answered. Firstly we don't
  know why those people were there and what they were doing, but we hope
  that a full investigation will clear things up,'' a senior NATO official
  in Macedonia said.


### 1 ###

http://famulus.msnbc.com/FamulusIntl/reuters03-05-094213.asp?reg=EUROPE

Macedonia ex-rebels deny ties to slain ''gunmen''

SKOPJE, March 5 - Former ethnic Albanian rebels in Macedonia denied on
Tuesday allegations that they had links with seven suspected gunmen
killed in a police shootout on Saturday.

''This is simply false,'' said Gezim Ostreni, a former general of
the guerrilla National Liberation Army (NLA) that led last year's
six-month insurgency. ''The NLA is in no way connected to this
incident.''

Police said the dead men, killed in a suburb of the capital Skopje,
were suspected to be ''mujahideen,'' foreign fighters from Muslim
countries planning attacks on government officials and foreign
embassies.

They also said they found uniforms bearing ethnic Albanian rebel
insignia on the scene which they said showed they had been working with
the former rebels.

''This is absolutely not true,'' Ostreni said.

''The NLA did not conduct a religious war in Macedonia. On the
contrary, the fight and the demands of the Albanians were about freedoms
and human rights.''

The origin of the dead men remains a mystery as police have not yet
identified the bodies or their nationalities. But police say they are
certain they were foreigners and believe perhaps two came from Pakistan.

Macedonia's government has said ''mujahideen'' fighters were
involved in last year's insurgency, which Ostreni also denied.

He added that the NLA ceased to exist on September 27 last year,
when its fighters handed in arms to a NATO-led peacekeeping force in
return for greater civil rights promised in a Western-brokered peace
deal that ended fighting in August.

Western officials in Macedonia say they are sceptical of nationalist
propaganda and cautious about accepting the police version of Saturday's
events.

''There are some questions that should be answered. Firstly we don't
know why those people were there and what they were doing, but we hope
that a full investigation will clear things up,'' a senior NATO official
in Macedonia said.

He added that international monitors in the country had not been
allowed to see the bodies and that the only information they had
regarding the shootout was from the interior ministry.

Copyright 2002 Reuters Limited.

### 2 ###

http://ummahnews.com/viewarticle.php?sid=2955

Macedonia: Police in shootout with 'suspected terrorists'

2002-03-05 20:11:00

Jolyon Naegele for Radio Free Europe - Radio Liberty

5 March 2002

Macedonian police over the weekend shot dead seven men whom they suspect
were "terrorists" from Pakistan collaborating with ethnic Albanian
rebels in Macedonia.

The official version of events is that a four-man Macedonian police
patrol observed the seven getting out of a minivan on a dirt road at
Rastanski Lozja in the Black Mountains between Skopje and the Kosovo
border. The incident happened at about four o'clock Saturday (2 March)
morning.

Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski later told reporters the seven men
were armed and opened fire after the police warned them to surrender.
"This group was eliminated. That means the seven were killed. In all
likelihood they were foreigners. The autopsies will show this."

The police patrol, which was armed with automatic weapons and
Kalashnikov rifles, suffered no injuries in the shooting.

Boskovski says the police were aware of the existence of the seven
after detaining four other suspected terrorists two Jordanians and two
Bosnian Muslims two weeks ago near the U.S. ambassador's residence in
Skopje. Boskovski called them "mujahedin."

Police say computer diskettes seized with the four were found to
have 10,000 pages of documents, some of which police say contained
evidence of planning for terrorist attacks in the region.

The interior minister says the four had plans for terrorist attacks
on foreign embassies in Skopje as well as on senior Macedonian
government officials, including Albanians.

Boskovski says security has been tightened at the U.S., British, and
German embassies. However, judging from comments by U.S. and German
diplomats, the Macedonian authorities appear not to be sharing their
intelligence with these embassies.

Boskovski says on 2 March police found four assault rifles in the
minivan, eight hand grenades, a variety of rocket launchers, two
rockets, two pistols, a field radio, and several uniforms of the ethnic
Albanian insurgent National Liberation Army (UCK). They also say they
found documents written in Arabic and a small amount of Turkish
currency.

Boskovski said based on identification documents found with the
group, two of the men were Pakistanis with previous fighting experience
in Afghanistan and the Balkans.

This is not the first time Boskovski has sought to make a link
between Islamic terrorists and the UCK. He did so repeatedly without
offering any proof during last year's seven-month armed conflict.

Macedonia's chief coroner, Aleksej Duma, says autopsies conducted on
the seven failed to identify them conclusively. He said, "They were all
young, nobody older than 30, all dark-skinned and circumcised." Some of
the dead men are reported to have had traces of gunpowder on their
hands.

Some local news reports have suggested that at least two of the
seven men were Albanians. However, this has been rejected by Macedonia's
deputy interior minister, Refet Elmazi, in an interview with RFE/RL's
South Slavic and Albanian Languages (SSAL) Service: "According to the
pathologists, they are foreigners, not Albanians."

The former UCK has rejected any connection with the men. The group's
former political commander, Ali Ahmeti, in an interview yesterday with
the Kosovo daily "Koha Ditore," said "the shootout had nothing at all to
do with the UCK." The Albanian-language daily describes the shootout as
"a set-up by Boskovski."

Another UCK commander, who goes by the name of "Sokoli" told Kosovo
public television (RTK) that he believes the incident was a "set-up"
because "you can see the uniforms were brand-new and somewhat different
from the ones former UCK soldiers used to wear."

The former UCK's military chief of staff, commander Gezim Ostreni,
said in an interview with RFE/RL's SSAL Service today that there are
reasons to suspect that this latest incident may even be an attempt by
Macedonian nationalists to increase tensions so as to prevent parliament
from declaring and implementing an amnesty for former UCK insurgents. He
too rejects any sort of Albanian connection to the seven.

"I think that claims that some of them are Albanians are false. The
National Liberation Army (UCK) has not existed since 26 September (when
it formally disbanded itself) after reaching agreements with the
Macedonian government, NATO, and others. There is no link between these
events [on 2 March] and the UCK."

Ostreni says former UCK commanders have no idea who the seven men
were and that it is up to the Interior Ministry to say what actually
happened. He too rejects suggestions the Albanians are waging a
religious war.

"It's not true. The UCK is not waging a religious war. We have been
against the war in Macedonia. Our efforts have been aimed at respecting
dignity, respecting the human rights of Albanians this was the essence
of our struggle."

It's not clear yet when the authorities will offer a fuller
explanation of who the seven were and exactly what happened.

Copyright 2001. This news item is distributed via Middle East News
Online (MiddleEastWire.com). All rights reserved. May not be
redistributed, published or used for broadcast without prior written
authorisation from Middle East News Online.

Copyright ? ummahnews.com 2001

________________________________________________
To unsubscribe from this list visit:
http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news


From albboschurch at juno.com  Fri Mar  8 12:14:07 2002
From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church)
Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 12:14:07 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Mesaxh Drejtuar Familia Ahmet Bitiqi
Message-ID: <20020308.122357.-204857.3.albboschurch@juno.com>


    Albanian Orthodox Archdiocese in America
    KRYEPESHKOPATA ORTHODOKSE SHQIPTARE NE AMERIKE
    Boston, Massachusetts 


    Familia Ahmet Bitiqi
    New York

    Shume te dashurit tane,

             Ne emer te klerin dhe besimtaret te Kishes Orthodokse
Shqitare te Amerikes dhe timin personale, pranoni ngushellimet tona me
rastin e sherbesat e fundit te djemte tuaj shume e dashur dhe trim. Ne
kete jete mbi toke, nuk ka dhimbje me e thelle qe prinder te varrosin
femijet e tyre. Edhe familje time kemi ndjeje kete pervoje tronditese
vjete te shkuara kur im vella, Bardhyl, ndjes pas, ra deshmor ne
ushterine te Sh.B.A.  Kthimin te eshtrat e tyre prane gjirin e familise,
sjell rast jo vetem per vajtime por per dedikim dhe vleresim.  

            Sakrificat qe dhuruan djemte tuaj me gjithe shpirt dhe zemer
do mbetet i paharruar ne historine shume vuajtur te kombit tone. Do
kujtohen per gjithemon ne zemrat e cdo bashkatdhetar liridashes, dhe do
ta shohim te tre si nje pleisaxh te qiellit shqiptar: drita ne errersire
dhe yje qielli.  Me kujtimin e tyre te gjithe ulim koken ne lutje dhe
mejtim. Per ta me mire te kemi jo ngushellim por krenari dhe nje vizion
me gjere per nje jete per cdo popull te jetojne ne vendet e tyre ne paqe.
Fuqimadhi te ju forcoje shpirtin dhe te ju dhuroje largpamesi. Emrat e
tyre nderojne juve, fiseve tane dhe gjithe ata dhe ato qe dedikojne jeten
per principa qe kapercejne cdo kufi dhe cdo origjin ethnik. Ne kete rast,
familine tuaj eshte si edhe familine tone dhe nje me gjithe popullin tone
kudo.

Mbetemi i juaji me Zotin,


At Artur Liolin
Boston

                   

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From postatema at yahoo.com  Fri Mar  8 16:59:14 2002
From: postatema at yahoo.com (Redaksia Tema)
Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 13:59:14 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Rreth debatit per Ismail Kadarene (M.Baze)
Message-ID: <20020308215914.62045.qmail@web21205.mail.yahoo.com>

 
Problemet q? shoq?rojn? debatin rreth Ismail Kadares?

 

Mbi disidenc?n n? Komuniz?m, dhe konformizmin n? Demokraci!

 

Mero Baze

 

Biografia e Ismail Kadares? ?sht? v?n? n? qend?r t? v?mendjes, pas provokimit q? i b?ri opinionit publik nj? lib?r i piktorit Maks Velo, rreth problemeve q? kan? shoq?ruar krijimtarin? e k?tij shkrimtari, gjat? viteve t? sektarizmit t? ashp?r n? komuniz?m. Debati, i cili ka nxjerr? shum? pasione t? zbuluara dhe ka zhubrosur shum? etiketa false t? elit?s kulturore, po humbet dita-dit?s metodik?n e nj? debati aq t? nevojsh?m p?r t? shkuar?n ton? t? af?rt dhe rolin e personaliteteve n? k?t? histori.

K?shtu kritik?t e Ismail Kadares?, po p?rpiqen t? analizojn?, jo raportet e vepr?s s? tij me diktatur?n, por fatin e tij personal, nd?rsa mb?shtet?sit e tij, n? shumic?n e rasteve vrapojn? t?i veshin Kadares? merita t? panevojshme p?r disidenc?n e tij qytetare dhe t?i err?sojn? k?shtu vlerat e tij si shkrimtar q? ndjehej se prodhonte disidenc? p?r kapilar?t e shoq?ris? komuniste shqiptare. Pra debati ka degjeneruar n? biografin? politike t? Ismail Kadares? dhe nuk po i p?rmbahet nj? metodike t? ndershme p?r t? provuar raportet reale t? vepr?s s? Ismail Kadares? dhe fatit t? tij personal me dikatur?n dhe si rrjedhoj? vlerat apo antivlerat q? i ka sjell? shoq?ris? shqiptare fenomeni Kadare.

Duke mos dashur t? replikoj apo t? evokoj ask?nd q? ka hyr? p?r jav? t? t?ra n? k?t? debat, qoft? dhe p?r shkakun se gazeta ku un? punoj ?sht? p?rfshir? n? k?t? debat, m? duhet t? ndaj qartazi p?r lexuesin disa probleme q? nuk mund t? anashkalohen nga debati.

 

Raporti politik q? ka vepra e Kadares? me komunizmin

 

Problemi i par? ?sht? raporti politik q? ka vepra e Kadares? me komunizmin. Pa asnj? m?dyshje ?dokush q? ka p?rjetuar n? mosh? madhore komunizmin n? Shqip?ri, duhet t? mbaj? mend se kur ka pasur nevoj? t? p?rjetoj? di?ka t? ndryshme nga ushqimi i p?rditsh?m letrar i komunizmit, instiktivisht jan? prirur drejt leximit t? Kadares?. Vepra t? tilla kan? qen? m? antikomunistet, porse kan? qen? nj?her?sh edhe kufiri jetik i nj? vepre q? prodhonte limf?n e disidenc?s p?r kapilar?t e shoq?ris? shqiptare. N?se dikush ka pasur qoft? dhe nj? sekond? d?shir? t? mos ushqehej m? me propagad? apo t? mos humbiste or? t? t?ra duke u marr? me vulgaritetin letrar t? prodhuar me porosi t? politik?s, ka pasur nevoj? p?r Ismail Kadaren?. N? k?t? pik?pamje vepra e tij ka prodhuar disidenc? ndaj komunizmit shqiptar dhe kjo ?sht? nj? e v?rtet? e madhe dhe e verifikueshme nga t? gjitha brezat e ardhsh?m q? mund t? marrin mundimin t? b?jn? nj? analiz? krahasuese t? krijimtaris? artistike t? realizmit socialist n? Shqip?ri.

 
Raporti politik q? ka pasur qytetari Ismail Kadare me komunizmin
 

Problemi i dyt? ?sht? raporti politik q? ka pasur qytetari Ismail Kadare me komunizmin. Ky ?sht? nj? raport i nd?rlikuar ku nuk mund t? kihet parasysh vet? d?shira politike e Ismail Kadares? por dhe vepra e tij. Un? nuk mund ta qortoj kurr? Ismail Kadaren? pse ka pranuar t? jet? pak komunist, ose pak m? shum? komunist n? biografin? e tij qytetare p?r t? na b?r? m? pak komunist? ose aspak komunist? ne t? tjer?ve, shumic?s s? shqiptar?ve, t? cil?t nuk ishin as me teser? partie, dhe as me pranga n? duar. Ai, n? nj? far? m?nyre, i ka p?rngjar? shushunj?s q? vihej n? kurrizin e njer?zve t? s?mur? nga malarja p?r t? thithur prej trupit t? tyre, vrerin vdekjeprur?s. N?se tek xhepat e Ismail Kadares? do t? k?rkojm? nj? teser? partie, nj? mandat deputeti komunist apo ndonj? vend n? s?r?n e lart? t? hierarkis? komuniste, kjo nuk ?sht? nj? pun? e v?shtir?. E v?shtir? seriozisht ?sht? q? n? prodhimtarin? e Kadares? t? gjesh at? vrerin e komunizmit q? helmonte shoq?rin?. At? nuk e gjen dot, dhe Ismail Kadareja, i ka p?rngjar? shushunj?s q? ka thithur nga pak ?do dit? nga gjaku yn? i keq, p?r t?u gjendur vet me biografi komuniste, kund?r komunizmit.

 
Raporti i tij me pluralizmin politik n? Shqip?ri
 

Problemi i tret? dhe madhor q? i krijohet Ismail Kadares? ?sht? raporti i tij me pluralizmin politik n? Shqip?ri. Ata q? druhen t? thon? se Ismail Kadare nuk ka prodhuar disidenc? ndaj Komunizmit, n? fakt nuk e kan? me t? shkuar?n e Kadares?, por me paskomunizmin e tij. Pas vitit 1990, Ismail Kadareja ka qen? p?r shqiptar?t, p?r fat t? keq, m? shum? prodhues i emocioneve politike, sesa i emocioneve letrare. Kjo, p?r shum? arsye. Nd?r m? kryesoret, kan? qen? angazhimet e tij teknike p?r ribotimin e veprave, gjendja e tij mes Tiran?s dhe Parisit, humbja fizike e koh?s me infrastruktur?n problematike politike t? Shqip?ris? dhe p?rpjekja p?r t? gjetur nj? vend t? qet? n? zallamahin? politiko historike t? k?tyre dhjet? viteve. T? gjith? jemi d?shmitar? se ai prodhoi k?to dhjet? vite, p?r fatalitetin e tij, nj? let?rsi t? mrekullueshme politike, por jo nj? let?rsi t? v?rtet? q? t? trondis? politik?n. Ai mbeti n? mjesht?rin? e tij t? madhe, t? p?rdorimit t? fjal?s shqipe p?r t? fshikulluar apo ndihmuar politik?n, por nuk e ka takuar prej vitesh shkrimtarin e par? Ismail Kadare q? prodhonte dallg? t? fshehura p?r politik?n pa u marr? direkt me t?. Kjo p?rplasje dhe angazhim direkt, krijues, me politik?n e dit?s, k?to dhjet? vite i kan? b?r? Kadares? m? shum? d?m se sa raportet e tij t? vjetra me komunizmin si sistem dhe si psikologji shoq?rore. I kan? b?r? d?m, pasi shum? kritik? t? tij, bile gjith? kritik?t e sot?m t? tij e sulmojn? at?, jo pse ka qen? i ashp?r ose i but? me komunizmin, por pse po tregohet i ashp?r me ish-komunizmin dhe konformist me dukurit? jodemokratike t? tranzicionit. Un? nuk do t? doja kurr? q? Kadare, t? p?rfshihej n? polemikat politike t? dit?s n? Shqip?ri, por si nj? gjigant i stresuar nga sirenat e komunizmit, ai nuk mund t? mos rrij? pa shfryr? her? pas here ofshamat e tij ndaj rrug?s q? ai, si dhe shum? shqiptar? t? tjer?, mezi kan? pritur q? t? hapet. Duke menduar si shum? bashkudh?tar? t? m?dhenj t? komunizmit se demokracia ishte shp?timi, Kadare ka krijuar probleme konkrete me p?rfshirjen e tij n? ?k?shillat ndaj demokracis? n? Shqip?ri?. Nj? durimsosur si ai, e ka pak t? v?shtir? t? kuptoj? p?rse ankohen dy-tre gazetar? p?r munges? lirie t? shprehjes, apo dy-tre politikan? p?r vjedhje votash. 

 
Tirani e tep?rt n? em?r t? Ismail Kadares?
 

Prania e tij verbale n? demokracin? problematike shqiptare, ?sht? nj? tirani e tep?rt n? em?r t? Ismail Kadares?,  pasi ajo b?het pa kontributin fizik t? tij.Arti i Kadares? dhe p?rsosja e tij, nuk jan? nj? infrastruktur? q? prodhon modele demokratike, por cil?si t? lart vlerash artistike. Bile k?tu q?ndron dhe spekullimi i talentuar i Lubonj?s q? p?rdor mitet e artit  t? Kadares?, si nj?  argument p?r totalitarizmin e tij. N?se komunizmin Kadareja e d?mtoi seriozisht me vlera artistike, demokracin? nuk mund t? themi se ?sht? duke e ndihmuar n? t? nj?jt?n m?nyr?, pasi jo ?do gj? q? i b?nte keq komunizmit i b?n mir? demokracis?. 

K?shtu konformizmi i tij ndaj defekteve t? demokracis? ka qen? nj? problem q? shum? nga moshatar?t e brezit tim ia pranojn? me v?shtir?si. Un? vet? shum? her? jam ndier keq kur Kadare ka heshtur n? vitin 1996, kur demokracia u d?mtua n? zgjedhjet e 26 majit, dhe n? vend t? nj? z?ri autoritar si ai, fol?n disa ?apa?ul? me kartvizita false dhe krijuan nj? piramid? morale q? d?mtoi sistemin e vlerave reale n? Shqip?ri. Ai foli n? vitin 1997 n? pozitat e nj? qortuesi t? madh, kur klasa politike n? fakt thuajse e zgjidhi problemin me marr?veshjen e 9 marsit. Ai thuajse dha k?shilla t? pavlefshme politike, ashtu gjakngrir? se mund t?i prishte pun? Shqip?ris?. Bile shfaqjet e tij t? fundit publike bien era konformiz?m t? panevojsh?m dhe t? padobish?m p?r ask?nd.  Ai ?sht? n? t? v?rtet? nj? njeri i mllefosur me komunizmin, nj? personalitet q? e lufton at? me fuqin? e personalitetit t? tij, por nuk ka kontribuar t? ndihmoj? demokracin? si nj? sistem i cili funksionon p?r dekomunistizimin e shoq?ris?. Ai i ngjan nj? njeriu q? mendon dhe e meriton t? urdh?roj? gjith? shqiptar?t t? vihen n? rresht, q? t? b?jn? Shqip?rin? demokratike. 

Monark i v?rtet? i let?rsis? shqiptare, ai ?sht? dhe do t? mbetet p?r shum? koh? nj? konformist i shkeljeve t? rregullave t? demokracis?, p?r hir? t? kujtimit t? hidhur q? ka nga komunizmi. Ai e shikon rrug?n e Shqip?ris? drejt demokratizimit si nj? rrug? e komanduar nga njer?z t? fuqish?m dhe jo nga rregulla t? fuqishme. Ai k?rkon dik? dhe besoj se ?sht? ende duke e k?rkuar, NJ? personalitet,  q? t? jet? shp?timtari i k?tij vendi. Ne t? gjith? e dim? se AI nuk do t? gjendet, por t? gjith? bashk? mund t? biem dakord t? mbrojm? disa rregulla t? forta q? t? na ?ojn? p?rpara. T? gjith? duhet t? biem dakord se kur vidhen vota si m? 24 qershor, duhet t? ngrejm? z?rin dhe jo disa jav? m? pas t? faj?sojm? t? dy pal?t, t? gjith? duhet t? biem dakord se kur opozita shtypet, duhet t? mbrohet dhe jo t? ngrejm? z?rin kur lufta ka nisur. Kadare po sulmohet nga ata q? i mbajn? m?ri se si ai i shp?toi komunizmit fizikisht dhe artistikisht dhe ndoshta po mbrohet m? tep?r se ??duhet nga ata q? p?rdorin ?ndrr?n e tij p?r ?ta udh?hequr Shqip?rin? drejt Demokracis?? n?n udh?heqjen e tyre. 

N? fakt ai mbetet i vetmi q? ushqeu me disidenc? politike shoq?rin? pa e pasur at? nj? etiket? personale dhe po i vetmi q? po p?rballon politikisht tranzicionin paskomunist t? Shqip?ris?, duke mos marr? pjes? fizike n? politik?. Debati rreth vepr?s n? komuniz?m nuk po udh?hiqet nga nj? analiz? reale e asaj ?far? ajo u dhuroi shqiptar?ve, por nga ajo ?far? t? tjer?t nuk arrit?n dot t? b?jn?. N? k?t? aspekt kritikat ndaj tij vijn? nga t? d?shtuarit dhe konformist?t e diktatur?s dhe nga spekullant?t e pluralizmit. 

Efekti i vepr?s s? Maks Velos n? k?t? aspekt nuk arriti t? prekte thelbin e problemit t? shkrimtarit me komunizmin n? Shqip?ri, pasi t? frik?suarit prej saj nxituan t? devijojn? rrug?. Kjo ?sht? nj? antivler? e madhe e shoq?ris? s? sotme shqiptare, e cila nuk ka as nj? t? qindt?n e kurajos s? Ismail Kadares? s? djesh?m, p?r t? denoncuar at? q? ka ndodhur. Turravrapi p?r t? politizuar nj? prodhim artistik dhe p?rpjekja p?r t? letrarizuar nj? veprimtari t? past?r politike si? ?sht? p?rpjekja p?r t? denigruar Kadaren? e djesh?m, jan? dy rezultate q? ka prodhuar deri tani provokimi i mrekulluesh?m i Maks Velos dhe spekullimi me t?. Kjo do t? thot? se do t? na duhet shum? koh? p?r t? par? t? v?rtet?n n? sy, dhe pik?risht at?her? kur piramidat e g?njeshtra t? shpallura si hierarki nga tranzicioni tinzar shqiptar, t? jen? rr?zuar me ?mimin q? rr?zohen piramidat.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  9 17:44:13 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 9 Mar 2002 14:44:13 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] RD - 8 mars 2002
Message-ID: <20020309224413.15430.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

 
Mb?shtet?sit e Nanos sulmojn? ish-kryeministrin p?r t? mbrojtur kryeprokurorin

?e?o: Meta nuk mund ta rr?zoj? Rakipin

Grupi i Nanos ka reaguar ashp?r dje ndaj akuzave t? ish-kryeministrit Meta ndaj Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, Arben Rakipi. N?nkryetarja e Parlamentit, Makbule ?e?o, e cila njihet si mb?shtet?se e kryetarit t? PS, Fatos Nano, deklaroi dje se deklaratat e ish-kryeministrit Meta jan? individuale. "P?rsa arrita t? dep?rtoj n? deklarat?n e zotit Meta mua m? duket individuale, sepse nuk ka grup brenda Partis? Socialiste q? do t? rr?zoj? kryeprokuroin Rakipi, por vet?m individ? t? ve?ant? nga deputet?t e PS", tha ?e?o. Ajo shtoi se, "?sht? e drejt? e ligjshme e tij q? t? deklaroj? dhe vot?n, megjith?se p?r mua nuk ?sht? e justifikueshme".

N?nkryetarja e Parlamentit, Makbule ?e?o, tha se zoti Meta ka qen? p?r m? shum? se dy vjet kryeminist?r dhe nuk ka folur p?r nj? pozicionim t? till? ndaj kryeprokurorit, nd?rkoh? q? ai ka patur nj? bashk?punim institucional me t? dhe duket sikur del papritmas n? nj? pozicionim t? till?. "K?to indikacione nuk i kemi d?gjuar t? shprehura n? k?t? m?nyr?, si? u shpreh zoti Meta dje. K?shtu q? mua m? duket se trajtimi emocional i problemit nga zoti Meta apo nga dikush tjet?r p?rkrah?s i zotit Meta, do t? kthehet n? bumerang, sepse kushdo q? d?gjon, thot? pse nuk jan? shtruar m? par? k?to probleme. Tani u prish Rakipi, n? k?to momente u shnd?rrua n? veg?l ai?", tha ?e?o.

Deputetja e PS, Makbule ?e?o, u vu n? mbrojtje t? kryeprokurorit Arben Rakipi, duke deklaruar se n? rregulloren e Parlamentit parashikohet debat publik me q?llim p?r t? forcuar organin e akuz?s, por jo shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. "Jemi n? kushtet kur Prokuroria ka identifikuar veprimtarin? e saj dhe kjo ?sht? e mjaftueshme q? kryeprokurori Rakipi t? vazhdoj? t? q?ndroj? n? postin e tij", tha ajo.

?e?o i b?ri thirrje grupit t? Met?s q? t? heq? dor? nga shkarkimi i Rakipit, sepse p?rndryshe, sipas saj, do t? ket? zgjedhje t? parakoh?shme. "Prishja e raporteve n? Parlament do t? thot? q? t? shkojm? n? zgjedhje t? parakoh?shme". ?e?o tha m? tej, se k?to zgjedhje t? parakoh?shme nuk mund t? zhvillohen pa b?r? dhe gjith? at? reflektim, dhe t? gjitha ndryshimet e nevojshme q? k?rkon infrastruktura zgjedhore n? Shqip?ri. "P?rgjith?sisht ka kosto elektorale, p?rgjith?sisht ka kosto individuale p?r ata q? do t? l?vizin n? k?to aleanca fluide, pastaj ka kosto edhe p?r forc?n politike", deklaroi n?nkryetarja e Parlamentit. Ish-kryeministri Ilir Meta l?shoi akuza t? ashpra para dy dit?sh nga selia e PS, ku ai zhvilloi nj? takim me drejtues t? partis? ndaj kryetarit t? PS, Fatos Nano, dhe kryeprokurorit Arben Rakipi. Pas takimit me drejtuesit socialist?, ish-kryeministri u deklaroi gazetar?ve se ardhja e tij n? selin? e PS nuk ka t? b?j? vet?m me komunikimin me drejtues t? partis?, por edhe me an?tar? t? thjesht?, t? cil?t kan? d?shir? t? komunikojn? me t?. Ai deklaroi m? tej, se nuk mund t? lejoj? shp?rdorimin e institucioneve nga kryetari i PS, Fatos Nano. Ish-kryeministri shqiptar Ilir Meta deklaroi n? ambjentet e selis? s? Partis? Socialiste, se do t?u k?rkonte mb?shtet?sve t? tij p?r t? votuar mocionin e shkarkimit t? kryeprokurorit Arben Rakipi.

R.POLISI

 

Braho: Po m? sulmon grupi i Nanos

Deputeti i PS, Spartak Braho, deklaroi dje se sulmet dhe akuzat ndaj tij po b?hen nga grupe t? caktuara n? Partin? Socialiste. Ai tha se gjith?ka ?sht? p?rgatitur n? momentin kur do t? diskutohet mocioni p?r shkarkimin e kryeprokurorit Rakipi. Braho ?sht? akuzuar p?r lidhje n? trafikun e drog?s, por ai p?rg?njeshtroi dje akuzat e ngritura ndaj tij p?r lidhje me pronar?t e anijes "Delon". Braho tha: "Nuk kam asnj? t? af?rt t? familjes sime n? k?t? pro?es. Ky sulm ?sht? vazhdim i atyre insinuatave, shpifjeve, q? b?hen ndaj meje nga segmente t? caktuara t? politik?s".

Deputeti socialist tha, se ende nuk ?sht? njohur me p?rfundimin e strukturave t? FBI-s? t? instaluara n? Ministrin? e Rendit, ku specialist?t e huaj kan? deklaruar se trafiku i drog?s n? Durr?s ka prapavij? politike. Braho tha, se akuzat ndaj tij, Priftit apo Shamkut, po b?hen nga njer?z q? b?jn? presione p?r mocionin kund?r kryeprokurorit. "Akuzat ndaj meje, Priftit apo Shamkut, sponsorizohen pik?risht tani kur po afron data e mocionit p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, Arben Rakipi", deklaroi Braho. Braho tha se segmentet politike n? Partin? Socialiste sponsorizojn? televizionet dhe gazetat ndaj kund?rshtar?ve politik?. "Un? jam n? dijeni p?r k?to segmente politike q? sponsorizojn? televizionet dhe gazetat, por n? koh?n e duhur do t?i b?j prezente. Natyrisht, n? qoft? se un? do t? arrij t? konfirmoj q? dhe organe t? caktuara t? shtetit jan? t? p?rzjera n? k?to historira, do t? shpreh mendimin tim", tha Braho.

R.P

 

 

PS: Trafik droge ka, por ne duhet t? mbrojm? nj?ri-tjetrin

Partia Socialiste e Durr?sit vihet n? mbrojtje t? politikan?ve q? zhvillojn? trafikun e drog?s. Sekretari politik i Partis? Socialiste t? Durr?sit, Leonidha G?rmenji, deklaroi dje se mund t? jet? implikuar ndonj?ri nga deputet?t n? trafikun e drog?s, por ne duhet ta mbrojm? at?. "Fjala ?sht? p?r nj? sasi droge t? kapur, q? mund t? jet? implikuar ndonj? nga deputet?t. Ne jemi nj? vend i till? q? ndoshta nuk jemi n? gjendje t? mbrojm? edhe dinjitetin ton?, por droga luhet pothuajse n? t? gjith? bot?n", deklaroi G?rmenji p?r median. Sekretari i PS Durr?s, Leonidha G?rmenji, ?sht? krushku i deputetit Spartak Braho, i cili ?sht? akuzuar k?to dit? p?r p?rfshirje n? trafikun e drog?s. Duke mbrojtur trafikun dhe deputet?t socialist? t? p?rfshir? n? t?, sekretari i PS u deklaroi gazetar?ve se, Shqip?ria nuk ?sht? i vetmi vend q? trafikohet drog?, prandaj mediat nuk duhet t?i fryjn? shum? gj?rat. "Nuk ?sht? vet?m Shqip?ria q? merret me k?t? pun?, se droga l?viz nga Turqia, Maqedonia, Bullgaria, vjen nga Amerika e Kolumbia", tha G?rmenji. Pas ndalimit t? dy personave p?r trafik droge dhe pronarit t? anijes "Delon", u akuza nj?ri nga deputet?t socialist? t? Durr?sit p?r p?rfshirje n? trafik. Burimet zyrtare b?n? t? ditur, se deputeti i p?rfshir? n? trafikun e drog?s ?sht? Spartak Braho, por Braho e kund?rshtoi dje k?t? akuz? t? r?nd?, duke deklaruar se sulmi ndaj tij ?sht? kurdisur nga grupe t? caktuara n? Partin? Socialiste.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  9 17:50:19 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 9 Mar 2002 14:50:19 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone - 9 mars 2002
Message-ID: <20020309225019.49846.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


Firma serbe, atje ku nisi korrupsioni
TIRANE - Kontratat e tenderave te KESH-it ku eshte shpallur fituese firma serbe EFT jane nenshkruar para se te merrej vendimi i qeverise shqiptare. Burimet nga Prokuroria e Pergjithshme pohuan dje se kjo eshte njera nga shkeljet kryesore te bera nga drejtuesit e KESH-it gjate zhvillimit te tenderave me prokurim te drejperdrejte. Ne fakt kjo firmosje e dokumentave te secilit prej tenderave sipas prokurorise tregon se edhe pa u marre vendimi zyrtar i qeverise, dihej qe ai do te ishte ne favor te saj qe kishte vendosur paraprakisht KESH-i. Nderkohe firma EFT e krijuar ne tetor te vitit 2000, qe ne tenderin e pare ku eshte paraqitur si nje nga firmat pjesmarrese te zhvilluara po gjate ketij muaji, eshte shpallur fituese nga KESH-i, edhe pse i mungonte pervoja ne kete lloj aktiviteti. Nga ana tjeter EFT nuk eshte firme qe prodhon energji per te shitur. Sipas te dhenave qe gjenden shume lehte ne internet rezulton se EFT eshte firme seksere, qe e blen energjine nga te tjeret. Ketu shenohet edhe shkelja e dyte, pasi me nje llogjike te theshte kjo firme qe nuk prodhon energji elektrike duke fituar nje tender ne Shqiperi per te eksportuar aty energji, e ka shituar ate me nje cmim shume me te shtrenjte se ai reali duke hedhur ne kete menyre hije te renda dyshimi mbi organizatoret e tenderave qe e kane shpallur disa here fituese EFT-ne. Por nje shkelje tjeter edhe me e madhe qe eshte bere nga KESH-i eshte moszbatimi i sigurimit vjetor per cdo tender te fituar. Sipas procedurave kur nje firme fiton tendera me disa qinda milione leke te vene ne disposicion, 10 perqind te shumes totale te vleres se tenderit ia kalon shtetit ku eshte shpallur fituese si takse siguracioni. Por kjo gje ne fakt nuk eshte bere per asnje nga tendetrat kur EFT eshte shpallur fituese nga nga KESH, duke i shkaktuar shtetit nje dem ekonomik qe arrin ne dhjetra milione leke. Abuzimi tjeter i bere nga KESH dhe qe dihet nga te gjithe, eshte reklamimi i firmes EFT si firme angleze, kur dy prej sipermarresve te saj jane serbe dhe vetem i treti eshte anglez, me intresa te caktuar bankare ne Serbi. Vertetesine e te qenit firme serbe e tregojne edhe te dhenat e hedhura ne internet, ku EFT e paraqit veten duke shperndare energji elektrike ne te gjitha vendet e ish Jugosllavise dhe ne Shqiperi. EFT nuk eshte shpallur fituese ne asnje shtet tjeter, ku ka paraqituar ofertat e saj, pervec Shqiperise dhe vendeve te ish Jugosllavise. Te gjitha abuzimet e mesiperme konsiderohen te renda nga prokuroria dhe per keto shkelje u kerkua heqja e imunitetit te ish ministrit te energjetikes Dritan Prifti dhe u moren si te pandehur ish drejtori i KESH-it Arben Kruja dhe drejtori i prokurimeve Leonard Mone. 

A.Rama


====

"Dorezuam pushtetin per te mos u ndare Shqiperia"
Roland Qafoku/ Ylli Vejsiu mendoi gjithcka ate pasdreke te 9 marsit 1997, kur la shtepine diku prane shkolles se Baletit dhe doli ne rruge. Ndonje plumb mund ta zinte edhe ate, e duke qene i vetem, kushedi se kur mund ta merrnin vesh. Por kjo ndjellje e se keqes ishte ne minorance perballe asaj te mires. E kishin njoftuar se do te ishte pjesmarres ne nje marreveshje historike, asaj mes opozites dhe pozites dhe per kete ishte i bindur se me ne fund do te behej me e mira. Dhe kjo e dyta triumfoi. Sot kur mbushen fiks pese vjet nga ai moment, ish-sekretari organizativ i Partise Demokratike dhe nje nga politikanet me aktive te atyre diteve, e shikon marreveshjen ne fjale si nje shpetim te Shqiperise. "Dorezuam pushtetin per te shpetuar ndarjen e Shqiperise", deklaron ai sot duke vleresuar ish-presidentin Sali Berisha si iniciator i gjithcka te ndodhur brenda tre oreve te pasdites se 9 marsit. 

Frika e ndarjes

Natyrisht ishte peshperitje, por ama thuhej. Sot Vejsiu eshte koshient per ate situate ne fillim vitit 1997. Jo vetem tek njerezit thote si por edhe disa stacione televizive te huaja e paraqisnin harten e Shqiperise me lumin Shkumbin te skuqur dhe me kete presupozohej ndarja e Shqiperise. Sipas tij, Partia Demokratike dhe vete ish-presidenti i asaj kohe dorezuan pushtetin, pikerisht per te shmangur kete ndarje. Dhe te gjithe kete klauzole ai e shoqeron me tregimin e nje historie te shkruar ne Bibel. Nje dite mbretin Solomon e takuan dy gra. Njera thoshte se femija qe kishin sjelle aty ishte i saj. Por edhe tjetra kishte te njejtin pretendim. Secila jepte argumentat e saj per pronesine e femijes aq sa askush nuk do ta merrte vesh se ush ishte nena e vertete. Por mbreti i mencur e zgjidhi per bukuri kete mosmarreveshje. Kerkoi nje shpate dhe tha se feminjen do ta ndante ne mes. Dhe pas kesaj, gjysmen do ta merrte njera dhe gjysmen tjetra. Por, ne kete moment nje nga grate hidhet dhe thote: mos e bej kete mbreti im. S'ka gje, le ta marre ajo, por lere te gjalle femijen mos e pri! Menjehere pas kesaj, mbreti i bindur dha urdher qe femija t'i jepej pikerisht kesaj gruaje. Per analogji sipas Vejsiut edhe Berisha e shpetoi Shqiperine nga ndarja dhe per kete u dorezoi pushtetin kundershatreve. Sipas tij Berisha beri nje leshim te madh

Marreveshja e 9 marsit 

Ylli Vejsiu kujton se ka qene ora 15.00 e 9 marsit kur e njoftuan per nje takim ne Presidence. Menjehere shkoi atje ku e priste nje nga momentet me te rendesishme ne aktivitetin politik. Ne cilesine e sekretarit organizativ, ai do te perfaqesonte Partine Demokratike sebashku me Tritan Shehun. "Isha i ngazellyar dhe i bindur qe Shqiperia do te shpetonte. Do te firmosnim nje marreveshje dhe keshtu do ti hapej rruge ringritjes se shtetit". Sot e kesaj dite Vejsiu tregon se ajo qe i ka bere pershtypje me shume i atij momenti ka qene qendrimi i Berishes. "Paradite kishin zhvilluar nje mbledhje me te ne Partine Demokratike dhe mua me dukej, ose i lodhur ose i gatshem per te dhene doreheqjen" tregon Vejsiu. Por, krejt ndryshe ishte pasditja. Ai tregon se cerja e fytyres se Berishes kishte ndryshuar dhe me tu afruar ne tavoline nxorri nje leter dhe tha: "pajtim kombetar, pajtim kombetar". Kjo ishte decizive. Ishte e vetmja zgjidhje e momentit.

Vjesiu vazhdon me tej te tregoje se Berisha e kishte pergatitur me pare ate marreveshje me te gjitha pikat e saj, por nga diskutime pati disa ndryshime te cilat ne realitet ishin shume te vogla. Thelbi ishte ai: pajtimi kombetar aq i deshirueshem ne ato momente kaosi qe po kalonte Shqiperia. Gjithcka me pas i ngjau nje takimi teper normal, kur shume te tjere nuk e mendonin se ata demokratet do te merreshin vesh me socialistet. Kete Vjesiu e shoqeron me nje shembull. Dihej qe Ceka ishte nje nga kundershtaret me te eger te Berishes. Dhe ne fillim te takimit, ai iu drejtua atij me fjalet "zoti president". Me pas kjo fjale u nderrua me "zoti Berisha", ndersa ne fund Berisha u be "doktor". "Ky elemnt ishte simbolika e atij takimi ku te gjithe pa perjatshtim", thote Vjesiu 

Mesazhi i 9 marsit

Sipas Vjesiut, 9 marsi vazhdon te lere edhe sot. Vjesiu nenvizon: "Pese vjet me pare njerezit e thjeshte kishin hyre ne konflikt me njeri-tjetrin dhe politika u perpoq qe te zbuste kete nepermjet nje marreveshje. Ndersa sot, njerezit e thjeshte nuk kane asnje konflikt me njeri-tjetrin dhe jane ata qe kerkojne politikaneve te ulen dhe te gjejne gjuhen e perbashket". Kur e pyet se kus ishin shkaktaret Vejsiu mendohet goxha. "Natyrisht,- thote ai,- firmat piramdiale, humbja e parave krijoi zemerim. Kete e shfrytezoi opozita e cila e perdori per qellime politike. Ndersa per gabimet e PD-se ai thote vetem nje: Duhet t'i kishte zene gryken firmave piramdiale. "Ne kishim mundesi ti godisnim dhe shkaterronim ato qe ne fillimet e tyre", shton ai

"Pergjegjesit, te gjenden por jo te denohen"

Persa i perket fajtoreve Vjesiu thote se doemos qe nje dite dosja e marsit 1997 duhet te hapet. Sipas tij, fajtoret duhet te gjenden me doemos. Por kur vjen puna per ti denuar, ai eshte kunder. "Te mos behet nje gje e tille" kundershton. Argumenti qe perdor kur i themi se fakti qe te gjenden fajtoret dhe te mos denohen eshte nonsens juridik, ai e sqaron kete duke u shprehur se kjo lidhet me natyren tij. "Nuk jam per denime e penalitete. Por ajo qe na mungon te gjitheve eshte pendesa" perfund Vjesiu.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  9 23:03:09 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 9 Mar 2002 20:03:09 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Korrieri; 9/3/2002
Message-ID: <20020310040309.40591.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

Mbi zhdukjen e Pashallareve te Kuq

Mbi zhdukjen e Pashallareve te Kuq


Nga Bashkim Shehu/ Ne stuhine e replikave e te kunderreplikave te ngritura kohet e fundit lidhur me nje poezi te Ismail Kadarese, ajo qe me bie me fort ne sy eshte gjykimi i nje teksti letrar pa u lexuar ky tekst letrar (me sa di une, bejne perjashtim vetem Nexhmije Hoxha dhe Duro Mustafaj, ish-kryeredaktori i se perjavshmes "Drita", i cili ka luajtur nje rol te rendesishem ne censurimin e kesaj poezie). Ky lloj apriorizmi i cuditshem nuk me duket thjesht nje padrejtesi ndaj nje vepre konkrete dhe autorit te saj, por, cka eshte me e rendesishmja, nje padrejtesi ndaj principit me elementar te polemikes letrare: leximit te nje teksti para se te gjykohet mbi te. 


Prandaj, mendoj se mund te jap ndihmesen time ne kete polemike, duke qene nga te paktet njerez qe e kane lexuar poezine e shumeperfolur, e cila, me qe ra fjala, nuk titullohet "Pashallaret e kuq", sic vazhdojne ta quajne disa, por "Ne mesdite Byroja Politike u mblodh".


Ja rrethanat ne te cilat me ra ne dore ajo poezi. Ishte vjeshta e vitit 1975 dhe im ate, Mehmet Shehu, i tendosur e i acaruar, me thote se nuk duhej te takohesha me absolutisht me Ismail Kadarene, pastaj me pyet nese te Kadareja kishte ndonje liber qe mund t'ia kisha dhene hua nga biblioteka e shtepise sone. Si degjoi pergjigjen mohuese, nxori disa flete te daktilografuara dhe zu te ma lexonte poezine. Dhe, si shkembyem nje dialog qe do te perpiqem ta riprodhoj pak me poshte (ne te cilin ai rilexonte dhe dendur komentonte vargje per te ilustruar pikepamjen e vet), ma dha qe ta rilexoja. I kerkova qe ta rilexoja ne qetesi, i vetem, ne dhomen tjeter. E rilexova disa here. 


Ja se cfare mbaj mend nga keto lexime (pavaresisht nga sa thote vete Kadareja ne nje interviste ne librin e Maks Velos). Vargu i pare ishte i njejte me titullin. Pra: "Ne mesdite Byroja Politike u mblodh". Me tej, shtrohet pyetja pse u mblodh me kaq ngut ne mesdite. Dhe (pak a shume): kufijte shteterore jane te qete, askush nuk kercenon ne veri e ne jug. Po "klasat e permbysura"? As andej nuk duket ndonje rrezik:"dimerojne te heshtur nen te proletariatit diktature". Ne vijim, thuhet se rreziku vjen nga brenda, nga burokratet. "Ata nuk jane tuhafe te kendshem, /Me 'Pelikan' perjargur, ho-ho-ho/... me duart pergjakur deri ne berryla une ata i shoh". Ca me tej: "Pashallare te kuq, bejlere me tesera partie, bose te naftes, barone sekretare". Pastaj dicka me nje shtegtim neper nate ne nje yrt per te zhvarrosur e hedhur mbi vete pelerina e nishane sundimtaresh te dikurshem, fantazmash te tretura ne terrin e koheve. Ne fund fare, tregohet se, meqenese shtepise nuk i pikonte catia (apo dicka e tille, po sidoqofte nje metafore a similitude aspak mahnitese) dhe se e keqja qenkesh ne themelet, Enver Hoxha zbret atje me pishtar ne dore. Dhe (pak a shume): "Ai s'ishte Krishti qe rrembeu kamzhikun..." Por, si te thuash, vuri ne levizje kontrollin punetor, afersisht keshtu: "te merren ministrite me kontrol punetor/ qe neser te mos merren me topa".


Sigurisht, ka boshlleqe ne kujtesen time per kete poezi, por me duket se edhe kaq sa arrita te riprodhoj mund te jete sadopak nje ndihmese ne polemiken perkatese. Gjithesesi, me mire se hici. Polemizuesit mund te vazhdojne te mbahen te opinonet e veta paraprake, po sidoqofte eksponentet me te fuqishem te regjimit te atehershem, ata qe percaktonin kush ishte "me ne" dhe kush "kunder nesh", kane pasur interpretimin e vet, i cili nuk duhet shperfillur ne suazen e kesaj polemike. 


Se pari, im ate, Mehmet Shehu, e konsideronte thellesisht armiqesore kete poezi. Madje, pyetja e tij nese kishte ne shtepine e Kadarese ndonje liber tonin ka nje domethenie te vecante: bastisjen e mundshme te Kadareja nga ana e Sigurimit te Shtetit. Te njejten pyetje e kisha degjuar para kater vjetesh prej Mehmet Shehut, sepse nje liber i bibliotekes familjare, nga Rozhe Garodi (i cilesuar asokohe si "ultrarevizionist"), u gjet mbas nje bastisjeje policore ne shtepine e nje personi tjeter (libri kishte dale nga im vella Vladimiri dhe kishte perfunduar nepermjet nje te treti te ai person, i cili mbas nje viti perfundoi ne kampin e Spacit). Ndoshta duket frike e teperuar kjo e imja, po e tille ishte koha.


Po le te kthehemi te poezia e Kadarese, gjegjesisht te dialogu ndermjet meje dhe tim eti pasi ma kish lexuar. Pervec stigmatizimit te pergjithshem si veper thellesisht armiqesore, me kujtohen konkretisht ndoca komente mbi vargje te caktuara. Keshtu, mungesen e rrezikut ne kufijte shteterore sic thuhej ne vargjet e para ai e quajti si dicka ne kundershtim me idene e rrezikut te nje agresioni te jashtem ushtarak ne kuadrin e rrethimit imperialisto-revizionist, ndersa vargun apo vargjet per "klasat e permbysura" qe "dimerojne te heshtur nen te proletariatit diktature", i quajti thirrje per te ulur vigjilencen revolucionare ne luften e "kllasave". Po keshtu, ate ceshtjen e shtepise qe nuk i pikon catia, por qe e keqja qenkesh ne themele, e shikonte si kundervenie ndaj analizes se Partise se Punes lidhur me degjenerimin revizionist sovjetik etj. duke filluar nga degjenerimi i udheheqjes (perdori edhe ai nje proverb: "peshku qelbet nga koka"). Vargun "Pashallare te kuq, bejlere me tesera partie, bose te naftes, barone sekretare", si dhe ate me duart e pergjakura deri ne berryla, nuk i komentoi - porse e mbaj mend si sot qe i ndryshoi zeri dhe intonacioni gjate leximit. Pastaj, si e kisha rilexuar vete poezine dhe ia ktheva fletet e daktilografuara, me pyeti cfare mendoja. E vetmja marrje ne mbrojtje e Kadarese qe munda te beja ishte ajo e vargjeve per "shokun Enver". Babai, Mehmet Shehu domethene, ma ktheu se kjo permendje qenkesh nje alibi e Kadarese, nje orvatje "per te na hedhur hi syve". Dhe: "Po Partia, ku eshte?" Dhe: "Ismail Kadare mohon rolin udheheqes te Partise", gje qe, sipas Mehmet Shehut, vertetohej ngase autori, krahas "shokut Enver", permendte kontrollin punetor, por jo Partine.


Se dyti, Enver Hoxha, ka pasur te njejtin qendrim, sikurse deshmon kohet e fundit e veja: veper e poshter armiqesore, qe e ndante Enverin nga shoket (Nga cilet? Nga "komplotistet"?).


Se treti, me keto qendrime te Enver Hoxhes e te Mehmet Shehut perkon edhe akti i denimit te kesaj poezie nga Lidhja e Shkrimtareve dhe Artisteve te Republikes Popullore Socialiste te Shqiperise - akt i perpiluar ne vijat kryesore me siguri ne Komitetin Qendror te PPSH dhe i transmetuar pastaj ne trajte urdhri luftarak ne Lidhjen e lartpermendur. Mirepo disa nga pjesemarresit e polemikes ne fjale jo vetem qe nuk kane lexuar tekstin per te cilin gjykojne dhe qe eshte i zhdukur, por duket se nuk kane lexuar as ate qe ishte nxitja fillestare e polemikes, librin e Maks Velos Zhdukja e "Pashallareve te kuq" te Kadarese, ku dokumentohet kjo akt-akuze, ne te cilen Kadare perqaset me Sollzhenicinin, me Titon, me Gjilasin, me Toliatin. Libri eshte ne qarkullim ne Shqiperi.


Afermendsh, Enver Hoxha, Mehmet Shehu dhe aparati burokratiko-partiak qe u sherbente nuk mund te konsiderohen si hermeneutet me te ditur te poezise, qofte dhe te permbajtes politike te nje poezie. Megjithate, para se ta etiketojme e ta shpallim "disidente" apo "glorifikuese", te mos harrojme se, duam apo nuk duam, ishin ata qe vendosnin, me 1975, kush ishte "me ne" e kush "kunder nesh". Lajthiteshin ne rastin e kesaj poezie? Kjo mund te argumentohet vetem pasi poezia ne fjale te jete lexuar nga argumentuesi. Apo mos ndoshta edhe nga referencat e mia te mesiperme ndaj dokumentit te botuar nga Maks Velo mund te dale se regjimi mendonte qe Kadareja ishte "me ne"? Kaq djathtas te kete shkuar nje pjese e publicistikes shqiptare sa qe te identifikoje me regjimin e Hoxhes jo vetem krejt spektrin komunist, perfshi Titon e Toliatin, po edhe Gjilasin e vepres mbi "klasen e re shfrytezuese", apo madje edhe te djathtin radikal Aleksander Sollzhenicin? Po ka edhe me. Ne dokumentin e botuar nga Maks Velo thuhet shprehimisht se Kadare godet diktaturen e proletariatit, duke e barazuar me "terrorin" dhe duke e paraqitur si "gjakatare". Gabohej mendja e regjimit, e teperonte regjimi qe e gjykonte keshtu poezine e Kadarese? Ta zeme se po. Vecse ky liber duhet lexuar, e pastaj (brenda mundesive) rrezuar.


Ta zeme se mund te shperfillen faktet dhe po e shtrojme ceshtjen skematikisht (apo dogmatikisht) nepermjet pyetjes: A eshte e mundur qe dikush ne ate lloj regjimi te shkruaje nje poezi me permbajtje politike subversive e te mos e pesoje? Madje, a mund te shkruhet, pervecse jo me qellim botimi, nje poezi e tille ne nje regjim te atille? 


Me te vertete, cfare pesoi Kadareja? Asgje, po te kemi parasysh ate qe deshmon Nexhmije Hoxha mbi verdiktin e te shoqit per poezine konkretisht, ate qe degjova une nga goja e tim eti, si dhe ato qe u perpiluan nga inkuizicioni kulturor i asaj kohe ne perdorim te Lidhjes se Shkrimtareve dhe Artisteve. U ndalua ajo poezi. U vonua dhenia ne shtyp e romanit "Pashalleqet e medha" (sic e kisha lexuar para do kohe ne doreshkrimin qe ma pati dhene Kadareja, atehere kishte nje titull tjeter, provizor, "Kamarja e turpit", madje dy tituj - tjetri ishte "Udhetimi i kokave"). Por kjo vonese ndodhi ngaqe vete Kadareja, natyrisht, qe i trembur. Sikurse po keshtu, per shkak te asaj poezie, ndjeheshin te trembur edhe shume shkrimtare te tjere. Me kujtohet nje simpozium per letersine, qe u mbajt pak me vone dhe ku isha i pranishem (isha student ne vitin e pare Gjuhe-Letersi). Para, ndermjet dhe mbas seancave, Kadareja ishte pothuajse vazhdimisht vetem me te shoqen, Elenen. Qarkohej ndonjehere nga koleget kosovare - me floke te gjata e me kostume ekstravagante per shijet "e shendosha proletare" - te cilet mesaduket nuk dinin gje prej gjeje (jo kostumet, po Azem Shkreli, Ali Podrimja, etj.), ndersa pothuaj te gjithe pjesemarresit nga Shqiperia i shmangeshin Kadarese a thua kishte murtajen. Frike e teperuar, ajo e Kadarese per t'ia dhene botuesit romanin dhe kjo e shkrimtareve te tjere nga prania e Kadarese? Edhe nje here: e tille ishte koha. Pak me vone, Kadareja shkoi njefare periudhe te shkurter ne Myzeqe dhe me kaq, si te thuash, u mbyll.


Si eshte e mundur? Per te mos u zgjatur me analiza mbi mekanizmat represive totalitare, po mjaftohem me nje shembull nga historia e artit. E kam fjalen te filmi i Ajzenshtajnit "Ivani i Tmerrshem", nje nga kryeveprat e fondit klasik te kinematografise boterore (me nje nivel ku e ku me te larte se poezia e Kadarese, ashtu sikurse edhe Kadare ka vepra ku e ku me te mira se kjo poezi, te cilen, per mendimin tim, e demton pikerisht politizimi ne kufijte e propagandes - nuk po hyj ne ceshtjen e te qenit poezi "disidente" apo "glorifikuese", ngase kjo eshte e parendesishme ne lidhje me demin qe i sjell hipertrofia politike artit). "Ivani i Tmerrshem" i Ajzenshtajnit u prodhua ne Bashkimin Sovjetik ne vitet '40, pra ne epoken "zhdanovcina", me asfiksuese, me e eger se gjahu shqiptar i shtrigave ne vitet '70. Dhe, dihet, totalitarizmi eshte me i vemendshem ndaj kinematografise sesa ndaj poezise, duke qene e para nje art shume me masiv. Dhe "Ivani i Tmerrshem" i Ajzenshtajnit, ku autokrati mesjetar paraqitej si i vetem kunder te gjitheve, ishte nje alegori e qarte per kultin e Stalinit dhe spastrimet staliniane ne majat e piramides partiake. Ne fillim u shfaq, i konsideruar si glorifikim i skajshem i diktatorit. Pastaj, mbas nje periudhe ngurrimesh e pasigurie nga censura, u bllokua seria e tij e pare (do te zhbllokohej nga Hrushovi mbas vdekjes se Stalinit), ndersa e dyta nuk u shfaq asnjehere ne publik dhe perfundimisht u dogj: glorifikimi i skajshem i diktatoirt nga Ajzenshtajni riciklonte absurdin e propagandes zyrtare duke e shnderuar ne te kunderten, fale gjenise se krijuesit dhe kompleksitetit inherent te gjuhes se tij kinematografike. Po cfare pesoi Ajzenshtajni, perpos censurimit te filmit? Asgje, me sa dihet. Dhe vazhdoi te quhet kineasti me i madh i realizmit socialist. Ne Bashkimin Sovjetik, se tjeterkund shikohej si kineast i madh ne nje menyre tjeter. Si shpjegohet e tere kjo? Pavaresisht nga cdo shpjegim, faktet mbeten. Nese po i referohem nje vepre kinematografike qe disa nga polemizuesit mund te mos e kene pare, shpresoj qe kjo te me tolerohet, perderisa ata gjykojne mbi gjera qe nuk i kane lexuar.


---------------------------------

Korrieri, 03/09/

Rakipi: Politika kercenon prokurorine

Rakipi: Politika kercenon prokurorine


Mberrin ne Kuvend raporti i Prokurorise se Pergjithshme per vitin 2001. "Elemente kriminale perpiqen te infiltrojne ne strukturat e prokurorise, te sigurojne mburojen e politikes, te rrisin influencat e kontrollin ne media dhe te bejne pastrimin e parave, nepermjet aktiviteteve te biznesit, qe sherbejne si fasade publike e krimit te organizuar", shprehet kryeprokurori


Alketa MYFTIU


TIRANE - Presionet politike kercenojne luften kunder korrupsionit e krimit te organizuar. Prokurori i Pergjithshem, Arben Rakipi, ne raportin e veprimtarise se prokurorise per vitin 2001, paralajmeron per rrjete kriminale me rrezikshmeri re larte, "te pasur ne vlera financiare e teknologjike, te cilat kane prirjen mafioze te kompromentimit e nenshtrimit te shtetit e te politikes". Prokuroria, sipas Rakipit, perballet jo vetem me pjesen e inkriminuar te shoqerise shqiptare, por edhe me "presione te drejteperdrejta e te terthorta, publike e te fshehta, kercenuese e kompromentuese te gjithkujt tjeter, qe per perfitim kapitalesh politike ose dhe jo vetem te tilla, i intereson tkurrja e inisiatives profesionale". 


Ne raportin prej 18 faqesh, i dorezuar ne zyrat e Kuvendit nje muaj me pare dhe i parashikuar te shqyrtohej ne Parlament ne fund te muajit te kaluar, jepet ne menyre te permbledhur panorama e krimit ordiner dhe atij te organizuar ne Shqiperi ne vitin 2001. Ku theksi vihet ne nje lloj me te sofistikuar te krimit, i cili kercenon sigurine dhe demokracine shqiptare. Sipas kryeprokurorit Rakipi, aktualisht rreziku me i madh per shoqerine konsiston ne nje tjeter forme krimi, qe gjeografikisht nuk mbyllet vetem brenda kufijve te vendit dhe eshte shume here me i organizuar dhe me i sofistikuar. "Trafiqet e paligjshme te droges, prostitucionit, armeve, klandestineve e makinave te vjedhura, si dhe pastrimi i parave qe rrjedhin prej tyre, perbejne jo vetem formen me te organizuar te krimit ne ditet tona, por dhe permbajtjen me shkaterruese te sigurise ne vend, ne rajon dhe me gjere", thuhet ne raport. Shqiperia, sipas tij, fale pozicionit gjeografik, emigracionit masiv, kushteve ekonomike ende te veshtira, te favorizuara jo rralle nga mungesa e konsolidimit te organeve te hetimit, perben nje terren favorizues, si nga potenciali njerezor, i gatshem per ndermarrje te tilla kriminale, ashtu edhe si rruge kalimi fizik i "mallrave" te trafikuara nga lindja ne perendim e anasjelltas. 


Kreu i organit me te larte te akuzes, qe prej javesh po perballet me nje varg kritikash si nga opozita dhe nje pjese brenda PS per "politizim te organit te prokurorise", paralajmeron se hetimet aktuale te nisura nga prokuroria tregojne se elemente kriminale perpiqen te infiltrojne ne strukturat e prokurorise, te sigurojne miqesine dhe mburojen e njerezve te politikes, te rrisin influencat e kontrollin ne media dhe natyrisht te bejne pastrimin e parave, nepermjet aktiviteteve te biznesit, qe njekohesisht sherbejne edhe si fasade publike e krimit te organizuar. "Keto individe synojne te kompromentojne apo edhe te komandojne politiken dhe strukturat e shtetit, duke krijuar imazhin e njesimit te shtetit me mafian, duke ndikuar ne zhvleftesimin e besimit te njerezve te politika, tek shteti dhe per rrjedhoje te varrosin pergjithnje vlerat demokratike te shoqerise", perfundon raporti i Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, i cili sebashku me mocionin per debat te kerkuar nga opozita per shkarkimin e tij nga detyra, ndodhen ne duart e deputeteve. Duke qene se raporti ishte perpiluar kur ende nuk kishte marre forme nisma e opozites per mocion mosbesimi ndaj tij, por ne ajer ndihej era e "akuzave" te ardhshme, Rakipi ka rezervuar te drejten e nderhyrjes ne raport per permiresimet perfundimtare te tij. 


Pikat e Raportit 2001


Kriminaliteti ne Shqiperi ka pesuar ulje


Trafikimi e kultivimi i substancave narkotike ka pesuar rritje 


Krimet ne fushen e doganave e tatimeve ka shenuar ulje te ndjeshme


Jane derguar ne gjyq 30 % e ceshtjeve per prostitucion


Lufta kunder korrupsionit 


Lufta kunder terrorizmi


Zbatimi i kuadrit ligjor


Permiresimi i legjislacionit


Rritja e bashkepunimit me Prokurorite jashte vendit


SQARIM


"Nuk bej komente per deklarata te anetareve te grupit parlamentar te PS". Keshtu vleresoi Arben Malaj, kryetar i grupit te deputeteve socialiste, deklaratat e ish-Kryeministrit Meta per politizim te prokurorise se pergjithshme ne luften e saj kunder korrupsionit. Malaj u shpreh se vendimi per kete do te merrej ne grupin parlamentar pas nje analize te hollesishme ne perputhje me Kushtetuten. 


Sqarim: Kjo eshte deklarata e sakte e z.Malaj. Per shkak te mosregjistrimit qarte te deklarates per shtyp te tij, lajmi i botuar nje dite me pare kishte nje pasaktesi, si rrjedhoje e keqdegjimit te fjaleve. 


---------------------------------
Korrieri, 03/09/2002 
Prokuroria: Ja te metat e Kompanise serbe EFT

Prokuroria: Ja te metat e Kompanise serbe EFT


Prokuroria e Pergjithshme ka fiksuar nje pjese te materialeve te Koorporates Energjitike Shqiptare, ku flitet per firmen serbe, EFT, se ciles i jane ngarkuar nje pjese e madhe e prokurimeve per importimin e energjise elektrike ne Shqiperi. Nga te dhenat rezulton se KESH ka abuzuar me fondet e qeverise, duke pasur parasysh te dhenat e firmes se huaj, e cila eshte prezantuar si angleze, por ne fakt ishte serbe. E krijuar ne vitin 2000 dhe ndonese pa pervoje ajo kishte fituar mbi firmat e tjera prestigjoze. Per me teper, burime te Prokurorise se Pergjithshme kane shtuar se kontratat me kete firme jane firmosur nga KESH dhe pa vendime qeverie, si rrjedhoje nuk eshte mundesuar derdhja ne arken e shtetit e perqindjes qe sigurohet nga firmosja e kontrates. Te gjitha keto pika do te shqyrtohen nga ana e nje grup i specializuar ekspertesh, qe duket se do t`i pervishen punes pasi Parlamenti te vendose per heqjen e imunitetit te ish-drejtorit te KESH, Dritan Prifti.

Histori: Shevqet Bej Verlaci

Histori: Shevqet Bej Verlaci


Dukej sikur kishte dale direkt nga njera prej atyre gravurave me te cilat stolisnin librat e vjeter te udhetimit ne perandorine otomane. Burre i bukur ne te tjerat, te pakten ne kuptimin oriental te kesaj fjale. Jo shume trupmadh, por i perpjestuar shume mire; cehre zeshkane, tipare te holla, hunde te theksuar, sy fort te bukur, te medhenj, te bute si kadife, me nje shprehje embelsie melankonike. Nje pale mustaqe te bukura, te dendura dhe te varura. Mbi keto, perhere besnik ndaj njefare spitullimi ne veshje: aristokratet shqiptare mbanin nje fes, zakonisht te zi, me forme speciale pak si kapelet tona prej plisi, por pa strehe. Shevqet bej Verlaci ishte i vetmi, qe e kishte fesin me ngjyra te ndryshme ne pershtatje me kostumin. Por, megjithekete, une e shihja gjithmone te veshur ne menyren e dinjitareve te larte te Turqise se dikurshme.


Me kishte ftuar per darke ne shtepi, para se t'isha njohur me te personalisht. Nje banese modeste, fshehur ne nje rruge te dyte te Tiranes se vjeter. Mesuar akoma shume pak me zakonet shqiptare, me beri pak pershtypje pritja qe me rezervoi. Trokita ne porte, ajo u hap dhe u shfaq nje tip shume pak qetesues, me nje fener te ndezur ne dore, qe ma rrasi ne fytyre, me qellim qe te sigurohej ne identitetin tim:prapa tij, si qites, disa sherbetore te tjere me pushket per faqe e gishtin ne kembez, gati per te nderhyre. Ishte padyshim hera e pare qe, i ftuar te njerez te nderuar, me pritnin keshtu. Pak te ftuar, shumica miq ose me sakte, kliente ne kuptimin romak te fjales. Ne tryeze pa shume gjalleri, biseda rrodhi mbi subjekte te ndryshme.


Argumenti kryesor nuk u cek, vecse ne castin qe e donte etiketa, shume vone pas kafese.


C'mendon Italia per reformen agrare?


Ceshtje fort e merzitshme, sepse ne fakt qeveria italiane nuk dinte ndonje gje te madhe per reformen agrare ne Shqiperi.


Shqiperia ofronte shume aspekte interesante: por me 1928 te pakten, nje nga elementet e saj terheqes dhe jo me te parendesishmit, konsistonte per t'u paraqitur si njefare spektroskopi i evolucionit historik e social te Evropes. Veriu ne vecanti zona malore, jetonte akoma nen nje rregjim mjaft te ngjashem, besoj me ate qe ka njohur Italia ne kohen e mbreterve te pare lombarde. Persa i perket fushes...kush e di, padyshim mbreteria e Napolit nen Angevinet nuk duhet te kete qene shume e ndryshme.


Turqia e kishte lene pas dore Shqiperine: administrimi ishte lene nen kujdesin e pronareve te medhenj te tokave, te cilet kontrolloheshin ne nje menyre mjaft te percipte nga valinjte e Shkodres e te Janines; prandaj bejleret qene ngritur ne rangun e zoterinjve te vertete te vendit. Qe ata te ishin trashegimtare te vertete te familjeve te medha feudale te epokes bizantine, kthyer ne fene islame per te shpetuar, sic thoshin, kokat dhe pasurite e tyre, kete me te vertete nuk mund ta pohoj. Por, kjo nuk mund te mos pranohet, qe shumica e tyre, kane qene, te pakten per disa shekuj dhe pa diskutim, zoter e senjore te tokave te tyre.


---------------------------------
Korrieri, 03/09/2002 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  9 23:10:17 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 9 Mar 2002 20:10:17 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zeri i Popullit, 10.3.2002
Message-ID: <20020310041017.76264.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

Prokurori:Nano, Meta, Angjeli, Prifti t? tregojn? p?r parat? e pista 
TIRANE - Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme u k?rkoi t? Shtun?n deputet?ve Fatos Nano, kryetar i Partis? Socialiste, Ilir Meta, ish-kryeminist?r, Anastas Angjeli, ish- minist?r i Financave, dhe Dritan Prifti, ish-minist?r i Energjis? q? t? v?n? n? dispozicion t? hetimeve t? gjith? dokumenacionin q? ata mund t? ken? mbi deklarimet e Priftit "p?r tenttativ?n e Nanos p?r pastrim parash".

Z?dh?n?si i Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme tha p?r ATSH-n? se, p?r k?t? k?rkes? ?sht? v?n? n? dijeni edhe Kuvendi i Shqip?ris?. "I ?sht? k?rkuar edhe Kuvendit q? deputet?t Nano, Meta, Angjeli dhe Prifti t? paraqiten gjat? jav?s s? ardhshme n? prokurorin? e Tiran?s p?r t? dh?n? sqarimet e duhura", tha z?dh?n?si.

Dy jav? m? par?, Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme k?rkoi heqjen e imunitetit p?r deputetin Prifti, n?n akuz?n e shp?rdorimit t? detyr?s, n? koh?n q? drejtonte KESH-in. Nd?rsa n? fillim t? k?tij muaji, Prifti, i kthyer nga Gjermania, n? nj? konferenc? p?r shtyp hodhi, posht? akuz?n e ngritur ndaj tij dhe deklaroi "tentativ?n e Nanos p?r t? pastruar nj? shum? t? madhe parash".

Hetimet p?r tenderat e zhvilluar nga KESH-i dhe kryesisht p?r prokurimet e drejtp?rdrejta filluan n? muajin Janar t? k?tij viti, pasi sipas prokuroris? "n? procedurat e tyre rezultonin shkelje ligjore". Deri tani, akuza e shp?rdorimit t? detyr?s i ?sht? komunikuar drejtorit t? prokurimeve n? KESH, Leonard Mone dhe ish-drejtorit t? P?rgjithsh?m t? komanduar t? Korporat?s, Arben Kruja, dhe z.Prifti

Nd?rkoh? dje n? mbr?mje ish kryeministri Meta i tha gazet?s se e konsideronte nj? tjet?r loj? t? Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme k?t? reagim t? fundit. Meta tha se q? prej deklarimeve t? para p?r k?t? ??shtje, ve? k?rc?nimit q? l?shoi Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme ndaj ish ministrit t? Energjis? Prifti q? denoncoi publikisht k?t? tentativ?, asnj? veprim tjet?r i r?nd?sish?m dhe serioz? nuk ishte nd?rmarr?. Ish kryeministri tha se kjo ishte e pritshme pasi ?sht? evidente pasi Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme s'mund t? hetoj? skandalet e Nanos.

Nd?rkoh?, ish kryeministri Meta pohoi se ishte i gatsh?m t? d?shmonte gjith?ka. Pik?risht p?r k?t? - tha Meta - un? k?rkoj krijimin e nj? komisioni hetimor Parlamentar. Un? do t? d?shmoj? vet?m p?rpara nj? komisioni t? till? - tha Meta. Ngritjen e nj? Komisioni Hetimor Parlamentar para t? cilit t? d?shmohej p?r k?t? ??shtje ka k?rkuar n? fundjav?n q? shkoi edhe ish ministri i Energjis? Dritan Prifti.

 Prokurori:Nano, Meta, Angjeli, Prifti t? tregojn? p?r parat? e pista 

TIRANE - Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme u k?rkoi t? Shtun?n deputet?ve Fatos Nano, kryetar i Partis? Socialiste, Ilir Meta, ish-kryeminist?r, Anastas Angjeli, ish- minist?r i Financave, dhe Dritan Prifti, ish-minist?r i Energjis? q? t? v?n? n? dispozicion t? hetimeve t? gjith? dokumenacionin q? ata mund t? ken? mbi deklarimet e Priftit "p?r tenttativ?n e Nanos p?r pastrim parash".

Z?dh?n?si i Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme tha p?r ATSH-n? se, p?r k?t? k?rkes? ?sht? v?n? n? dijeni edhe Kuvendi i Shqip?ris?. "I ?sht? k?rkuar edhe Kuvendit q? deputet?t Nano, Meta, Angjeli dhe Prifti t? paraqiten gjat? jav?s s? ardhshme n? prokurorin? e Tiran?s p?r t? dh?n? sqarimet e duhura", tha z?dh?n?si.

Dy jav? m? par?, Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme k?rkoi heqjen e imunitetit p?r deputetin Prifti, n?n akuz?n e shp?rdorimit t? detyr?s, n? koh?n q? drejtonte KESH-in. Nd?rsa n? fillim t? k?tij muaji, Prifti, i kthyer nga Gjermania, n? nj? konferenc? p?r shtyp hodhi, posht? akuz?n e ngritur ndaj tij dhe deklaroi "tentativ?n e Nanos p?r t? pastruar nj? shum? t? madhe parash".

Hetimet p?r tenderat e zhvilluar nga KESH-i dhe kryesisht p?r prokurimet e drejtp?rdrejta filluan n? muajin Janar t? k?tij viti, pasi sipas prokuroris? "n? procedurat e tyre rezultonin shkelje ligjore". Deri tani, akuza e shp?rdorimit t? detyr?s i ?sht? komunikuar drejtorit t? prokurimeve n? KESH, Leonard Mone dhe ish-drejtorit t? P?rgjithsh?m t? komanduar t? Korporat?s, Arben Kruja, dhe z.Prifti

Nd?rkoh? dje n? mbr?mje ish kryeministri Meta i tha gazet?s se e konsideronte nj? tjet?r loj? t? Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme k?t? reagim t? fundit. Meta tha se q? prej deklarimeve t? para p?r k?t? ??shtje, ve? k?rc?nimit q? l?shoi Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme ndaj ish ministrit t? Energjis? Prifti q? denoncoi publikisht k?t? tentativ?, asnj? veprim tjet?r i r?nd?sish?m dhe serioz? nuk ishte nd?rmarr?. Ish kryeministri tha se kjo ishte e pritshme pasi ?sht? evidente pasi Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme s'mund t? hetoj? skandalet e Nanos.

Nd?rkoh?, ish kryeministri Meta pohoi se ishte i gatsh?m t? d?shmonte gjith?ka. Pik?risht p?r k?t? - tha Meta - un? k?rkoj krijimin e nj? komisioni hetimor Parlamentar. Un? do t? d?shmoj? vet?m p?rpara nj? komisioni t? till? - tha Meta. Ngritjen e nj? Komisioni Hetimor Parlamentar para t? cilit t? d?shmohej p?r k?t? ??shtje ka k?rkuar n? fundjav?n q? shkoi edhe ish ministri i Energjis? Dritan Prifti.

 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  9 23:20:33 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 9 Mar 2002 20:20:33 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ATA News
Message-ID: <20020310042033.6619.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

Pentagon Military delegation to visit Tirana on Monday
TIRANE, March 9 (ata) - A Pentagon military delegation will pay an official visit to Tirana from March 1-14, 2002, the spokesperson of the Albanian Defence Ministry reported. The team of Pentagon militaries, led by the chief of the Pentagon Office for Albania, Colonel Eiseminger, is expected to meet with the Albanian Defence Minister, Luan Rama and other personalities of the Albanian state. The meetings are expected to focus on the relations with the Armed Forces of Albania and recognition with Albanian military structures. /i.a/nela/xh/
2002-03-09  



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar  9 23:27:04 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 9 Mar 2002 20:27:04 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] LA Times
Message-ID: <20020310042704.47403.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

Los Angeles Times 
March 9, 2002 Saturday  Home Edition 
 Part A; Part 1; Page 9; Foreign Desk 


; 
Milosevic Cites the FBI in Asserting Innocence 

 From Times Wire Services 

DATELINE: THE HAGUE 

BODY: 
Slobodan Milosevic brandished what he said was an FBI document concerning Al Qaeda-backed Muslim fighters in Kosovo as he insisted Friday that ethnic Albanian separatists were the true villains there. 

Sparring with a Kosovo human rights activist who accused Serbs, citizens of Yugoslavia's main republic, of killing and mutilating ethnic Albanians in the Serbian province, the former Yugoslav president said the document proved the existence of Al Qaeda and moujahedeen support for Muslim fighters not only in Kosovo but also in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the separatist Russian republic of Chechnya. "This is a congressional statement of the FBI. That's what this is," Milosevic declared, adding triumphantly that the report was dated Dec. 18--"after Sept. 11." 

The authenticity of the document could not be independently confirmed, and he gave no details of how he obtained it. 

"Neither the [Serbian] army nor the police have been implicated in war crimes," Milosevic, who is defending himself, told the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in his war crimes trial. 

But witness Sabit Kadriu said he knew nothing of activity by Osama bin Laden in Kosovo, where a Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanians triggered North Atlantic Treaty Organization airstrikes in 1999. 

"It's not true there were moujahedeen in Kosovo. This is a fiction of your mind," the 41-year-old ethnic Albanian said. 

Milosevic faces 66 counts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Kosovo, Bosnia and Croatia--the latter two onetime Yugoslav republics. 

Kadriu told the court Thursday that Serbian forces killed more than 100 civilians as they tried to flee the province in 1999. 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Mar 10 09:26:05 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 10 Mar 2002 06:26:05 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KLAN
Message-ID: <20020310142605.35970.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>


Nje anglez ne malet e Zagorise

William Tilman, i njohur si nje nga shkrimtaret me te medhej angleze te letersise te udhetimeve, rrefen aventuren e tij mes partizaneve shqiptare. Dhjete muaj prane Shefqet Pecit e Bedri Spahiut. Takimi dramatik me Mehmet Shehun dhe perse misionet angleze u hamenden per nje kohe te gjate mes ballisteve dhe partizaneve

Nga Auron Tare


 
William Tilman dale ne Sheper te Zagorise, 1943

"Ishte nje nate e ngrohte Gushti e vitit 1943, kur nga barku i avionit anglez "Halifax" u hodha me parashute mbi nje grumbull malesh te panjohura per mua deri me atehere. Zjarret e ndezura si sinjalet per ne ishin mjaft larg dhe na u desh te ecnim gjate per te takuar mikpritesit tane, partizanet shqiptare". Me keto fjale majori britanik Tilman i fillon shenimet e tij per aventuren shqiptare te titulluara: "Kur malet dhe njerezit takohen". Por, mikpritesit e tij nuk mund ta dinin kursesi se ate nate gushti ne malet e ashpra shqiptare, ata kishin pritur nje nga eksploratoret me te medhej te shekullit te 20-te William "Bill" Tilman. 

Bill Tilman, anetar i grupit ekskluziv te exploratoreve boterore te "Shoqates Mbreterore te Gjeografise", ishte nje personazh i cili i perkiste "brezit te humbur" te dale pas Luftes se Pare Boterore. Pasi kishte shpetuar gjalle nga tmerret e luftes, i ishte dedikuar perjetesisht pushtimit te majave me te larta ne Bote.

Mik i ngushte me legjenden tjeter te maleve Eric Shipton, ata sebashku exploruan nje sere vendesh si ne Patagoni, Afrike, Juglindjen e Azise dhe sigurisht... dhe te papushtuarat deri me atehere: Himalajat. Tilman eshte nje nga dy eksploratoret e pare qe ngjiten majen e Nanda Devit ne Himalaja, maja me e larte e pushtuar nga njeriu. Suksesi i kesaj ekspedite beri qe fama e tij te ishte a pazakonte dhe si rezultat iu besua drejtimi i ekspedites per ngjitjen e Everestit me 1938. Kjo ekspedite, per menyren se si u realizua dhe rezultatin qe solli, hyri ne analet eksploruese si "stili Tilman & Shipton". Por Tilman ishte dhe nje shkrimtar brilant, i cili kontribuoi shume ne krijimin e letersise se udhetimeve. Ai botoi nje numer te madh librash rreth udhetimeve te tij eksploruese, vendeve dhe njerezve qe takoi. 

Gjate Luftes se dyte Boterore, per eksperiencen e pasur ne njohjen e maleve dhe luftes guerrile, ai u caktua te sherbente ne Grupin elitar te njohur si SOE, pararendsja e "Beretave te Gjelbra" te Forcat Komando angleze. I stervitur ne perdorimin e eksplozivit dhe krijimit te grupeve partizane, Tilman u parashutua ne malet e Shqiperise per te ndihmuar partizanet shqiptare ne goditjen e vijave te komunikacionit gjerman.

"Shtabi yne ishte caktuar ne nje fshat te vogel te quajtur Sheper, mes maleve te Zagorise. -shkruan Tilman- Udhetuam tre dite neper male, pas mushkave tona te ngarkuara me pajisje per te arritur ne baze. Kur iu afruam Permetit, pame per here te pare gjurmet e Luftes. Permeti ishte djegur plotesisht nga ushtria greke gjate Luftes se pare Boterore. Italianet e kishin djegur rishtas dhe popullsia ishte ngjitur ne male. Me te arritur ne Sheper, pamja e pare qe na doli para sysh ishin trupat e tre partizaneve te ekzekutuar para disa oresh se te vinim ne, prane nje kishe. Koleget e mij, qe me sa duket po mendonin te llahtarisur se kishim rene ne duart e nje tufe te egrish, hyne ne banesen e caktuar duke u dridhur. Pas disa castesh u prezantuam me Komandantin e Zones se 1 Operative Islam Radovicken dhe Komisarin e tij Bedri Spahiu. Ata na shpjeguan se te vraret ishin ekzekutuar per shkjelje te rregullave te moralit dhe nje prej tyre ishte kapur duke vjedhur leter cigareje shokeve te tij. Gjate gjithe qendrimit tim mes partizaneve shqiptare une isha mjaft i impresionuar nga qendrimi i tyre ndaj njeri tjetrit dhe disiplina mjaft e rrepte. Vjedhja, imoraliteti, grabitja denohej me vdekje. Pese djelmosha nga Sheperi, te cilet ishin kapur me ilace te marra nga parashutimet tona, ishin denuar me vdekje. Vetem mosha dhe lutjet e familjeve i shpetuan ata nga ekzekutimi i sigurte."

Perfshirja e anglezeve ne ceshtjet shqiptare gjate pushtimit Italian kishte qene mjaft e limituar. Foreign Office mbante kontakte me persona politike, te cilet kishin lene Shqiperine pas pushtimit Italian dhe nuk e njihnin mire situaten ne vend. Ne fillimet e 1941, anglezet nuk kishin nje strategji te percaktuar per Shqiperine. Ne pergjithesi, kur flitej per Ballkanin ata ishin me shume te preokupuar per ceshtjet e Greqise, si aleati kryesor anglez ne rajon. Megjithate, kishte perpjekje nga persona qe e njihnin Shqiperine para lufte, te cilet mundoheshin qe te influenconin sadopak politiken angleze per Shqiperine. Nje nga keta persona ishte Lord Glenconner, Shefi i SOE-s (Forcave Speciale Angleze), i cili kishte pergatitur nje plan per nderhyrje ne Shqiperi dhe kerkonte qe politikanet angleze te njihnin integritetin e Shqiperise se paraluftes. Do te ishte merita e tij qe politika angleze shprehu nje fare interesi per Shqiperine ne fillimet e viteve '40.

Me shtytjen e Lordit Glenconner, Sekretari i shtetit Anthony Eden, beri nje deklarate zyrtare me 17 Dhjetor 1942 ne Parlament, deklarate e cila shprehte simpati me fatin e Shqiperise dhe kerkonte restaurimin e pavaresise se saj. Kjo Deklarate u pasua nga nje deklarate e ngjashme nga amerikanet dhe Sovjetiket. 

Por shkaku i vertete per kete hap te politikes angleze ishte plani i perbashket anglo-amerikan per krijimin e nje force kundershtare per trupat Italiane ne Ballkan, qe do te sillte dhe mundesine e kapitulimit te tyre. Kjo do te bente qe gjermanet te reagonin ne mbrojtje te prapavijave te tyre dhe te pushtonin Ballkanin. Dhe si rrjedhim: dobesimin e frontit rus nga levizja e trupave. Shefat e Shtabeve te pergjithshme aleate kishin pergatitur nje plan te detajuar per Ballkanin dhe kerkonin mbeshtetjen e politikaneve per venien ne zbatim. Kjo strategji ishte adoptuar nga Shtabi i perbashket Aleat ne konferencen e Kazablankes, Janar 1943, dhe per here te pare, Ballkani mori nje rendesi te vecante ne skenen e luftes. 

"Partizanet, kur vendoseshin prane ndonje baze, e kalonin kohen duke zhvilluar debate te pafund politike dhe duke dredhur cigare. Pasi mbaronin debatet, fillonin te kendonin kenge partizane apo te vallzonin valle, te cilat me pelqenin shume me dinamiken e tyre. Ne mes tyre kishte nje numer vajzash, te cilat punonin si infermiere, perkthyese apo daktilografiste. Ishte e cuditshme, por, sic zbulova me vone, volumi i shkresave qe qarkullonte cdo dite nuk do te kishte turperuar nje ushtri te madhe e te organizuar mire. Makina e shtypit qe une iu sigurova, e shtonte edhe me volumin e shkresave propagandistike qe ata prodhonin cdo dite.

Duke pasur kaq kohe ne dispozicion, une iu sugjerova se do te ishte e udhes qe te ndihmonin fshataret ne punet e bujqesise. Por ata ua linin keto pune motrave, grave dhe nenave te tyre. 

Ne pergjithesi te gjithe luftetaret mbanin nga nje pushke te vjeter Italiane, Greke, Ruse apo Franceze. Kishin shume pak mitroloze Italiane dhe asnje automatik, por me alarmante ishte mungesa e kepuceve.

Per here te pare mora pjese ne luftimet qe partizanet bene ne Libohove. Nje garnizon i vogel Italianesh jetonin ne kala. Libohova ishte qendra e disa liderve te njohur te Ballit. Islam Radovicka me treqind partizane ishin shtrire ne bregun e nje perroi dhe prisnin te binte nata. Masat me te rrepta ishin marre qe aviacioni Italian te mos i diktonte partizanet, megjithese une mendova se keto masa ishin pak te ekzagjeruara dhe mbivleresuese per nje aviacion qe deri me sot kishte hedhur vetem nje bombe ne Sheper. Pasi ra nata, ne filluam sulmin kundra Italianeve, te cilet na u pergjigjen me mitroloze dhe mortaja. Pas disa oresh shkembime zjarri nga te dy anet, partizanet hyne ne fshat dhe iu vune zjarrin shtepive te liderve kryesore te Ballit. Pasi ishte e pa mundur qe te merrej Kalaja, partizanet u terhoqen ne rregull, duke terhequr edhe gjashte shoket e tyre te vrare. Te nesermen, ne Kishen e Laboves, perpara nje numri te madh fshataresh, Bedri Spahiu foli per betejen e mbremshme dhe per partizanet e vrare. Pastaj ata sollen nje person i cili dridhej nga frika, te cilin e ekzekutuan perpara trupave te shtrire te partizaneve. Me sa mora vesh, ai person kishte njoftuar ballistet per sulmin e mbremshem".

Sipas nje marreveshje te nenshkruar midis Shefit te Forcave Speciale angleze SOE dhe atyre amerikane OSS, anglezet do te kontrollonin dhe ndihmonin ne krijimin e luftes guerrile ne Ballkan. Per kete arsye SOE krijoi Shtabin e Operacioneve per Ballkanin ne Kajro, ku seksioni i Shqiperise u riorganizua dhe u zgjerua me personel ndihmes, te cilet kishin njohuri per Shqiperine dhe drejtoheshin nga nje angleze, qe kishte jetuar ne Shqiperi prej 15 vjetesh dhe quhej Margaret Hasluck. Kjo zyre filloi nje fushate rekrutimi per personel te zgjedhur midis forcave angleze qe ndodheshin ne terren. Grupi i pare i pergatitur me se miri dhe i udhehequr nga Majori Billy McLean, i njohur si "Misioni Consensus", u parashutua ne Prill te 1943. Grupi i Tilmanit ishte i dyti dhe ishte caktuar qe te operonte ne Zonen e Pare Operative. Ketu ai u njoh dhe u miqesua me lideret lokale te rezistences partizane Islam Radovicka, Bedri Spahiu dhe Shefqet Peci.

"Sapo na njoftuan per kapitullimin zyrtar te Italise dhe na kerkohej nga Kajro qe te merrnim kontakt me trupat Italiane ne zonen tone. Ne Gjirokaster operonte Divizioni Perugia, i komanduar nga Gjeneral Ernesto Chiminelo. Une dhe Bedriu (Spahiu) shkuam ne Manastirin e Cepos se bashku me 200 partizane. Atje takova edhe priftin, nje figure mjaft simpatike dhe komike njekohesisht. Ne Cepo ne prisnim qe te takoheshim me Gjeneralin Chiminelo, i cili kishte frike te linte kazermat e tij, me pretekstin se patrullat e Ballit i kishin kerkuar qe forcat e tij t'iu dorezoheshin atyre ne emer te Qeverise Provizore te Tiranes. Pasi pritem disa dite, me ne fund marshuam drejt Gjirokastres dhe rrethuam kazermat Italiane. Bedriu, une dhe nje eskorte e vogel me flamure te bardhe, pasi kaluam telat me gjemba, u futem ne zyrat e Gjeneralit. E para gje qe i kerkuam atij, ishte qe te largoheshim nga zyrat dhe te shkonim diku nga ku mund te vezhgonim rrugen. Ne kishim frike se papritur mund te na shfaqej ndonje patrulle gjermane dhe na kapte ne befasi. Te gjithe dolem nga zyrat dhe u vendosem prane kazermave ne nje koder te vogel. Gjenerali ishte i rrethuar nga pese kolonele, te gjithe te veshur si per parade, me cizme qe shkelqenin nga boja dhe plot medalje. Sapo u ulem, Bedriu qe fliste italisht shkelqyeshem hapi biseden. I propozuam Chiminelos qe ose te bashkohej me ne, ose te dorezohej tek partizanet si perfaqesues te aleateve, ose te digjte gjithcka. Ai na u pergjigj se deshironte te shkonte ne Sarande, ku i priste transporti per ne Itali. Kjo kerkese nuk na leverdiste, pasi ne cdo cast mund te vinin Gjermanet. Ne i thame Gjeneralit qe te vendoste deri ne oren pese pas dreke se cfare do te bente, pas kesaj ore ne do te sulmonim kazermat. Ndersa ne prisnim, nga kazermat e Italianeve na derguan ushqime dhe ne filluam te hame. Nderkohe, Bedriu dhe Shefqeti (Peci) po bisedonin me nje nga Italianet, i cili u kishte thene se ishte i gatshem t'iu tregonte atyre shtegun nga partizanet mund te shtinin ne dore armatimet ne kazerma. Une i shfaqa dyshimet e mija Bedriut, dhe per momentin ne e lame italianin te shkonte mbrapsht. Ne oren pese na erdhi nje pusulle ku Gjenerali shkruante: "Une nuk i dorezoj armet".

Rame dakort se nje sulm mbi kazermat do te ishte shume i veshtire dhe vendosem t'u prisnim ujin Italianeve. Nderkohe une shkova ne Sheper per te komunikuar me Kajron. Kur u ktheva mesova se Italianet, pasi kishin djegur gjithcka, ishin larguar naten per ne Sarande.

Ne vend qe te ndiqnim Italianet per ne Sarande, Bedriu vendosi qe partizanet te "clironin" Gjirokastren. Sebashku me partizanet hyme ne Gjirokaster. Njerezit kishin dale anes shtepive te gezuar ne kulm dhe hidhnin lule mbi partizanet. Ne sheshin e qytetit, perpara nje turme te madhe, filluan fjalimet. Ne fillim, Prefekti, pastaj Bedriu, pastaj une dhe pastaj nje student nga Zagoria i quajtur Shems,i i cili filloi te sulmoje Ballin me fjale mjaft te ashpra. Prane nesh ishte edhe nje nga lideret e Ballit i quajtur Bahri Omari, i cili megjithe poziten mjaft delikate qe kishte perpara turmes, u perpoq disa here qe t'u pergjigjej akuzave te te riut partizan. Duke pare se mund te krijoheshin probleme, une i thashe Bedriut qe te nderhynte per te zbritur partizanin nga podiumi. 

Nderkohe qe Italianet po mundoheshin qe te evakuonin trupat e tyre nga Saranda, gjermanet kaluan kufirin e Greqise dhe hyne ne Shqiperi. Une nuk e pashe me Gjeneralin Chiminelo, me vone degjova se ai dhe 150 oficeret e tij ishin vrare ne Gjirin e Porto Palermos nga Gjermanet".

Tilman, ne dallim nga nje pjese e oficereve angleze qe jetuan dhe punuan ne Shqiperi gjate Luftes, i qendroi besnik parimit te neutralitetit midis fraksioneve politike qe ai gjeti ne Shqiperi. I derguar me mision per te ndihmuar ata qe luftonin gjermanet, ai me te mberritur ne Sheper filloi te pergatiste terrenin per krijimin e kushteve te mira per parashutimin e ndihmave per cetat partizane. Tilman shkruan se misioni i tij, megjithe problemet e medha ne kohe te tilla, perseri arriti qe te sillte ndihma te konsiderueshme per partizanet e Zones se Pare. Megjithese ai e vlereson shume faktin se cetat e vogla partizane kishin mundur qe te jetonin me ndihmen e popullsise vendase edhe me veshtiresite e luftes, ai e ve ne dyshim mundesine se kjo popullsi mund te mbeshteste formacione te medha partizane. Tilman thekson se ndihma angleze ishte faktor i rendesishem per formimin e Brigadave te para partizane. 

Per nje kohe te gjate, historiografia komuniste ka nenvleresuar ndihmen qe dhane anglezet ne krijimin e formacioneve te medha partizane, prandaj deshmia e nje oficeri te paanshem dhe mjaft dashamires ndaj ketyre formacioneve eshte per tu marre ne konsiderate. Sipas dokumentave te misioneve angleze, vetem "Misioni Consensus" hodhi prane partizaneve 19.5 ton armatim luftarak gjate muajve Qershor-Gusht 1943.

Per krijimin e Brigates se Pare, anglezet (sipas dokumentacionit te botuar) sollen tre mortaja malore 81.mm, nje 45.mm, pese mitroloze Breda, nje flakhedhes amerikan, si dhe nje numer te madh pushkesh, pa permendur veshmbadhje dhe logjistike.

"Gjate Shtatorit dhe Tetorit, ne arritem qe te organizojme ardhjen e rreth tre kater avioneve ne muaj qe parashutonin armatime, veshmbathje dhe kepuce per partizanet. Pilotet gjithnje ishin mjaft te sakte ne koordinatat qe ne u jepnim. Ishte nje krenari e madhe per ne, kur "Halifax" katermotoresh hidhnin ngarkesen e pare dhe ktheheshin perseri per te hedhur ngarkesen e dyte. Nje nate, tre avione te medhej kishin mbritur ne te njejten kohe per te parashutuar dhe Lugina e Zagorise ngjante si nje aeroport i vertete. Shpesh mendoja se c'thoshin valle gjermanet, te cilet rrinin ne Gjirokaster dhe me siguri i degjonin avionet qe parashutonin.

Baza jone ishte mjaft mire e organizuar. Shpesh partizane te ndryshem vinin te na vizitonin dhe bisedat zhvilloheshin rreth te njejtes teme. Pse B.B.C nuk denonconte ndihmen qe Balli dhe Legaliteti u jepnin gjermaneve? Perse aksionet e kryera nga L.N.C i referoheshin "patrioteve" pa permendur partizanet?

Per te gjitha keto pyetje une nuk kisha nje pergjigje te sakte.

Nje prej misioneve tona kishte ngritur bazen ne Karaburun, ne nje shpelle te quajtur prej nesh "Seaview. Ketu anijet tona kishin sjelle disa tonelata me armatime dhe veshmbathje, por fatkeqesisht, megjithese oficeret ishin munduar qe te mbeshtesnin te dy krahet (Ballin dhe partizanet), ata me ne fund kishin vendosur qe te mbeshtesnin Ballin. Nderkohe, Balli ishte afruar shume me gjermanet dhe urdhrat ishin qe keto armatime te mos u jepeshin atyre, por gjermanet sulmuan bazen dhe i moren te gjitha armatimet.

Nderkohe une po shikoja mundesine qe te hapnim nje pike zbarkimi per anijet tona ne territoret e kontrolluara nga partizanet ne bregdet. Per kete arsye, sebashku me shoqeruesin tim Mehmetin, u nisem nga Sheperi per ne Borsh dhe Karaburun, per nje mision vezhgues. Nje nate qendruam ne fshatin Golem te Kurveleshit dhe pastaj ne Shtabin partizan ne Kuc. Kuci ishte i gjithi i djegur, dhe une pashe qindra ushtare italiane qe, te shtrire ne kasolle te ndertuara me kashte, jetonin ne mjerim te madh. Me vone partizanet i ndane ata neper shtepite e fshatareve, ku punonin ne shkembim te ushqimit. Doja te thoja se shqiptaret treguan nje fisnikeri te madhe ne trajtimin e ketyre ushtareve, te cilet kishin pushtuar vendin e tyre dhe iu kishin shkaterruar shtepite. Nga Kuci shkova ne Brataj, ku takova Brigaden e Pare, ne inagurimin e te ciles kisha qene ne Gusht. Ne ate zone Balli dhe Partizanet ishin mjaft te acaruar me njeri tjetrin. Takova Mehmet Shehun, i cili me foli mjaft ashper per politiken angleze te bashkepunimit me te dyja palet. Ai me dha nje mesazh personal per oficerin anglez te "Seaview", ku ai Mehmet Shehu nuk do te mbante pergjegjesi per ate qe do te ndodhte, ne se ai e merrte ate baze. Megjithate, fjalori i perdorur prej tij nuk ishte asgje ne krahasim me ate te nje vajze te re, e cila ishte pjese e stafit te tij. Sjellja e saj ishte mjaft e ashper dhe me nje gjuhe papagalli, na shurdhoi me propagande deri ne mesnate.

Pasi kalova neper Dukat, me veshtiresi te madhe u gjenda ne bazen e "Seaviw", ku takova oficerin pergjegjes per misionin. Ishte e pamundur qe pas nje jete te gjate me njeren apo tjetren pale, te mos ishte simpatizant i ceshtjes se tyre. Dhe per kete arsye, une e kuptoja mjaft mire misionin e "Seaview" dhe simpatite e tyre per Ballin.

Ne kthim, ne rame ne nje beteje qe po zhvillohej midis partizaneve dhe ballisteve. Ne qelluam shume afer dhe, pasi iu dhame te njohur partizaneve, ata na shoqeruan tek Mehmet Shehu, i cili tregoi perseri mosaprovimin e tij me oficeret e "Seaview". Nderkohe garnizoni gjerman i Llogorase kishte ardhur ne ndihme te fashatit Dukat dhe partizanet u terhoqen.

Kur u kthyem ne baze na priste lajmi i keq se Lideri i misionit Britanik ne Shqiperi, Davis ishte kapur nga Gjermanet dhe zevendesi i tij kishte vdekur. Nje pjese e fshatrave te Zagorise ishin djegur nga Gjermanet dhe nga banda Balliste e nje personi te quajtur Ismail Golemi dhe ndihmesit e mi kishin levizur bazen tone nga Shqiperia".

Tilman u largua nga Shqiperia ne Maj te 44-s, pas gati 10 muajsh qendrimi mes partizaneve, per te cilet ai kishte mjaft simpati per ceshtjen e tyre te drejte ne luften kunder Gjermaneve. Megjithe rrjedhen qe moren ngjarjet pas lufte, ai me guxim botoi pikpamjet e tij per ata me te cilet ai ndau veshtiresite e medha ne malet shqiptare, ashtu si edhe shkruan ne shenimet e tij: "U largova nga Shqiperia i bindur se mbeshtetja jone materiale, financiare dhe morale per partizanet ishte e drejte. Fatkeqesishit, mbeshtetja jone u vu ne pikepyetje kur ne mbeshtetem edhe grupime te tjera politike. Ne fillim te gjithe u trajtuan njesoj, por kur grupimet e tjera u treguan te pavullnetshem te luftonin Gjermanet, ne vazhduam t'i mbeshtesnim keto grupime moralisht e materialisht, refuzuam qe t'i denonconim publikisht dhe asnjehere nuk folem qarte per sakrificat e shumta te partizaneve. Si rezultat i kesaj politike te mefshte, ndershmeria jone si oficere u pa me dyshim. Nje partizan i thjeshte nuk mund ta kuptonte se megjithe aleancen tone me Rusine, ne nuk mund ta mbeshtesnin komunizmin. Me mbeshtetjen e nje grupi te vetem, ne mund te ofendonim nje pjese te shqiptareve dhe mund t'i fusnim ata ne nje situate te veshtire pas lufte, por perderisa ne kishim ardhur per te inkurajuar rezistencen, ishim te detyruar te mbeshtesnim vetem ata qe benin rezistence. A ishte nje politike driteshkurter apo jo, ajo qe ndoqi Anglia, une nuk mund te them. Partizanet kishin fajet e tyre, por e verteta qendron se ata luftuan, u vrane per te njejtin qellim per te cilin luftonim edhe ne. Kurajon qe ata treguan gjate luftes, deshiren per te fituar, besimin ne vetvete dhe ne ceshtjen e tyre, te gjitha keto me bene te besoj se ata e meritonin qe te udhehiqnin vendin pas lufte". 

Pas lufte, Tilman ndermori nje sere ekspeditash ne zonat me te veshtira te globit si ne Kine, Nepal, Kashmir, si dhe ne shkretetiren e Gobit. Ai se bashku me nje grup te zgjedhur alpinistesh, ngjiti majat e Rakaposhit dhe Muztagh Ata ne Himalaja. Ne nje prej udhetimeve te tij neper lumin Oxuse (nga burimet e deri ne Afganistan), ai u arrestua nga forcat afgane dhe u lirua nga protestat e shumta te nje sere lideresh boterore.

Por Tilman kontribuoi gjithashtu jo vetem ne pushtimin e majave me te larta boterore, por edhe ne letersine boterore me nje numer librash, qe edhe sot mbahen si kryevepra te letersise se udhetimeve eksploruese. I quajtur si eksploratori me i mire i shek 20-te, ai eshte vleresuar edhe nga kritiket letrare si shkrimtari me i mire i ekspeditave. I palodhur me udhetime dhe eksplorime te pafund, ne moshen 80 vjecare ne 1977, vendos qe te eksploroje i vetem hapesirat e Oqeanit Antarktik me jahtin e tij personal. Ky eksplorim do te ishte edhe udhetimi i fundit per te, pasi nuk u kthye me kurre prej andej. Nje epilog per jeten e tij, ndoshta te cilin e kishte parashikuar si mbylljen me te denje te nje kapitulli aq te lavdishem prej eksploratori



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Mar 11 07:36:51 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 11 Mar 2002 04:36:51 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The National Herald
Message-ID: <20020311123651.18068.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

The National Herald: Anti-Americanism In Greece Has Reached Dangerous Proportions (T. Mihas)


The National Herald
New York, 3 March 2002


Anti-Americanism In Greece Has Reached Dangerous Proportions

By Takis Michas
Special to The National Herald

One morning in early February, the United States Ambassador in Athens,
Thomas Miller and his wife were on their way to visit a high school in the
Aigaleo district of Athens. Invited by the school principal, they were to
take part in the presentation of an international environmental school
project called ??Globe??.
This U.S.-financed project is very popular among the pupils and it
involves a number of schools around the world. The visit never materialized.
A
group of militant communist youths forcibly prevented the entry of the
U.S.
ambassador and his group in the school premises. At the same time they
attacked the ambassador??s bodyguards and broke into a fight with the Greek
police that had rushed, somehow belatedly, to the scene. The Communist
Party of Greece is one of the strongest non-reformed communist parties in
the
world and is known to regularly incite anti-American protests. The U.S.
Embassy in Athens quickly denounced the event and expressed its regrets
about the fact that this group ??provoked incidents forcing the ambassador
to leave the premises.?? The event received scant attention in the Greek
news
media and neither the Greek government nor any Greek political party felt
the need to publicly condemn what had happened and express their sympathy
with the US diplomats. This event was in many ways symbolic of Greece??s
political evolution during the last 20 years. It manifested once again the
chronic inability or unwillingness of the Greek political class to
confront openly what perhaps constitutes the most dangerous development in
the
political culture of the country during the last decade. Namely the rise of
a virulent anti-Americanism which attacks not only what America does but
also, in many cases, what America is. Protests against US
dignitaries are not unique of course to Greece. They also take place in
other Western democracies. However there are some aspects in this event
that render it unique. Firstly it was the first time in the recent history
of
Greece that the public appearance of a diplomat of a foreign country was
canceled due to the use of force by a Greek political party. Something
similar had never happened in Greece??s recent history even when diplomats
of countries like Libya, Iraq, or (Milosevic??s) Serbia of somehow
checkered
democratic credentials took part in similar events. Secondly not a single
arrest was made and no charges were pressed against the militants who tried
and succeeded in preventing by violent means the free dialogue and the free
exchange of information. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, neither the
government nor any political party in the country denounced publicly this
planned in advance action by the activists
of the Communist Party.The only (unofficial) reaction came from the Greek
Minister of Education who reportedly expressed his dissatisfaction with the
fact that the US
ambassador had not informed him of his impending visit to the school!
Trying not to upset the communists is nothing new in Greek politics. Both
the PASOK governing party as well as the opposition New Democracy party(as
well as the present leader of the Orthodox Church of Greece) go frequently
out of their way not to say or do anything that may upset the comrades on
the Left. Indeed Greece must be the only country in the world where the
term ??anti-Communist?? still carries, to this very day and age, strong
negative
connotations. Thus a few days after the incident involving the US
ambassador, the General Secretary of PASOK Costa Laliotis, in an interview
to the Greek daily ??Eleftherotypia??, called for a united front with the
Left in the next national elections including the Communist party. Not to
be outdone the
opposition conservative New Democracy party and its present leader make also
frequently common cause with the Communists in supporting the economic
demands of any segment of the population-even if it is a group pamperedby
subsidies like the farmers. Both for PASOK as well as
for New Democracy winning the elections and enjoying the spoils of power
are
paramount. Confronting the rising tide of anti-americanism is not.
This is unfortunate since it leaves the considerable number of Greek
intellectuals, scholars and journalists who expressed their support to the
US after the 9-11 events without any political backing while at the same
time it constitutes an implicit acceptance of the fact that backing US
policies constitutes a high risk strategy in Greece.
> >> * Takis Michas is a journalist living in Athens.
> >>


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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Tue Mar 12 16:26:04 2002
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 13:26:04 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Why Congress Has to Ask Questions
Message-ID: <20020312212604.932DC15C29@email4.lga2.nytimes.com>

This article from NYTimes.com 
has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.


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Why Congress Has to Ask Questions

March 12, 2002 

By ROBERT C. BYRD


 

WASHINGTON - Do members of Congress have any business
questioning a president's military strategy in the midst of
war? That was the question swirling around Capitol Hill
last week. In the heat of debate, some went so far as to
insinuate that any questioning of a wartime president is
divisive and unpatriotic. 

What dangerous nonsense this is. Congress not only has the
right to question a president's policies, but also the
duty. In a war, the American people have every right to a
full accounting of what their sons and daughters are
fighting for and what their government expects to achieve.
To question is not to accuse or to condemn. To question is
to seek the truth. The less forthcoming a president is, the
more Congress will have to probe for answers. Such is the
current situation. 

In the wake of Sept. 11, President Bush declared all-out
war on terrorism. Money is no object; time is no deterrent.
We will win this war, the president vowed. We will hunt
down and destroy the terrorists. 

Those words constitute a sweeping manifesto. I support the
president's commitment, but as a senator, I have a
responsibility to look beyond the rhetoric. How will we win
this war? What are the costs? What are our objectives? What
are the standards by which we measure victory? How long
will we be in Afghanistan? Where else will we go? 

The Constitution states that the president shall be
commander in chief, but it is Congress that has the
constitutional authority to provide for the common defense
and general welfare, to raise and support armies, and to
declare war. In other words, Congress has a constitutional
responsibility to weigh in on war-related policy decisions.


Yet in this war on terrorism, Congress, by and large, has
been left to learn about major war-related decisions
through newspaper articles. One day we hear that American
military advisers are heading to the Philippines. Another
day we read that military personnel may go into the former
Soviet republic of Georgia. The next day we are sending
advisers into Yemen. And, oh yes, we also learn from news
reports that we have a shadow government in our own
backyard, composed of unknown bureaucrats, up and running
at undisclosed locations, for an indeterminate length of
time. 

Is it any wonder that members of Congress are beginning to
question whether the administration is deliberately leaving
Congress in the dark - or whether the administration is
making major policy decisions on the fly, without taking
time for due consideration or consultation? Neither
scenario is comforting. And while the administration has
started to meet with some members of Congress, it appears
to be more in reaction to criticism than in genuine
cooperation and consultation. 

Last Wednesday, the remains of seven American servicemen
killed in combat in Afghanistan were brought home to Dover
Air Force Base. The ceremony was a somber and chilling
reminder of what is involved in prosecuting America's war
on terror. It was a reminder that the waging of war is not
merely a matter of political debate. It is a matter of guns
and bullets and bombs and bloodshed. It is a matter of
committing our sons and daughters to a life-and-death
struggle. 

The loss of American lives in Afghanistan requires that we
question the president's wartime policies, no matter how
uncomfortable the questioning may be. We owe that to the
Americans who have died, and who will die, in the course of
what may be a long and murky war. 


Robert C. Byrd is a Democratic senator for West
Virginia.

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/12/opinion/12BYRD.html?ex=1016968364&ei=1&en=9eb514f3642c311c



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Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company


From agron at rcn.com  Tue Mar 12 14:18:49 2002
From: agron at rcn.com (agron at rcn.com)
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 14:18:49 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [Fwd: The Balkans: A Mission Neither Accomplished Nor Impossible]
Message-ID: <E16krnN-0005Z7-00@smtp02.mrf.mail.rcn.net>


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Subject: The Balkans: A Mission Neither Accomplished Nor Impossible 
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 12 14:22:04 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 11:22:04 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Rinas = "Mother Teresa" Airport
Message-ID: <20020312192204.64883.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.ansa.it/balcani/albania/20020311195532157550.html

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 12 18:22:07 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 15:22:07 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Korrieri - 12 mars 2002
Message-ID: <20020312232207.14876.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

SHBA: 5 milione USD per zbatimin e ligjit





Shtetet e Bashkuara do te financojne asistencen
teknike per rritjen e kapaciteteve kufitare dhe
funksionimin e frytshem te sektorit te krimit te
organizuar te policise shqiptare. Edhe Qendra
Antitrafik e Vlores ne listen e perfituesve



Armando META



TIRANE - Rreth 5 milione dollare do te jepen nga
qeveria amerikan per te nxitur zbatimin e ligjit ne
Shqiperi. Kuvendi pritet te miratoje brenda pak ditesh
projektligjin per "Ratifikimin e Marreveshjes, per
zbatimin e ligjit, ndermjet qeverise shqiptare dhe
asaj amerikane". Kjo marreveshje do te zbatohet
nepermjet nje projekti qe mundeson konsolidimin e
zbatimit te ligjit dhe te dyja palet, si ajo shqiptare
ashtu edhe ajo amerikane, do te ofrojne burime, per
mbeshtetjen e ketyre perpjekjeve, ne perputhje me
aktet nenligjore qe pritet te miratohen. Ratifikimi i
marreveshjes nga Kuvendi i Shqiperise, do te
mundesonte asistencen e gjithanshme amerikane per
mbeshtetje ne procesin e zbatimit te ligjit.
"Marreveshja per zbatimin e ligjit" parashikon veprime
qe do te ndermerren ne fushen e zbatimit te ligjit, te
cilat do te perfshijne asistencen teknike, trajnim dhe
dhenie te kufizuar pajisjesh per rritjen e
kapaciteteve kufitare, ndihmen e zhvillimit te
procedurave dhe funksionimin e frytshem te sektorit
kunder krimit te organizuar te Policise se Shtetit. Ne
vecanti, do te ndihmohet Qendra Nderkombetare
Antitrafik ne Vlore, si dhe do te ndertohet komponenti
fillestar i nje sistemi te pergjithshem te menaxhimit
te informacionit. Gjithashtu, projekti parashikon
zgjerimin dhe profesionalizimin e Sherbimit te
Kontrollit te Brendshem, rritjen e kapaciteteve te
Akademise se Policise, duke perfshire trajnimet e
kuadrove, si dhe zhvillimin e metejshem te stafit
menazhues dhe kontrollues te policise. Nga kjo
asistence strukturat e policise se shtetit pritet te
perfitojne si ne rrafshin e formimit profesional,
ashtu edhe ne ate logjistik, gje qe do te rriste
kapacitetin e forcave policore shqiptare ne popull.
Per te perballuar efektet financiare, nenvizohet ne
relacionin per projektligjin ne fjale derguar
Kuvendit, qeveria e SHBA do te levroje fonde ne baze
te dokumentave te pergatitura dhe te leshuara nga
Ambasada Amerikane ne Tirane. "Qeveria e RSH nga ana e
saj do te siguroje veprimin efektiv te Ministrise se
Rendit Publik dhe Ministrise se Drejtesise, ne zyra,
paga, etj. Qeveria e Shqiperise bie dakort per t'i
kthyer qeverise se SHBA, ose per te rimbursuar ate per
cdo lloj pasurie qe ajo perfiton, si rezultat i
financimit dhe qe nuk perdoret per kete projekt. Palet
i njohin njera- tjetres te drejten te kontrollojne cdo
lloj pasurie te blere ose te financuar nga cdo pale,
sipas kesaj marreveshje", theksohet ne relacion. Cdo
fond material ose pajisje e sjelle ne Shqiperi, ne
zbatim te kesaj marreveshje, do te perjashtohet nga
taksat, detyrimet e sherbimit dhe te investimit.
Gjithashtu edhe importi, eksporti, perfitimi,
perdorimi ose transferimi i kesaj pasurie ose fondi ne
lidhje me kete marreveshje perjashtohet nga cdo lloj
tarife takse doganore, takse importi ose eksporti. Por
zbatimi i marreveshjes ka edhe disa kushte, te cilat
kane per baze respektimin e te drejtave te njeriut.
"Asistenca e qeverise se SHBA per qeverine shqiptare,
per te kontrolluar dhe parandaluar krimin, kushtezohet
nga mbrojtja e te drejtave te njeriut ne Shqiperi dhe
nga qeveria e RSH. Ne rast te kundert, kur ka prova
per shkelje te hapur te te drejtave te njeriut, qe
kryhen nga nje njesi e sigurimit, financimi nuk do te
shkoje ne dobi te njesise", theksohet ne relacion.
Periudha e planifikuar per zbatimin e ketij projekti
do te jete 2 vjet nga data e nenshkrimit te
marreveshjes, ndersa shuma e perfituar nga projekti do
te jete 4,75 milione dollare. 
 
Stafi i marreveshjes, me statusin e ambasades

Stafi i marreveshjes, me statusin e ambasades



TIRANE - Rritet statusi dhe krijohen lehtesira fiskale
per stafin e personelit te qeverise amerikane ne
Shqiperi, i cili do te ndjeke zbatimin e projektit
"Marreveshje per zbatimin e ligjit", midis qeverise
shqiptare dhe asaj amerikane. Qeveria shqiptare, ne
relacionin derguar Kuvendit per projektligjin "Per
ratifikimin e marreveshjes, per zbatimin e ligjit"
nenvizon se do t'i ofroje personelit te qeverise se
SHBA privilegjet dhe imunitetin qe i ofrohet stafit
teknik dhe administrativ te qeverise amerikane, qe
punon per Ambasaden e SHBA ne Tirane. "I gjithe stafi
i caktuar me detyre ne Shqiperi, per ndjekjen e
projektit te asistences bashkepunuese/teknike dhe
anetaret e familjeve te tyre, do te perjashtohen nga
cdo takse mbi te ardhurat ose taksa te sigurimit
shoqeror shqiptar, per te ardhurat e marra gjate kohes
qe jane ne Shqiperi dhe nga taksat e pasurive vetiake
per perdorim personal", theksohet ne ralacion. 



A. M 



MARREVESHJA







Asistence teknike, trajnim dhe dhenie, te kufizuar
pajisjesh per: 







1) Rritjen e kapaciteteve kufitare; 



2) Ndihmen e zhvillimit te procedurave dhe
funksionimin e frytshem te sektorit kunder krimit te
organizuar te Policise se Shtetit dhe, ne vecanti, te
sektorit antitrafik te Qendres Nderkombetare
Antitrafik ne Vlore; ndertimin e nje komponenti
fillestar te nje sistemi te pergjithshem te menaxhimit
te informacionit; 



3) Zgjerimin dhe profesionalizimin e Sherbimit te
Kontrollit te Brendshem; 



4) Rritjen e kapaciteteve te Akademise se Policise,
duke perfshire trajnimet e kuadrove; 



5) Zhvillimin e metejshem te stafit menaxhues dhe
kontrollues te policise. 
 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 12 19:28:10 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 16:28:10 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ekologjia ne Borsh - Gazeta Shqiptare - 12.3.2002
Message-ID: <20020313002810.25228.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

EKOLOGJI Si po shkat?rrohen bukurit? e pafundme te Borshit dhe pafuqia e banor?ve t? d?shp?ruar p?r ta shp?tuar k?t? perl t? Shqip?ris? nga vandalizmat e "biznesmen?ve" Masak?r ekologjike n? Borsh Borshiot?t: Po lejuat k?t? shkat?rrim do t'ju mallkojn? brezat ...
---------------------------------

Gjin NIKA

K?to dit? b?m? nj? kalim n? Bregdetin e Jonit. U ndal?m edhe n? Borsh, i cili sapo del n? Qaf?n e Sh?n Thanase, n? sheshin e M?lqin?s, t? shpaloset pa pritur nj? panoram? e mrekullueshme. Deti shtrihet i pamat?, i kalt?r n? maksimum deri n? at? blun? e tij t? frik?shme n? distanc? nga bregu, karakteristik? e dit?ve t? dimrit. I par? nga lart, ai t? jep p?rshtypjen se bashk?jetesa e val?ve t? tij me bregun, me r?r?n e plazhit, vazhdon e paqt?, ashtu si gjat? mij?vje?ar?ve t? krijimit nga natyra.

Fusha e Borshit me ngjyr?n jeshile t? agrumeve t? degraduara b?n q? syri t? zhytet e t? kullos? i ?lodhur n? t?. N?n kalan? e Sopotit, rr?z? Picakut shfaqet e gjarp?ron deri n? det lumi i Borshit me shtratin e tij t? zallt? e t? bardh?. P?r nj? moment e gjith? kjo t? b?n t? g?njesh veten se n? k?t? parajs? ?do gj? shkon p?r bukuri. Por n? realitet gjith?ka aty merr trajt?n e nj? ?mendurie kur t? thon? se n? Borsh gjenden njer?z t? pap?rgjegjsh?m q? ngulmojn? me nj? nd?rgjegje t? verbuar t? shkat?rrojn? gjith?ka dhe borshiot? indiferent?, pa kurajo dhe me nivel t? till? sa t? mos e vler?sojn? dot mrekullin? q? Zoti e natyra ju ka l?n? si? duket gabimisht n? duar. Shprehemi k?shtu se nga kontaktet q? pat?m me disa vendas kuptuam q? kasaphana, masakrimi q? i b?het sot territorit e plazhit t? Borshit, flor?s e faun?s s? tij, ekosistemit mij?vje?ar t? virgj?r t? lugin?s s? Borshit, ?sht? sa p?r shkak t? indiferenc?s s? komunitetit borshiot, aq edhe sepse n? shum? raste jan? edhe disa nga ata q? s? bashku me t? huajt po i nxjerrin themelet asaj mrekullie me emrin Borsh. 


Plazhi drejt shkat?rrimit 
N? fillim t? viteve '90, Borshi trash?goi nj? plazh t? virgj?r me plot kuptimin e fjal?s. Parametrat e tij ishin optimal?. Uji i detit kishte nj? tejdukshm?ri dhe past?rti maksimale. Krip?zimi ishte brenda normave dhe standarteve bot?rore. Deri n? ato vite n? t? gjith? plazhin me gjat?si mbi 3,2 km p?r ?do sezon pushonin jo m? shum? se disa qindra pushues. Nj? num?r i pap?rfillsh?m i krahasuar me ngarkes?n e plazheve t? tjera t? Mesdheut. Ndotjet nga uj?rat e zeza e kanalizimet nuk egzistonin fare. Plazhi kishte p?rb?rje ranore dhe zallishtore me gjer?si deri n? 70 m dhe trash?si rreth 1 m. Shprehemi "kishte" sepse sot gjith?ka ka ndryshuar. K?t? e konstatuam edhe vet? kur me ftes? t? disa borshiot?ve b?m? nj? verifikim t? gjendjes s? plazhit t? Borshit. Masakrimi i plazhit i filluar n? fillim t? viteve '90 nga marrja e r?r?s p?r nd?rtimet pa leje kishte marr? p?rmasa alarmante. Vendin e lopatave me t? cilat ngarkoheshin dikur kamionat e kishin z?n? fadromat, t? cilat e g?rryenin r?r?n e plazhit deri n? daljen e dheut t? tok?s. E gjith? kjo ka b?r? q? t? krijohen mo?alet e para buz? detit dhe si pasoj? shum? shpejt po nuk u mor?n masa do t? ndodh? ndryshimi i parametrave t? biodiversitetit t? zon?s. Uj?t e kripur t? detit do t? filloj? t? infiltroj? n? tok? duke rritur lag?shtir?n dhe krip?zimin e saj. T? mos harrojm? d?mtimin q? i ?sht? b?r? plazhit nga gjuetia me dinamit dhe mina kundratanke.


Me indinjat? t? madhe borshiot?t tregonin vendet ku edhe firma 2K kishte marr? r?r? n? delt?n e lumit t? Borshit e n? breg t? detit. Makinerit? e saj g?rryenin si ku?edra bregun, duke krijuar gropa t? frikshme dhe d?me t? pariparueshme. T? z?m?ruar, por t? pafuqish?m e t? ndrojtur, borshiot?t shpreheshin q? pronari i firm?s 2K, ?sht? nga Qeparoi dhe pyesnin me naivitet: pse i dhimbset r?ra e Qeparoit dhe p?r t? shtruar rrug?t e Himar?s e ka m? t? leht? t? sakatoj? plazhin e Borshit? Edhe n? qoft? se egziston ndonj? leje e korruptuar, pse nuk e p?rdor p?r t? marr? r?r?n e Qeparoit apo t? Himar?s? Apo n? Himar? e Qeparo ka zot vendi? Kostua mij?vje?are e krijimit t? plazhit t? Borshit nga natyra nuk mund t? p?rligjet me faktin e shtrimit t? rrug?ve t? Himar?s apo t? Qeparoit. Madje as t? vet? Borshit. Sepse s? shpejti do t? fillonte asfaltimi i rrug?s s? Borshit dhe egzistonte frika se mos edhe firma nga Nivica do ta merrte r?r?n n? plazhin e Borshit. Po t? vazhdoj? kjo katrahur? edhe m? tej me k?to ritme, d?met do t? jen? t? pariparueshme, t? pakthyeshme. N? k?t? rast Borshi do t? humbas? bashk? me r?r?n edhe jodin edhe krip?n e saj. Gjith?ka. Perspektiva do t? jet? pisll?ku, ndotja, mizerja. At?her? do t? jet? tep?r von? edhe n? qoft? se policia nd?rtimore do t? kujtohet t? b?j? detyr?n. Sepse mund t? shkat?rrosh 5 apo 10 nd?rtime pa leje, qofshin edhe grata?ela e m? pas ta kthesh at? truall n? lulishte. Por n? rastin e plazhit, r?r?n e tij nuk e b?n m? sepse ajo do mij?ra vjet. 


I pakuptuesh?m ?sht? n? k?t? katrahur? q?ndrimi i pushtetit lokal t? komun?s s? Lukov?s dhe i plot?fuqishmit t? zon?s q? m? shum? e gjen n? klub p?rpara got?s s? rakis? se sa n? krye t? detyr?s. T? dyja k?to pal? nuk mund t? justifikohen me argumenta t? tilla, si nuk e di apo nuk i pam?. Kamionat dhe fadromat g?rryejn? plazhin e ngarkojn? n? mes t? dit?s. P?r mendimin ton? dy jan? arsyet: indiferenca ose korrupsioni. E para ka pak ngjasa t? jet? sepse t? rrezikon vendin e pun?s. Kurse p?r t? dyt?n ndoshta ia vlen t? rrezikohet edhe vendi i pun?s.


Pylli i Borshit, rrezik zhdukjeje
Problem shqet?sues n? Borsh ishte edhe gjendja n? lugin?n e lumit t? Borshit. T? shoq?ruar nga disa borshiot? e verifikuam n? vend. Kasaphana ishte e tmerrshme. N? vendin e quajtur P?rroi i Kalit, pran? nj? burimi t? mrekulluesh?m, nj? firm? greke p?r t? b?r? disa qindra metra kub qymyr druri kishte b?r? k?rdin? mbi nj? pyll shekullor ilqesh. Rrug?s has?m disa fshatar? q? shoq?ronin kuaj t? ngarkuar me dru. Pyetjes ton? p?r d?min e shkaktuar iu p?rgjigj?n se ajo q? u b?, u b?. Problem shqet?sues ?sht? se do t? shpyll?zohet edhe pylli mbi vendin e quajtur Mekam. Asnj? llogjik? e ftoht? q? mund t? p?rdorej n? k?t? rast nuk mund t? gjente argumenta p?r t? justifikuar k?t? katrahur?. Disa dhrahmi t? qelbura q? mund t? futeshin n? k?t? rast n? ark?n e shtetit nuk mund t? p?rligjin d?min e shkaktuar. Aq m? tep?r ky fakt nuk na mbush dot mendjen se nuk fryhen m? shum? me dhrahmi xhepat e pyjores s? Sarand?s, n?pun?save t? radh?s, zyrtar?ve t? pushtetit lokal n? komun?n e Lukov?s. Po njolla m? e madhe, turpi n? k?t? rast bie mbi kryepleq?sin? e fshatit Borsh. Sado q? mund t? b?jn? t? paditurin, askush nuk mund t? besoj? se kjo katrahur? ?sht? b?r? pa dijenin? e saj. Vet? fakti q? nuk e ngren? z?rin dhe lejojn? nj? kasaphan? t? till?, flet kund?r saj. Pa tjet?r q? edhe ajo ka g?lltitur nj? lug? nga kjo "?orb? " e qelbur . (" Ishalla " nuk e vjellin gjith? jet?n.)


P?r problemet shqet?suese dhe alarmante t? mjedisit n? Borsh, q? p?rmend?m m? lart ka nj? p?rqindje justifikimi p?r shkak t? nivelit t? ul?t profesional n? k?t? fush? t? organeve t? pushtetit, por jo p?r hallkat e bujq?sis? n? Bashki e n? Ministrin? e Bujq?sis? t? p?rfshira ndoshta n? k?t? korrupsion. Aq m? tep?r nuk iu falet kjo indiferenc? e drejtuesve t? projektit mbi flor?n dhe faun?n e Borshit. Aq m? tep?r q? titullari kryesor i projektit ?sht? gjeografi M.K. po nga Borshi bashk? me disa profesor? t? tjer?. Edhe p?r vet? natyr?n e profesionit, edhe p?r humaniz?m an?tar?t e k?tij projekti duhet t? ishin nga denoncuesit kryesor? t? k?saj gjendjeje. Ku jan? b?rthamat e gjeograf?ve t? rinj q? jan? krijuar nga projekti n? Borsh? U interesuam pran? G.E.F/S,G.P dhe mor?m vesh se ?sht? financuar dhe ka mbaruar faza e par? e projektit q? ?sht? rilevimi i flor?s dhe faun?s n? Borsh dhe ndoshta faza e dyt?. ?udi si u ka shp?tuar k?tyre shkenc?tar?v? kjo katrahur?! Po donatori nuk ka merak se si administrohen fondet e tij? Pyet?m n? fondacion dhe t? gjith? na shmangeshin duke ngritur supet. Shpresojm? q? k?t? radh? t? t?rheqin edhe v?mendjen e Ministris? s? Mjedisit. Normalisht prerja e nj? peme shekullore n? lugin?n e Borshit, duhet t? shqet?soj? e t? sensibilizoj? opinionin. Prerja e nj? pylli t? t?r? prej qindra hektar?sh ?sht? katastrof? dhe p?r k?t? duhet t? p?rgjigjet dikush.


Nga mediat kuptuam se nj? grup specialist?sh t? O.S.B.E-s? verifikuan d?met n? bregun e Himar?s e t? Dh?rmiut. I ftojm? t? hidhen edhe n? Borsh e t? konstatojn? n? vend t? gjitha sa kemi shkruar m? sip?r, p?r t? marr? edhe masat e duhura, p?r t? marr? vesh n? vend se cila ?sht? edhe aresyeja q? komuna dhe i plot?fuqishmi i zon?s nuk zbatojn? ligjin.


Ligji 7501 - Litari jasht? varrit
Masakrimi i ambientit n? Borsh, ka dh?n? shenjat e para spontane qysh n? fundin e viteve '80. Degradimi i sistemit, varf?rimi i njer?zve, b?ri q? edhe sh?rbimi dhe kujdesi ndaj agrumeve dhe pem?ve frutore t? degjeneroj?.


Por kasaphana e v?rtet? - t? thon? borshiot?t - ndodhi mbas viteve '90. N? ndihm? p?r k?t? erdhi edhe ligji fam?keq 7501. N? koh?n kur mendohej se do t? shkonte prona tek i zoti, si? e k?rkon edhe sistemi i ekonomis? s? tregut, ajo u nda sipas ligjit leninist, por tashm? pa kooperativ? apo ferm?. Dihet q? vler?n e tok?s n? Borsh ia shton shum? fakti se ajo do t? p?rdoret p?r turiz?m. Pik?risht p?r k?t? u sul?n t? gjith? si ujq?rit n? pren? e tyre, p?r t? ndar? e p?r t? gllab?ruar llokma nga kjo tok?. Komisionet e ndarjes s? tokave n? Borsh kan? shkelur n? m?nyr? flagrante, duke b?r? abuzime edhe n? an?n thelb?sore t? ligjit 7501, sipas t? cilit fshatari ka t? drejt? t? zgjedh? s? pari n? pron?n e tij sa i takon n? baz? t? ligjit dhe m? pas sipas rastit t? jap? pjes?n e tep?rt atij q? d?shiron ose t? marr? nga fisi. Komisionet e ndarjes s? tokave n? Borsh q? nd?rroheshin nj?ri pas tjetrit n? ?do rast problem shqet?sues kishin ruajtjen e ekuilibrave. Komisioni pasaardh?s mundohej t? mos c?nonte interesat e komisionit paraardh?s, duke ndar? e p?rlar? nga ato toka q? komisionet paraardh?se kishin l?n? rezerv?. ?sht? p?r t? ardhur shum? keq kur kupton se n? duar t? kujt u la shenjt?ria e tok?s. Borshiot?t shpreheshin se ka akoma n? Borsh toka t? l?na rezerv? nga komisionet p?r ?do t? papritur, p?r t? mbyllur e eliminuar ?do ankes? apo p?rplasje. Ata k?rkonin q? organet kompetente n? Sarand? e n? qend?r duhet t? kontrollojn? e t? b?jn? rakordimin e tok?s n? inventar me at? q? figuronte e ndar? nga komisionet e Borshit, bazuar kjo edhe n? denoncimet e her? pas her?shme t? medias. P?rplasjet e para kan? ndodhur. Shum? borshiot? t? pak?naqur pan? n? listat e afishuara q? tokat m? t? mira e m? t? shumta n? Borsh i kan? marr? an?tar?t e komisioneve e far? e fis i tyre. Pothuajse t? gjith? n? buz? t? detit. Ata shpreheshin se edhe n? sasi ata kan? marr? m? shum?, mbi at? q? u takon n? baz? t? ligjit 7501. Kjo gjendje q? vazhdon p?r gati nj? dekad?, ka b?r? q? ata t? shohin ?ndrra me sy hapur, por nj?koh?sisht kjo ka dh?n? edhe frytet e saj negative n? t? gjith? territorin e Borshit. I pari e p?soi plantacioni i agrumeve e ullinjve. T? interesuar vet?m p?r t? shitur tok?, pothuajse t? gjith? u robtuan k?to vite duke trokitur n?p?r dyer fondacionesh e agjensish. Por m? kot. Askush nuk mundi t? realizoj? me ndershm?ri asnj? shitje sepse n? fund t? ?do pazari k?rkohej tapija e vjet?r, pronari i vjet?r dhe bler?si t?rhiqej. Nisur nga mendimi vet?m p?r t? shitur , asnj? nuk mori mundimin q? ti b?nte sh?rbim fruti-kultur?s . Ky ligj , ashtu si edhe piramidat p?rve? t? tjerave n? Bregun e Detit "ngordhi" edhe nervin e pun?s. Sot i gjith? plantacioni n? Borsh ndodhet n? gj?ndje t? degraduar , nuk jep prodhim , ?sht? kthyer n? gj?ndje t? eg?r. Dhe fatkeq?sia m? e madhe ?sht? se jan? prer? me qindra e mij?ra rr?nj? agrume, deri edhe ullinj qindravje?ar?. T? irrituar, borshiot?t e pranish?m d?sh?ronin q? ne t? b?nim publik n? reportazhin ton? edhe faktet e m?posht?me, sipas t? cilave koh?t e fundit jan? shitur me nxitim e me fallcifikime n? Borsh toka t? fiseve t? ndryshme e t? bashk?fshatar?ve t? larguar nga Borshi her?t, duke akuzuar direkt p?r k?to pazare t? jasht?ligj?shme edhe noter?t p?rkat?s. Ata flisnin pa doreza p?r kryepleq?sin? e Borshit dhe kryesin? e komun?s, duke i akuzuar p?r lejimin dhe dh?nien e lejeve t? jasht?ligj?shme t? nd?rtimit. Dhe borshiot?t t? tregonin konkretisht nd?rtimet e paligj?shme q? po b?heshin n? q?nd?r t? Borshit e kudo dhe frik?n p?r fjal?t q? qarkullonin se ishin b?r? gati p?r tu dh?n? me dhjetra leje nd?rtimi t? huajve, n? kund?rshtim me ligjin dhe pa nj? studim t? miratuar urbanistik. N? nj? koh? - shpreheshin borshiot?t - q? ne v?ndasit presim nga shteti dhe ligji. Borshiot?t shprehnin edhe frik?n se ?do zvarritje dhe mos zgjidhje e problemit t? pron?sis? do t? b?nte q? gj?ndja t? r?ndohej m? shum? duke b?r? q? djemt? borshiot? si reaksion t? indiferenc?s s? mund?shme t? organeve kopetente, problemet ti zgjidhnin fshat?e si dikur, deri edhe n? vet?gjyq?si. Dhe n? k?t? rast p?rgjegj?sia nuk do t? jet? e tyre. Ata gjithashtu shprehnin rezerva edhe p?r korrespondetin e gazet?s "Z?ri i Popullit" p?r m?nyr?n se si ai i trajtonte problemet n? Borsh, larg frym?s aktuale ku shteti sot po mbron dhe do tu jap? zgjidhje interesave t? pronar?ve t? vjet?r , mbrojtjes s? pronave t? shtetit nga abuzimet, stabilizimin br?nda mund?sive t? atyre q? ligji i vitit 1991 i gjeti n? Borsh dhe nga ana tjet?r b?rjen t? qart? t? faktit se shteti nuk mban asnj? p?rgjegj?si p?r ata q? pas vitit 1991 zbarkuan n? Borsh duke shkelur k?t? ligj.


Shpres? p?r ringjallje 
T? gjitha k?to kan? b?r? q? pak?naq?sia ndaj k?saj gj?ndjeje, t? arrij? pik?n kritike, t? k?rkoj? zgjidhje. P?r k?t? borshiot?t u organizuan, mblodh?n firmat, ju b?n? ftes? edhe borshiot?ve t? shp?rndar? n?p?r Shqip?ri dhe m? 25 n?ntor 2201 organizuan kuvendin e fshatit. Aty u vendos q? toka t? ndahet fshat?e, bazuar kjo edhe n? hap?sir?n q? lejon ligji dhe tradita e v?ndit . P?r k?t? borshiot?t, duke dashur t? nxirrnin n? pah m?n?urin? e kryepleq?sive t? para ?lirimit, t? tregonin nj? vendim t? vitit 1921. Aty fshat?e kishin vendosur q? toka e Borshit t? shitej vet?m br?nda p?r br?nda fshatit, midis borshiot?ve. Dhe ?sht? i v?rtet? fakti se pronar? t? tokave t? Borshit deri m? 1944 jan? vet?m borshiot?t. Duke ndjekur k?t? tradit? u ngrit komisioni p?rkat?s, i cili do t? marr? masat e duhura p?r zbatimin e vendimeve t? kuvendit dhe p?r organizimin e kuvendit t? dyt? mbar?borshiot. Aty u vendos q? edhe n? bashk?punim me kadastrat e Sarand?s, Vlor?s; Delvin?s e Gjirokastr?s t? sakt?sonin kufijt? e Borshit me fshatrat p?r rreth, sidomos me Qeparoin ku jan? b?r? abuzime me nd?rtime t? paligj?shme. Gjithashtu n? p?rkrahje t? nism?s s? Bregdetit, ata vendos?n q? dokumentet e pron?sis? tu d?rgoheshin t? gjitha familjeve t? borshiot?ve kudo q? ndodhen n?p?r bot?, duke i ftuar q? tu dalin p?r zot pronave t? tyre. Nj? grup pune u ngrit dhe po punon p?r k?t? q?llim. 
I r?nd?sish?m ?sht? fakti se vendimet e kuvendit u miratuan n? m?ryr? unanime. Nuk pati asnj? vot? kundra. As edhe nga partizan?t m? t? flakt? t? ligjit 7501 t? pranish?m n? kuvend si p.sh kryepleq?sia dhe an?tar?t e komisioneve. 


Na t?rhoqi v?m?ndjen fakti q? interesimit ton? p?r problemet q? shqet?sojn? sot Borshin , kryepleq?sia dhe an?tar?t e komisioneve u shmangeshin me pretekste t? ndryshme ?ka v?rteton indirekt faktin se problemet q? ngrit?n borshiot?t q?ndronin. 


Pik?risht p?r k?to ar?sye, t? lodhur e t? pak?naqur nga maskarall?qet, nga drejtimi kriminal e i pap?rgjegjsh?m dhjet?vje?ar, borshiot?t ngul?n k?mb? q? me an? t? k?tij rreportazhi tu b?jn? thirrje kryepleq?sive q? p?r nj? dekad? t? t?r? gatuan k?t? katrahur? n? Borsh: Boll m?. Largoni duart e f?lliqura e t? ndyra nga Borshi. L?runi hap?sir? djemve t? rinj borshiot t? marrin m? p?rgjegj?si n? duar fatet e tij. Djem t? till? Borshi ka.


Shija e hidhur 
U larguam nga Borshi t? zhg?njyer nga ajo q? pam? e d?gjuam. K?naq?sis? q? ndjem? kur u ndodh?m p?rpara asaj parajse, i a kishte l?n? v?ndin shija e hidhur e asaj q? konstatuam.


Hodh?m k?to rrjeshta n? let?r p?r t? sensibiluzuar problemet, p?r ti v?n? sado pak fre makut?ris?, por edhe sepse na erdhi keq p?r gjith?ka ishte shkat?rruar deri edhe me nd?rgjegje.T? vinte keq edhe p?r vet? borshiot?t q? nuk kishin guxim t? ngriheshin n? nivelin e kurajos p?r t? b?r? detyr?n e t? zotit t? v?ndit. Ashtu si? edhe ju takon.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 12 19:30:29 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 16:30:29 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Arkivi i Kadarese - Gazeta Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20020313003029.34181.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

U vendos q? t? gjitha arkat t? dylloseshin dy her? dhe t? mbylleshin me dy pal? ?el?sa, nga nj? p?r secilin institucion", rr?fen Shpuza  Rr?fimi i Gazmend Shpuz?s, ish-drejtorit t? Arkivave t? Shtetit: Ismaili na fal?nderoi Si u ruajt arkivi i KadareGjith? dor?shkrimet n? 4-5 arka metalike
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i.b.

Kadare duhet t? ket? marr? frym? i leht?suar, kur n? pranin? e tij po hapeshin arkat me dor?shkrime. "Me sa po konstatoj, asgj? nuk mungon", i tha p?rfaq?suesit t? Drejtoris? s? P?rgjithshme t? Arkivave t? Shtetit dhe atij t? Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme. 

Ishte vera e vitit 1992. Kadare kishte pak dit? q? ishte kthyer n? Tiran?, pas atij largimi t? bujsh?m n? tetorin e vitit 1990. Pas kishte l?n? arkivin e vet, mij?ra faqe dor?shkrime, gjith? laboratorin prej nga kishte dal? vepra e tij p?r gati 40 vjet m? radh?. Tani mij?ra faqe sh?nime po i gjente s?rish, jo n? studion e tij, por n? Arkivin e Shtetit. Pas deklarat?s q? b?ri nga Parisi n? 20 tetorin e vitit 1990, se nuk do t? kthehej n? Shqip?ri deri n? p?rmbysjen e komunizmit, sht?pia e tij n? Tiran? iu n?nshtrua nj? kontrolli t? im?t. Autoritetet t?rhoq?n ?do dor?shkrim q? gjet?n, q? disa muaj m? pas p?rfunduan n? Arkivin e Shtetit. "K?rkesa p?r t? marr? n? ruajtje arkivin e Kadares? na u b? nga Prokuroria e rrethit t? Tiran?s. Ishte dimri i vitit 1990-1991, koha kur kishin shp?rthyer trazirat ", rr?fen ish-drejtori i p?rgjithsh?m i Arkivave t? Shtetit, Gazmend Shpuza. Ai tregon se drejtuesit e Prokuroris? s? Tiran?s ishin shqet?suar se mos institucioni i tyre sulmohej nga turmat. "P?r k?t? arsye ata na k?rkuan q? arkivin personal t? Kadares? ta merrnim n? ruajtje. Fillimisht ne kund?rshtuam. I sqaruam se nuk mund t? merrnim n? ruajtje di?ka q? ishte marr? n? m?nyr? t? paligjshme. U tham? se sekustrimi i sendeve personale, sipas ligjeve q? ishin at?her? n? fuqi, b?hej vet?m me vendim t? Komitetit Ekzekutiv", thot? Shpuza. Megjithat? p?r t? shp?tuar dor?shkrimet e Kadares? u gjet nj? kompromis. Punonj?sit e Prokuroris? soll?n n? Arkvin e Shtetit 4-5 arka t? m?dha metalike. "Fillimisht diskutuam q? gjith? materialet t? merreshin n? dor?zim flet? p?r flet?, por kjo ishte nj? pun? m? shum? se titanike, q? k?rkonte muaj koh?. At?her? u vendos q? t? gjitha arkat t? dylloseshin dy her? dhe t? mbylleshin me dy pal? ?el?sa, nga nj? p?r secilin institucion", rr?fen Shpuza. Nd?rkoh? Kadare u njoftua, p?rmes t? v?llait t? tij, Shahinit. "T? ruhen aty dhe t? mos hapen deri n? kthimin tim", ishte p?rgjigjja nga Parisi. "N? ver?n e vitit 1992, kur Kadare kishte pak koh? q? ishte kthyer, na njoftoi p?rmes Remzi Lanit, se d?shironte t'i merrte. U organizuam menj?her? Nga prokuroria erdhi i nj?jti p?rfaq?sues q? kishte qen? dy vjet m? par?. Arkat u hap?n n? prani t? Kadares?. Madje ishte dhe nj? grup televiziv francez, q? kishte ardhur p?r t? b?r? nj? dokumentar p?r Kadaren?. N? fund t? k?saj ceremonie t? thjesht?, Ismaili na fal?nderoi p?r gjith?ka kishim b?r?", mbyll rr?fimin e tij Gazmend Shpuza.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 12 23:12:48 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 20:12:48 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Job in Tirana
Message-ID: <20020313041248.58849.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

JOB VACANCY ANNOUNCEMENT
---------------------------------

POSITION TITLE: ECONOMIC ASSISTANT/INTERPRETER (FSN-1505-9)

Opening Date: March 12, 2002
Closing Date: March 26, 2002

RESPONSIBILITIES:
The incumbent is responsible for information gathering, research, reporting, outreach and related services on the full range of economic issues in Albania. Assists the Ambassador, Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM), and Economic/Commercial Officer in meeting with the Albanian Officials, and provide visiting delegations with guidance and advice.
There may be occasions where the incumbent will be required to work after normal hours to attent meetings. The normal hours will be from 8:00 AM to 5:00 PM. Some travel may also be required, but transportation will be provided.

REQUIREMENTS:
University degree (or equivalent work experience) in Economics, Marketing, Finance, Business Administration, Public Policy or other related field.
>From three to five years of progressively responsible experience in economic research and analysis, or other closely related field.
The incumbent of this position must have level V (Fluent) in both spoken and written English and level V (Fluent) in both spoken and written Albanian.
He/she must be familiar with Mission Priorities, with Albanian and American governmental and non-governmental institutions, as well as economic terminology in order to provide accurate translations. Analytical skills and strong ability to evaluate economic, trade and statistical information. Ability to develop and maintain working level contacts, interpersonal skills and ability to work with min supervision needed to communicate and identify business Analytical skills and strong ability to evaluate economic, trade and statistical information.

SALARY:
Following USG policy, the American Embassy in an equal opportunity employer and does not take into consideration sex, age, race and religion. It is the policy of the U.S. Embassy in Tirana to pay wages similar to those paid by other local employers for similar work. The Embassy pays salaries in Albanian Leke. The hiring grade and the exact amount of salary will depend on the qualifications of the employee.

TO APPLY FOR THIS JOB:
Application forms may be obtained at the Human Resources Office (HRO) Monday-Friday from 8:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M. Submit your completed application form addressed to Administrative Officer, which Human Resources during the same hours. The Embassy Human Resources Office will contact you for an interview. Only qualified candidates will be contacted.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar 13 12:22:34 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 13 Mar 2002 09:22:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Human Rights School for Future Decision Makers, 6-20.6.2002, Dubrovnik
Message-ID: <20020313172234.25006.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Secretarait BHRN <secretariatbhrn at yahoo.com> wrote: From Secretarait BHRN Wed Mar 13 05:26:16 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Secretarait BHRN 
Date: Wed, 13 Mar 2002 05:26:16 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Human Rights School for Future Decision Makers, 6-20.6.2002, Dubrovnik



BALKAN HUMAN RIGHTS NETWORK
SUMMER SCHOOL

HUMAN RIGHTS SCHOOL FOR FUTURE DECISION MAKERS
DUBROVNIK, CROATIA
6 - 20 JUNE 2002

ORGANIZER: BALKAN HUMAN RIGHTS NETWORK
URL: www.balkan-rights.net/school2002June.htm 
Language of instruction: English
Project Co-ordinator: Marija Rudic
Belgrade Centre for Human Rights
Mlatisumina 26 / I
11000 Belgrade
Serbia
Yugoslavia
Tel: +381 11 308 5328 / 432 572
Fax: +381 11 308 5328 / 432 572
E-mail: marija at bgcentar.org.yu

Contact persons within the region:

MONTENEGRO

Dragan Prelevic
CEDEM
Mose Pijade 40, 81 000 Podgorica
Tel/Fax: 081 623 091
E-mail: dprelevic at hotmail.com


MACEDONIA

Ana Adamcevska
Helsinki Committee for Human Rights
Dame Gruzev 28, 1000 Skopje
Tel/Fax: 02 119 073
E-mail: helkom at soros.org.mk


SERBIA

Marija Rudic
Belgrade Centre for Human Rights
Mlatisumina 26 / I, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia, Yugoslavia
Tel/Fax: 011 308 5328 / 432 572
E-mail: marija at bgcentar.org.yu


BIH

Dino Abazovic
Human Rights Centre ,University of Sarajevo
Zmaja od Bosne 8 street, 71 000 Sarajevo
Tel/Fax: 033 266 580
E-mail: secretariat at balkan-rights.net


CROATIA

Maja Hasanbasic
Croatian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights
Ilica 15/III, 10 000 Zagreb
Tel: 01 48 12 322
Fax: 01 48 12 324
E-mail: hho at zg.tel.hr

KOSOVO 
Behxhet Shala
Council for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms
Ylfete Humolli 5, Prishtina, Kosova 
Tel/Fax: ++381 (0) 38 249 006, 
++381 (0) 38 244 029
Mobile: ++377 (0) 44 500 502, 
++377 (0) 44 112 128
E-mail: office at cdhrf.org



ALBANIA 
Saverina Pasho 
Albanian Center for Human Rights 
Rruga "Kont Urani" No. 10
Tirana-Albania. 
Tel: ++355 4 230630/ 239922
Fax: ++ 355 4 239121
Mobile: ++355 382240606
E-mail : qshdnj at albaniaonline.net
kozara at albmail.com


Venue

Courses will be held in Dubrovnik both in the Hotel
Lero and in Inter-University Centre, from 6 - 20 June
2002.


Statement of purpose

At the dawn of the XXI century, the countries of the
south-eastern Europe have all faced the challenge of
strengthening democracy and creating a system based on
the rule of law and the respect of human rights and
freedoms. The successful shaping of such a system may
only be attained through continuous reform and
improvement in the quality of democratic institutions.
It will be the task of the young generation, mostly
educated during the previous years of wars, constant
crisis and outrageous mismanagement, to overcome the
lack of the democratic identity in their states'
judiciary, administration, law enforcement bodies, but
also to change the public perception of the individual
and collective rights and freedoms. 
The enhancement of the rule of law and creation of a
human-rights-friendly environment among the
prospective decision-makers in the region is a crucial
step towards democratisation and European integration.
The Balkan Human Rights Network has committed itself
to contributing to the realisation of these goals. 
BHRN strongly believes that young, educated and
successful individuals would be the key players in
entrenching the culture of human rights into Southeast
European countries' legal systems and practice. The
School of Human Rights for Future Decision-Makers aims
to provide participants with the necessary knowledge
and skills in the fields of human rights and the rule
of law. It is essential for proper human rights
education to focus not only on constitutional and
legislative issues, but to enable the participants of
the School to gain an insight into the political and
theoretical aspects as well as the culture of human
rights. Besides, suggestions will be made for the
practical steps that may be taken by the governments,
political parties, NGOs and professional associations
in the region, in order to improve the human rights
situation.
Along with international procedures for the protection
of human rights, special emphasis will be given to the
jurisprudence of the European Court for Human Rights
and decisions of the United Nations treaty bodies.
Apart from the specific rights and freedoms,
particular attention will be given to other
substantial issues, such as discrimination, religion,
overcoming the past. The emphasis will also be on the
comparative analysis of the human rights jurisprudence
and practice in the countries of the Balkans. 
In addition, three-day intensive Internet workshop
will be held as the extension of the regular School?s
programme. Information Technology Specialist has
designed the workshop and will be in charge for its
implementation. The purpose of this workshop will be
to provide students with the knowledge and skills to
use the Internet to accomplish individual and
organisational objectives, to utilise the results of
computer-assisted research in human rights field and
to develop and use skills to locate, analyse,
evaluate, synthesise and design resources and services
on the Internet related to human rights. 


Envisaged Topics:

? Introduction to the Idea of Human Rights and Human
Rights Law
? International Organisations and Procedures for the
Protection of Human Rights
? Comparative overview of legislation, jurisprudence
and practice in the region
? Discrimination / Endangered groups
? Individual Rights
? Culture of Human Rights
? Media and Human Rights
? Overcoming the Past and Looking Forward to the
Future - Issues for the XXI century

+ Internet workshops, case studies and role-plays.


Reading Materials 

Photocopies of relevant international human rights
instruments, articles and reports of various human
rights, both national and international,
non-governmental and governmental organisations
dealing with wide range of topics concerning the human
rights issues.
Publications of the Belgrade Centre for Human Rights,
other publications related to human rights, and
photocopies of articles and documents available in
Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian or English. 


Application requirements:

Successful postgraduate or final year students of
law, international relations, political science,
economics, or young parliamentarians, government
officials or officials of political parties, as well
as young persons involved in the work of NGOs are
encouraged to submit their applications for the Human
Rights School. Eligible candidates must be the persons
coming from: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia,
Macedonia, Kosovo, Montenegro and Serbia.
The number of participants is limited to 30. The
successful candidates will be selected on a
competitive basis. Since the language of the School is
English, applicants should demonstrate strong command
of English and be able to follow lectures and
participate actively in discussions. 
The Balkan Human Rights Network will ensure the equal
gender and geographical distribution of the selected
participants.
The deadline for application is 25 March 2002.

Costs:

Balkan Human Rights Network will cover housing,
transportation and meals and visa costs. Additionally,
participants will receive a modest contribution to
their expenses during the School. 


How to fill out the Application Form:

If you are filling the Application Form on-line,
please use the following instructions:
? Download the Application Form and paste it to your
Desktop
? Fill out the Application Form (using Tab key)
? Attach the scanned picture
? Save the Application Form to your Desktop
? Attach the filled Application Form on the e-mail and
send it to the recipient

If you are using the printed version of the
Application Form, please fill it out 
in printed, capital letters, paste your photo and send
it via ordinary post to the relevant Contact Person.


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar 14 20:54:42 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Mar 2002 17:54:42 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Korrieri - 15 mars 2002
Message-ID: <20020315015442.90209.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

Meta: Prokuroria, si SHIK i Berishes

Meta: Prokuroria, si SHIK i Berishes


Ish-Kryeministri shprehet se Prokuroria e Pergjithshme eshte kthyer ne nje instrument shantazhi ndaj kundershtareve politike. Marredheniet me Nanon dhe Presidentin Meidani pas largimit nga drejtimi i qeverise


Duket se premtimi qe ceshtja e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem do te diskutohej me 18 mars ka rene, si pasoje e ankimimit te nje grupi deputetesh per mocionin ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese.


Ky angazhim eshte marre nga Parlamenti dhe me konsensus. Kjo kerkese tingellon teper absurde. Per me teper qe te drejten parlamentit per t'i propozuar presidentit shkarkimin e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem ia jep vete Kushtetuta. Ne jemi Republike Parlamentare. Mbi Parlamentin nuk mund te kete asnje organ tjeter.


Do te votoni per shkarkimin e kryeprokurorit Rakipi?


Mendimi im lidhur me kryeprokurorin eshte i hershem dhe ka filluar qe para 24 qershorit, kur Prokurori i Pergjithshem ka qene mjaft aktiv dhe madje mjaft prezent ne te gjithe debatet e brendshme te PS-se. Ditet e fundit kam qene i qarte se institucioni i Prokurorise se Pergjithshme ka qene i shenjte per shtetin e se drejtes dhe demokratik dhe meqe Prokurori i Pergjithshem me veprimet e tij dhe me mosveprimet e tij, ka kompromentuar rende politikisht kete institucion i cili duhet te jete i depolizuar duhet te largohet per t'ia lene vendin qe personaliteti me integritet dhe qe mund te japi besueshmerine e duhur, organit te Prokurorise se Pergjithshme kunder korrupsionit dhe kunder krimit te organizuar.


Do te kerkoni rizgjedhjen e kryeprokurorit ne konsensus me opoziten? Z. Prifti ka kerkuar qe propozimi te vije edhe nga opozita.


Nuk jam ne dijeni te nje propozimi te tille. E vendos parlamenti. Ai do te vendose ne baze te propozimit te Presidentit te Republikes dhe une mendoj se ne rast se per te shkarkuar Prokurorin e tanishem do te ishte i nevojshem edhe nje bashkepunim me opoziten, ndoshta per te emeruar nje prokuror te ri ky bashkepunim nuk do te ishte i domosdoshem. Dhe nuk mendoj se duhet te propozohet nga opozita edhe sepse theksova se ai duhet te jete sa me larg ndikimeve politike. Dhe mendoj se eshte dhe pergjegjesi e vecante e presidentit te konsultohet me grupet dhe forcat parlamentare.


Keni thene qe prokuroria po perdoret politikisht edhe gjate nje mbledhjeje te kabinetit qeveritar qe eshte publikuar tek gazeta "Korrieri". Pse keni pranuar te bashkepunoni me Rakipin kur keni pasur keto bindje? 


Kam qene i hapur per te punuar me gjithe perfaqesuesit e institucioneve qe qeveria eshte e detyruar te bashkepunoje ne nje vend demokratik. Dhe me z. Rakipin kam pasur nje bashkepunim ne pergjithsesi normal deri ne zgjedhjet e 24 qershorit. Dhe kam pasur nje bashkepunim te shkelqyer me Presidentin dhe Kontrollin e Larte te Shtetit, me gjykatat. Ne pese vjetet prokuroria eshte karakterizuar nga nje paaftesi dhe mungese profesionalizmi. Nuk kemi pare ndonje finalizim te ceshtjeve te rendesishme, te akuzave te rendesishme qe ajo ka ngritur. Nuk kemi pare asnje njeri te denohet per korrupsion gjate viteve te qeverisjes se PD-se, kur korrupsioni ka qene pa dyshim shume here me i larte se sot. Ia kam shprehur edhe Presidentit dhe Prokurorit te Pergjithshem qendrimin, edhe kryetarit te Kuvendit, edhe ne qeveri para pese- gjashte muajsh. Kur prokuroria kerkonte te nxiste nje veprim politik, pra ne nje situate te qete, duke imponuar policise per te cuar forcerisht z. Berisha per te deshmuar ne gjyqin e ceshtjes Hajdari, pa i kerkuar heqjen e imunitetit. Sikurse e kam theksuar dhe ne mbledhjen e qeverise se athershme mbetem i bindur se ishte nje veprim i nxitur nga z. Nano i cili synonte te kompromentonte qeverine si tensionuese te situates politike ne vend, si dhunuese te opozites, dhe njekohesisht nuk deshironte te merrte pergjegjesine ne parlament per heqjen e imunitetit te z. Berisha si te cdo deputeti tjeter..


Nuk po e perdorni emrin e Nanos si xhol per t'ia lene fajesine gjithmone?


Z. Nano perfaqeson nje faktor krize te vazhdueshem ne PS ne vend ne jeten institucionale. Eshte ai qe ka tentuar dhe tenton te perdore institucionet si xhol per qellimet e tij politike. Jam i sigurt se nuk e teproj dhe nuk jam aspak emocional ne kete gjykim. Kujtoni mbledhjen e KPD-se kur pohonte se informohej nga kryeprokurori per akuzat qe iu bente anetareve te saj. 


Ai eshte kryetar i mazhorances deri ketu eshte normale.....


Ai eshte kryetar i Partise socialiste dhe jo i mazhorances sepse mazhoranca ka grup parlamentar dhe ne asnje vend demokratik, Kryeprokurori nuk informon kryetaret e partive. Ai informon parlamentin, presidentin, kryeministrin apo institucionin me te cilin e lidh puna. 


Fakti qe e luftoni fort Rakipin a lidhet me faktin qe ne kete menyre ju mund te nderprisni hetimet qe prokuroria mund te ndermarre ndaj jush per akuza konkrete?


Ka kohe qe prokuroria heton ndaj te gjithe atyre qe jane kunder Nanos. As ka gjetur e as ka per te gjetur, ndonjehere asnje fakt qe te mbroje kryeministrin Meta. S'eshte lufte personale kunder Rakipit. Ai eshte vegel politike e Nanos dhe mbehstetesve qe synojne qe permes Prokurorise te kontrollojne mazhoracnes, jeten politike, institucionale dhe vendimet ekonomike ne vend. Prokuroria e sotme eshte kthyer si SHIK-u i Gazidedes ne kohen e z. Berisha, si nje instrument shantazhi ndaj kundershtareve politik. Si nje organ teper i papergjegjshem i cili hetimet qe ka per detyre qe t'i ruaje konservoje dhe faktoje etj, i shet ne gazeta. Duke dezinformuar, per te bere presion per te ndikuar ne zhvillime dhe situata politike dhe per te vertetuar akuzat e z. Nano.


A po krijohen mazhoranca te reja ne Parlament duke qene se thate se bashkepunoni me Berishen per te larguar Rakipin?


S'ka te beje me mazhorancat e reja. Eshte nje bindje e imja se keshtu i sherbehet shtetit. Kerkojme qe te hiqet dore nga metodat e vjetra qe kerkojne ta kthejne luften ndaj korrupsionit, nga nje lufte kuner atij te vertete ne nje lufte kunder agjitacionit e propagandes njehere e nje kohe. Eshte institucioni me bilancin me skandaloz. Piramidat psh. Korrupsioni duhet luftuar si menyre per te rritur mireqenies. Nese piramidat nuk jane zbardhur me transparencen e duhur, e aty kane humbur miliona dollare, eshte e rende mendoj. Doganat e '98 kane qene faqe e zeze dhe nuk eshte denuar kerkush pavaresisht nga dosjet qe jane dhe jashte. Eshte pergjegjesi e madhe. Nese gjashte funksionare te larte te PD-se ngarkohen me akuzen per gjenoncid dhe krime kunder njerezimit dhe t'i con shishe koka-kola per te provuar akuzen, e gjithe kjo kthehet ne bumerang per shtetin, per marredheniet pozite-opozite, imazhin nderkombetar te vendit, procesi i deshtuar i 14 shtatorit etj; dosja e kontrollit te larte te shtetit per KESH-in, ne '97-'98 por nuk eshte bere asgje. Pra s'ka perpjekje serioze per te luftuar korrupsionin.


Mbas Priftit u fol se do t'iu hiqej imuniteti..


Dikur e ka provuar Berisha me ngjarjet e Policanit dhe me ndihmoi ne fakt pa dashje. Ajo dhe kjo qe po ben Nano jane te ndryshme si ceshtje, por kane nje llogjike, nje mekanizem. Pergjegjesia eshte individuale dhe mbaj pergjegjesi vetem per vete. Dhe jam i sigurt se i kam kryer me pergjegjesi maksimale detyrat e mia. Jam i bindur se jane politike. Ndaj tij ka pasur dhe shantazhe. Dhe gjithcka ishte me qellim qe z. Prifti te vihej ne funksion te nje skenari te caktuar per te shpifur per te bere deklarata qe do t'i interesonin dikujt. Absurd ishte dhe presioni qe ai te mos kthehej ne Shqiperi. 


Duhen bere hetime per akuzat dhe gjyqe. Dhe te kerkosh arrestime te politikaneve eshte kulmi i terrorit psikologjik.


Shoferi i drejtorit te drejtorise se rrugeve, i afer me ju, u kap me droge dhe u fol se ai kishte qene dhe i bashkeshortes suaj.


Dihet se keto dite po behet nje gjyq ndaj z. Sokol Kociu, mik i ngushte i z. Rakipi, ndaj z. Durda e Perballa, qe dihet se kane qene miq te ngushte te z. Rakipi. Une s'e kam akuzuar asnjehere z. Rakipi dhe s'mund ta akuzoj per kete. Kjo eshte nje skenar falls, per te implikuar, perpjekje per te justifikuar akuzat. Sekretari i FRESSH-it, nuk ka lidhje me kete gje. Prokuroria e di kete madje i ka dhene dhe shtypit shume informacione duke dashur te implikoje persona te tille dhe nuk ka si te jete i vertete asnje element sic eshte i vertete fakti qe gruaja ime gjate kohes kur kam qene une kryeminister ka pasur shofer nga garda.


Ma shpjegoni pak me teper konfirmimin qe i keni dhene deklarimit te z. Prifit se Nano ka tentuar te pastroje 1 miliard dollare?


Une e kam konfirmuar kete. Por nuk kam ndermend te shtoj me shume se sa kam thene. 


Ju besoni se z. Nano ka qene ne dijeni te operacioni apo ka menduar per shendoshjen e financave shqiptare?


Eshte shaka e madhe te mendosh se z. Nano mendon per shendoshjen e financave shqiptare. Por jam i gatshem qe gjithcka qe di t'ia deponoj nje komisioni parlamentar hetimor.


Jeni ftuar ne prokurori per te deshmuar?


Kjo eshte nje kerkese akoma me qesharake e prokurorise. Sepse diten qe Prifti e beri publike nje tentative te tille, zedhenesi i prokurorise dhe ai i Nanos, leshuan dy deklarata te vecanta me nje thelb te perbashket, kercenimin ndaj Priftit, se ky rendonte poziten meqe denonconte nje krim me vonese. Ne vend qe prokuroria te mirepriste denoncimin, kercenuan Priftin se nuk e kishte bere me pare kete gje u kujtuan te nesermen te hapin nje ceshtje. 


Pra Berisha ka pasur te drejte qe nuk eshte paraqitur para prokurorise?


E kam theksuar se kjo eshte nje prokurori e kontrolluar totalisht nga Nano. Ajo mund te beje hetime nese ka deshire per z. Nano mund te beje per shume ceshtje, jo vetem per kete qe ka ngritur z. Prifti. Lidhur me kete rast nuk mud te jape gjykime te sakta per kete.


Per c'gjera te tjerash mund te hetohet Nano?


Ka pasur akuza publike ne KPD ndaj Nanos dhe aksush nuk ka hapur ceshtje.


Shtypi po ashtu


Vazhdoni te keni kontakte me z. Nano?


Nuk kam ndonje kontakt me z. Nano, por jo se kam ndonje inat personal me te. Une gjithmone e kam respektuar etiken, por dihet tashme se marredheniet tona jane veshtiresuar mjaft dhe kjo jo per fajin tim. Por per shkak te papergjegjshmerise se tij dhe ai nuk e ka kete problem vetem me mua, por edhe me shume figura te tjera. Sepse ai nuk ka qene e nuk mund te jete luajal. 


Ka patur komente se ju u sollet mjaft ashper dhe e izoluat z. Nano brenda partise sa e detyruat te ndermerrte kete fushate kunder jush?


Absolutisht kjo nuk eshte e vertete. Asnjehere nuk e kam atakuar z. Nano. Kemi patur probleme, por jam perpjekur qe t'i zgjidhim me qetesi ne favor te stabilitetit te PS. Ka qene z. Nano qe ka prishur te gjitha marreveshjet e qe ka nisur sulmet qe nga fjalimi i famshem i Lezhes e per te vazhduar me radhe. Ka qene z. Nano qe ne KPD eshte prononcuar per zgjedhjen e kryeministrit shume ashper per mua, kur kishte thene fjalet me te mira para zgjedhjeve vetem tre muaj me pare. Ka qene ai qe me ka kthyer kurrizin dhe kam qene po une qe i kam zgjatur doren, qe kam biseduar me te, kemi bere qeverine bashke, ka folur ne Parlament shume mire per qeverine e programin e saj. Nje muaj me pas ndermori ate fushate aq te turpshme, e cila vuri ne veshtiresi reformat e rrezikoi stabilitetin politik te vendit. Dhe keto kane kosto, te cilen e paguan Shqiperia. Kjo eshte nje kosto qe nuk ndihet brenda nje dite, por mund te ndjehet cdo dite e me shume. 


A do te votoni per z. Nano per President te Republikes?


Kjo ceshtje kaq shume e debatur, e cila u provokua ne menyre te papergjegjshme nga z.Nano qe ne tetor, sapo ne kishim mbyllur nje pale zgjedhje, u hap nje ceshtje tjeter se do te kemi apo zgjedhje ne qershor, se do te jete ky apo ai president, kur vendi nuk kishte nevoje per kete debat e tension politik. Nje debat qe mund te celej ne maj, e jo te ndiqte per nje vit jeten politike.


Por a do te votoni per z. Nano?


Momenti i zgjedhjes se Presidentit te Republikes, eshte nje moment solemn dhe qe kerkon pergjegjesine maksimale te te gjithe forcave politike, por dhe te gjithe deputeteve qe i ka votuar populli per t'i perfaqesuar ne parlament dhe ne qershor ne na duhet te zgjedhim Presidentin apo Kryetarin e Shtetit te Shqiperise dhe jo kryetarin e bashkise se Janines, aq me teper se kjo nuk eshte e drejta jone. Dhe jam i bindur se ne do te zgjedhim nje president te denje per te perfaqesuar qytetaret e Shqiperise, por per te perfaqesuar dicka me shume nga konstitucioni shpirteror i te gjithe shqiptareve. Te zgjedhim nje President fjala e te cilit te degjohet e te respektohet nga qytetaret e ketij vendi, por edhe nga shqiptaret e Kosoves, Maqedonise e Malit te Zi. Sepse ne kete rajon do te kemi problemi edhe pas qershorit. Rrjedhimisht eshte e rendesishme qe Shqiperia te luaje nej rol moderues, inkurajues per shqiptaret kudo ne rajon. Posti i presidentit eshte jo vetem detyra me prestigjoze, por duke patur nje mandat 5 vjecar eshte nje faktor shume i rendesishem i stabilitetit te vendit, sidomos ne momente krizash. Dhe ne te ardhmen do te behet edhe me i rendesishem, pasi per shkak te theksimit te proporcionalitetit ne zgjedhje, gjithmone e me shume do te behet e veshtire te kemi mazhoranca te qendrueshme. Duke e patur ende te ulet kulturen e kompromisit ne politiken shqiptare, kjo detyre do te behet edhe me e rendesishme ne inkurajimin e ketij kompromisi e stabilitetit.


Kur kerkohet nje President konsensual, a mendoni se Presidenti Meidani mund te humbase shansin?


Ceshtja eshte delikate, sepse ne rast se do te humbase legjitimitetin institucioni i Presidentit ne qershor, kjo do te krijoje probleme shume te medha per legjitimitetin e institucioneve te tjera. Dhe nuk do te kemi nje arbiter te ligjshem ne zhvillimet politike e institucionale te vendit.


Marre nga "TV KLAN"
"Rakipi", ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese

"Rakipi", ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese


Perkrahesit e kryesocialistit Nano kerkojne interpretimin e neneve te Kushtetutes qe i referohen procedurave te shkarkimit te titullareve te larte, mes te cileve edhe te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem


Alketa MYFTIU


TIRANE - 30 deputete, nen logon e partive te koalicionit "Aleanca per Shtetin", i kane kerkuar Gjykates Kushtetuese te beje interPetimin perfundimtar te tre neneve te Kushtetutes, qe lidhen me procedurat e shkarkimit te titullareve te Gjykates Kushtetuese, Gjykates se Larte dhe Prokurorise se Pergjithshme. E perfolur prej disa ditesh ne rrethin parlamentar, kerkesa ka mberritur dje ne mesdite ne zyrat e Gjykates Kushtetuese dhe eshte firmosur nga 23 deputete te grupit parlamentar socialist dhe 7 deputete, perfaqesues te aleateve te vegjel te PS. 


Partia Demokratike ka paraqitur ne parlament nje mocion-debat per shkarkimin e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, Arben Rakipi. Duke e akuzuar shefin e organit te akuzes se ka cenuar rende figuren e kryeprokurorit dhe ka iniciuar procese politike ndaj opozites. Nisur nga kjo, pas nje argumentimi te gjate ligjor te arsyeve qe i shtyne per t'iu drejtuar Gjykates Kushtetuese, grupi i deputeteve kerkon qartesimin e procedurave qe duhet te ndjeke Kuvendi per hetimin dhe verifikimin e shkaqeve per shkarkimin e titullareve te ketyre institucioneve, si dhe te beje motivimin e propozimit nga ana e Kuvendit per shkarkimin e kryeprokurorit. Nje tentative e ngjashme e 5 deputeteve deshtoi dy dite me pare ne Komisionin e Mandateve, Imunitetit dhe Rregullores. Nderkohe, qe mazhoranca duket e ndare per mocionin, qe eshte parashikuar te debatohet me 18 mars ne seance plenare. Kryesocialisti Nano e ka kundershtuar kete mocion, ndersa ish-Kryeministri Meta ka kritikuar punen e prokurorise se drejtuar nga Rakipi. Ne listen, qe shoqeron kerkesen, kane hedhur firmen edhe deputete, te cilet deri me tani nuk jane prononcuar publikisht pro njerit apo tjetrit grup brenda PS. Madje ne te gjen emra qe jo shume larg kane qene rreshtuar krah mbeshtetesve te ish-Kryeministrit Meta. Pavaresisht, se grupi i deputeteve socialiste ia delegoi percaktimin e qendrimit qe ata do te mbajne ndaj mocionit, kryesise se PS, qe pritet ta diskutoje sot ne mesdite ceshtjen "Rakipi", mbeshtetesit e kryetarit Nano kane trokitur me pare ne deren e Gjykates Kushtetuese. 


KERKESE


Perpara:


GJYKATES KUSHTETUESE TE REPUBLIKES SE SHQIPERISE


Kerkuesit: Grupi i deputeteve te poshteshenuar


Subjekte te interesuara:


1. Kuvendi


2. Presidenti i Republikes


3. Gjykata e Larte


4. Prokurori i Pergjithshem


Objekti: Kerkohet interpretimi perfundimtar i Kushtetutes lidhur me nenet 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2 e saj


Mbeshtetja juridike:


Neni 124, pika 1 dhe 134, pika 1, shkronja "c" te Kushtetutes se Republikes se Shqiperise, si dhe nenet 28 dhe 71 te ligjit nr.8577, date 10.02.2000 "Per organizimin dhe funksionimin e Gjykates kushtetuese te Republikes se Shqiperise"


E nderuara Gjykate,


Si subjekt i legjitimuar ne mbeshtetje te nenit 134, pika 1, shkronja "c" te kushtetutes, nje grup prej me shume se 28 deputete, kerkojne venien ne levizje te kesajj Gjykate per interpretimin perfundimtar te permbajtjes se neneve 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2 te Kushtetutes, per te harmonizuar dhe integruar sipas parimeve themelore te saj, kuptimin dhe permbajtjen e ketyre dispozitave. Kopetenca e pergjithshme e Gjykates Kushtetuese per interpretimin e Kushtetutes parashikohet ne nenin 124, pika 1 te Kushtetutes dhe rregullohet ne menyre me te hollesishme ne nenin 71 te ligjit nr.8577, date 10.02.2000 "Per organizimin dhe funksionimin e Gjykates Kushtetuese te Republikes se Shqiperise".


Kushtetuta e republikes se Shqiperise, ne nenet 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2, perkatesisht per gjyqtaret e Gjykates Kushtetuese, gjyqtaret e gjykates se Larte dhe per prokurorin e Pergjithshem, parashikojne si shkak ligjor kushtetues per shkarkimin e tyre keto elemente:


a. Shkeljen e Kushtetutes;


b. Kryerjen e nje krimi (per gjyqtaret e Gjykates Kushtetuese dhe atyre te gjykates se Larte);


c. Shkelje te renda te ligjit gjate ushtrimit te funksioneve (per prokurorin e Pergjithshem);


d. Paaftesi mendore a fizike;


e. Akte dhe sjellje qe diskretitojne rende poziten dhe figuren e tyre


Ne dispozitat e mesiperme, per shkarkimin e gjyqtareve te Gjykates Kushtetuese apo gjyqtareve te Gjykates se Larte, si dhe per t'i propozuar Presidentit te Republikes shkarkimin e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, Kushtetuta ka ngarkuar me detyre dhe kopetence, Kuvendin e Shqiperise.


Ne funksion te kushtetuetshmerise se veprimtarise se Kuvendit, lidhur me detyrimet dhe pergjegjesite e tij per te vendosur apo propozuar shkarkimin nga detyra te gjyqtareve te Gjykates Kushtetuese, Gjykates se Larte dhe te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, rendesi vendimtare kane zbatimi dhe interpretimi i harmonizuar dhe i integruar me Kushtetute I neneve 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2 te saj, lidhur me shkaqet kushtetuese dhe procedurat per shkarkimin e tyre.


Ne vecanti, interpretimi perfundimtar i Kushtetutes eshte i domosdoshem lidhur me kuptimin e dispozitave te mesiperme, per hskaqe dhe motive shkarkimi te tilla si:


- "akti dhe shkelje qe diskretitojne rende figuren e gjyqtarit apo Prokurorit te Pergjithshem"


- "shkelje te renda te ligjit gjate ushtrimit te funksioneve nga Prokurori i Pergjithshem"


Ne nenet 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2, Kushtetuta nuk parashikon rregulla persa i perket procedurave qe duhet te ndjeke dhe respektoje Kuvendi per verifikimin, hetimin hde vertetimin e shkaqeve per shkarkimin e gjyqtareve te Gjykates Kushtetuese, Gjykates se Larte dhe per Prokurorin e Pergjithsyhem. Gjithashtu, rregullorja e Kuvendit nuk ka nje percaktim specifik per keto raste. Nje mungese e tille ka bere qe dhe me pare Kuvendi i Shqiperise te diskutoje ne lidhje me keto probleme sic ka qene rasti i mocionit te paraqitur disa kohe me pare nga nje grup deputetesh per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem apo kerkesa e paraqitur nga nje grup deputetesh ne lidhje me shkarkimin e tre anetareve re Gjykates se Larte, duke krijuar edhe nje precedent ne lidhje me trajtimin procedurial te ketyre kerkesave.


Ne vleresojme se procedura qe mund te ndjeke Kuvendi ndikon drejteperdrejte ne garantimin e statusit kushtetues te ketyre organeve dhe mund te krijohen precedente te rrezikshem per respektimin, kushtetuetshmerine dhe shtetin ligjor.


Meqenese pavaresia dhe funksionimi normal i ketyre organeve kushtetuese jane elemente thelbesore te ekzistences se nje republike parlamentare, per nje sistem demokratik dhe per ndertimin e konsolidimin e shtetit te se drejtes, si dhe per te mundesuar interpretimin, respektimin dhe zbatimin e unifikuar te dispozitave te Kushtetutes kerkojme nga kjo Gjykate e Nderuar te beje interpretimin perfundimtar te neneve 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2 te Kushtetutes lidhur me kuptimin e procedurave qe duhet te ndjeke dhe respektoje Kuvendi per verifikimin, hetimin dhe vertetimin e shkaqeve per shkarkimin nga Kuvendi te gjyqtareve te gjykates kushtetuese, te Gjykates se larte, propozimin e kuvendit per shkarkimin e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, si dhe per menyren e proceduren qe ndiqet per motivimin e kesaj vendimarrje.


Firmetaret


1. Petro Koci 


2. Nazmi Bilani


3. Leke Cukaj


4. Rahmi Memetllari


5. Limoz Dizdari


6. Mezan Malaj


7. Gazmir Bizhga


8. Ylli Bufi


9. Flamur Hoxha 


10. Elida Tepelena


11. Fatbardha Shabani


12. Sabit Brokaj 


13. Engjell Bejtja 


14. Albert Caci


15. Taulant Dedja


16. Zyhdi Pepa


17. Gaqo Apostoli 


18. Hasan Hoxha 


19. Vladimir Malo 


20. Ejup Tabaku 


21. Ndue Preka 


22. Refat Dervina 


23. Durim Hushi 


24. Ilir Gjoni 


25. Maksut Balla 


26. Vangjel Tavo 


27. Asllan Haxhiu


28. Ligoraq Karamelo 


29. Shyqyri Duraku 


30. Vangjel Dule 




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From agron at rcn.com  Thu Mar 14 19:24:23 2002
From: agron at rcn.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Mar 2002 19:24:23 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANSA
Message-ID: <000a01c1cbb7$c28f27e0$cd1806d1@law.harvard.edu>

Italian police smash Italo-Albanian prostitution racket 

ANSA news agency web site, Rome, in English 1325 gmt 14 Mar 02 




Text of report in English by Italian news agency ANSA web site 

Catania Sicily , 14 March: Almost 30 Albanian and Sicilian mafiosi have been arrested on charges of running a vast prostitution and drug racket between Albania and Italy, police said today. 

In the overnight operation involving 200 policemen and six different regions, 29 people were arrested, most of them Albanians, and charged with forcing women into prostitution, drug and immigrant trafficking, and possession of weapons. The operation was co-ordinated by anti-Mafia prosecutors in Catania and arrests were carried out in the southern regions of Sicily and Campania and the central and northern regions of Lazio, Tuscany, Emilia-Romagna and Lombardy. Catania prosecutors said the leaders of the organization were based in Albania and had tricked numerous young Albanian women into coming to Italy with the offer of legal work. 

Once here, the girls, many of them still minors, were forced into prostitution and treated like sex slaves, prosecutors said. 

One girl, who was picked up by police in Ragusa during a crackdown on street prostitution, helped launch the operation by recounting her tragic experiences to the prosecutors. The girl told them she had been brought to Bari two years ago when she was just 15 by her boyfriend, who immediately handed her over to a group of Albanian bosses. She said she was forced to prostitute herself in various southern regions and was "sold" on several occasions for 5,000 euros to various members of the same gang. She said she tried to escape once in Ragusa but was immediately caught by her captors and savagely beaten. 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar 14 22:13:01 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 14 Mar 2002 19:13:01 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] On the European Court of Human Rights
Message-ID: <20020315031301.6844.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>



>
>A New Round in the Struggle for the Rule of Law
>
>
>New European Court of Human Rights Opens
>
>Andrea Spalinger
>The first president of the new Court is Luzius Wildhaber, a Swiss.
>
>On 3 November, the new, permanent European Court of Human Rights 
>opened in Strasbourg. Among the massive challenges facing the new 
>tribunal are a constantly growing flood of complaints, a vast 
>backlog of cases, and buttressing the rule of law in the newer 
>signatory members of the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights. 
>But the Swiss president of the Court, Luzius Wildhaber, is 
>optimistic.
>In keeping with the 11th Appendix Protocol to the European 
>Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the Council of Europe's reformed 
>European Court of Human Rights (not to be confused with the EU's 
>European Court of Justice) began operations on 3 November in 
>Strasbourg, replacing earlier ECHR bodies. The most important 
>improvement over the old monitoring system is that the new Court 
>will operate as a permanent institution. Its full-time magistrates - 
>one each from every signatory nation to the Convention - will 
>monitor whether member states are fulfilling the obligations they 
>assumed in ratifying the ECHR. The original document and its 
>subsequent protocols oblige member states to protect such 
>fundamentals as the right to life, a ban on torture, the right to a 
>fair trial and a ban on discrimination. Operating under the aegis of 
>the Council of Europe, the Court is thus far the sole international 
>institution with which individuals may directly register a complaint 
>against a government. The first president of the new Court is Luzius 
>Wildhaber, a Swiss.
>
>Greater Speed and Transparency
>
>Under the former system, the European Commission on Human Rights 
>initially checked each complaint to determine whether the Convention 
>had been violated. The old Court could become active only when the 
>Commission or a signatory state presented it with a legal issue. 
>Moreover, the Council of Europe's Ministerial Committee, as a 
>political supervisory organ, often had a dampening effect on 
>decisions concerning human rights complaints.
>The old system was cumbersome and time consuming. With the reform, 
>the Ministerial Committee will merely monitor the implementation of 
>verdicts. Complaints will now be lodged directly with the Court, 
>doing away with the former two-stage procedure. The new tribunal 
>will reach its decisions by considering obvious violations in 
>three-judge panels and all other cases in seven-judge panels, except 
>when cases raise serious questions of interpretation of the ECHR; 
>those will be considered by a Great Chamber of 17 magistrates. 
>Plaintiffs and governments may file appeals to the Great Chamber 
>against a verdict within three months.
>Reform of the ECHR monitoring system goes back to a Swiss 
>initiative. In 1985, in a report to a ministerial conference held in 
>Vienna, the Swiss Federal Council proposed that the Human Rights 
>Commission and its Court be combined into a single organ, a European 
>Court of Basic Rights. During its chairmanship of the Ministerial 
>Committee in 1991-92, Switzerland pushed hard to move the 
>far-reaching reform forward. Finally, the 11th Appendix to the ECHR 
>was signed in May 1994 and, by the beginning of 1998, had been 
>ratified by all 40 signatory states. The reform is generally 
>considered a great step forward, making procedures more transparent 
>and simpler, and significantly shortening the time needed for 
>consideration of a case.
>There are, however, a few weak points in the new procedure as well. 
>It seems problematic that the Great Chamber cannot decide for itself 
>which cases it will consider. Article 30, coupled with Article 43 of 
>the ECHR, states that cases of major consequence can only be treated 
>by the Great Chamber if none of the parties of the dispute objects. 
>This is a serious limitation on the Court's sovereignty. Another 
>handicap is that the clauses dealing with interim orders by national 
>courts regarding the expulsion or repatriation of unacceptable 
>asylum seekers are vaguely formulated.
>
>A Rising Flood of Complaints
>
>Aside from complexity and lack of transparency, one of the old 
>system's main problems was the duration of its proceedings. The 
>Strasbourg bodies were overloaded from the outset, and were on the 
>verge of drowning in a constantly rising flood of complaints. For 
>the roughly 5% of them that were considered suitable for the old 
>Court's attention, an average case dragged on for six years, while 
>the signatories kept demanding that cases be dispatched at a 
>speedier tempo.
>In recent years, the number of complaints has been steadily rising. 
>In 1985, a total of 2,800 complaints were filed; by 1997 the figure 
>had risen to 12,500. This is partly due to the improved availability 
>of information and also to the Council of Europe's expanded 
>membership. Initially, the monitoring system was conceived for a 
>group of 10-12 member states; by now, citizens from 40 signatory 
>countries are entitled to file complaints - including some 150 
>million Russians (since May 1998). New members include nations such 
>as Albania, Ukraine and Russia, where democracy and the rule of law 
>are underdeveloped or still shaky. So far, the number of complaints 
>filed from the new signatory states of Eastern and Central Europe is 
>still modest. But it is growing, and it may be assumed that in 
>future a steadily increasing number of citizens from those countries 
>will invoke their rights.
>Many observers are already concerned about whether the Court, 
>despite its revised procedures, will be able to handle the influx of 
>new complaints. In addition, the backlog taken over from the old 
>Court must be worked through as soon as possible. At present, more 
>than 6,500 registered complaints are pending; 87 cases have been 
>approved for consideration and are awaiting a verdict. Nevertheless, 
>Court President Wildhaber is confident that the pending cases will 
>be dealt with by February of next year - assuming that the 
>governments involved prove cooperative. The efficiency of the new 
>tribunal, says Justice Wildhaber, will depend mainly on the 
>development of the caseload. If it remains more or less constant, it 
>should be possible to get through future proceedings in no more than 
>two years. But Wildhaber, too, anticipates that the number of 
>complaints will continue to grow, in which case new steps will 
>probably have to be taken at some point, such as increasing the 
>Court's personnel or creating a new court of first instance.
>
>Challenges for New Members
>
>The new Court's 40 judges were elected by the Council of Europe's 
>Parliamentary Assembly. Three candidates, chosen by their respective 
>governments, were put forward by each member state. Those elected 
>will now have to prove their independence. There is a danger that, 
>as they operate in Strasbourg, the new magistrates could feel 
>themselves more committed to their own countries than to the Human 
>Rights Convention, which would make a genuinely independent 
>administration of justice impossible. But Court President Wildhaber 
>is optimistic about this too. Once a magistrate has been elected, he 
>maintains, he will base his decisions on his conscience and his best 
>knowledge; at the old Court, judges often voted against their own 
>countries. The independence of the elected magistrates is less of a 
>problem, he says, than the fact that their nomination was 
>politically motivated in some countries. But, he points out, there 
>is nothing that Strasbourg can do about that.




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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Mon Mar 18 21:02:36 2002
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Mon, 18 Mar 2002 21:02:36 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [lev-open] Major Scam - Area Code 809] (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0203182101310.23008-100000@is06.fas.harvard.edu>




> >? > >????????? MAJOR SCAM:
> >>? >?????????? Don't respond to Emails, phone calls, or web pages which
> >>? > tell you to call an
> >>? >?????????? "809" Phone Number. This is a very important issue of
> Scam
> >>? > Busters because
> >>? >?????????? it alerts you to a scam that is spreading *extremely*
> >>? >?????????? quickly can easily cost you $2400 or more, and is
> difficult
> >>? > to avoid unless
> >>? >?????????? you are aware of it. We'd like to thank Verizon for
> bringing
> >>? > this scam to
> >>? >?????????? our attention. This scam has also been identified by the
> >>? >?????????? National Fraud Information Center and is costing
> victims a
> >>? > lots of money.
> >>? >?????????? There are lots of different permutations of this scam.
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? HERE'S HOW IT WORKS:
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? You will receive a message on your answering machine or
> your
> >>? > pager, which
> >>? >?????????? asks you to call a number beginning with area code 809.
> The
> >>? > reason you're
> >>? >?????????? asked to call varies. It can be to receive information a
> >>? >?????????? bout a family member who has been ill, to tell you
> someone
> >>? > has been
> >>? >?????????? arrested, died, to let you know you have won a wonderful
> >>? > prize, etc.? In
> >>? >?????????? each case, you are told to call the 809 number right
> away.
> >>? > Since
> >>? >?????????? there are so many new area codes these days, people
> >>? > unknowingly return these
> >>? >?????????? calls.? If you call from the US, you will apparently be
> >>? > charged $2425
> >>? >?????????? per-minute. Or, you'll get a long recorded message. The
> >>? > point
> >>? >?????????? is, they will try to keep you on the phone as long as
> >>? > possible to increase
> >>? >?????????? the charges. Unfortunately, when you get your phone
> bill,
> >>? > you'll often be
> >>? >?????????? charged more than $24100.00.
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? WHY IT WORKS:
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? The 809 area code is located in the British Virgin
> Islands
> >>? > (TheBahamas). The
> >>? >?????????? 809 area code can be used as a "pay-per-call" number,
> >>? > similar to 900 numbers
> >>? >?????????? in the US. Since 809 is not in the US, it is not
> covered by
> >>? > US regulations
> >>? >?????????? of 900 numbers, which require that
> >>? >?????????? you be notified and warned of charges and rates involved
> >>? > when you call a
> >>? >?????????? "pay-per-call" number. There is also no requirement
> that the
> >>? > company provide
> >>? >?????????? a time period during which you may terminate the call
> >>? > without
> >>? >?????????? being charged. Further, whereas many US homes that have
> 900
> >>? > number blocking
> >>? >?????????? to avoid these kinds of charges, do not work in
> preventing
> >>? > calls to the 809
> >>? >?????????? area code.
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? We recommend that no matter how you get the message, if
> you
> >>? > are asked to
> >>? >?????????? call a number with an 809 area code that you don't
> recognize
> >>? > just disregard
> >>? >?????????? the message. Be wary of email or calls asking you to
> call an
> >>? > 809 area code
> >>? >?????????? number. It's important to prevent becoming a victim of
> this
> >>? > scam, since
> >>? >?????????? trying to fight the charges afterwards can become a real
> >>? > nightmare. That's
> >>? >?????????? because you did actually make the call. If you
> >>? >?????????? complain, both your local phone company and your long
>
> >>? > distance carrier will
> >>? >?????????? not want to get involved and will most likely tell you
> that
> >>? > they are simply
> >>? >?????????? providing the billing for the foreign company.
> >>? >?????????? You'll end up dealing with a foreign company that argues
> >>? > they have done
> >>? >?????????? nothing wrong.
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? Please forward this entire message to your friends,
> family
> >>? > and colleagues to
> >>? >?????????? help them become aware of this scam.
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? Additional information can be obtained from the
> following
> >? > > AT&T Web Site
> >>? >
> >>? >?????????? <<http://www.att.com/fraud/home.html#thre/s/>>
> >>? >
> >>
> >>
>>


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Mar 15 19:48:04 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 15 Mar 2002 16:48:04 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kanuni ne referendum - Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20020316004804.85637.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

Referendum per nje Kanun te ri
Pikat e referendimit

1. A jeni dakord me nismen e marre?

2. Gjaku duhet te merret vetem tek vrasesi dje jo tek anetaret e tjere te fisit

3. Vrasesin te mos e mbroje askush

4. Kush shkel kete bese, vecohet nga fshati

5. Ndalohen krushqite me shkelesit e kesaj bese

6. Ndalohet qe shkelesit te kesaj bese ti shkohet ne shtepi

Rudina Llazari

Shkoder - Referendum per kufizuar gjakmarrjen. Gjaku do te lahet vetem tek njeriu qe ka kryer vrasjen dhe jo tek anetaret e fisit. Pikerisht per te marre besen e ketij rregulli ne Malesine e Madhe pritet te realizohet nje referendum ku te gjitha banoret do te votojne. E thene me ndryshe, pas kaq vitesh e shekujsh lind nje Kanun i ri, qellimi i te cilit eshte kufizimi i gjakmarrjes. Nisma i takon Lidhjes te Misionareve te Paqes dhe vendi i zbatimit do te jete Malesia e Madhe. Rethi me i skajshen verior do te jete i perfshire ne nje projekt pilot per ngushtimin e rrethit vicioz te ngujimit. Projekti ka mberritur prej kohesh ne zyrat e Bankes Boterore dhe ende nuk eshte marre pergjigje prej atje. Ndersa eshte mbeshtetur nga CAFOD Albania dhe ka patur perkrahje morale nga diplomatet qe jane ne Shqiperi dhe nga Institucioni i Avokatit te Popullit. Gjakmarrja duhet te vije duke u zbutur dhe ngujimi duke u ngushtuar, fenomeni atavizem i trasheguar eshte dukshem i dhimshem ne qytetet dhe fshatrat veriore dhe po sfidon qyteterimin e sotem. Kanuni shqiptar mbi bazen e te cilit ka ardhur ngujimi i mijera familjeve shqiptare thote vetem "Gjaku lahet me gjak". Por ne faqet e kanunit eshte e parashikuar edhe qe "Mos Vrit! Per sa dam te asht shkaktu, duhet me u la sipas randsise. Gjaku lahet me gjak". Ne kanun kjo nenkupton larjen te doraci dhe jo kund tjeter. Vetem ne 24 oreshin e pare pasi eshte kryer vrasja, sipas parashikimeve te kanuneve shqiptare, mund te vritet kushdo prej fisit. Pas kalimit te kohes jo. Te mendosh qe ky kanun eshte krijuar ne kohra qe studiozja e famshme e Shqiperise Edit Durham i quan me te lashta se armet prehistorike te muzeumeve. "Kanuni qe i atribohet Leke Dukagjinit eshte me i vjeter dhe i lashte se armet e permendoret e ushtareve te muzeumeve".

Te gjitha rregullat e referendumit

Eshte mbi bazen e nje modeli te homologeve misionare ne shtetin fqinj ne Mal te Zi. 13800 familje ne Malesine e Madhe do te kene brenda javes te ardhshme formularet e referendumit. Keto formulare i jane dhene krereve te Komunave te Koplik Qendres dhe te Bashkise te Koplikut. Sipas misionareve formularet do te shperndahen ne cdo familje. Kreu i familjes do te firmose se eshte pro ose kunder nisme te ndermarre. Kjo nisme parashikon qe gjaku te merret vetem te doraci. "Ai qe kryen krimin duhet te ndeshkohet dhe jo te tjeret". Sipas asaj qe eshte parashikuar nga hartuesit e referendumit, pas nenshkrimit ajo qe do te vendoset do te jete e shenjte sa edhe kanuni, ne mos me teper. Askush nuk mund te mbroje dhe te afroje pas kesaj doracin, me te cilin nuk do te merren me as misionaret dhe askush tjeter. Ne kete menyre shteti ligjor do te jete si i tille dhe nisma pikerisht kesaj do t'i sherbeje, duke synuar ne te njejten kohe edhe kufizimin sa me shume te gjakmarrjes dhe te ngujimit. Firmosja deklaratave por ose kunder do te behet ne prani te nje grupi te nismetareve, me pjesmarrjen e nje perfaqesuesit te pushtetit vendor (Bashki a komune), te kryeplakut te fshatit a te lagjes, te nje perfaqesuesu te fisit, te nje perfaqesuesi te klerit, dhe te rendit. Natyrisht te pranishem ne firmosje do te jene edhe perfaqesuesit e rendit. Pasi te kene shkuar shtepi me shtepi ne te gjithe zonen e Malesise te Madhe atehere do te behet nje Kuvend i madhe me perfaqesuesit e te gjithe fiseve dhe do te lidhet "Besa e Madhe". Qe nga ky moment, vendosja do te jete e kryer. Kush shkel kete bese do te lecitet dhe vecohet nga i gjithe katundi. Askush nuk do te shkoje me ne ate shtepi. Ne mort a gezim do te jene te vetem. Krushqi me shkelesit nuk do te behet. Ngujimi ne kete menyre do te jete jo i nevojshem perderisa gjaku do te kerkohet vetem te doraci. Kush e shkel kete pervec te tjerave do te hape nje gjak te ri. Ne kete mnyre shtetit ligjor i hapet udhe te mbroje me shume ligjet e tij. Sipas misionareve punet po ecin mbare. Deri tani pjesa me e mdhe e formulareve jane shperndare dhe madje ne disa vende ka nisur edhe firmosja. Keshtu ne komunen e Kastratit sipas misionareve ka mbaruar firmosja dhe kane qene pro nismes 97 % e kryefamiljareve. He per he vetem Malesia e Madhe eshte perfshire ne kete projekt. Por duket se edhe Shkodra do te kete te njejtin vend. Ideja eshte perkrahur nga kreret e Komunave te Velipojes, Dajcit dhe Bushatit. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar 16 10:33:07 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 16 Mar 2002 07:33:07 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Komente per Kadarene
Message-ID: <20020316153307.51908.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


KOHA JONE
Pas botimit te Pashallareve te Kuq, komentojne intelektualet
Anila Basha/ Botimi i plote i poemes "Pashallaret e Kuq" te shkrimtarit te njohur shqiptar Ismail Kadare, solli ne kritiken letrare dhe ate itelektuale, ate qe shume shpesh e quajme post-debat. Pra, sa ka ndryshuar mendimi i kritikeve dhe intelektualeve, para dhe pas botimit te kesaj poeme? Ne thelb te mendimeve te shprehura edhe me pare, nuk ka ndodhur asgje me shume dhe asgje me pak nga ajo cka eshte thene. Te njejtet analiste, kane mbajtur te njejtat qendrime. Dikush mendon se Kadareja e ka kote te kerkoje disidencen, ndersa te tjere mendojne se kjo poeme eshte nje disidence e vertete. Por ka shume qe pyesin: cfare iu desh Kadarese qe hyri ne kete mesele?

Debati rreth poemes "Pashallaret e Kuq", gjithsesi, solli nje risi. Tashme botimi i kesaj poeme dhe perqendrimi i kritikes ne artin shqiptar eshte bere me i dukshem. Kjo i jep me shume vlere te thenave dhe te pathenave per te.

Dritero Agolli, shkrimtar

Nuk duhet te jemi te sorollepsur nga shkrimtarokracia. Nuk duhet te jemi te perulur ndaj shkrimtareve dhe ndaj drites se hidhur nuk duhet te verbohemi. Duhet te jemi realiste dhe secili duhet te gjykoje ne baze te kohes. 

Duhet te them te vertetat me gjakftohtesise qe e kerkon edhe koha. Pak me vone do te flas per kete. Kur te flase edhe Ismaili.

Fatos Lubonja, analist

Mund te them vetem dy fjale. Na duhet nje kulture qe rrit personalitetin e individit mbi bazen e gjykimit te tij dhe te dyshimit te tij dhe jo nje kulture qe i ben njerezit rober te miteve dhe autoriteteve. Ky eshte njeri aspekt. Tjetra qe kerkohet eshte nje tjeter raport i shkrimtarit me publikun dhe lidhur me kete nje tjeter raport i shkrimitarit me te verteten. Sepse roli i shkrimtarit eshte t'i thote publikut te verteten dhe jo nje kulture qe kerkon suksesin, nje krijimtari qe kerkon komnikimin dhe jo nje krijimtari qe synon sukses jashte shtetit duke deformuar te verteten. Duhet nje kulture qe krijon autoritet brenda realitetit.

Ketu nuk eshte problemi i Kadarese, por e trajtimit te se kaluares dhe ndryshimi i frymes se kultures. Kjo do te sherbente per kete pike dhe jo per te gjykuar Kadarene. Ky eshte fillimi i trajtimit te problemeve per kulturen per te vazhduar me pas debatin dhe jo thjesht per gjykimin e Kadarese.

Adrian Klosi, analist

Nuk shoh ndonje gje te re pas botimit te kesaj poezie, sic e kam thene ishte nje poezi qe mbeshteste luften e Enver Hoxhes kunder komplotisteve. Vec te tjerash eshte nje poezi e tmerrshme propagandistike, ne stilin me te keq te deklamimeve te atehrershme ne vargje. Gjaku ne duart e "Pashallareve te kuq" doli se ishte gjaku i deshmoreve qe ata po i rivrisnin, dhe aspak gjaku i te persekutuarvesic e sajuan genjeshtren nga Parisi Kadareja me Maks Velon.

Me vjen mire qe per keto gjera, pra per rivleresimin e se kaluares sone nen komunizem flitet hapur me nje debat publik, per gjera te cilat personalisht i kam kerkuar qe ne vitin 1991, kur analizoja ne nje ese te gjate, rolin e Kadarese nen regjimin komunist, ne librin "Refleksione".

Limoz Dizdari, kryetar i Lidhjes se Shkrimtareve dhe Artisteve

Ajo si poezi, nuk ishte poezi qe te me linte ndonje mbrese te vecante, eshte nje poezi e zakonshme, ka nje firme te Islamilit, por jo ate te njohuren e veprave te tij.

Nga poezia nuk del ndonje gje por eshte nje vleresim dhe konsiderate qe i ben rolit te Enver Hoxhes. Me botimin e kesaj poezie u demotivua vlera e librit te Maks Velos dhe tregoi se ishte i ndertuar mbi disa klecka te sajuara qe ne vend t'i vere vetullat, i nxori syte. Ka qene pjestar aktiv i asaj shoqerie dhe une ngelem ne ate qe Ismaili ishte mire atje ku ishte, sesa te kerkojme disidencen, sesa t'u rijape jete plakave nurihane dhe te merret me disa elemente tashme te atrofizuar qe mijevjecari i trete njerezor qekurse ka filluar te numerohen vitet pas krishtit, i ka nxjerre jashte pergjegjesive te medha sociale. Ismaili kerkon mbeshtetjen ne ca elemente qe e bejne disi jo ne pozita fort serioze duke u marre jo me familje mbreterore, Pashallare te kuq, elemente te tjere te nje fryme jo te realizimit socialist, por te njeriu qe distancionet nga vlerat e interesat e dikurshe, por qe sot kthehen ne antivlera qe nuk perfaqesojne interesa. Antivlerat e dikurshme sot paraqesin vlerat, sepse me vete ato mbartin shpresen e interesave. Une ngelem ne faktin qe Ismaili eshte nje personalitet i letrave shqipe, i cili si shkrimtar i mire nuk ben kujdes per veten, sesa per vepren e tij. 

Botimi i kesaj vjershe solli ne kujtesen e njerezve disa gjera te harruara qe nje pjese (ata me pa te drejte i quajme si nostalgjike), e kujtojne si kohe me vlere dhe nje pjese tjeter bashkekohesit e sotem, pyesin veten: c'eshte ky shqetesim i poetit per te shkruar kete poezi. Por mund te themi se mosbotimi i kesaj vepre mund te trajtohet si shenje respekti e pretendimi per vepra me cilesore ndaj autorit qe ne ate kohe ai e kishte ndertuar tashme figuren e larte te poetit vepra e te cilit, poezia per te cilen po flasim, ka nje fryme skematike. Nese mund te quhet ndonje gabim qe nuk u botua, edhe une bie dakord qe mund te ishte botuar. Megjithate une qe e njoh Ismailin ne kushtet e atyre viteve them se Ismaili nuk do te kishte qene kaq i interesuar per kete poezi, se sa c'mund te jene interesat e ndonje grupimi te sotem te cilet padrejtesisht e bejne objekt per nje problem qe s'ka objekt. Botimi apo mosbotimi i kesaj poezie dhe trajtimet e figures se Ismailit ne keto javet e fundit sidoqofte tek une nuk cenojne asgje ne respektin tim ndaj shkrimtarit dhe poetit tone.

Frrok Cupi, analist

Nuk do te ishte e nevojshme qe Kadare te mbahej me disidencen. Letersia e tij e bukur ishte e mjaftueshme per ta mbajtur te famshem Kadarene. Por ai, vitet e fundit i eshte kushtuar me se fundi biografise se tij disidente. Ndoshta ne "liqenin" Kadare ka mbaruar uji dhe ai tani prodhon disidence artificiale ne vend te letersise. Ne qofte se vete Kadare nuk do te kishte kerkuar disidence te paqene, askush nuk do te ishte marre me t` kaluaren e tij si shkrimtar i diktatures. Mirepo ai vete e kerkoi me kembengulje poezine "Pashallaret e kuq", e cila jo vetem nuk eshte disidence, por eshte nje thirrje per nje qendrim ekstrem te majte ne nje regjim te majte sic ishte ai i Enver Hoxhes ne Shqiperi. Ndoshta duhet thene miqesisht: po c'pate zoti Kadare me te shkuaren, kush po ta zbulonte?

Visar Zhiti, shkrimtar

Une do te thosha se botimi i poemes nuk ndryshoi ndonje gje te madhe. Debati mbetet po ai. Me sakte sesa debati, kontraditat. Kemi poetin perpara perbinbdeshit te diktatures. Nese poema e botuar sot nga ana e formes eshte nje elegji politike me varg majakovskian, tabloja brenda saj eshte shume e afert me rrathet danteske te Ferrit. Kemi perballe nje atdhe te hekurt, ku pergjaket mishi i jetes, Shqiperia e vjeter, e perfaqesuar me klasat e permbysura eshte duke u zhbere tragjikisht, kurse Shqiperia e re, ajo per te cilen u derdh gjaku i deshmoreve te Luftes Antifashiste Nacional Clirimtare, eshte duke u tradhetuar hapur. Zeri i poetit duket ne unison me kohen, nderkohe qe une dalloj zerin e alarmuar, zerin e brendshem qe ky gjak duhet te nderroje udhe dhe nuk duhet derdhur ashtu. Por ajo me e rendesishmja qe nuk eshte thene ne kete debat nuk eshte qe ne te kapim ne veshtiresi nje shkrimtar, nderkaq me te madhin e vendit tone, t'i nxjerrim perpara atij autokritiken kur per mua ai eshte nje shembull i menxyrshem sesi zeri i shkrimtarit dhe i njeriut njekohesisht kacafyten me diktaturen, pra nuk ka gje me te hapur: shkrimtari thote kam nje poeme te zeze armiqesore kunder partise, pra kjo eshte e verteta qe ai pranon si shkrimtar dhe kjo eshte edhe e vertata e poemes, dhe zeri i nje njeriut qe kerkon mbijetesen dhe ambalazhon me ambalazhet e kohes. Por akoma nuk e kam thene me te rendesishmen. Ne vemd te rremojme arkivave per te gjetur akuza, une si qytetar i ketij vendi do te kerkoja autokritiken e diktatures. Kjo eshte pergjegjesia e intelektualeve ne raport me kete poeme. Askush deri tani nuk po kerkon autokritiken e diktatures perballe shkrimtarit, e cila ne menyre te perbinbdshme ka kerkuar te beje deformin e krijimtarise, ka nderhyre ne menyre mizore duke u perleshur me muzen. Pra Pegasi ka qene i qelluar nga mitralozet e diktatures. Duhet te kerkojme autokritiken e diktatures, e cila ne rastin konkret, nuk me duket e larguar. Do te deshiroja qe zonja Nexhmije Hoxha te mos fliste pa piken e pendimit dhe vrasjen me te paket te ndergjegjes, por tamam si nje vjerre e eger e Shqiperise. Une jam me artistin. Poema me perpara se sa te jete fjale eshte fryme dhe fryma ne kete rast eshte ne kundershti me parodine festive te socializmit. Sapo jam kthyer nga nje rivarrim te eshtrave te nje njeriu te vdekur para 23 vjetesh. Duke lexuar kete poeme pas 27 vjetesh te mbyllur ne arkiv(olet) e erreta te shtetit, kam perseri ndjesine e versuljes se skeleteve. Masakra eshte me e madhe sesa kaq, une habitem sesi shqetesohen sesi poema ka qene e tille, apo e atille dhe harrojne se kjo eshte pjese e nje vuajtje akoma me te madhe, e nje censurimi me te madh. Nese zonja Nexhmoije thote qe ne Kadarene e perkedhelem le te hidhet tek Maks Velo. Po me te c'ndodhi? Tragjedia kombetare ndoshta nuk ka nevoje per kete apo ate emer te pervecem, por ka nevoje te pranohet qe ishte nje tagjedi dhe shkaktaret e saj nuk ka pse te krijojne alibira. Do te ishte ne nderin e tyre, ne qetesim te ndergjegjeve te tyre qe te benin dicka me te mencur sesa kjo qe po kerkojne te thone. Me mire te lexonin nje lutje te Nene Terezes dhe te merreshin me veten e tyre. Kjo hakmarrje e vone s'eshte gje tjeter vetem te risjelle ate qe ka humbur pergjithmone. Riardhja e kesaj poeme eshte nje deshmi e triumfit.

KORIERI

Virgjeria e Kadarese dhe morali i inkuizitoreve


Virgjeria e Kadarese dhe morali i inkuizitoreve


Nga Robert Goro*/ Po qe se shkrimtari i njohur grek Vasilis Vasilikos do te kishte mundesi te njihej me dyndallen e shkrimeve te shtypit shqiptar te diteve te fundit lidhur me "Aferen Pashallaret e kuq", do te flakte ne ajer borsalinen e tij dhe do te bertiste si i dehur: "Me ne fund fitore!". Sepse nje pjese e atyre qe shkruajne keto dite kunder Kadarese, shnderrohen ne aletet me besnike te Vasilikosit, i cili ne fillim te vitit 2000, me sebepin e qendrimit te Ismail Kadarese ndaj luftes ne Kosove, kishte ndermarre nje sulm frontal kunder shkrimtarit tone te madh, duke arritur deri atje sa te shkruante se vepra e Kadarese nuk eshte botuar asnjehere ne gjuhen shqipe, per arsyen e thjeshte se letersia shqipe nuk ekziston!...


Natyrisht, bashkatdhetaret tane nuk kane mberritur ne ate fare skaji, ndonese gjithcka mund te pritet!... Ata sot thjesht e akuzojne Kadarene se asnjehere nuk ka qene disident, por perkundrazi ka qene i Perkedheluri i Rregjimit, te cilit ia ka shperblyer me vepra te shumta, mes te cilave "Dimri i madh", "Koncert ne fund te dimrit", dhe padyshim "Pashallaret..", nje vjershe qe sipas tyre nuk ishte asnje fije nenkuptimi kunder sistemit, por ishte nje hymn per Enver Hoxhen. Po per kete do te flasim pak me poshte.


Vasilikosin dhe kritizeret, me shume do te shkonte fjala inkuizitoret e sotem te Kadarese, i bashkon, vec te tjerash nje gje: mohimi per aresye te ndryshme i vepres letrare te Kadarese. Sepse, te perqendrohet pyetja "Ishte apo s'ishte disident Kadareja" ne nje poezi te vetme, pra tek "Pashallaret", do te thote te injorohet e gjithe vepra e tij, ose, te pakten, pjesa me e madhe. Per mendimin tim, qe ne kete rast eshte mendimi i nje lexuesi mese modest, disidenca me e madhe e Kadarese qendron se pari ne vepren e tij letrare. Qe i tregoi botes qysh heret se Shqiperia e uniformuar brenda skemave te moralit komunisto-totalitarist, me nje art e letersi gjithaq skematike, e kishte megjithate potencialin qe te krijonte nje letersi te mirefillte, te denje per t'u ngritur ne majat me te larta te panteonit europian e boteror. Natyrisht, kjo eshte nje ceshtje e sternjohur dhe nuk perben objektin e ketij shkrimi. Por e permenda thjesht per te treguar se si denigruesit e sotem te Kadarese startojne qellimisht nga nje pikenisje e gabuar, pikerisht ngase e njohin fare mire ate qe thashe pak me siper, pra sendertimin e disidences se Kadarese se pari ne krijimtarine e tij.


Madje edhe kur mobilizojne skalionet rezerviste te veteraneve, inkuizitoret, ne vend qe te vene vetulla, nxjerrin syte e tyre. Dhe ketu lejohem te zgjatem pak.


Armik kush i kendonte Enverit?!


Ne "Gazeta Shqiptare" javen e kaluar u botuan pjese nga ditari i Nexhmije Hoxhes, ku nder te tjera thuhet shprehimisht se poezia ne fjale u dergua ne Komitetin Qendror me shenimin se "permbante disa shfaqje alarmante". Po sipas Nexhmijes, shoku Enver e quajti "armiqesore", sepse Kadareja i kendonte kultit te udheheqesit, te cilin kerkuakesh "ta ndante nga shoket e Byrose"!!! Ah, bre djallezori, mosmirenjohesi, i poshtri Kadare! Doje t'i krijoje kultin shokut Enver, i cili nuk kishte asnje bust neper sallat e mbledhjeve, i cili nuk lejonte askend te rropatej gerxheve e maleve per te shkruajtur me gure e me shkembenj emrin "Enver", i cili e kishte ndaluar rreptesisht t'i permendej emri ne kenge e poema; i cili tek e fundit kishte shpartalluar cdo njeri qe brohoriste parrullen armiqesore "Parti-Enver, jemi gati kurdohere!"... Por le te flasim pak me seriozisht. Kush eshte ai budalla qe e ha se ne vitin 1975 ekzistonin te cartur ne te gjitha shkallet e nomeklatures, qe e konsideronin "shfaqje alarmante" te lartoje kultin e Enver Hoxhes. Tjetra, diskutimi i famshem i ketij shkurt-marsi filloi pikerisht me dilemen ishin apo s'ishin disidente vargjet e Pashallareve te kuq. Personalisht nuk e di se sa disidente kane qene ne te vertete ato vargje, per aresyen e thjeshte se nuk e kam lexuar ate poezi, ama pak po t'i therras mendjes me vjen ne kujtese fare mire se si Kadarese i mbeteshin veprat me vite te tera pa u botuar, ne kohen qe letra e paket e shtypshkronjave harxhohej per t'u botuar (ne nje mase te konsiderueshme) gjithefare pacavurrash, titujt e te cilave sot mund t'i kujtojne vetem autoret dhe grate e tyre. Me vjen ndermend se sidomos ne province, njerezit qe shpreheshin entuziaste per krijimtarine e Kadarese, qofte dhe per "Shqiponjat fluturojne lart", trajtoheshin nga organet e partise e te pushtetit gati-gati si armiq te rregjimit. Me vjen ndermend se Kadare i referohet se pari Pashallareve te kuq, ne mos qofsha i gabuar, tek "Pesha e kryqit, apo te "Nga nje dhjetor ne tjetrin". Perse gjate ketyre 10-11 vjeteve nuk mori mundimin askush prej inkuizitoreve te sotem qe te kontestonte te thenmet e atehershme te Kadarese, por e bejne kete pikerisht tani, me sebepin e nje libri qe paska shkruajtur Maks Velo? 


Ne ballkanasit jemi te shquar per manine tone patologjike qe t'i nxjerrim syte njeri-tjetrit, nga ky kendveshtrim s'me habit aspak sulmi i tanishem kunder Kadarese. Perndryshe nuk eshte hera e pare qe ndodh keshtu. E njejta gje kishte ndodhur ne vitin 1991, kur u perfol se Kadareja do te vinte kandidaturen per president i republikes. Gjithmone sulmet jane zhvilluar mbi bazen e motiveve jashteletrare; jo sepse inkuizitoret jane te paafte, madje disa prej tyre shquhen historikisht per nje dashuri platonike ndaj letersise. Ata perhere e kane kritikuar Kadarene per qendrimin e tij gjate periudhes se sundimit komunist. Ata gati-gati sa nuk bertasin: Perse ti Ismail nuk u ngjite mbi kalin e Skenderbeut e te bertisje "Poshte Enver Hoxha?". Dhe harrojne se edhe Gezim Kulufi, marroku i shkrete i rruges se Elbasanit, kur e kapte kriza e cmendurise, perplaste duart e palara e cirrej "Rrofte Ramiz Alia!"... 


Me duhet te pranoj se Kadareja behet ngapak i bezdisshem me referimet e tij te vazhdueshme ndaj presioneve e prapaskenave qe ushtroi diktatura ndaj tij, here-here kam pershtypjen se nga ajo kohe ai ka trasheguar nje mani persekutimi. Ia besoj dhe e mirekuptoj. Pse qysh heret jam munduar te imagjinoj neper sa tallaze te partishme eshte dashur te pervritet per hir te vepres se tij, per hir te asaj vepre e cila vertet na ben krenare si komb, por ndofta do te qeme me krenare sikur ajo mos te kishte ekzistuar kurre, domethene po qe se Kadareja ishte ekzekutuar kahere shpirterisht. Kete duan te thone inkuizitoret? Le ta thone e te mos na enjtin me trurin!


Ke shkel ne kallo fjala e Kadarese


Sinqerisht nuk mund ta kuptoj se perse iu kerkuaka pikerisht tani, kur prostituimi i shpirtit dhe i moralit eshte ngritur ne sistem, kjo certifikate virgjerie Kadarese, ashtu sikurse heroines se tij tek "Nata me hene"? 


Moa valle gjithe kjo meseleja e tanishme, nuk eshte krejt pa lidhje me intervistat qe Kadareja ka dhene muajt e fundit, ku ka perdorur nje gjuhe mjaft te ashper per politikanet (te cilen, me pa te drejte mendoj une, e revizionoi ne nje interviste tjeter). Mos valle nuk eshte krejt pa lidhje me mendimin e tij te shprehur publikisht se ne pushtet duhet te vije e djathta. Mos valle, me ne fund, nuk eshte krejt pa lidhje me zgjedhjet presidenciale te ketij viti, ku Kadare, pavaresisht se e ka pergenjeshtruar disa here, eshte perfolur si nje kandidat i mundshem.


Si qytetar i nje vendi qe tollovitet per vite te tera mes kaosit te pergjithshem, do te isha i lumtur nese gazetaret, dhe analistet shqiptare, me te njejtin zell qe i jane perveshur zbardhjes se te vertetes per virgjerine e Kadarese, me te njejtin zell pra, te perpiqeshin edhe per te zbardhur te verteta me akute dhe shume me te rendesishme, qe lidhen para se gjithash me ushtrimin e pushtetit. 


Ne morine e ndryshimeve qe ndajne intelektualet e vertete nga pushtetaret, Kadare ka nje avantazh me shume: Fjalen. Nese edhe sot, ne vitin 2002, Kadarese duan t'ia kontrollojne e t'ia diktojne fjalen, ashtu sikurse ne kohen e diktatures, kjo eshte me te vertete "nje shfaqje alarmante". 


Pse neser do te kerkojne perseri te kontrollojne e diktojne edhe fjalen e gjithe te tjereve...


*Robert Goro eshte korrespondent i BBC ne Athine. Shkrimin e mesiperm e nenshkruan si shkrimtar, autor i librave "Takohemi pasdite" (1990), "Nje kenge per Edit Piafin (2000) dhe "FYROM: Supermacia e inferioritetit" (2001).



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar 16 10:34:28 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 16 Mar 2002 07:34:28 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Poezia e Kadarese
Message-ID: <20020316153428.60240.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

29 strofat e "Pashallar?ve"Gazeta ripublikon poezin? e gjetur n? Arkiv
---------------------------------

1.
N? mesdit? Byroja politike u mblodh.
Vall? ?'ka ndodhur n? kufijt? verior?.
N? kufijt? e jugut vall? ?'ndodh.
Qielli ?sht? me re dhe dimri sjell d?bor?.

Mos l?viz?n klasat e p?rmbysura,
Mos ka katastrof? n? prodhim.
Vall? ambasador?t mos kan? nisur
Radiograme plot shqet?sim.

Jo. Kufijt? e shtetit jan? t? qet?.
Nga ambasadat lajme me alarm nuk ka.
Dhe n?n diktatur? t? proletariatit.
Dim?rojn? kok?ulur ish kastat e m?dha.

Dhe prodhimi ?sht? normal dhe dit?t
Rjedhin t? zakonsh?m n? dhjetor?
Po ahere pse k?shtu papritur 
N? mesdit? Byroja Politike u mblodh?

2.
Shtetet s'prishen kurr? nga ?atit?.
Shum? shum? mund t? pikojn? diku.
Nga themelet ata prishen
K?tij ligji
Shteti socialist i bindet gjithashtu.

Mund q? lart ?do gj? t? duket bukur,
Gara socialiste, merrja k?ng?s, haj.
Dhe pankartat dhe heronjt? e pun?s
N? gazet? lokale n? Nj? Maj.

Telegrame urimi, diell i ndritur
N? mitingje e vjersha letrar?sh t? rinj
Kurse posht?
pik?risht n? themelit?
Rritet ngadal? tumor i zi.

P?r armiqt? kemi topat, himnet, vallet.
Ambasadat q? rr?fejn? di?ka p?r ta.
P?r burokratizmin ?'kemi vall??
Topat s'pijn? uj?
dhe konsuj atje s'ka.

3.
Midis shkresash, telefonash, leterthith?sesh
Ata skenat mbushin gjithnj?
Mjaft me k?t? qeshje dashamir?se
Burokrat?t jan? tjet?r gj?.

Jo me boj? pelikan p?rjargur,
Si tuaf? t? k?ndsh?m ho, ho, ho,
Por t? kobsh?m
me duar t? p?rgjakura
Gjer n? bryle un? ata i shoh.
I shoh atje thell? tek rr?mojn?.
N? themelet e revolucionit pik?risht.
C'b?jn? ashtu
pse trupat e d?shmor?ve
Kthejn? djathtas, majtas dhe p?rmbys?

Pa shiko,
trupat sikur i lajn?.
Nga themelet gjakun duan t? fshijn? shpejt.
Dhe pas gjakut amanetet q'ata lan?,
Idealet dhe parimet krejt.
Dhe vul?n e gjakut si ta zhdukin,
Oh, e dijn? se ?sht? leht? pastaj
T? ndryshojn? revolucionin, diktatur?n
E pun?tor?ve
thelbin e saj.

Ja k?shtu, atje n? gjunj? t? ulur
Lajn? e shplajn? gjakun pa pushim
Po ?'pat?n papritur
Pse u ndal?n
Tek nj? yrt i shkret?, tek nj? djerrin?.

K?tu jan? varrosur t? p?rmbysurit:
Pashallar?, bejler?, familjet e m?dha
Ata sulen, trupat kthejn? p?rmbys e nisin
Q? t'i zhveshin me nj? vrull hata.

Rrobe sundimtar?sh t? p?rgjakta
Me nishane e grada veshin shpejt.
Dhe me to mbi supe n?p?r nat?
Ikin drejt m?ngjezit si rrebesh.

4.
Dhe m?ngjezi erdh,
T? zbet?, t? ngrir?,
N?n mantelet me nishane e me kuror?
Ata shkojn? n? zyra, ministrira,
Madje ngjiten gjer n? Komitet Q?ndror.

Pashallar? t? kuq. Bejler? me tesera partije
Baron-sekretar?. Bos? t? naft?s. Varg.
N? kortezh t? zymt?, n?n himne liturgjie
Cojn? tabutin e revolucionit p?r n? varr?

5.
Kurse pamja e jashtme ishte ndryshe
Buzeqeshje, tundje grushti n? miting
Thjesht?si tek xha Kamberi, tek X gjyshe,
Dhe fjal?t "Enver" "parti", "autokritik?".

K?shtu ishte dit?n,
kurse nat?n
Zbrisnin n? themel ata s?rish.
Por revolucioni s'ish kala e Rozafatit
Q? duronte dit?n ngre e ngre e nat?n prish.
6.
Enver Hoxha, syri i tij i mpreht?
Ishte i pari q? dyshoi p?r ta.
Dhe ahere n? themele t? shtetit
Zbriti si n? baladat e m?dha.

Nj? pishtar t? kuq mbante n? dor?.
Dheu dridhej
Flaka mbi ta ra.
Dhe i pa tek prishnin gjakun e d?shmor?ve
Tek ndanin mantelet se? i pa.

"Ja, ku q?nkeni!"
Ata u ngrin?.
-Oh, shoku Enver, hm, rroft?, oj!-
Por ai i mvrejtur
me dhembjen n? cdo thinj?
Si nj? mal n? dim?r bubulloi.

Krisht ai nuk ish q? t'i d?bonte
Nga pushteti me kamcik dhe stap.
Ai klas?n ngriti t? pun?tor?ve.
P?r ta b?r? burokratizmin zap.
7.
Si dikur patrullat partizane
Shteg?tojn? ekipet e kontrollit pun?tor.
Q? t? mos i marrin ministrit? me topa
Nes?r.
Sot i marrim me kontroll.

Diktatur? e klas?s s'?sht? ve? n? vjersha
Dhe n? ditlindjen e veteranit tornitor.
Je p?r socializmin?
Vrapo n? rrjeshta
Shpall kudo dhe mbi k?do
kontroll pun?tor.

Bjeri dit? e nat? burokratizmit,
Klas?n q? u p?rmbys n?n k?mb? e mbaj.
N? se s'do q? nes?r skuad?r e pushkatimit
T? t? vej? n? mur
tek Bulevardi i Madh.

8.
Dit?t ikin.
Vorbullat e ngjarjeve
N?p?r stin? e vite shtjellen me furi
Vijn? plenumet e partis? porsi ushtar?t
E revolucionit
n? stuhi.

Ec?n klasa pas partis? n? dit? epike,
Populli pas klas?s derdhe oqean
Dhe m'u mbledhte prap? Byroja Politike
Mesdit? a mesnat?
gati t? gjith? jan?



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Mar 17 22:42:22 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 17 Mar 2002 19:42:22 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Interesting Article at the Chicago Tribune
Message-ID: <20020318034222.32386.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

Chicago Tribune 
March 17, 2002 Sunday, CHICAGOLAND FINAL EDITION 
Leaders paint Balkans as terror war's front line 

By Tom Hundley, Tribune foreign correspondent. 

SKOPJE, Macedonia 

They may have been trafficking in weapons or drugs. Or maybe they were simply illegal immigrants trying to find an unguarded back door into Western Europe. 

Or perhaps they really were--as the Macedonian police insist--Al Qaeda terrorists on their way to attack the U.S., British and German Embassies here in the Macedonian capital. Whoever the seven unidentified men were, they are now dead--killed in a Macedonian police ambush outside Skopje two weeks ago. 

The Macedonian government has offered little persuasive evidence linking the men to Al Qaeda, but its eagerness to make the claim is not surprising. Since Sept. 11, everyone from Vladimir Putin to Ariel Sharon has tried to portray his local war as part of America's global war on terrorism. 

Even former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, on trial in The Hague for war crimes, argues that his police in Kosovo were battling Albanian insurgents sponsored by Osama bin Laden. 

The U.S. government is openly skeptical of Macedonia's claims that the seven men killed March 2 were plotting an attack on the embassy, but as the front lines in the war on terrorism grow blurry, the incident here has underscored genuine concerns that the Balkans, Europe's messy back yard, could become a staging area for future Al Qaeda operations. 

The alleged suspects were ambushed by Macedonian police in a vineyard near the village of Rastanski Lozja, about 5 miles from Skopje. They apparently had settled down for a meal about 4 a.m. when police opened fire from two sides. The police claim there was a gun battle, but Western officials say there was no evidence of return fire. 

The police also say the men were carrying a small arsenal of weapons and uniforms of the National Liberation Army, the ethnic Albanian guerrilla group that took control of parts of the country last year. 

U.S., British and German diplomats were invited to view the men's bodies. But the inspection produced little beyond the observation that the men appeared to be from the Indian subcontinent, perhaps Pakistan. 

"It's still not clear to us who they were or what they were doing here," a Western diplomat said. "Obviously, it is worrisome to have guys like this wandering around. The Macedonian government likes to say there are ties between the NLA and international terror groups, but as far as we are concerned, we'd have to see some proof." 

Skepticism mounts 

Since the incident, there has been growing skepticism among the public and even within the Macedonian government about the credibility of the Interior Ministry's account of the incident. 

The weapons allegedly found with the men were brand-new--unusual in the Balkans. That suggests that the weapons could have been planted, or that perhaps the men were gun smugglers rather than terrorists. 

"There's quite a lot of movement through these mountains--trafficking in weapons, drugs, human beings, ideologies. You could come up with any number of scenarios," said Harald Schenker, a diplomat with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. 

"It's not surprising that the interior minister is trying to boost his approval ratings by showing that he is side-by-side with the Americans in the war against terrorism," he said. 

Government spokesman Georgi Trendafilov expressed anger that the U.S. does not take Macedonia's concerns about Al Qaeda terrorists more seriously. "We are on the front line in the war against terrorism," he said. 

But Macedonian officials further undermined their credibility on the issue a few days after the shooting incident when they announced that two Jordanian and two Bosnian terrorism suspects had been handed over to the American Embassy following their arrests near the residence of the U.S. ambassador several weeks earlier. 

Those suspects, the Macedonians said, spoke of plans to kill Macedonia's prime minister and interior minister. 

The announcement came as news to the U.S. Embassy, which said it had not received any prisoners from the Macedonian government. A spokesman for the government then retracted the claim and said the four had been "expelled." To where, he could not say. 

Link to U.S. targets in Italy 

Last week, Italian intelligence services issued a detailed report warning of "broad-ranged terrorist schemes . . . of increasing intensity" aimed at U.S. targets in Italy. Italy said the terrorist organizations use Balkan countries as an "outpost" for logistical support and take advantage of widespread illegal activities in the region to finance their operations. 

This month, Italian police arrested nine Moroccans, and a few days later they nabbed six men from Middle Eastern countries in connection with two possible plots to attack the U.S. Embassy in Rome. 

U.S. concerns in the region have been focused mainly on Bosnia-Herzegovina. In the mid-1990s, significant numbers of Arabs and others from the Muslim world came to fight alongside Bosnian Muslims in a war against Serbs and Croats that often took on a strong religious coloration. 

When the 1995 Dayton agreement brought an end to the fighting, many of these men were given Bosnian citizenship and remained in the country, as did a number of Muslim charitable organizations with possible links to Al Qaeda. 

After Sept. 11, the Bosnian government began taking a closer look at some of these organizations, and in January, the Bosnians turned over to U.S. authorities five Algerians and a Yemeni after a Bosnian court ruled there was insufficient evidence to continue holding them. The U.S. whisked the suspects to its detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, despite protests from local human-rights groups. 

There also is evidence that Islamic mercenaries fought with the ethnic Albanian rebels during the 1999 Kosovo war and that some of them may have crossed the border and joined the Albanian insurgency that erupted in Macedonia last summer. 

But neither Albanian struggle could be considered a holy war. Both grew out of a demand for minority rights and were quickly transformed into grass-roots national movements when the government retaliated against civilians. 

Ethnic Albanian leaders in Macedonia scoff at the idea that they were harboring Al Qaeda terrorists. 

"I don't think you can be a nationalist and fundamentalist at the same time. Fundamentalists can fight only for their religion," said Asan Luma, an official in Tetovo, a mainly Albanian city in western Albania. 

He invited his visitor to share a whiskey. 

"I'm an Albanian Muslim, but here we are drinking alcohol. Not very convenient for Al Qaeda," he said. "And my wife doesn't let me tell her how to dress either, so what should I tell bin Laden?" 

Murat Ismaili, a former NLA fighter from the Tetovo area, said that when the U.S. declared war on the Taliban and Al Qaeda, he and many other former guerrillas wanted to go to Afghanistan and fight--on the side of the Americans. 

"Many of us went to our former headquarters and asked if it would be possible to form a unit to go to Afghanistan," he said. "We hate Al Qaeda. We support the Americans." 

GRAPHIC: PHOTOPHOTO: A Macedonian police officer displays weapons allegedly seized from men killed in an ambush; officials say they were terrorists. Agence France-Presse photo by Georgi Licovski. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Mar 17 22:45:33 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 17 Mar 2002 19:45:33 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noel Malcolm on Sunday Telegraph
Message-ID: <20020318034533.88726.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) 
March 17, 2002, Sunday 
Pg. 13 


Liberte, egalite, automobilite Noel Malcolm wonders how far cars have driven change in the world and how far they have simply changed with the world 

By Noel Malcolm 


Auto Mobile: How the Car Changed Life by Ruth Brandon 

Macmillan, pounds 20, 468 pp pounds 18 ( pounds 1.99 p&p) 0870 155 7222 

ONE OF THE strangest statements ever made about the car was uttered by Woodrow Wilson (then President of Princeton University) in 1906, when he declared, in a public speech: "Nothing has spread socialistic feeling in this country more than the auto mobile." 

It takes some head-scratching to work out what he could possibly have meant. Was he referring, perhaps, to the new ability of Left-wing agitators to tour the country, handing out pamphlets? Or to the camaraderie of the road, the nascent socialism of the driving fraternity? No; his point was that the automobile was an object so intrinsically desirable, yet so extremely costly to make and run - the archetypal rich man's toy - that it could only provoke blind envy (leading to revolutionary fervour) among the toiling masses. With hindsight we can all see how wrong he was; sharp-eyed observers might even have seen it at the time. In 1906 Henry Ford, who had already been producing cars for three years, introduced the Model N at the bargain price of $500. He sold 1,600 cars that year, and 8,243 in 1907. In 1908 he unveiled the Model T, a much better car, at a slightly higher price (which rapidly came down as sales ex panded): three years later he was selling 78,000 of them. Twenty years later his River Rouge factory complex - which took in iron ore at one end and emitted cars at the other - was employing more than 100,000 people, and many of them were driving their own cars to work. 

It is difficult, in fact, to think of any human invention that has been more non-socialistic, or even anti-socialistic, in its effects. Here was an industry that expanded at a colossal rate, making billions for the capitalists and their shareholders; an industry that was under the constant pressure of the marketplace, as competitors struggled to adapt their products to what the customers actually wanted; and, above all, an industry that gave people a type of individual freedom - to travel where and when they liked - which they had never had in the past. No wonder that in ultra-socialist states, such as Stalinist Albania, private car-ownership was forbidden by law. 

Ruth Brandon's enjoyably essayistic account of the automobile industry from its origins to the present is more concerned with social history (it is subtitled "How the Car Changed Life") than with politics; but political implications are never far away. Her special interest is in the impact of the car on city life - the great shift in population from the inner city to the suburbs, where car ownership has become a virtual necessity. Like many a modern commentator, she mourns the passing of neighbourhood street-life and the advent of an "atomised society"; and there is the obligatory reference to "train-hating Mrs Thatcher" and her "great car economy". 

The perennial problem with this sort of broad-brush socio-economic history is the difficulty of distinguishing symptoms from causes, or the facilitating factors from the primary mechanisms of change. The extraordinary densities of population in some city centres before the advent of the car (150,000 per square mile in parts of 1890s London, more than twice that on Manhattan's Lower East Side) were based on systems of labour, such as sweat-shops in the garment trade, that would have declined anyway, with or without automobility. Londoners were moving from the East End to the Essex suburbs long before they could afford to buy cars. 

Similarly, Ruth Brandon puts great emphasis on the effects of Henry Ford's famous assembly-line method, in which the skills of experienced craftsmen were devalued and the premium was on sheer obedience and the endurance of repetition. Ford's factories may have been, for a time, the leading examples of this phenomenon; but, as Brandon notes, he did not invent assembly-lines, or time-and-motion studies, which were features of modern industrialisation more generally. (He did, however, pioneer a successful and highly counter-intuitive antidote to the drug of repetitious labour: he raised his workers' salaries to motivate higher rates of pro duction.) 

In one section of her book Brandon goes so far as to suggest (tentatively) a connection between car-production and Fascism. The obvious link is Hitler's Autobahn project and his sponsorship of the Volkswagen - which was also known as the KdFWagen or Kraft durch Freude ("Strength through Joy") Wagen, after the recreation arm of the Nazi "Labour Front". But she is also able to cite the brief but virulent anti-Semitic campaign run by Henry Ford in his local newspaper in 1920-1, and the fact that our own William Morris (Lord Nuffield) was one of the chief financial backers of Oswald Mosley. 

Is there a pattern here? Yes and no. Nuffield was hardly a supporter of Fascism: he was attracted by the famous protectionist "Manifesto" produced by Mosley when he was still a Labour MP (and signed by 17 Labour Members, including Aneurin Bevan). And while Ford's anti-Semitism may have been, for a while at least, emotionally strong, it did not form part of a larger ideology. 

But perhaps there is some deeper connection. Not the one gestured at by Brandon, who concludes rather weakly that the cases of Ford and Morris "express the defining tragedy of the 1920s and 30s: the ease with which idealism becomes corrupted by power . . ." Rather, it is the connection between some aspects of Fascism and some elements of industrial modernisation: a claim that the new, "scientific" methods of organisation are more efficient than the old, democratic ones, combined with an obsession with harnessing the power of the masses. Once again the car industry seems little more than a symptom of other, broader changes. 

Perhaps it is for some such reason that Woodrow Wilson's dictum seems, strangely enough, closer to being true today than at any time in the last 96 years. When regular car-users tell the opinion pollsters that they are firm supporters of public transport, they are expressing more than mere hypocrisy, more than the (quite logical) desire that other people would leave their cars at home. They are buying into a socialistic nostalgia of a rather attractive kind: a yearning for a world we have lost, a world in which warm, friendly neighbourhood communities and benevolent state provision went hand in hand. 

Sadly, it is not a world that Ken Livingstone's poll tax on journeys is likely to recreate. The truth is that if we ever had such a world, we did not simply "lose" it. We left it of our own volition, voting - on our accelerators - with our feet. 

Noel Malcolm's books include 'Bosnia: A Short History'. 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Mar 17 22:51:34 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 17 Mar 2002 19:51:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conflict over future of Yugoslav Army
Message-ID: <20020318035134.21779.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

  


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Mar 18 21:09:02 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 18 Mar 2002 18:09:02 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zeri i Popullit - 18 mars 2002
Message-ID: <20020319020902.83544.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

Nano: Njer?z, jini vigjilent? 
Nga Fatos Nano

 

Sot po pretendohet t? merret n? analiz? nj? nga institucionet m? t? r?nd?sishme t? shtetit t? s? drejt?s - prokuroria si organ i pavarur kushtetues i akuz?s. T? gjitha insinuatat apo sulmet mbi emrin e p?rve??m t? Kryeprokurorit jan? p?rpjekje e qart? p?r t? v?n? institucionin e akuz?s n?n presionin dhe kontrollin e drejtp?rdrejt? t? strukturave apo aleancave amorale e ilegjitime politike. Ky nuk ?sht? nj? moment i v?shtire p?r Arben Rakipin, por p?r institucionet e shtetit q? maxhoranca progresiste e zgjedh?sve shqiptar? i sanksionoi n? Kushtetut?n e miratuar m? 28 Nentor 1998 si t? pavarura. Esht? detyr? e ligjvenesve si p?rfaq?sues legjitim? t? vullnetit t? zgjedhesve t? p?rmiresojn? pun?n e institucioneve t? shtetit, ve?an?risht e maxhorancave. Por ?sht? m? shum? se e pamoralshme q? n? koh?n kur organi i akuz?s k?rkon t? vendos? n? peshoren e drejt?sis? veprimet apo mosveprimet e p?rfaq?suesve t? politikes n? qeverisje, politika t? k?rkoj? n?p?rmjet aleancash n? em?r t? interesit dhe jo t? parimeve kushtetuese bllokimin e realizimit t? k?tij detyrimi kushtetues dhe ligjor, duke nd?rtuar mocione t? stisura mbi akuza e shpifje politike.

Opozita e vjet?r, pasi d?shtoi n? p?rpjekjet e saj p?r t? deligjitimuar Kuvendin e Shqip?ris? dhe maxhoranc?n legjitime t? dal? nga zgjedhjet e 24 qershorit, ka vendosur t? shkat?rroje instituciunet e pavarura t? shtetit, duke shpresuar dhe n? aleanca t? err?ta q? ruajn? gjithnj? si objektiv final: deligjitimimin e maxhoranc?s qeveris?se.

Zoti Berisha dhe partia q? ai p?rfaq?son n? m?nyre konstante kan? bojkotuar organin e prokuroris? q? prej 12 shtatorit 1998, duke mos bashk?punuar p?r asnj? ?ast p?r t? hedhur drit? mbi "dosjen" Hajdari dhe tentativ?n e grushtit t? shtetit me 14 shtator. Zoti Berisha dhe maxhoranca e tij e vjet?r, n?p?rmjet amnistis? s? vitit ?97, nd?rsa po dor?zonin mandatin e vjedhur n? m?nyre skandaloze me 26 maj ?96, u hoq?n mundesin? organeve t? shtetit t? s? drejt?s t? hetojn? dhe v?n? para p?rgjegjesis? ligjore t? gjith? ata q? shpik?n dhe mbrojten politikisht piramidat p?r t?i grabitur shtetasve shqiptar? mbi 1 miliard dollar?, p?r ata q? u dhunuan zgjedhesve t? drejt?n p?r t? zgjedhur p?rfaq?suesit e tyre legjitim?, p?r ata q? dogjen zyrat dhe dokumentat e shtetit me motiv te vetem zhdukjen e ?do gjurme t? vjedhjeve, shp?rdorimeve e abuzimeve q? kishin kryer gjat? regjimit te Berish?s, p?r ata q? trafikonin naft? dhe arm? p?r regjimin kriminal dhe antishqiptar t? Milloshevi?it, p?r ata q? u vinin gjoba sip?rmarr?sve privat? n? em?r t? financimit te fushatave elektorale t? PD-s?, p?r t? gjith? ata q? duke p?rdorur institucionet e shtetit p?rgjonin, persekutonin dhe burgosnin p?rfaq?suesit legjitim? t? opozit?s s? at?hereshme, p?r ata q? dhunonin e d?nonin gazetar?t dhe digjnin selite e shtypit t? lir?, p?r ata q? nxirrnin me dhun? policore nga zyrat e shtetit titullar? me imunitet kushtetues, p?r t? gjith? ata q? hap?n depot e arm?ve p?r t? fshehur shp?rndarjen e tyre me list? p?r militant?t e PD-s?, p?r t? gjith? ata q? pajis?n me pasaporta diplomatike mij?ra kriminel?, t? cilet vazhdojn? t? ushtrojn? dhun?, krime dhe trafiqe n? shtetet per?ndimore.

Z. Berisha, p?r t? shp?tuar t? gjith? njer?zit e tij t? inkriminuar gjat? regjimit t? tij nga nd?shkimi ligjor, iku nga pushteti duke aplikuar teorin? e tok?s s? djegur, duke shkaktuar viktima edhe mij?ra jet? njer?zish. Ne socialistet e shfryt?zuam amnistin? e Berish?s, p?r t? krijuar kushtet e nevojshme t? Pajtimit Komb?tar, por nuk fshim? nga memorja asnj? nga veprimet e pap?rgjegjshme, antidemokratike, antikomb?tare dhe antikushtetuese t? rregjimit t? zotit Berisha.

Ne u investuam n? pajtimin komb?tar p?r t? nd?rtuar edhe n? Shqip?ri institucione t? konsoliduara q? shtetin e s? drejt?s e v?n? n? sh?rbim t? interesave legjitime te qytetareve dhe jo t? orekseve apo interesave legjitime t? p?rfaq?suesve politik?, t? cilesdo ngjyre qofshin.

Deri para pak jav?sh Sali Berisha l?shonte vet?tima dhe tentonte t?i siguronte shqiptar?t se dispononte dokumenta dhe dosje t? plota q? vertetonin abuzimet skandaloze q? kan? ndodhur n? Korporat?n Energjetike Shqiptare, nd?rsa papritur i del n? mbrojtje ish drejtuesve t? KESH, akuzon Kryeministrin aktual dhe k?rkon t? shkarkohet Kryeprokurori, pik?risht n? momentin kur organi i akuz?s po dor?zon n? gjykat? dosjet q? k?rkojn? vertetim ligjor t? shp?rdorimeve dhe abuzimeve. p?r ??shtjen e abuzimeve n? KESH dhe t? m?nyres s? tenderimit t? energjis?, z. Berisha propozoi n? Kuvendin Komb?tar t? Partis? s? tij t? kishte nj? bashk?punim mes maxhoranc?s dhe opozit?s. por ai nuk mund t? pranoj? q? institucionet e pavarura t? shtetit q? japin drejt?si t? funksionojn? jasht? tutel?s s? tij politike, ndaj dhe po k?rkon t? nd?rpres? apo bllokoje veprimet ligjore t? Prokuroris? p?r t?i rip?rdorur akuzat p?r shp?rdorime e abuzime n? gjyq? spekulative politike kunder maxhoranc?s. Berisha, pasi u largua nga pushteti p?r shkak se nuk arriti asnj?here t? pastroj? mjedisin e vet politik nga korrupsioni, krimi, kontrabanda, abuzimi, dhuna etj, u ndie i papun? dhe jasht? loje gjat? gjith? l?vizjes son? p?r qeverisje t? mire. Ai dhe disa prej m?katareve t? tjer? mendojn? e shpresojn? q? ky proces t? nd?rpritet brutalisht duke goditur Prokurorin? e shtetit, por gabohen r?nd?. Sipas logjikes s? skenarit tashm? shum? t? duksh?m t? Berish?s dhe m?katareve t? tjer? t? pushtetit, ?do institucion q? do t? guxoj? t? publikoje, hetoj? apo kontrolloj? t? gjitha aferat dhe shp?rdorimet, do te bllokohet n?p?rmjet nj? maxhorance ilegjitime m?kataresh kuq e blu. Ky skenar nuk kursen as qeverine aktuale t? Aleanc?s p?r Shtetin.

Mocioni i Berish?s p?r shkarkimin politik t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m ?sht? i barabart? me mocion mosbesimi ndaj Kushtetutes shqiptare, parimeve dhe institucioneve demokratike q? burojn? prej saj. N? k?t? votbesim ndaj pluralizmit dhe stabilitetit te demokracis? shqiptare, kan? deklaruar se do t? bashkohen edhe disa p?rfaq?sues t? maxhoranc?s. partia Socialiste dhe zgjedhesit tan? n? maxhoranc? legjitime nuk jan? vjehrra q? duhet t?u mbahet inat p?r t? gjitha abuzimet, vjedhjet, shp?rdorimet, trafiqet dhe gjithshka tjet?r ilegjitime q? po hetohet nga institucionet kushtetuese t? shtetit. nd?rsa "mullixhiu" Berisha me t? cilin k?ta m?katar? ndaj besimit dhe investimit te zgjedh?sve tan? kan? vendosur t? flen? k?t? rralle, i ka dh?n? t? gjitha provat se "bluan" ?do far? q? ka premisa t? mbjell? edhe n? Shqip?ri standarte, parime dhe institucione demokratike euroatlantike. Ftoj te gjith? ata q? ndjehen m?katar? t? pushtetit duke pritur rradhen t? verifikohen nga organet e pavarura t? drejt?sis?, t? mos e p?rqasojn? voten e tyre p?rfaq?suese dhe aspak private me shkopinjt? e gom?s t? polic?ve t? Berish?s dheAgim Shehut tek nd?rtonin var?sin? politike t? institucioneve t? drejt?sis? p?r t? goditur demokracine dhe shqiptar?t.

Alarmi q? ndjejn? dhe sulmi q? disa prej p?rfaq?suesve tan? po nd?rmarrin ndaj institucionit shtet?ror t? akuz?s, vjen menj?her? pas fillimit t? hetimit ligjor p?r nj? s?r? trafiqesh, abuzimesh, shp?rdorimesh q? kan? shqet?suar opinionin publik dhe q? soll?n ato ndryshime t? domosdoshme n? qeveri. Un? dua t?i siguroj t? gjith? ata p?rfaq?sues t? maxhoranc?s q? b?jn? gjum? t? shqet?suar p?r shkak t? m?kateve gjat? ushtrimit te mandatit se shteti i s? drejtes dhe jo aleanca me Berish?n, do t?u krijoj? t? gjitha kushtet p?r nj? proces ligjor, transparent dhe te paansh?m mbrojtje, hetimi dhe gjykimi. Askush t? mos mendoje se procesi "me duar t? pastra", p?r shkak t? aleancave me Berish?n mund te p?rfundoje n? bllokim me duar t? lidhura. Zgjedhesit tan? kan? t? drejt? kushtetuese t? dijn? se si jan? p?rdorur taksat q? paguajn?, si ?sht? administruar pushteti nga qeveria q? kan? pranuar t?i qeveris?, si menaxhohen pronat dhe financat publike, si ?sht? nd?rtuar administrata civile, etj. dhe maxhoranca q? un? drejtoj do te vazhdoj? ta realizoje k?t? transparenc? n? bashk?punim me institucionet e shtetit ligjor.

Q? sistemi i drejt?sis? ka ende probleme dhe nevoj? p?r p?rmiresime, kjo ?sht? evidente. Por asnj? zgjidhje nuk vjen n?p?rmjet goditjesh politike kund?r emrave t? p?rve??m, por me respektim t? plot? t? kuadrit kushtetues dhe t? procedurave ligjore dhe me ekipe realizuese profesionist?sh t? ligjit dhe jo te politikes s? vjet?r. P?rpara se t? k?rkohet shkarkimi i kryeprokurorit, ne duhet t?i japim organit t? akuz?s nj? kuad?r me t? mire ligjor, i cili plot?son vakumet e verejtura gjat? funksionimit t? tij dhe q? i p?rgjigjet m? mir? nevoj?s p?r t? forcuar nd?shkimin ligjor ndaj veprave t? reja t? krimit, q? favorizojn? trafiqet dhe krimin e organizua. N?se organi i akuz?s dhe gjykatat nuk arrit?n t? marrin d?shmite e zotit Berisha p?r vrasjen e deputetit Azem Hajdari dhe grushtin e shtetit t? 14 shtatorit 1998, ky p?rb?n nj? precedent p?r t? p?rmiresuar baz?n ligjore mbi t? cilin funksionojn? k?to organe. Procedura me t? cilen po k?rkon opozita t? shkarkoj? Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m ?sht? antikushtetuese dhe antidemokratike. Kjo procedure nuk ?sht? gj? tjet?r ve?se nj? gjyq politik me pasoja shum? t? r?nda p?r t? sotmen dhe t? ardhmen e institucioneve kushtetuese t? shtetit shqiptar, p?r konsolidimin e demokracis? dhe p?r integrimin ton? euroatlantik. K?t? definicion po e p?rs?rit Fatos Nano, nj? njeri q? ka pasur kurajon t? p?rballet me akuza, akuzues dhe gjykues t? komanduar nga politika dhe t? ndaj? padrejtesisht qelite e burgut me kriminel? t? nd?shkuar nga institucionet dhe ligji. P?r asnj? ?ast nuk kam k?rkuar q? burgu im t? kompensohet me burgun e t? tjer?ve. Una kam p?rballuar burgun e Berish?s p?r t? gjithe ata socialiste dhe progresist? q? t? ardhmen e Shqip?ris? e shihnin n? Evrop?, q? k?rkonin institucione t? forta e t? pavarura, q? zhvillimin nuk e gjenin tek piramidat mashtruese, q? nuk pranonin t? b?heshin flirte e kontraband? nafte e arm?sh me rregjimin e Milloshevi?it. Si ish i burgosur politik qo ju b?j thirrje t? mbrojme institucionet e shtetit t? s? drejtes, Kushtetut?n e Republikes s? Shqip?ris? dhe t? mos lejojm? q? vendi yn? t? kthehet n? trafiqesh politike ku rr?zimi dhe shkat?rrimi i institucioneve t? shtetit t? s? drejtes z?v?nd?sojn? p?rmiresimin dhe konsolidimin e autoritetit t? ligjit.

Askujt nuk mund t?i mohohet e drejta p?r t?u mbrojtue e verifikuar para organeve e institucioneve t? specializuara t? shtetit t? s? drejt?s, nd?rsa Berisha me mentalitetin dhe p?rvojen e tij t? vjet?r, po k?rkon t? shkat?rroj? me demagogji nj? institucion Kushtetues, pa asnj? hetim dhe mbrojtje proceduriale q? na detyron Kushtetuta.

Nese kunder Prokurorit t? P?rgjithshem krijohet nj? maxhoranc? ilegjitime, me cilesin? e Kryetarit t? votuar t? Partis? s? shumic?s parlamentare un? do t? vazhdoj t? kryej t? gjitha detyrimet e mia politike e kushtetuese p?r t? denoncuar dhe bllokuar k?t? maxhoranc? m?katar?sh dhe p?r t? realizuar sa m? pare mundesin? e rikonfirmimit te maxhoranc?s legjitime q? un? drejtoj. Ata p?rfaq?sues t? grupit tone parlamentar q? vleresojne dhe veprojn? nj?soj si Berisha, t? ken? parasysh se do t? marrin para zgjedhesve tan? dhe historis? gjith? p?rgjegjesin? p?r delegjitimimin e k?saj maxhorance progresiste dhe evropiane, q? po drejton Shqip?rin? prej 5 vjet?sh. Cilido m?katar, q? nuk ka dh?n? ende asnj? spjegim publik p?r akuzat publike dhe ligjore p?r abuzime, shp?rdorime e trafiqe, nuk mund t? shp?toj? nga nd?shkimi duke b?r? aleanc? me regjimin e vjet?r, me shpifje fantastiko-trafikuese ndaj organit t? akuz?s p?rball? dosjeve dhe fakteve t? mjaftueshme p?r t?u administruar nga gjykata. Esht? detyra im? si p?rfaq?suesi m? i lart? politik i partis? Socialiste q? duke k?rkuar zbatimin me rigorozitet t? programit ton? politik e qeveris?s, t? votuar n? maxhoranc? edhe n? zgjedhjet parlamentare t? 24 qershorit, t? p?rdor t? gjitha rrug?t, forumet, institucionet e mjetet q? eleminojn? trafiqet dhe abuzimin politik me to. Esht? detyre Kushtetuese e Prokuroris? dhe Sistemit Gjyq?sor q? vleresimet e p?rfaq?suesve progresiste t? politikes, t? shoqeris? civile, t? opinionit publik, t? partnereve tan? nd?rkomb?tare p?r vazhdimin e vegjetimit te fenomeneve negative q? pengojne zhvillimin dhe ngadal?sojn? integrimin euroatlantik t? vendit, t?i verefikojn? ligjerisht dhe t? nd?shkojn? fajtoret. ?do pengim i pun?s s? institucioneve Kushtetuese dhe t? pavarura t? drejt?sis? me motive dhe aleancave driteshkurt?ra politike, do te thote kthim n? realitetet dhe instituionet e regjimit t? Berish?s.

Duke e konsideruar antikushtetuese proceduren e shkarkimit te Kryeprokurorit, un? ftoj grupin parlamentar socialist dhe aleatet tan? t? mos behen pjes? e asnj? votimi t? tille, duke nxitur keshtu edhe transparenc?n e nevojshme para zgjedhesve dhe opinionit publik p?r gjithe ata q? flirtojn? me mekatet e regjimit te vjet?r dhe boten e krimit, kund?r Kushtetutes dhe interesave themelore t? progresit ton? komb?tar drejt botes euroatlantike.

Njer?z jini vigjilent! Regjimi i vjet?r i demokratur?s dhe i aleanc?s s? politikes me krimin po, k?rcenon s?rish t? ardhmen tuaj!



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Mar 18 22:07:25 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 18 Mar 2002 19:07:25 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Independent
Message-ID: <20020319030725.50188.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

The Independent (London) 
March 18, 2002, Monday 
FOREIGN NEWS; Pg. 14 

SERBIAN PARTY ACCUSES YUGOSLAV PRESIDENT OF 'PRIVATISING' ARMY AS DEPUTY PM FREED 

Misha Savic In Belgrade Perisic: Critic of military 




THE LARGEST party in Serbia's ruling coalition said yesterday that it would propose legislation to place the country's traditionally independent military under greater civilian control. 

The announcement, released in a statement by the Democratic Party of Serbia, came a day after the Yugoslav military released a top government official whom it suspects of spying for America. 

Military intelligence agents arrested the Deputy Prime Minister, Momcilo Perisic, on Thursday, accusing him of passing secret documents to a US diplomat. The American, identified as John David Neighbor, was detained along with Mr Perisic and held for 15 hours. Mr Perisic, an outspoken critic of the military, has denied the espionage allegations. He used to be the army's top commander with the rank of Lieutenant - General and served under the former Yugoslav president, Slobodan Milosevic, until 1998, when Mr Milosevic sacked him for opposing a crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. 

Senior Serbian government officials said the security service had tried to frame Mr Perisic by planting incriminating documents in his briefcase. 

The Foreign Minister, Goran Svilanovic, said he had officially apologised to the US ambassador to Belgrade, William Montgomery, and expressed regret over the "arrest and detention of the US diplomat". 

The US State Department had protested at the treatment of the diplomat and expressed concern over the impact of the case on Serbian democracy. 

The furore over the detentions has highlighted a growing rift between hardline generals, who are backed by the Yugoslav President, Vojislav Kostunica, and reformist leaders in Serbia who have been trying to impose civilian control over the military. Serbia is the larger republic in Yugoslavia, which also includes Montenegro. 

The Democratic Party, led by Serbia's Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic, suggested yesterday that Mr Kostunica was responsible for the arrests, noting that military intelligence officers answer directly to the office of the Yugoslav president. The party's statement accused Mr Kostunica and his aides of having "privatised" the military, and said: "This is jeopardising the human rights of our citizens." 

Thursday's arrests came as Mr Djindjic had been pressing for reforms to make the military accountable to civilian institutions. Mr Kostunica and military hard-liners oppose changing the army's structure. 

When the country was formed after the First World War, the military was put under the command of the king and out of parliamentary control. After the kingdom was abolished following the Second World War, Marshal Tito used the army to crush opposition to communist rule. In return, the generals were given a free hand to run their affairs. (AP) 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Mar 18 22:16:13 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 18 Mar 2002 19:16:13 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: The Kokkalis Scholars Programme,
	Harvard
Message-ID: <20020319031613.92799.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com>
Subject: [balkans] CfA: The Kokkalis Scholars Programme, Harvard
Date: Sun, 17 Mar 2002 14:43:49 +0100
Size: 7238
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 19 05:00:08 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 19 Mar 2002 02:00:08 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dr. Ylli Pango ne Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20020319100008.43894.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

Agron Llakaj, President
Prof. Dr. Ylli Pango/ Po afron qershori e se bashku me te edhe zgjedhjet presidenciale. Se bashku me enigmen e presidentit te ri, do te zgjidhet levduar qofte presidentlleku, edhe konflikti i madh ne PS. Pikerisht ne keto momente duke pasur vazhdimisht ne koke kete brenge presidenciale kaq "shqetesuese" per shqiptaret, me lindi apo me sakte mu binjakezua ne koke nje ide: Agron Llakaj, President. 

Them binjakezim apo ndofta edhe asociacion idesh sepse nuk do te ishte shembulli i pare. Kolyshi, komiku i madh francez, vdekur aksidentalisht ketu e disa vjet me pare, kandidoi per president i Republikes Franceze gjithashtu. Apo me sakte, propozoi veten president. Agronin po e propozoj une. Natyrisht si qytetar i thjeshte e pa pretenduar t'u bind me te paren. Gjithsesi, si fillim merreni per sugjerim. Me vone mund te bejme edhe fushate.

Po e them qe ne fillim, duke nisur keshtu dashur pa dashur propaganden elektoralo-presidenciale, se Llakaj do te ishte se pari i pershtatshem per President ne aspektin e formes. Atij do t'i mungonte krejt poza, shtirja, artificialiteti. Pare ndryshe, do te kishte atribut pozitiv, aftesine per t'iu shmangur shtirjes, pozes, njenashmerise apo superficialitetit. Kjo per arsyen bindese se jo vetem eshte apolitik por dhe eshte tallur mjaft me presidentet, i ka imituar qenerisht, u ka marre pozen e erzin e si perfundim zor se nuk do te dinte te ruante veten kesisoj ne ato aspekte formale ku ata kane goxha mangesi. Pastaj, eshte edhe aktor e si i tille nuk do te kishte nevoje te merrte mesime si Napoleoni apo Hitleri per ecjen, te folurit, deklamacionin etj, pra per mjeshterine aktoreske qe i duhet burrit te shtetit. As nuk do te ndjehej mungesa e tyre tek ai si tek Meidani. Kaq sa i takon formes. Ne paranteze, duke pasur pothuaj po keto atribute nuk do te ishte keq qe edhe Bajkon ta propozoja zv-president, duke nenvizuar natyrisht kerkesen per lindjen se pari te ketij institucioni te munguar tek ne dhe duke i hequr mundesine Lackos te perdore ketej e tutje shprehjen ndihmes-president per ndonje keshilltar te presidentit te ardhshem.

Tani le te flasim per meritat me te qenesishme te kandidatit tim. Pra per thelbin e propozim-sugjerimit tim. Agron Llakaj me kolegun e tij Bajko, i kane bere ndofta pa e ditur as vete se c'kane bere, apo deri ne c'shkalle e kane bere, nje nga sherbimet me te medha njerezve te ketij vendi. Ata kane arritur te nxjerrin ne pah nje nga figurat me tipike te ketyre 10 vjeteve te fundit, ndofta me sinjifikativen per Shqiperine e tranzicionit, pjesen e saj me te spikatur, pakicen sunduese a zotin e saj keta 10 vjet. Ate qe ne nje menyre ose ne nje tjeter tash 10 vjet ka ne dore pushtetin real e ate okult ne Shqiperi, apo me sakte qe sundon ne forma nga me te ndryshmet. Figuren e te fortit, kuptuar kjo natyrisht gjate e gjere sic do ta shpjegojme gjere e gjate me poshte. Nderkohe, Bajko na ka dh`ne te dobtin qe per nga vlerat artistike e sinjifikative, nuk bie aspak me poshte se i forti. Madje ne aspektin kuantitativ ai eshte me i fuqishem pasi perfaqeson shqiptarin, masen e gjere, ate mase ku i forti ben ligjin apo ku ai eshte sic i thoshin dikur, pakica sunduese.

Portreti i te fortit i formuar ketu tek ne, eshte, portreti i dekades, portreti i epokes, portreti qe fillon tek rrugaci i vogel, vazhdon tek killeri, mbrrin tek mafiozi per te mbaruar pastaj tek qeveritari a maja me e larte e pushtetit. Vini re se c'dimensione hapesinoro-sociale ka ky i forte.

Duke e pare kete portret te te fortit thjesht si nje Kane te diteve te sotme, pa dyshim nuk do te na dilte idea e gjemes se madhe qe na ka bere Gonja me kete portret. Duke e pare ne nje shtrirje 10 vjecare, permasat e tij kohore do te dilnin gjithashtu gjigande. Kanja nuk eshte vetem skafisti i Otrantos dje apo sot, nuk eshte vetem killeri apo drogaxhiu i kapur disa here a i pakapur mijra here. Kanja eshte edhe bodiguardi, Kanja eshte gangsteri i rruges, eshte halabaku, eshte krimineli qe vret e nuk paguan, Kanja eshte madje edhe dejtori a ministri i lidhur me te, madje ministri i forte, here-here edhe i grushtit, eshte deputeti i ardhur nga bodiguardet e bandat, nga krimi, nga prona e krijuar me krim, e vjedhje. Kanja eshte deri kryeministri qe ecen me krahe hapur per shkak te gjeresise se anekseve apo ndjesise se demonstrimit te forces, qe perdor fjale fyese a sharje nga nena ne mbledhje qeverie a takime me te afert, me vartes per t'u shfaqur te themi prepotento-garipo-popullor. Eshte ai a ata qe e kane sjelle ate ne pushtet, eshte banda e horrave qe ka paguar votat a ka kercenuar e i ka bere shantazh zgjedhesve, ka rrahur a ka gjymtuar qe ai te zgjidhet deputet. Kanja eshte pjesa sunduese e shoqerise shqiptare ne mungese te shtetit, eshte sundimi i te forteve mbi te dobtit, i anarkise mbi shtetin, i Mafias mbi ligjin e drejtesine. Kanja eshte pushteti i rruges mbi ate te demokracise e ligjit, Kanja eshte demokracia e kthyer permbys, me koke poshte ku seicili ka te drejte te beje c'te doje, te te vrase, a te te lincoje, te te rrembeje motren a bijen per t'i cuar per prostitucion, te paguaje per te te vrare aq sa nuk i vlen lekura as nje kafshe pune. Kanja eshte portreti i epokes, eshte vete Shqiperia e 10 vjeteve lufte pa sukses per demokraci e qyteterim. Kanja eshte figura me e spikatur, me e sukseseshme, me e respektuar, me e imituar e 10 vjeteve te fundit nga pinjollet bastarde te shoqerise shqiptare ne lengim. Kanja eshte nenshtrimi shqiptar karshi te keqes. 

Kanja eshte tendenca per jete qejfi e te lehte perrallore e mjaft te rinjve qe tentojne te behen te pasur overnight. Por Kanja eshte edhe rreziku qe rri tek dera e prindit per djalin a vajzen e pambrojtur, e puntorit a nepunesit te dobet qe i forti mund t'ia rrembeje vajzen sy me sy per t'ia perdorur si dashnore e me vone edhe per t'ia shitur e te mos beje gek e te ndjehet i lumtur se ndryshe i iken koka.

Por Kanja eshte edhe me shume. Kanja eshte universal. Kanja do te ishte edhe Italia e pasluftes, Franca e racisteve apo e ksenofobeve, Gjermania e neonazisteve, madje edhe Amerika e viteve 30 apo edhe e Los Anxhelosit te viteve 90, te mos kishte atje shtet e demokraci per te gjithe. Kanja ne Ameriken e viteve 30 ishte zoti i vertete i bankave e i rrugeve, njeriu me i pasur, me i frikshem, vrasei i eger, apo trafikanti a sfidanti me i madh i qytetarit e fermerit amerikan. Prandaj shteti amerikan dha alarmin. Shteti iu qep dhe e griu. Fermeret u urdheruan te qellonin kudo qe t'i shihnin pa paralajmerim Te vriten Kanet kudo qe te gjenden. Kanet ne Amerike quheshin Dilinxher, Al Kapone etj. Dhe fermere e qytetare te armatosur, se bashku me shtetin, i ndoqen Kanet e Amerikes me arme ne dore si kafshe te egra ne fusha e male, deri sa i zhduken. (Edhe tek ne Kryeministri Majko dikur leshoi ne Berat nje ulerime te tipit te viteve 30, "te vriten kriminelat"., Por vetem kaq. Ishte nje thirrje patetike pa jehone ne shkretetiren-shtet).

Dhe keshtu "I forti" apo Kanja ne Amerike u mposht,. Tek ne ndodhi e po ndodh tash 10 vjet e kunderta. I forti, Kanja, fitoi ne keta 10 vjet. Ai u shtri kudo, tek bodigardet, tek te fortet drogmene e skafiste, tek trafikantet e prostitutave, deri te qeveritaret qe ecin duke mbajtur krahet hapur si te forte, a si mundes, apo qe qendrojne krah per krah me te tille.

Tani mendoj se mund te gjykojme me sakte per sherbimin e pacmuar qe i ka bere ketij vendi Agron Llakaj dhe kolegu i tij Bajko. As vete ata nuk mund te gjykojne per vleren e jashtezakonshme te ketij sherbimi. Te pakten keshtu me kane thene modestisht.. (Presidenti dekorues Meidani do te bente mire t'u jepte nje nga ato medaljet Mjeshteri i madh i Punes apo te sajonte enkas per ta ndonje medalje te tipit "I forti i madh" apo "Urdheri i Kanes i klasit te pare"). Portreti i te fortit i portretizuar kaq bukur eshte portreti me i realizuar i epokes sone, me i godituri, me i verteti, me tipiku. Eshte portreti i atij trimi qe ketu e 20 -30 vjet me pare, nje hetues lab 1.40 i gjate e bente t'I shpetonte. Sot ky i forte e ben hetuesin, gjyqtarin, prokurorin, ta bejne ne breke apo te shiten per leke. 

Kesisoj duke e dhene kaq faqeza ne ekran te fortin apo Kanen, kandidati per president Llakaj dhe kolegu i tij, kane sulmuar per here te pare kaq fuqishem e balle per balle, ne histori, pa ju a bere syri terr, me te fortet e ketij vendi. Madje pushtetin e te fortet bashke, ndonese keta jane nje pothuaj. Trimeri e dyfishte. Kanja kesisoj per here te pare nga hijerende e serioz eshte diskredituar, eshte bere edhe qesharak, eshte shfaqur si injorant, ndonese i frikshem. Per here te pare te tre apo kater milion shqiptaret e kane pare balla, qarte, pa u dridhur, se kush eshte gogoli qe i frigon ne jeten e ne endrrat e tyre dhe tashme se paku e dine apo e kane nje perfytyrim me te qarte se nga u vine te keqiat me te medha apo se c'duhet bere. Ndofta nuk eshte thene ndonjehere kaq hapur, nepermjet Kanes qe te merr syrin, se ku kane katandisur institucionet tek ne, shteti, ligji. Se deri ku ka shkuar nenshtrimi i qytetarit te thjeshte.Nuk ka klithme te tij me te dhimbshme se ajo e fytyres se mjere te Bajkos. Nepermjet tmerrit, dhimbjes, frikes se tij, te shqiptarit te gjore pa mbrojtje, i eshte bere pra thirrje, sos, ndihme, shtetit, presidentit. "Mbrona o shtet". 

A mund te behet sherbim me i madh kombetar nderkohe qe shqiptareve kudo u grisin pasaportat, i rrahin, i bejne te vuajne madje edhe ne ambasadat e tyre ne bote, u heqin dritat, u kthejne vajzat ne prostituta, i mbysin ne det, i vrasin per hic mos gje. 

Sa t'i shqyrtoje Mejdani institucionalisht tere keto probleme te shqiptareve, Llakaj e Bajkona dhane dy portrete qe na ngjethin artistikisht. Ne qeshim e qajme njekohesisht. Humori eshte Caplinian. Ne i qajme hallin vetes. Kambisti i vrare nga te forte keto dite, vajzat apo studentet e dhunuara, te mbyturit rishtaz ne Otranto nga skafiste te forte, varferia, mosha e pensioneve, uji i piste, klithma e vuajtjes e e poshterimit te te dobtit, shqiptarit, te gjithe mblidhen te Bajko. A ka sherbim me te cmuar se ky. Le ta zgjedhim pra Llakajn president e Bajkon zv. te tij dhe do te shihni sa halle do te na zgjidhin, qofte edhe artistikisht apo psikologjikisht. Sa here t'i shohim ne ekran si burra shteti, do te lehtesohemi disi e do te themi: keta se paku s'genjejne. 

A mund te ma hedhe pra njeri poshte mendimin se ketyre dy djemve te mbare me rolet qe i kane qare u ka dhembur me shume gjate interpretimit, se sa gjithe politikaneve a presidentit tone te nderuar gjate tere karieres se tyre te shkelqyer politike? A mund te mohohet se kontributi i tyre ne Telebingo Kombetare eshte ku e ku me i cmuar se ai i Meidanit ne Bingon e tij presidenciale? Ju lutem krahasojini po deshet. 

Eshte kjo arsyeja qe duke u nisur nga meritat e padiskutueshme te Llakajt dhe kolegut te tij Bajko, duke i krahasuar meritat e vlerat e tyre artistikisht te mbarsura e pjellore, me meritat e vlerat e presidentit aktual, institucionalisht te paster e steril, duke u nisur nga simpatia e madhe qe gezojne ata ne masen e gjere te popullit,(pyesni po deshet), por edhe nga aftesia e tyre per nje paraqitje sa me dinjitoze presidenciale, qe buron nga profesioni i tyre i nderuar i aktorit, duke e nisur gjithashtu nga mjaft debate televizive e artikuj gazetash qe ka tash muaj qe e kerkojne emrin e nje kandidati te ri me insistim, propozoj:

Zoti Agron Llakaj te hedhe kandidaturen per president i Republikes, si njeriu qe sipas menyres se vet, me armen e humorit,(me ate qe ka mundesi xhanem), ka goditur fuqishem figuren me tipike te se keqes ne kete vend ne keta 10 vjet te fundit, duke u bere kesisoj i dashur per masen e gjere te shqiptareve.

Jam me se i sigurt se ne rast organizimi te nje zgjedhje mbarepopullore, per presidentin e vendit, Zoti Llakaj do te korrte nje fitore plebishitare kunder cilitdo prej politikaneve te derisotem qe do te guxonin te konkuronin me te. 

Mbetem me shprese qe sugjerimi im te merret parasysh nga zoterinjte Llakaj e Bajko.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 19 18:19:36 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 19 Mar 2002 15:19:36 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Intervista e Rakipit
Message-ID: <20020319231936.24649.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m i Republik?s, Arben Rakipi, m? 12 gusht 2001, ekskluzivisht p?r Gazeta Shqiptare, ka l?shuar akuza t? ashpra ndaj shum? njer?zve t? veshur me pushtet p?r lidhje t? tyre me trafiqet. Por, intervista, t? cil?n po e ribotojm? shkaktoi edhe polemika e debate t? m?dha mes socialist?ve, t? cilat u thelluan edhe m? tep?r. Madje, deklaratat e shefit t? akuz?s, e "prish?n imazhin" e k?tij t? fundit te kryeministri Meta, "beniamini" i t? cilit ishte deri at? dit?. Reportazh, e riboton sot k?t? intervist?, n? prag t? mocionit p?r Rakipin, duke menduar se megjith?se ?sht? p?rseritje, ka s?rish vlera.
Kam p?r detyr? t? luftoj q? deputeti t? mos p?rdor? arm?n apo t? manipuloj? shtypin p?r t? '' b?r? presion institucioneve t? shtetit. Q? kandidati p?r minist?r rendi t? mos premtoj? lirimin e kriminelit me marrjen e karriges apo qoft? dhe kryeministri t? mos ndaj? interesat politike me ato t? vras?sve apo bandit?ve q? trafikojn? drog?n, pavar?sisht lukseve q? k?ta t? fundit disponojn?. Kushdo tjet?r zyrtar i lart? i administrat?s apo legjislativit shqiptar q? nuk do t? ndante gj? me sa m? siper, pavaresisht emrit, do mir?pritej n? keto poste". Esht? Kryeprokurori i Republik?s Arben Rakipi, i cili flet ekskluzivisht p?r "Gazeta Shqiptare". Cilat jan? marr?dh?niet e tij me politik?n shqiptare, kush jan? njer?zit q? nuk d?shirojn? q? Prokuroria t? b?j? pun?n e saj, cilat jan? dosjet e pazbardhura ende dhe sa i vendosur ?sht? institucioni i Akuz?s n? Shqip?ri t? luftoj? trafiqet e paligjshme. N? ?'p?rmasa ekzistojn? trafiqet ilegale dhe korrupsioni n? Shqip?ri dhe sa jane implikuar n? k?to afera njer?z t? veshur me pushtet dhe funskionar? t? shtetit shqiptar. K?to jan? disa nga ??shtjet dhe pikat ky?e q? Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m Arben Rakipi, ka vendosur sot t'u p?rgjigjet me detaje n? dy faqet e Gazet?s ton?. Dy jav? m? par? Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme deklaroi zyrtarisht ngritjen e nj? strukture t? r? p?r krimin e organizuar.

Mund t? na thoni zoti Rakipi p?rmasat reale t? k?tij krimi n? Shqip?ri dhe konceptin tuaj t? luft?s kund?r tij? 
Krimi i organizuar nuk p?rb?n m? p?r realitetin shqiptar, nj? togfjal?sh t? sajuar nga gazeter?t p?r tituj komercial? artikujsh, apo thjesht zhargon politikan?sh p?r ta b?r? m? bashk?kohor e luksoz fjalorin e tyre. Ky fenomen, m? qart?: aktiviteti i vazhduesh?m i p?rbashk?t kriminal, i disa individ?ve te grupuar n? organizata t? s? nj?jt?s karakteristik?, me baz? shoq?rore, familjare apo krahinore t? nj?jt?, t? cil?t synojn? n?p?rmjet t? ardhurave t? siguruara, forcimin e tyre ekonomik deri n? at? shkall? sa t? tentoj? dominimin e jet?s politike t? vendit, z?vend?simin e shtetit n?p?rmjet intimidimit, eliminimit apo uzurpimit t? subjekteve q? e p?rfaq?sojn? at?, e tek e fundit shnd?rrimin e k?tij vendi e t? k?saj shoq?rie n? pjell? t? kriminalitetit nderkombetar; duhet t? p?rb?j? nj? shqet?sim real, n? radh? t? par? p?r strukturat shteterore e politike t? vendit, e m? pas p?r nj? s?r? organizmash a subjektesh shoqerore, p?rfshir? s? pamohuari rolin, mediat e shkruara e ato vizive. Duke pranuar lindjen e k?tij fenomeni me ve?orite e tij, n? Shqiperi, duhet t? theksoj q? dhe p?rvoja e par? e luft?s ndaj tij, ka pasuar, me fillimin e disa ??shtjeve tashm? t? njohura publikisht, ku jan? goditur subjekte shqiptare e t? huaj, t? p?rfshira n? trafiqe t? ndryshme droge, q?niesh njer?zore, mjetesh motorike, arm?sh etj. Dh?nia e kontributit t? zyr?s son? n? operacione t? zhvilluara n? nivel nd?rkombetar e t? rezultuara n? ?montimin e disa organizatave kriminale q? synonin kontrollin e trafikut t? kokain?s, ka ndihmuar ve? fitimit t? p?rvoj?s s? sip?rpermendur edhe n? integrimin e k?saj strukture shtet?rore si? ?sht? Prokuroria Shqiptare, n? mekanizmat nd?rkomb?tare t? luft?s kund?r trafiqeve t? paligjshme n? rajon edhe m? gjer?. Ndon?se kjo pun? e jona ka sherbyer n? p?rmiresimin e imazhit politik t? vendit, duhet th?n? s?rish q? ?sht? ve?se nj? p?rvoj? e par? e p?r m? tep?r, e pa nd?rthurur si? duhet me pjes?n ekzekutive t? shtetit shqiptar, roli i s? cil?s, duhet t? ndihet shum? m? teper, si i paz?vend?suesh?m m? agjensi t? huaja zbatuese t? ligjit, vepruese n? v?ndin ton?. Esht? krejt?sisht i gabuar e naiv, koncepti i relievuar n? disa media dhe forume politike t? caktuara, sipas t? cilit krimi i organizuar luftohet e zhduket, me fushata dy apo tre vje?are e aq m? tep?r m? sulm? frontale e aksione pompoze. P?rve? nj? propagande me bereqet t? pak?t, asgj? tjet?r nuk sjell b?rja e deklaratave t? tilla. E r?ndesishme ?sht? t? rritet p?rkushtimi konkret i shtetit shqiptar n? luft? kund?r krimit t? organizuar, t? mos lihet pas dore teknikisht Policia Shqiptare, t? pajiset ajo me mjetet dhe dijet e domosdoshme p?r realizimin e kesaj lufte, t? p?rmiresohet p?rb?rja njer?zore e k?tyre organeve n?p?rmjet p?rzgjedhjes s? kujdesshme t? punonj?sve dhe ashp?rsimit t? masave disiplinuese e penale n? rast abuzimesh n? detyr?, sikurse t? s? nj?jt?s domosdoshm?ri jan? mb?shtetja politike e dyanshme e nd?rgjegj?simi i metejshem i opinionit publik p?r rrezikun e k?tij fenomeni. Ngritja e nj? strukture t? r? n? zyr?n e Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme, m? sakte e Drejtorise se Antikrimit t? Organizuar, n? p?rb?rje t? s? cil?s do jen? rreth 12 prokuror? dhe nj? num?r dyfish oficer?sh t? policis? gjyq?sore, b?het n? p?rpjekje p?r t? organizuar sa me efektshm?risht pun?n ton? e rrjedhimisht synuar p?rmir?simin e rezultateve p?rkat?se. Kap?rcimi n? koh? n? at? q? ?ka m? sip?r solli ndarja ne grupe, e prokuror?ve dhe oficer?ve t? policis? gjyq?sore, p?r hetimin dhe kontrollin e tog-??shtjeve t? caktura penale, (ndarje pune kjo e realizuar dy vjet m? par? n? Prokurorin? e P?rgjithshme dhe ato m? t? m?dha t? vendit), sikurse dhe miratimi i Ligjit p?r Prokurorin?, soll?n domosdoshm?rin? e ndryshimeve strukturore t? konsistuara ne sa kemi deklaruar dhe publikisht. Duke patur parasysh faktin q? jemi nj? vend i vog?l e synuar eliminimin e q?ndrimeve subjektive t? padrejta, p?r shkak njohjeje, frike, korruptimi apo dhe mosp?rgatitjejes s? duhur profesionale, sikurse duke ditur kompleksitetin dhe v?shtir?sit? e ??shtjeve t? krimit t? organizuar, kemi vendosur ndjekjen dhe hetimin e tyre, nga nj? zyr? q?ndrore e m? kompetenca nacionale, si? do t? jet? Drejtoria e Antikrimit te Organizuar e nga nj? grup prokuror?sh, pra jo nga nj? prokuror i vet?m. Prej kohesh, presim p?rzgjedhjen q? Ministria e Rendit Publik duhet t'u b?j? oficer?ve t? policis? gjyq?sore q? do punojn? n? k?t? drejtori. 

Zoti Rakipi, ?eshtja "Ko?iu" serish po ze faqe te disa mediave te shkruara. Si e komentoni ju k?t? rikthim te intervistave tashme nga burgu dhe a mendoni se ka persona te tjere, koka e te cileve qendron me larte ne hierarkine e ketij grupi se ajo e vete Kociut? 
??shtja Kociu ?sht? ?nd? n? faz?n e hetimit t? saj dhe p?rve? mbledhjes s? m?tejshme t? provave p?r subjektet e akuzuara deri tani, synojm? t? zbulojm? edhe m? t? parendesishmen lidhje p?r qellimet e njohura tashm? kriminale q? kan? patur Ko?iu, Durda, B?rballa etj. Riaktivizimi tendencioz i nj? pjese t? medias s? shkruar b?het sipas meje nga t? nj?jtet persona q? vonuan arrestimin e Ko?iut, me q?llim denigrimin tim moral n?p?rmjet intervistave shpifarake e q?llimkeqe. Kam refuzuar protestimin publik at?her? p?r arsye dhe parime q? m? dukeshin shum? t? larta p?r t'u konsumuar n?p?rmjet replikash shtypi me kriminele apo kodoshe t? tyre, por nuk mund t? lejoj m? tej q? pushtetar? mediash t? prodhojn? balt?, sa her? ua k?rkon fushata p?r karrige.

Pra ju besoni, zoti Rakipi, se rikthimi i papritur i Ko?iut n? disa media ka lidhje me betej?n brenda PS p?r zgjedhjen e Kryeministrit t? ri?
Mendoj q? t? interesuar p?r k?t? rikthim jan? ata q? nuk d?shirojn? t? punoj? Prokuroria Shqiptare e q? k?rkojn? t? pengojn? b?rjen e Drejtesis? n? k?t? vend. Nuk kam arsye t? besoj ndryshe, sepse kam d?shiruar gjithmon? t? q?ndroj larg e t? mos shpreh interes p?r emrin e atij q? do b?het kryeqeveritari i ri i vendit. Por sikurse shumica e individ?ve t? shoq?ris? son?, d?shiroj dhe e kam p?r detyr? t? luftoj q? deputeti t? mos p?rdore arm?n apo t? manipuloj? shtypin p?r t'i b?r? presion institucioneve t? shtetit. Q? kandidati p?r minist?r r?ndi t? mos premtoj? lirimin e kriminelit me marrjen e karriges apo qoft? dhe kryeministri t? mos ndaj? interesat politike me ato te vras?sve apo bandit?ve q? trafikojn? drog?n pavar?sisht lukseve q? k?ta t? fundit disponojn?. Kushdo tjet?r zyrtar i lart? i administrat?s apo legjislativit shqiptar q? nuk do t? ndante gj? me sa m? sip?r, pavar?sisht emrit, do mirepritej n? k?to poste. 

Para pak jav?sh nj? raport i Departamentit Amerikan t? Shtetit, e ka renditur Shqip?rin? nd?r 23 v?ndet q? mbajn? rekord ne trafikun njer?zor. Sa p?rgjegjes ndihet organi i akuz?s pas k?tij vler?simi jo shume pozitiv q? vjen nga SH.B.A?
"Shqip?ria ka nj? s?r? ve?orish dhe rrethanash t? karakterit gjeografik, ekonomik, politik dhe shoq?ror q? e kusht?zojn? t? p?rb?j? ende nj? vend ku buron apo tranziton e ndonj?her? destinohet trafiku i paligjsh?m i q?nieve njer?zore. Ndon?se shum? h?r? ky trafik ?sht? i nd?rthurur, n? kuptimin e individ?ve q? i realizojn?, me trafiqet e tjera t? paligjshme p?rfshir? drog?n, arm?t etj, n? vetvete bart nj? element tejet t? ndjesh?m shoq?ror dhe t? jasht?-kohsh?m si? ?sht? skllav?rimi i q?nieve njer?zore, element ky q? e ve?on p?r nga intolerimi shtet?ror e shoq?ror q? duhet ta pasoj?. I ndar? n? trafik t? prostitutave dhe at? t? klandestin?ve, mendoj q? p?rve? luft?s me efikasitet dhe me p?rgjegjshm?ri q? duhet b?r? nga ana e institucioneve shqiptare dhe atyre homolege fqinje n? radh? t? par?, duhet domosdoshm?risht t? arrihet p?rmir?simi i ndj?shem i raporteve ekzistuese shoq?rore n? Shqip?ri, niveli ekonomik i vendit si dhe t? synohet kthimi n? dinjitet i pasaport?s shqiptare jo vet?m n? kuptimin let?r t? fjal?s. Si t? thuash, ky proces involvon jo vet?m insitucionet garantuese t? ligjit n? Shqiperi, por nj? s?r? mekanizmash t? tjer? shtet?rore dhe shoq?rore, subjekte politike dhe fetare, sikurse k?rkon nj? diplomaci m? agresive nga ana e institucionit p?rkat?s shtet?ror. P?rgjegj?sia e Shqip?ris?, shtet?risht t? pakt?n, ?sht? e nj?jt? gjiths?si me p?rgj?gjesin? q? shtetet fqinj? kan? me n?, pasi si t? thuash, prej k?tyre dhe p?r tek to, l?viz ky trafik njer?zish, jo rrall?-her? bile, n? t? dy kahet. Realizimi i sa me sip?r ndodh fizikisht nep?rmjet territoreve t? shteteve q? rrethojn? Shqip?rin? dhe mendoj q? apeli p?r bashk?punim nd?rmjet organeve p?rkat?se homologe do t? ishte me vend t? ritheksohej. M?qen?se pjesa m? e ndjeshme ?sht? trafiku i prostitutave, m? lejoni t? kujtoj q? realiteti i k?tij fenomeni p?rsa i p?rket kufinj?ve t? Shqip?ris?, ?sht? krejt pozitiv, t? pakt?n krahasuar m? vendet p?rreth. Ushtrimi i prostitucionit si vep?r e d?nueshme penalisht n? Shqiperi, mbetet krejt?sisht jo siperfaq?sor dhe i reduktuar n? nivele primitive, ndryshe nga ?'ndodh n? vendet fqinje si Maqedonia, Bullgaria, Rumania, Greqia e Italia, ku p?rmasat e k?tij fenomeni jan? tejet t? m?dha. Ajo ?ka vlen p?r t'u shqet?suar ?sht? q?, individ? kriminal? shqiptar? t? organizuar nd?rmjet tyre shfryt?zojn? jasht? territorit t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, p?r q?llime prostitucioni, vajza shqiptare dhe jo t? komb?sis? son?. Duke qen? s? mbeten nj?lloj t? p?rgjegjsh?m para ligjit shqiptar, pavarsisht kryerjes s? k?saj vepre jasht? territorit t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris? dhe ve?anerisht p?r t? reaguar ashp?r ndaj absurdit t? skllav?rimit t? njer?zve n? k?t? shekull, Prokuroria Shqiptare ka k?rkuar dhe ofruar bashk?punimin e menj?hersh?m m? homolog? t? saj, ve?anerisht n? Itali e Belgjik?, duke filluar ?eshtjen penale dhe arrestuar t? dyshuar p?r kryerjen e k?tyre veprave, si rrjedhoj? e transferimit t? provave nga autoritetet e sip?rp?rmendura. Mbi baz?n e kallzimit t? viktimave dhe plot?simit t? hetimeve n? bashk?punim me homolog? tan? kemi, jo vetem, izoluar fizikisht me vendim gjykate shfryt?zuesit e tyre, por kemi sekuestruar llogarit? bankare e t? ardhurat nga krimi. Me ristrukturimin e p?rmendur n? p?rgjigjem time t? par?, sikurse dhe me riorganizimin e policis? gjyq?sore n? baz? t? ligjit t? ri p?rkat?s, megjith?se q? para nj? viti n? drejtim t? k?saj t? fundit ?sht? b?r? pak ve?anerisht p?rsa i p?rket policis? financiare gjyq?sore, shpresoj q? t? rritet rezultati n? procedimin e ??shtjeve q? kan? t? b?jn? m? trafikun e q?nieve njer?zore dhe n? goditjen e elementit kriminal subjekt i k?tij krimi. 

Prokuroria flet p?r nj? dosje "Hajdari 2". Ju mendoni se do t? ket? emra t? tjer? t? implikuar me k?t? vrasje apo provat e mbledhura deri tani, do t'u bashkangjiten t? pandehurve tashm? t? njohur?
Mendoj q? ??shtja Hajdari do t? p?rb?j? nj? sukses t? Prokuroris? n? gjykimin e saj dhe ndeshkimin e fajtor?ve, sikurse jam i bindur q? n? p?rfundim t? k?tij pro?esi deri m? tani t? mir?vazhduesh?m, do t? dal? edhe motivi i v?rtete i vrasjes s? deputetit Hajdari. 

Kontrolli i Shtetit ka deklaruar abuzime t? m?dha sidomos n? tendera nga ana e ministrive dhe strukturave t? pushtetit lokal. Kur mendoni se funksionar?t e implikuar do t'i n?nshtrohen hetimit nga ana e institucionit q? ju drejtoni?
Jo gjithmon? shkeljet e v?na re n? raportet e Kontrollit t? Shtetit p?rb?jn? vep?r penale, e n? ato raste (deri me tani kan? qen? fare t? pakta), kur kan? rezultuar t? tilla, Prokuroria nuk ka hezituar t? filloj? pro?edimin. Duke v?rejtur sensin kritik t? pyetjeve tuaja garantoj q? paanshm?ria dhe p?rkushtimi n? respektimin e ligjit, p?rb?jn? parime t? cilat jemi p?rpjekur t'i respektojm? gjithnje n? pun?n ton?, duke mos njohur kompromisin me cilindo zyrtar t? lart? t? administrat?s apo t? pushtetit lokal q? mbart n? vetvete apo n? t? tjer? rreth vetes, me nd?rgjegje, krimin. 

Gjithandej flitet p?r kontraband? e korrupsion n? t? gjitha nivelet. Ju mendoni se ky opinion i krijuar k?to vite n? Shqip?ri ?sht? i ekzagjeruar apo ekziston realisht n? p?rmasa t? tilla?
Po e nis p?rgjigjen e k?saj pyetje duke shprehur q? jan? disa, ??shtjet e kontraband?s t? ndjekura e t? proceduara me sukses nga Prokuroria Shqiptare dhe ?sht? kjo pun? e Prokuroris? q? ka mbajtur me lajme faqe t? t?ra t? gazetave, duke p?rfshire sidomos at? ku kontribuoni ju. Modestisht m? lejoni t? them q? ndryshimi pozitiv i tablos? s? kontraband?s duke p?rdorur termin me t? cilin m? pyesni ju (dhe kjo faktohet n? t? gjitha rezultatet dhe shifrat dhe t? ardhurat doganore t? koh?ve t? fundit, pavar?sisht konstantes s? v?llim-?doganimit), ka ardhur dhe si pasoj? e procedimeve penale dhe e goditjeve q? Shteti n?p?rmjet Zyres s? Prokuroris? u ka b?r? subjekteve t? ketij krimi" 

Zoti Rakipi, cilat jan? sipas jush p?rmasat reale t? trafikut t? armeve q? k?to koh?t e fundit kan? p?rfshire s? tep?rmi territorin shqiptar?
Trafiku i arm?ve n? Shqip?ri ?sht? i lidhur ngusht? me ngjarjet e vitit 1997 dhe pla?kitjen e depove t? Ushtris? Shqiptare n? Mars-Prill t? atij viti. Kryesisht ky trafik ka patur nj? kah, at? drejt kufirit ton? verior me Kosov?n dhe ka qen? i organizuar n? m?nyr? t? rregullt. Me forcimin e shtetit, ky fenomen ?sht? reduktuar n? ekstrem dhe p?rve? disa episodeve shqet?suese, t? njohura publikisht nj? pjese, mendoj q? kurba e tij ka nj? r?nie t? ndjeshme e n? krahasim me trafiqet e tjera ilegale, z? vendin e fundit. P?r t? ?uar m? tej ?ka p?rmenda m? siper si shqetesim, doja t? thoja q? p?rdorimi n? disa ngjarje t? r?nda kriminale i arm?ve t? kushtueshme t? prodhimit per?ndimor sikurse dhe sekuestrimi n? Portin e Durr?sit m?se nj? her? t? sasive t? konsiderueshme armesh, p?rben drejtimin tjet?r t? k?tij trafiku at? q? synon Shqip?rin? si destinacion apo si tranzit. Kushtueshm?ria e k?tyre arm?ve ?sht? nj? tregues i forc?s ekonomike t? grupeve t? ndryshme kriminale n? vend dhe i ashp?rsis? me t? cil?n k?to grupe synojn? realizimin e q?llimeve t? tyre. 

N? sirtar?t e institucionit tuaj jan? nj? s?r? dosjesh t? r?nda q? nisen me buj?, por q? sot kan? mbetur ende pezull. P?r shembull dosja "Erieta", "Kleanthi Ko?i", "Krasniqi" apo "prifti spanjoll". A do t? ken? fatin t? zbardhen ndonjeh?r? k?to dosje? Dhe n?se jo, kujt i mbetet p?rgjegjesia n? k?t? rast?
N? asnj? vend t? bot?s nuk ka nj? zbulueshm?ri 100 p?rqind t? krimit dhe kjo, t? pakt?n p?r ato vende t? zhvilluara jo p?r faj t? mang?sis? n? pun?n e organeve p?rkat?se sesa p?r merit? t? profesionalizmit kriminal me t? cilin individ? t? caktuar kryejn? krimin. N? rastin e dosjes "Erieta" apo at? t? "priftit spanjoll", si? e quani ju, pa dyshim kemi t? b?jm? me kriminel? q? njohin mir? zanatin e tyre. Megjithat? ne do t? p?rpiqemi n? maksimum p?r arritjen e rezultateve edhe n? ??shtjet q? ju p?rmendet duke d?shiruar q? pergjegj?sine ta mbajn? ata njer?z q? kan? kryer krimin. 

Ministria e Rendit Publik ka shfaqur her? pas here pak?naq?si ndaj institucionit t? Prokuroris? p?r shum? raste si ngjarja e Tropoj?s, ngjarja e Sukthit e disa t? tjera. ?'mund t? thoni p?r k?t?, le ta quajm?, konflikt?
Nuk besoj q? shtypi do t? arrij? t? rregulloj? marr?dheniet apo t? sh?rbej? si mjet i mund?simit t? tyre nd?rmjet institucioneve t? shtetit. Aq me tep?r vlen kjo n? rastin e marr?dh?nieve t? Prokuroris? Shqiptare me Ministrin? e Rendit Publik, si dy Zyrat kryesore q? garantojn? rendin dhe ligjin n? vend. Mendoj q? raporti nd?rmjet nesh duhet t? jet? thjesht dhe vet?m institucional dhe ?do nevoj? p?r p?rmiresim t? lind? dhe t? realizohet reciprokisht n? baz? t? ligjit. N? t? shkuaren, t? pakt?n sa p?rvoj? kam un?, ka pasur gjithnj? mangesira puna e p?rbashk?t dhe mendoj q? faktor kryesor n? k?t? mang?si ka qen? mungesa e besimit t? p?rbashk?t e n? disa raste fatkeq?sisht, mungesa e d?shir?s p?r t? besuar nj?ri-tjetrin. Roli i Ekzekutivit, ve?anerisht roli q? mund t? luaj?, Ministri i Rendit Publik e aq me tep?r Kryeministri i vendit, mbetet p?rcaktues n? mbar?vajtjen e pun?s se institucionit q? un? drejtoj. Uroj q? politikisht Qeveria e re q? do t? dekretohet s? shpejti, t? ket? seriozisht vullnetin e bashk?punimit dhe p?rkushtimin me prioritet n? luft?n e nd?rmarr? tashm? ndaj krimit t? organizuar.

Esht? deklaruar tashm? dhe jo vetem nga opozita se n? zgjedhjet e fundit parlamentare jan? kryer vepra penale, si fallsifikime, shkelje t? rregullave t? fushat?s, vjedhje votash, rryshfete apo blerje votash. A mendoni se autoret e ketyre veprave penale do t? p?rfundojn? p?rpara Drejt?sis?? 
P?rpjekjeve p?r t? manipuluar, sabotuar apo thjesht penguar procesin elektoral nga cilido individ i interesuar pavar?sisht p?rkat?sis? s? tij politike, Prokuroria Shqiptare i ?sht? kund?rv?n? menj?here me synimin e vet?m p?r t? ruajtur seriozitetin e shtetit dhe garantuar p?r aq sa varet nga ne, drejt?sin? e k?tij procesi.

Jo rrall?, zoti Rakipi, institucioni juaj ?sht? etiketuar si "Prokurori politike". Ju besoni v?rtet se n? asnj? rast nuk keni vepruar si e till??
Nuk besoj t? ket? institucion shtet?ror q? t? mos jet? etiketuar si politik apo i politizuar nga subjekte t? ndryshme q? kan? lidhur jet?n e tyre m? politik?n n? Shqip?ri e q? n? menyre t? p?rgjegjshme ose jo, deklarojn? ?faredo q? u lejon imuniteti parlamentar apo p?rkrahja e turmave. E ve?anta n? Zyr?n q? drejtoj un?, m? lejoni ta konsideroj k?t? nj? faktor pozitiv, ?sht? q? sulme t? tilla kan? ardhur nga t? dy krah?t ekstreme t? politik?s shqiptare, duke p?rb?re k?shtu garancin? m? t? mir? t? paan?sis? son?. N?se shfletoni mediat partiake t? viteve t? fundit, do v?reni ngjashm?ri artikujsh p?r sa pyesni, pavar?sisht ngjyr?s s? partive q? i administrojn? keto media. Sidoqoft? garantoj lexuesin tuaj q? koha kur prokuror?t shqiptare t? veshur me uniform? urdh?roheshin p?r t? proceduar penalisht kund?rshtar?t politik?, sikurse e atyre q? kthenin proceset dhe detyr?n n? tendera p?r t? liruar kriminelin m? pagues, ka p?rfunduar. Duke synuar, n? radhe t? par? profesionalizmin dhe p?rkushtimin ndaj ligjit, nj? s?r? reformash jan? nd?rmarr? n? Prokurorin? Shqiptare, duke rritur efektshm?rin? e pun?s s? k?saj Zyre, zhveshur at? nga influencat politike, apo ekonomike dhe duke rritur nivelin profesional dhe objektivitetin e k?saj pune. P?rzgjedhja e kujdesshme e element?ve q? jan? pun?suar n? Prokurori, largimi nga detyra i t? paaft?ve dhe t? korruptuarve, ndjekja penale ndaj disa prokuror?ve dhe oficer?ve t? policis? gjyq?sore q? kan? abuzuar me detyr?n, p?rben kusht tjet?r t? objektivitetit dhe mosinfluencimit politik apo ekonomik t? pun?s son?. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 19 22:08:57 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 19 Mar 2002 19:08:57 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] TOC: Albanohellenica Journal, No. 2
	(200-2001)
Message-ID: <20020320030857.98347.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote: From Florian Bieber Sun Mar 17 08:42:42 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Sun, 17 Mar 2002 17:42:42 +0100
Subject: [balkans] TOC: Albanohellenica Journal, No. 2 (200-2001)

From: aristotel spiro <aristotelspiro at yahoo.com>

   The publishing of ALBANOHELLENICA review aims to contribute to the 
development and expansion of Greek-Albanian studies in the wider Balkan 
context and to promote research and the exchange of ideas among specialists 
in Albanian studies, Hellenists and Balkanists. The chief objective of 
Albanohellenica is for it to become the principal journal in which the most 
significant contemporary contributions to Greek-Albanian scholarship and 
learning will be documented.

Volume II (206 pages) of ALBANOHELLENICA includes:

We are in the happy position to announce you that the Volume II of 
ALBANOHELLENICA (2000-2001) review (206 pages) is available.

Here follows a presentation of the articles and studies published in this 
issue:

DHORI Q. QIRIAZI      
(Par)etymology and History (The Case of the Albanian Nartional Renaissance) 
[In Albanian with a Greek Summery]
      
ASIMAKIS FLIATOURAS
Greek-Albanian phraseological isoglosses based on the members and organs of 
human body [In Greek with an English Summery]

EMINE SADIKU-TEICHMANN
Comparisons on German and Albanian Phraseology  [In German]
      
ARISTOTLE SPIRO      
The Parallel Evolution of Postpositive and Prepositive Articles in 
Albanian  [In English]
      
KONSTANTINOS G. GIAKOUMIS       
Two Manuscripts of Byzantine Music from Dhrovjan (Delvin? Region, Southern 
Albania) [In Greek with an English Summery]

TASOS P. KARADIS      
Literature of Arvanites  [In Albanian  Examples of Poems in Arvanitika and 
Greek]
      
SAZAN GOLIKU      
Messages of Reconciliation and Peace Reflected in Ancient Literature [In 
Albanian with an English Summery]       

SPIRO GJONI       
Literary bridges and their role in the formation of national literature [In 
Albanian with an English Summery]
      
DORIS K. KYRIAZIS
?Mir?vetija? - the First Albanian Savoir Vivre Book and its Greek Pattern 
[In Greek with an Albanian Summery]
      
SHABAN SINANI      
Greece within the documented memory of Albania
[In Albanian with a Greek Summery]
      
ALBERT RISKA      
An interesting multiplicity of national names [In Albanian with a Greek 
Summery]

ALBANOHELLENIC BIBLIOGRAPHY       
EMANUIL KRIARAS
Petros A. Furikis (1878-1936) [In Greek and Albanian]

PETROS A. FURIKIS (1878-1936)      
The origin of the ethnonym Arvanitis  [Albanian Translation]

GENERAL THEORETICAL TOPICS       
ARISTOTLE SPIRO
Is Dialectology an Independent Discipline?
(An Essay on Theoretical and Modern Greek Dialectology)      
[In Greek and English]

BOOK REVIEWS [In Albanian, Greek and English]
EVENTS
PhD Summeries (In Albanian and Greek)

To order the journal, please e-mail us at the following address:
aristotelspiro at yahoo.com

or

Dr. ARISTOTEL SPIRO
4, Agiou Konstantinou Str., Omonia Sq.
GR-104 31 Athens, Greece
Phone/ Fax (003010) 5228911; Phone (003010) 5249534

The second volume costs $10 (plus $5 packing and postage) payable to 
Aristotel Spiro in the address above (Please enclose the amount).

Greetings,
The Editorial Board




Call for articles

The Albanian-Greek Philological Association is pleased to call for original 
articles in any field of original research in a Balkan context directly or 
indirectly related to Philology, to be published in Volume III. These must 
be sent either on a Word for Windows diskette or by E-mail, accompanied by 
two printed copies. The editors recommend use of Times New Roman (12 point) 
and request that articles not exceed 16,000 words. Unless specifically 
requested, articles will not be returned. Contributions may be sent in any 
of the following languages: Albanian, Greek, English, French, German or 
Italian and are required to include a one-to-two-pages synopsis in one of 
the aforementioned languages, other than that of the language used for the 
article. All contributors are entitled to have one item of the volume, in 
which their contribution will be published. The final submissions dead-line 
for Albanohellenica III is 1 October 2002.

The presentation of a book for review in Albanohellenica does not imply any
incumbency on the part of the Editorial Board.


All correspondence should be addressed either to Dr. Aristotel Spiro,
Editor-in-Chief, Albanohellenica, 4 Agiou Constantinou Street, Omonia 
Square, Athens, Greece, GR-10431, / Fax: 003-01-5228911 E-mail: 
aristotelspiro at yahoo.com
or to
Konstantinos Giakoumis, Editor, 37 Aharnon Street, Kifissia, Athens,
Greece, GR-14561,  003-01-8016787, Fax: 003-01-6230013, E-mail:
kgiakoum at acci.gr
or to
Dr. Doris Kyriazis, 6 Papaflessa Str., Neapoli, Thessaloniki, Greece GR-56728
/Fax (031) 632827 E-mail: kyrdoris at auth.gr 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 19 22:10:32 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 19 Mar 2002 19:10:32 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: PhD Studentships, Institute of
	Governance, Public Policy and Social Research, Belfast
Message-ID: <20020320031032.53665.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  David Phinnemore <d.phinnemore at qub.ac.uk> wrote: From David Phinnemore Mon Mar 18 02:33:25 2002
To: balkans 
From: David Phinnemore 
Date: Mon, 18 Mar 2002 10:33:25 -0000
Subject: [balkans] CfA: PhD Studentships, Institute of Governance, Public Policy and Social Research, Belfast

PhD Studentships
Institute of Governance, Public Policy and Social Research
Queen's University Belfast

Applications for PhD studentships at the newly established 
Institute of Governance, Public Policy and Social Research 
(IGPPSR) are now invited. Six studentships are available, to 
commence in either September 2002 or January 2003. Subject to 
the nature of the received proposals, it is intended that three 
of the studentships will be for projects with a clear 
EU/European theme.

Studentships will cover a maintenance award of ?8000 per annum, 
plus tuition fees. It is intended that two studentships will be 
available for researchers from outside the EU (subject to 
receipt of suitable applications).

The IGPPSR draws on the disciplines of Politics, Law, 
Sociology/Social Policy and European Studies (all rated 5 in RAE 
2001). We also house a Social Survey Unit, and encourage 
applications for projects using either qualitative or 
quantitative methodologies. We are dedicated to the production 
of research which has significance for policy makers. 

Our primary research focus is on changes to the production, 
content, delivery and style of public policy at all levels from 
the local to the global. 

Proposals should address one of the following research areas, 
but projects on other aspects of governance - including 
theoretical and normative issues - will be considered. 
Preference may be given to proposals which are explicitly 
interdisciplinary/multi-disciplinary in their orientation. 

Research project areas include:
Partnership, Civil Society and New Forms of Governance 
Modernisation, New Forms of Governance and the 'Third Way'
Social Capital and Democratic Renewal
Global/Transnational Regulation
Human Rights and Equality
European Union Treaty Change
Globalisation, Europeanisation and Political Economy
Enlargement of the European Union 
Constitutionalism and Citizenship in the European Union
Devolution and Regionalism in Europe
Comparative Governance

To make an application, please contact Gina Inglis 
(G.Inglis at qub.ac.uk).

For further information, please contact the IGPPSR postgraduate 
tutor, Dr Alex Warleigh (A.Warleigh at qub.ac.uk), or use the web 
page (www.qub.ac.uk/gov).

The deadline for receipt of applications is April 19 2002. 

Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT

_______________________________________________

Balkan Academic News

Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com
Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com
Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar 20 12:04:46 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 20 Mar 2002 09:04:46 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Kokkalis Program Upcoming Events
Message-ID: <20020320170446.95573.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


> The Kokkalis Program on Southeast and East-Central
> Europe would like to
> invite you to the following events:
> __________________________________
> **Wednesday, March 20, 2002**
> 6:00 PM
> 
> When Identity Politics Kills: Endgame in Balkan Wars
> Dr. Bogdan Denitch, Professor Emeritus, City
> University of New York
> 
> Wiener Auditorium, Taubman Building
> John F. Kennedy School of Government
> 79 JFK St., Cambridge, MA
> Co-Sponsored by the Carr Center for Human Rights
>  _________________________________
> Thursday, March 21, 2002
> 4:00 PM
> 
> Milosevic in the Hague: The Politics of War Crimes
> Tribunals
> Gary Jonathan Bass, author "Stay the Hand of
> Vengeance: The Politics of War
> Crimes Tribunals"
> 
> Room L-280, Littauer Building
> John F. Kennedy School of Government
> 79 JFK St., Cambridge, MA
> Co-Sponsored by the Carr Center for Human Rights and
> the Harvard Bookstore
> __________________________________
> Thursday, March 28, 2002
> 4:30 PM
> 
> Three Greek Poets
> Tassos Denegris, Antonis Fostieris, and Costas
> Papageorgiou read from their
> work.
> 
> Cabot Room, Minda de Ginzburg Center for European
> Studies
> 27 Kirkland St., Cambridge, MA
> Co-Sponsored with the Greek Consulate General of
> Boston
> ___________________________________
> Monday, April 1, 2002
> 4:00 PM
> 
> Turkish Foreign Policy in the Post-September 11th
> World
> Panel chair: Dr. Ahmet Evin, Dean of Arts and Social
> Sciences, Sabanci
> University, Istanbul
> H.E. Cem Duna, Former Turkish Ambassador to the EU
> H.E. Ilter Turkmen, Former Foreign Minister of
> Turkey
> Mr. Soli Ozel, Professor of International Relations,
> Bilgi University,
> Istanbul
> 
> Rooms B&C, 5th Floor, Taubman Building
> John F. Kennedy School of Government
> 79 JFK St., Cambridge, MA
> ___________________________________
> Thursday, April 11, 2002
> 12:00 PM
> 
> The US-Greece Relationship in 2002: An American
> Perspective
> H.E. Thomas Miller, U.S. Ambassador to Greece
> 
> Land Hall, Belfer Building
> John F. Kennedy School of Government
> 79 JFK St., Cambridge, MA
> ___________________________________
> 
> Tuesday, April 16, 2002
> 4:00 PM
> 
> The History of Greece and Turkey's Accession to NATO
> Dr. Ekavi Athanassopoulou, Research Fellow, Bristol
> University and Hellenic
> Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, Athens
> 
> Cabot Room, Minda de Ginzburg Center for European
> Studies
> 27 Kirkland St., Cambridge, MA
> ___________________________________
> 
> For more information and directions to these events,
> please visit
> http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/kokkalis
> 
> 


__________________________________________________
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Yahoo! Sports - live college hoops coverage
http://sports.yahoo.com/


From mentor at alb-net.com  Wed Mar 20 13:11:28 2002
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Wed, 20 Mar 2002 13:11:28 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] (1) A Network of Minoprity Rights
	Organisations
	established in
 Macedonia; (2) Finance peace in Macedonia, not corruption; (3) Donors pledge
 $515 mln aid for Macedonia; (4) Opening of ECMI NGO Resource Centres in
 Tetovo and Bitola, Macedonia
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.44.0203201308300.8964-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
---------------------------------------------------------------------
                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
              http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm

           Macedonian police brutality, abuse and massacres
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/abuse_violence.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 
1. A Network of Minority Rights Organizations established in Macedonia
2. Finance peace in Macedonia, not corruption
3. Donors pledge $515 mln aid for Macedonia
4. Opening of ECMI NGO Resource Centres in Tetovo and Bitola, Macedonia


### (1) ###

Betreff:  [balkanhr] A Network of Minority Rights Organizations established in Macedonia
Datum: Mon, 11 Mar 2002 20:29:16 +0200
Von: "albert" <office at greekhelsinki.gr> (by way of Greek Helsinki Monitor <office at greekhelsinki.gr>)

Established the Network of Minority Rights Organizations in Macedonia

On the 04-07th of march 2002 in Ohrid, a seminar on "Increasing
Knowledge on Minority Rights Standards" was organized by the Association
for Democratic Initiatives-ADI in cooperation with the Council of
Europe's Secretariat of the FCNM in the framework of the Stability Pact
project concerning Minorities Acceptance and Implementation of existing
standards with a voluntary contribution of the United Kingdom.

After a three days intensive meetings, the 34 participating NGO's from
all the regions of the country, representing organizations working in
the field of minority rights as well as minority based organizations
decided to establish a Network of Minority Rights Organizations in
Macedonia. The Network decided upon the activity plan for the following
two years and it's long term strategy, while two immediate tasks
resulted at the end of the seminar.

The appeal of the network to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Skopje
to submit the State report on the Implementation of the Provisions of
the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in
Macedonia, which report was due to be submitted in 1999 by the
Government of Macedonia.

The network adopted a strategy for an Advocacy Campaign for Ratifying
the Charter on Regional and Minority Languages by the Macedonian
Parliament. which was signed by the government of Macedonia 6 years ago,
but not yet ratified.

The report from he seminar with the list of participants and lecturers
will be available at the beginning of April 2002, for any further
information, please contact the
 Association for Democratic Initiatives ADI
 B. Jovanoski St. 61
 1230 Gostivar
 Macedonia
 tel: +389 42 22 11 00
 fax: +389 42 22 11 02
 e-mail: albert at adi.org.mk
 URL: http://www.adi.org.mk


### (2) ###

http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/480fa8736b88bbc3c12564f6004c8ad5/8357c4d90cd7dd3dc1256b7a004c64c4?OpenDocument

Source: International Crisis Group (ICG)
Date: 11 Mar 2002

Finance peace in Macedonia, not corruption

Skopje/Brussels, 11 March 2002: As EU, U.S. and World Bank officials
prepare to meet tomorrow in Brussels at a donors' conference for the
Republic of Macedonia, the International Crisis Group urges them to be
vigilant on two key issues that threaten the fledgling peace effort:
endemic corruption and economic reform. ICG calls for the joint
appointment of an anti-corruption adviser to assist the Macedonian
government and monitor spending of donor funds.

Macedonia's leaders deserve generous support to re-build their
country and pay for the costly reforms that were the key to getting
Albanian insurgents to lay down arms. However, ICG President Gareth
Evans warned: "The target for the aid package is not small, a quarter of
a billion dollars, and it should be met. But if donors commit this sum
without demanding serious anti-corruption and reform efforts, they will
put at risk the investment they have made in peace."

Corruption plagues all transition countries, but in Macedonia it
threatens the viability of the state. Albanian minority participation in
today's government rests on a simple principle: they get one third of
the spoils enjoyed by the Macedonian leadership. At the same time both
Macedonian and Albanian political leaders flirt cynically with ethnic
extremism, deepening communal divisions and corroding the rule of law
and public trust in institutions - as they connive at siphoning off
national assets.

The corruption concerns include reports of kickbacks, customs and
licensing rackets, cigarette smuggling and illegal privatisation deals
that benefit government insiders. The stories are not - as some
politicians claim - simply anecdotes. The Macedonian media is replete
with detailed, credible allegations that are privately corroborated by
diplomats. The Macedonian leadership is also seeking leniency on
important IMF targets. The Prime Minister is reportedly balking at a
follow-on IMF credit arrangement that would replace the current,
voluntary set of spending criteria. With an election due this year, he
seeks more relaxed terms. However delaying reform will only protract
economic transition.

Where donors need to channel attention is on creating and sustaining
jobs for both Macedonians and Albanians, especially in rural areas and
regions that were affected by fighting. Applications for emigration by
Macedonians have soared, while the unemployment rate for rural Albanians
remains alarmingly high. The job base is shrinking as loss-making
enterprises close their doors and otherwise profitable private firms
lose their credit rating due to bank-perceived "risk".

More re-training is needed for laid-off workers, as well as credit
incentives for Macedonia's banks to lend to private firms located in
these crisis zones. Otherwise, Macedonia risks further ethnic division
due to economic circumstances.

But these measures will mean little if the international community
does not insist that Macedonia tackles corruption. Traditional
prescriptions - regulatory reform, conferences, legislation - have had
paltry results, as international officials concede. The knowledge that
corruption is rampant has eviscerated trust in all levels of government
and created cynicism toward "institution building" efforts. Civil
society groups like Transparency International show promise, but they
depend on a critical mass of citizens who believe their efforts will
result in change - something utterly absent in Macedonia.

An outside catalyst is needed to demonstrate international
seriousness and give ordinary Macedonians confidence that change is
possible. ICG therefore recommends that the donors and the Macedonian
government jointly ask the European Commission to send an
anti-corruption adviser to Macedonia. The adviser's role would be to
activate moribund checks against corruption, and stimulate the efforts
of government and civil society to develop and implement an
anti-corruption strategy. Stonewalling by the authorities should incur
the suspension of EU funding. ICG believes that the government could be
persuaded to accept such an adviser, if only the international community
would insist. ICG also urges donors to fund fully watchdog and oversight
mechanisms for the nation's heath fund.

Raising the profile and effectiveness of the fight against
corruption, and insisting on economic reforms, could reorient politics
away from a zero-sum tussle over resources and ethnic rights into a
joint struggle against a common opponent.

ICG's Macedonia Project Director Edward Joseph said: "Ethnic
Macedonians and Albanians alike are fed up with 'the way the game is
played' and are eager for the rule of law. But they can't achieve change
on their own. As Macedonia seeks generous international support at this
donor's conference, now is the ideal time to demand economic reform and
serious measures to combat corruption."


### (3) ###

http://famulus.msnbc.com/FamulusIntl/reuters03-12-033537.asp?reg=EUROPE

Donors pledge $515 mln aid for Macedonia

BRUSSELS, March 12 - International donors approved a $515 million aid
package for Macedonia on Tuesday, more than double the amount expected,
to help it recover from last year's fighting between government forces
and ethnic Albanian rebels.

    The European Commission and the World Bank organized the one-day
pledging conference to reward authorities in the tiny ex-Yugoslav
republic and ethnic Albanian leaders for respecting a peace deal sealed
last August to end seven months of violence.
    ''This meeting has demonstrated strong and continuing support for
Macedonia and gives the country and its people a chance to move
forward,'' Reinhard Priebe, a senior official of the EU's executive
Commission, told reporters.
    Monies pledged include $274 million for macroeconomic assistance,
support of reconstruction and implementing last August's framework
agreement. Donors promised a further $241 million for ''general economic
development purposes in 2002,'' the Commission and World Bank said in a
joint statement.
    Macedonian Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski, regarded as one of the
hardliners in last year's conflict, welcomed the pledges, which in total
would mean every inhabitant of the small land-locked state receiving
more than $250 each.

LOOKING TO FUTURE

    ''I am convinced that by virtue of this donors' meeting we will
leave behind us political and economic insecurity and turn a new page of
economic prosperity and accelerated economic development in our country
and the region as a whole,'' he said.
    The Commission alone contributed 104 million euros and the 15 member
states of the European Union a further 103 million euros in total. The
World Bank provided $50 million of aid.
    Some 38 countries and 19 organizations attended the meeting.
    The aid scheme is to help Macedonia rein in its ballooning budget
deficit and huge current account gap, rebuild damaged homes and
infrastructure as well as to create institutions needed to maintain a
multi-ethnic democracy.
    Donors stressed the assistance would be conditional on Macedonia
implementing last year's peace accord and pushing ahead with economic
reforms to create jobs in the private sector and make the state more
efficient.
    Macedonia has already ceded more powers to local government to
improve the status of ethnic Albanians, who make up about a third of the
country's two million population.
    Skopje approved an amnesty for the rebels last week in a move hailed
by the EU and NATO, which maintains a 700-soldier peacekeeping mission
in the country.

SCOURGE OF CORRUPTION

    But many Western politicians and international organizations say
there is rampant corruption in Macedonia and strict measures are needed
to prevent the aid going into the wrong pockets.
    ''We will continue to link the delivery of (European) Community
assistance to the efficient implementation in good faith of...the peace
agreement,'' the Commission's Priebe said.
    This week, the International Crisis Group (ICG), a respected
Brussels-based think-tank, urged the EU to send an anti-corruption
adviser to Skopje.
    ''Corruption plagues all transition countries, but in Macedonia it
threatens the viability of the state,'' the ICG said in a statement.
    ''The corruption concerns include reports of kickbacks, customs and
licensing rackets, cigarette smuggling and illegal privatisation deals
that benefit government insiders,'' it said.
    About $165 million of the cash pledged on Tuesday is to help
Macedonia reduce its budget deficit, which soared to six percent of
gross domestic product last year from a surplus in 2000.
    The sum is also to be used to lower the current account shortfall,
which widened to nearly 11 percent of GDP last year.

Copyright 2002 Reuters Limited


### (4) ###

Betreff:  [balkanhr] [mkakademija] Opening of ECMI NGO Resource Centres in Tetovo and Bitola, Macedonia
Datum: Wed, 13 Mar 2002 19:01:00 +0200
Von: office at greekhelsinki.gr

Subject: Opening of ECMI NGO Resource Centre Tetovo, Macedonia

The ECMI Regional NGO Resource Centre opened in Tetovo on Monday 1st
March 2002 at 1200 hrs. The Regional Centre is located on Street
Ilindenska 97,Tetovo. The opening ceremony was attended by
representatives of Non-Governmental Sector in Tetovo, Local Government,
International NGOs and Inter-Governmental Organizations and Media.
Present were also the Chairperson of the Coordinating Body of the ECMI
NGO Network for the Improvement of Inter-Ethnic Relations in Macedonia
and Members of the Coordinating Body. Mr. Nader Redjepi, Representative
of the Tetovo NGOs in the National Coordinating Body of the Network
welcomed the guests and introduced the Action Plan of the Tetovo Centre.
This was followed by a brief address with an overview of the project by
the ECMI Regional Representative Dr. Sunoor Verma. Ms. Suncica Milkovic,
Member of the National Coordinating Body of the Network cut the ribbon
and declared the ECMI Regional NGO Resource Centre open. This was
followed by cocktail.
The Regional Centre has a conference room with a conference table for 20
and 20 chairs, one flip chart board, one bulletin board. The office room
has one PC, one laser printer, one fax machine and internet access
(telephone connection being activated).

Background Information

ECMI NGO Network exists to enhance the cooperation of the member NGOs
towards the development and improvement of interethnic tolerance,
respect for differences and dialogue among all those living in the
Republic of Macedonia.  In particular, this NGO Network aims to
strengthen the capacities of the participating NGOs to generate joint
projects and other initiatives with a strong interethnic dimension and
to implement such initiatives (For details please visit the Network Web
site www.ecmingonet.org.mk).

In the framework of the concept of the ECMI NGO Network for improvement
of interethnic relations (Enclosed list of Members) in Macedonia six
ECMI Regional NGO Centres will be established and will function in the
following cities: Kumanovo, Bitola, Stip, Tetovo, Gostivar and Skopje.
These Regional NGO Centres shall serve the aim of improving interethnic
tolerance, respect for differences and dialogue among all communities
living in the country. They shall enhance the capacity of member
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) subscribing to these aims and
facilitate the development and implementation of joint interethnic
projects on the basis of locally established priorities. The Regional
NGO Centres shall also seek cooperation of local administration, while
maintaining full independence in the design and execution of the
projects.

The Network will also provide a means through which the strong
contribution that NGOs can make to the development of civil society in
the Republic of Macedonia can be highlighted. This includes joint
lobbying for an environment in which NGOs dedicated to the principles of
this Network can flourish and effectively deliver their mandates.

Sunoor Verma
Regional Representative
European Centre for Minority Issues
Branch Office Skopje
Street Dresdenska No. 9, Skopje 1000, Macedonia.
Telephone and Fax 00389 2 361 379, 367 688
sunoor at ecmingonet.org.mk
www.ecmingonet.org.mk
www.ecmi.de


Subject: Opening of ECMI NGO Resource Centre in Bitola, Macedonia

The ECMI Regional NGO Resource Centre opened in Bitola on Thursday 7th
March 2002 at 1200 hrs. The Regional Centre is located on Josif
Josifovski str. 4/4. (Building- Grozd). The telephone and fax number of
the Regional Resource Centre in Bitola is 00 389 47 236 874.
The opening ceremony was attended by all members of the Bitola Regional
Resource Centre, representatives of Non-Governmental Sector in Bitola,
Local Government, Police Authority, University of Bitola, City Library,
Social Welfare department, City Hospital, International NGOs and
Inter-Governmental Organizations, electronic and print media. Present
also were Members of the Coordinating Body of the ECMI NGO Network for
the Improvement of Inter-Ethnic Relations in Macedonia. Dr. Dijana
Georgievska, Representative of the Bitola NGOs in the National
Coordinating Body of the Network welcomed the guests and introduced the
Action Plan of the Bitola Centre.
This was followed by a brief address with an overview of the project by
the ECMI Regional Representative Sunoor Verma. The Mayor of Bitola was
represented by his advisor on NGOs Ms. Violeta Nalevska. She assured
those present of the full support of the Municipality of Bitola and its
Mayor to the ECMI Regional NGO Resource Centre initiative. Mr. Senat
Beqiri, Member of the National Coordinating Body of the Network greeted
the Bitola Members on behalf of the National Coordinating Body, then cut
the ribbon and declared the ECMI Regional NGO Resource Centre in Bitola
open. This was followed by cocktail.
At 1400 Working lunch of the Coordinating Body was held. The dates for
the opening of the Gostivar and Shtip Centre were discussed. The two
Centers are expected to open between the 15th and 20th March 2002. The
Regional Centre has a conference room with a conference table for 20 and
20 chairs, one flip chart board, one bulletin board. There are two
office rooms and are furnished with two desks, lockers for members, two
PCs (with in-built fax capability), one scanner, one laser printer, and
internet access.

Background Information on ECMI initiative in Macedonia

ECMI NGO Network exists to enhance the cooperation of the member NGOs
towards the development and improvement of interethnic tolerance,
respect for differences and dialogue among all those living in the
Republic of Macedonia.  In particular, this NGO Network aims to
strengthen the capacities of the participating NGOs to generate joint
projects and other initiatives with a strong interethnic dimension and
to implement such initiatives (For details please visit the Network Web
site www.ecmingonet.org.mk).

In the framework of the concept of the ECMI NGO Network for improvement
of interethnic relations (Enclosed list of Members) in Macedonia six
ECMI Regional NGO Centres will be established and will function in the
following cities: Kumanovo, Bitola, Stip, Tetovo, Gostivar and Skopje.
These Regional NGO Centres shall serve the aim of improving interethnic
tolerance, respect for differences and dialogue among all communities
living in the country. They shall enhance the capacity of member
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) subscribing to these aims and
facilitate the development and implementation of joint interethnic
projects on the basis of locally established priorities. The Regional
NGO Centres shall also seek cooperation of local administration, while
maintaining full independence in the design and execution of the
projects.

The Network will also provide a means through which the strong
contribution that NGOs can make to the development of civil society in
the Republic of Macedonia can be highlighted. This includes joint
lobbying for an environment in which NGOs dedicated to the principles of
this Network can flourish and effectively deliver their mandates.

Sunoor Verma
Regional Representative
European Centre for Minority Issues
Branch Office Skopje
Street Dresdenska No. 9, Skopje 1000, Macedonia.
Telephone and Fax 00389 2 361 379, 367 688
sunoor at ecmingonet.org.mk
www.ecmingonet.org.mk
www.ecmi.de

________________________________________________
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http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar 20 17:54:50 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 20 Mar 2002 14:54:50 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] An expert opinion on Rakipi's motion
Message-ID: <20020320225450.2283.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

Motion to discharge Prosecutor should base on legally indicated violations - Lawyer Krenar Loloci tells ATA -
TIRANE, March 20 (ATA)- By Enkelejda Koraqi, The Motion to discharge the Attorney General Arben Rakipi had political grounds, because it did not base on legally indicated violations, the lawyer Krenar Loloci, one of the members of the Constitution drafting commission told ATA on Wednesday. According to Loloci, Parliament should have set up an investigative commission to inquire for the violations committed by the Prosecutor, be these law infringements or acts affecting his authority. A report should have been put together afterwards, and deputies after concretely addressing it could issue it to the President of the Republic. "The Parliament, in fact has issued an 'incomplete' and groundless motion to the President of the Republic, Loloci said. Explaining the legal aspect of this issue, Loloci stated that "President, on the basis of his neutral position, can discharge the General Prosecutor for legal violations only and can not discharge him for political reasons." According to Loloci procedural rules have been violated, which might lead to political proposals and decisions, rather than to proposals and decisions based on legal grounds. /ira/vik/so/



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Mar 20 22:16:11 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 20 Mar 2002 19:16:11 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Kadarene nga Tefik Caushi
Message-ID: <20020321031611.74894.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

PERSE GJITHE KY MLLEF KUNDER KADARESE?

PERSE GJITHE KY MLLEF KUNDER KADARESE?


1.


Ardhi si rrebesh ne nje dite te kthjellet debati rreth vjershes se Kadarese, qe thirret shkurt "Pashallaret e kuq". Po ndersa shiu e freskon atmosferen, debati e zjarrmoi ate tej mase. U gjenden "kritike" qe, pa e lexuar, e shtrine vjershen (ne fakt autorin e saj) ne tavolinen e operacionit dhe e bene "fertele". Kjo eshte puna e tyre, vec ne jemi kureshtare te dime se ku e kane gjetur ate guxim qytetar qe, pa pase lexuar tekstin e plote, te tjerrin ligjerata dashakeqe. Ta benin kete pune te mbrapshte disa qe, edhe pa njohur gati fare letersine e shkrimtarit, madje (kete e them me pergjegjesi te plote) pa lexuar librin "Zhdukja e "Pashallareve te kuq te Kadarese"", do te ishte e falshme, por ta bejne ca qe i kane ngjitur vetes titullin "studiues te letersise", "shkrimtar", eshte e pafalshme. Po te kishte nje "guiness", qe te "nderonte" ata kritike, qe marrin lapsin dhe anatemojne nje veper pa e pasur ne tavoline, keta zoterinj do te zinin bashin e vendit.


Veprime te tilla e kane jeten e gjate sa vesa e mengjesit. Nje syresh, gjate debatit televiziv ne studion e Klanit, tha me gazmim se Kadareja genjen, kur thote se ne vjershe behet fjale per varre... "e ku mund te shkruheshin ne ate kohe gjera te tilla". Kujtoi se e kishte zene autorin me presh ne duar. Tani qe "Gazeta Shqiptare" e dha te plote tekstin, thone se studiuesin e kane pare ne rruget e Tiranes me gisht ne goje. Kjo ndodhi edhe me aktorin Zerudin Dokle, (qe e pat lexuar vjershen), ne rrefimin e te cilit thuhej shprehimisht se, ne poeme s'behej fjale per varre. Dinen (Zerudinin) e kam pasur student, ai edhe ne mbledhje serioze te studenteve bente komiklleqe te pazararta. Dyshoj se edhe ne gazete ka bere humor. Sidoqofte kjo pak rendesi ka. Zerua le te sqarohet me Dritero Agollin per karkalecat, ndersa studiuesi mos e kete per turp qe rrije perkrah me nje komik. Kemi nevoje te qeshim.


Por komedia me e madhe u luajt (e po luhet) pas botimit te tekstit. Vetem dy gazeta te dates 16 mars te shfletosh, do te gjesh aq xhevahire, sa mund te organizosh nje ankand. Nje person (ne fakt eshte personalitet) thote se, "nga poezia nuk del ndonje gje, por eshte nje vleresim dhe konsiderate qe ai (Kadareja,-T.C.) i ben rolit te Enver Hoxhes". Kete e thote kryetari i Lidhjes se Shkrimtareve, i Lidhjes se sotme, te vitit 2002. Po si ta kuptojme qe, sipas kryetarit te vitit 1975, ajo "vjershe eshte kunderevolucionare dhe armiqesore", se "I. Kadareja e nxjerr diktaturen e proletariatit gjakatare", etj. 


Nje tjeter personalitet (personi me i eperm zyrtar i informacionit shqiptar), e cileson Kadarene si shkrimtar te diktatures, cka do te thote se te tille e portretizon ai edhe ne bote, permes internetit e teletajpeve te shtetit shqiptar.


Ndersa studiuesi qe foli pa lexuar vjershen, edhe tani pasi ajo u botua, shkruan se "poezia mbeshtet luften e Enver Hoxhes kunder komplotisteve", ne nje kohe kur vjersha nuk ka asnje germe nga ato qe perbejne fjalen "komplotiste". Megjithese ngasja eshte e madhe, nuk mund te mendohet qe as kete radhe nuk e ka lexuar vjershen. Nese kjo s'ka ndodhur me te, ka ndodhur me nje regjisor, vertet te talentuar, (qe fatkeqesisht nuk e pranon asnje kompani teatrore), i cili thote se "s'kishte deshire ta lexonte poezine deri ne fund", dhe revoltohet "pse duhet te merremi me nje poezi, te ciles s'ke fuqi t'i shkosh deri ne fund".


Cudia me e madhe eshte se disa nga ata qe marrin lapsin te shkruajne pas botimit te tekstit, nuk japin asnje shpjegim se c'qene gjithe ato bubullima ne vjeshten e 1975-es, perse u egersua Zeusi, perse rane gjithe ato kambana, perse shkrimtari u kritikua me nje gjuhe te atille, thua se ishin flete nga pretencat e gjyqeve te popullit, perse ai u dergua ne Myzeqe, perse, me ne fund, vjersha u shpall gati e paqene, emri i se ciles lipsej te zhdukej edhe nga kujtesa e bashkekohesve? Ata s'thone asnje fjale. Shurdheri. Cudi si nuk i vene veshin atyre qe thote e veja e udheheqesit. "Enveri, shkruan ajo, me ta lexuar kishte thene: "Kjo eshte e poshter, armiqesore", dhe kishte ngarkuar Ramizin t'ja thoshte autorit cope se, "kjo vjershe eshte armiqesore". Pergjigjuni zoterinj! Ju e lini ne heshtje pikerisht kete qe, tekefundit, perben kryefjalen e ceshtjes, dhe thoni se vjersha, sic shkruan nje analist i permasave ballkanike, eshte nje himn per diktatorin Hoxha, per Partine e Punes. Mos, valle, ju prisnit qe ne ate vjershe Kadareja te leshonte klithmen "Poshte diktatori", "Poshte diktatura e proletariatit"? Mos, valle, keni zbritur nga Marsi? Jo, te kesaj balte jeni, por ju ka kapur delli i mashtrimit. Ky, pikerisht, eshte manipulim i paskrupullt. Ju jeni iluzioniste, jeni aktore, qe luani dhe ate qe nuk e besoni vete. Mos u mundoni, te "Princi i vogel" nuk ka vende bosh.


Dy fjale per diskutimin e Dritero Agollit ne mbledhjen e organizates baze te partise, ku iu be gjyqi Kadarese. Kushdo qe e ka lexuar ate, do te kete ndier nje trishtim. Nje rrufe e tille nuk kishte rene ndonjehere nen catine e LSHA. Vec ceshtja eshte shume me komplekse. Eshte veshtire te ndash aty partishmerine nga zelli i tepruar, mllefin personal nga temperamenti i devolliut. Eshte si te hedhesh ne nje gote me uje nje kokrize permaganat dhe uji te marre ngjyren viole (ngjyre e nekrozes). Eshte e pamundur, pastaj, te vecosh kokrizen e ta llagarepsesh ujin.


Por kjo nuk eshte kryesorja. Kryesorja eshte dicka tjeter.


Ne reshtat e atij diskutimi eshte egersia qe vinte nga lart. Ne te lipsej te pasqyroheshin, madje te thelloheshin me tej, fjalet e Enver Hoxhes qe permendem me lart. Ata qe nuk i kane jetuar ato kohe, gjykojne tani, sic do te thoshte menkulari, si e ema e Zeqos maje thanes. Me fjale te tjera, kurrkush dhe asnjehere, cilido qofte ai, funksionar i larte apo i mesem, nuk mund te guxonte te shtonte, e aq me pak te pakesonte, as dhe nje presje nga ato qe thoshte diktatori. Trimat pas pilafit, le te bashkohen me karkalecet.


2.


Brinja ku goditet vjersha dhe Kadareja eshte, sipas disave, himnizimi qe i behet Enver Hoxhes. Ne kete poligon fokusohen te gjitha baterite. Kjo eshte e vertete. Kete pohim prisni ju, kalores te se vertetes? Por a mund te ishte ndryshe? Ka disa njerez qe ata, apo te paret e tyre, nuk kane ngritur as majen e gishtit te vogel kunder atij regjimi, e tani na mburen me letersine e sirtareve. Nxirrini fletorkat, ku i keni. Respekt te plote per ata qe kane vuajtur burgun, por nuk perjashtohet mundesia qe ndonje prej tyre te jete vetem korrje e planifikimit qe bente Sigurimi i Shtetit per arrestimet. Ashtu si nuk perjashtohet qe te kete nga ata, qe kane rene ne fatkeqesi, si rezultat i shkelmave te Hatllarit. Nderkaq duhet ditur se cdo veper e Kadarese, madje cdo hap ne jeten e tij, nuk ka qene me pak e rrezikuar dhe e dhimbshme sesa vitet e burgimit te tyre. Ai ka shkruar nen krifen e luanit. Procesi i tij letrar ka qene nje kalvar i vertete.


Po e le shkrimtarin te flase vete. Pyetjes qe i ben gazetari Babaramo lidhur me kete, ai i pergjigjet: "Dihet boterisht se ne regjime te tilla si ai i komunizmit, shkrimtari paguan nje tribut, nje takse, per te shkruar te verteten, sidomos per vepra qe ishin tejet delikate, te rrezikshme. Taksa qe paguhet te kjo poeme, eshte e vogel krahasuar me mesazhin e saj kryesor".


Kjo eshte me se e vertete. Disa vargje per Enver Hoxhen dhe klasen punetore jane me teper si ambalazh rutine, per psikologjine e lexueit te asaj kohe, ndersa berthama e uraniumit qendron gjetke, per te cilen do te flasim me poshte.


Nje analist politik i shquar, po qe dijenite e tij mbi letersine i mban te fshehura, shkruan: "Kulti i Enver Hoxhes ngrihet aq lart, sa ai nuk ka qene dakord me kete vjershe pikerisht per kete arsye". S'ka gje se kete e ka huazuar te shpjegimet e zonjes Hoxha, kjo eshte e drejta e tij. Por le te arsyetojme pak, sa i qendron se vertetes kjo. Ajo qe thuhet ne vjershe per Enver Hoxhen eshte shume me pak e rendesishme, sesa ajo qe thuhet per te ne vepren e po ketij autori "Dimri i vetmise se madhe". Te vjersha ai do te ndeshej me disa burokrate, ne Moske ai u perlesh me Hrushovin, me gjithe kampin socialist, dhe mori flamurin e luftes kunder revizionizmit modern. Si nuk u revoltua ai, nga kjo qe paske bere shkrimtari? Perkundrazi, ne vend te kesaj, e mbrojti ne Elbasan, kur shumekush donte ta varroste vepren dhe te godiste autorin. Si ra dakord qe ne vepren tjeter, "Koncert ne fund te dimrit", Enver Hoxha i hap lufte shtetit me te madh ne bote? Si harrojne analisti, zonja Hoxha e disa te tjere se per Enver Hoxhen u shkruan shume poema, kantata, libra, u xhiruan filma, per te mos kujtuar paradat e 1 Majit, malet me parulla, festivalet folklorike etj. etj. Alibia se kulti ishte shkaku qe u ndalua vjersha, eshte nje mashtrim i pashoqte. Ketu pikerisht qendron perpjekja per te manipuluar lexuesit. Megjithekete, le te supozojme per nje cast se ky ishte vertet shkaku qe u ndalua vjersha. Po te qe keshtu, kunderveprimi merrte fund, duke mos e botuar vjershen, c'duhej me tej gjithe ai termet?


Problemi i raportit shkrimtar-udheheqes ne vendet jo demokratike eshte shume me i komplikuar nga sa thjeshtesohet ne disa shkrime. Eshte nje problem qe vjen qe nga Mesjeta. Shkrimtari apo artisti ka nevoje per mbrojtjen e sundimtarit, po edhe sundimtari ka nevoje per perkrahjen e tyre. Sa per te dhene nje shembull nga jeta shqiptare, ne nje nga ekspozitat e para te arteve figurative, ne vitet e para pas Clirimit, ishte vizitor edhe Enver Hoxha. Aty ne salle ai pa se largu nje skulptor me emer, veprat e te cilit i dinte, edhe ndonje qe, sipas tij , stononte, i dinte dhe artikujt e tij per kulturen fashiste. Megjithekete, i foli: "Odhise, pa eja ketu". Paskali i shtrengoi doren udheheqesit qe dilte nga Lufta Antifashiste, dhe, vite me vone, beri bustin me te goditur te tij, qe zinte vend ne te gjitha presidiumet. I heq valle kjo, qofte dhe nje fije, krijimtarise se skulptorit te mrekullueshem?


Tek lexon deshmine e Nexhmije Hoxhes, duket se kete rol e ka marre tani ajo, duke marre ne mbrojtje Agollin, duke vene ne balance dy shkrimtaret tane, pa fshehur qellimin per te futur spica midis tyre. Nje sherbim i kote, qe nuk ia ka kerkuar njeri, madje ne nje kohe kur Dritero Agolli ia ka thene troc asaj dhe burrit te saj, se eshte i zhgenjyer ne besimin qe ka pasur ndaj Enver Hoxhes.


Kompleksiteti i merredhenieve te Kadarese me Enver Hoxhen ka qene edhe me i thelle, cka kerkon nje trajtese me vete per ta ftilluar. Gjithsesi, ai raport ka kaluar ne fije te perit, dhe i ngjet tamam atyre dy njerezve qe perqafohen, ose bejne sikur perqafohen, teksa mendjen e kane te armet e brezit. Shembulli i Petro Markos e i ndonje tjetri, tregon se Enver Hoxha nuk e kish te veshtire qe, aty t'i fuste ne burg, aty t'i nxirrte e t'u jepte cmime e dekorata.


3.


Si eshte e mundur qe ata, te cilet e kane marre fjalen ne shtyp, nuk kane thene asnje fjale se tehu i vjershes ishte kunder regjimit te Enver Hoxhes, se ajo ishte nje aktakuze aspak alegorike, aspak metaforike, por e drejtperdrejte ndaj krimeve te asaj kohe. Ajo cka e terboi diktatorin, eshte permendja e duarve te pergjakura. Po kush me teper se Enver Hoxha i kishte duart e pergjakura? Vjersha u shkrua ne tetor te 1975. Deri ne ate kohe ai kishte ngrene shume koka. Nuk po permendim gjyqin e deputeteve, te sabotatoreve te Maliqit, te atyre te Ambasades Sovjetike, etj, por edhe te bashkepunetoreve te tij te afert. Vetem kapitullin e ushtarakeve te kujtosh, eshte nje tragjedi rreqethese. Mos bejme histori. Keto i di gjithe populli. Nuk i dine vetem disa, ose bejne sikur i kane harruar.


Vjersha e Ismail Kadarese ishte si ajo bakllavaja qe i shtrohet dikujt, po qe nje nga thelat e saj ka brenda helmin. Kete tepsi i serviri Kadareja Enver Hoxhes. Ai e diktoi me nuhatje, jo me ta hante. Kete, zoterinj analiste, pse nuk e zini ne goje. Flisni edhe per kultin, po deshet, po mos harroni dhe duart e pergjakura deri ne berryle, qe te beheni me te besueshem.


Ketu, pra, qendron vlera dhe forca goditese e vjershes. Jo nje varg, por shpesh nje fjale e vetme bart gjithe mesazhin e vepres. Permendja e gjakut, ishte kapsulja qe vuri ne levizje gjithe artilerine kunder autorit.


4.


Disa nga ata qe morren fjalen, pasi e pane se sado te lene ne heshtje mesazhin e poemes, prape se prape nuk do te arrijne ta genjejne lexuesin, kerkuan ndihmen e nje mashtrimi tjeter, te "zbulojne", pse Kadareja kerkonte te dilte ne drite e verteta rreth historise se saj. Qe te fitonte statusin e disidentit, ngrene zerin ata. "Ismaili, shkruan njeri, ishte mire atje ku ishte, sesa tani qe kerkon disidencen". Ia pret tjetri: "Ne qofte se Kadareja nuk do te kishte kerkuar disidence,... askush nuk do ishte marre me te kaluaren e tij". Logjike te tille nuk perdorin as adoleshentet ne zenkat e tyre, ne oborrin e shkolles.


Eshte e pamoralshme dhe jashte etikes se nje debati serioz, te besh vete supozime, qe te vine per shtat, qe pastaj t'i rrezosh po vete, e te shpallesh qe kundershtarin e ke vene me shpatulla per muri. Nje taktike e tille vertet e ve ne pozita te papelqyeshme kundershtarin, por ne te njejten kohe tregon dobesine e ithtarit te saj, zbulon se ai nuk ka argumente te verteta. Ne asnje rast dhe asnjehere gjate ketij dhjetevjecari, ne asnje nga librat e tij memorialistike, ne asnje nga intervistat e librit "Zhdukja...", dhe ne asnje nga intervistat e diteve te fundit ne shtyp, Kadareja as nuk ka thene, as nuk ka aluduar se ka qene disident, me kete vjershe, apo me gjithe opusin e tij. Atehere, kunder kujt i keni ngritur baterite, zoterinj. Kesaj i thone te luftosh me mullinjt e eres. 


Nderkaq, te jesh a te mos jesh disident, nuk do te thote se ke fituar apo ke humbur nje vleresim suprem ne hierarkine e vlerave artistike. Prandaj, me te drejte, Kadareja shton, "mua nuk me duhet ky titull. Ne radhe te pare une jam shkrimtar. Nuk kam kerkuar dhe as nuk pranoj ne jete tjeter cilesim".


5.


Teza tjeter e ngritur ne fushaten kunder Kadarese, (edhe kjo ne logjiken e luftes me mullinjt e eres), ka te beje me deshiren e tij, qe te marre cmimin Nobel. Ja, ketu e ka tere hallin ai. Kesaj mund t'i veme dhe nje baze teorike, bie fjala: "Roli i shkrimtarit eshte t'i thote publikut te verteten dhe jo nje kulture qe kerkon suksesin, nje krijimtari qe kerkon komunikimin dhe jo nje krijimtari qe synon sukses jashte shtetit...", thote ai qe e heq veten si demiurg i nje kulture te re (!). Gati sa s'thote, e hengert dreqi, po pse shkruan, pse t'i botojne veprat neper bote.


Ismail Kadareja ka vite qe eshte kandidat per cmimin Nobel, fillimisht i propozuar nga Franca dhe vitet e fundit edhe nga autoritet shqiptare. Pse pikerisht tani u ngrit kjo furtune?


Te thuash se Kadareja aspiron ta marre ate cmim, nuk ka asgje te keqe dhe nuk ka kurrfare cudie. Cdo njeri qe aplikon per nje vend, e pergatit vete dosjen. Por kete "dosje" ai ia ka shpalosur me pare lexuesve shqiptare, popullit te vet, ne disa mijra faqe e ne disa qindra mije kopje, te botura e ribotuara. Ky, nuk quhet komunikim?


Vec kesaj, mendimi qe kane keta tipa se cmimi Nobel jepet edhe per konsiderata politike te rendomta, si ato qe jane paraqitur ne shtyp, eshte dhe nje fyerje per Akademine e nderuar qe e jep ate cmim. Nuk na mbetet vec te ngjallim Alfredin, e ta pyesim, a mund te jepet nje Nobel edhe per zejtarine e zevzekerise.


6.


Sipas teorise se muzikes pika kulmore pergatitet pas nje crescendo-je. Ndersa ne debatin e hapur, qellimi i vertete i disave u duk qe ne emisionin e pare televiziv. Aty nuk u fol vetem per librin e Velos, apo vetem per poemen "Pashallaret e kuq", po u vu ne shenjester gjithe krijimtaria e Kadarese. Dikush, per te njollosur nje veper si nacionalkomuniste, me sakte, per te njollosur autorin, do te kishte vene lupen ne syrin e djathte, do te kishte marre makinen llogaritese, dhe do te kishte gjetur sa faqe ka "Dimri" per Enver Hoxhen, duke e ditur ai vete shume mire se faqet mund te jene me shume a me pak, e rendesishme eshte cfare thuhet ne to.


Pernjemend, cfare thuhet atje?


Ne romanin "Dimri i vetmise se madhe" behet fjale per nje ngjarje e per nje periudhe te rendesishme te historise sone, ne gjysmen e dyte te shekullit te XX, qe ka te beje me shkeputjen e Shqiperise nga kampi socialist dhe nga Traktati i Varshaves. Vlera kryesore e vepres mund te permblidhet ne pak fjale: romani (madje se bashku me "Koncertin" e pakmevonshem) percillte deshiren e popullit shqiptar per t'u ndare me Lindjen dhe komunizmin.


Ceshtja, tani, shtrohet keshtu: ky veprim qe ndermori shteti shqiptar, sipas jush, ishte dicka e mire apo dicka e keqe. (Nuk po i drejtohem vetem atij qe e ngriti problemin e "Dimrit", as dhe atij qe s'i behet ta lexoje tani ate roman, madje jo vetem ate roman, por krejt Kadarene; u drejtohem gjithe atyre qe kane alergji nga "Dimri"). Ne qofte se ishte dicka e keqe, kjo do te thote se ju paski dashur te ishit nen sqetullen e perandorise sovjetike, do te thote se jeni nga ajo race, qe ato dite mblidhej koke me koke dhe me gaz e lot kendonte "Podmoskovnije vecera". Ne qofte se ishte dicka e mire, atehere, sic eshte e logjikshme, cdo pune e mire a e keqe qofte, e ka nje pergjegjes, per te cilin s'ka pse te heshtet, se do te ishte falsifikim i historise. E shoh qe keni ngritur doren, doni te flisni. Po flas une me pare: ... s'ka pse te heshtet, pavaresisht nga motivet, si dhe pse e ndermori ate veprim Enver Hoxha, kjo eshte tjeter ceshtje.


Po te ishte vetem me kaq, s'ka asgje per te vene alarmin. Por mllefi shkoi deri atje, saqe dikush tha se, duke hequr ndonje "Pallat", gjithe korpusi i Kadarese eshte letersi nacionalkomuniste, (terminologji kjo, se bashku me ate te "simulim-manipulit", e huazuar nga kritiket majtiste-komuniste europiane).


Nje tjeter, hibrid i profanizmit e nihilizmit, fshiu gjithe letersine e nje epoke, e cila, sipas tij, nuk ka pjelle simbole qe do t'i rezistojne kohes dhe historise, natyrisht duke mos perjashtuar as Kadarene.


Mund te mendohet se eshte vetem pune cmire. Edhe kjo nuk perjashtohet. Ka tipa qe ziline e kane ne vend te multivitaminave, pa menduar se kur merren me shumice, edhe ato bejne dem.


Jo. Qellimi i fushates antikadare eshte t'i heqe kombit nje nga pasurite me te cmuara te kultures shpirterore, cka do te thote te zhduke nga faqja e dheut jo vetem nje vjershe, jo vetem nje roman, jo vetem nje autor, por te gjitha ato qe quhen simbole te nje kombi. Kushedi sa here jane trandur eshtrat e Konices, duke kujtuar fjalet e tij se, e keqja e shqiptareve jane vete shqiptaret. Disa tipa do te ishin te gatshem te leshonin thirrjen "ne litar Kadareja", ne qofte se do te ishin te sigurt qe historia nuk do t'i linconte me pare ata.


7.


Atehere, perse gjithe ky mllef kunder Kadarese?


Sapo kaluan ditet e Dhjetorit, kur masat, krahas parullave "Liri-Demokraci", ngrinin lart dhe portretin e Kadarese, u shfaqen mjerane qe e etiketuan ne shtyp si shkrimtar te oborrit. Kaloi nje dhetevjecar dhe perseri nuk mungojne tituj te tille "Kadare, poet i Enverit", "Kadare, mik i diktatures". Ne kete hark kohor jane gjendur mashtrues, shpifologe e keqdashes qe jane perpjekur te hedhin balte mbi vepren e shkrimtarit me te madh e me te shquar te Shqiperise.


Po te na lejonte koha dhe vendi, vetem disa shembuj, qe sherbejne si gure kilometrike, (qe nga lloj-lloj shpifjesh e deri te libri i Nexhmije Hoxhes), do te tregonin se sulmet, mashtrimet, shpifjet ndaj tij, jo vetem kane qene te pamoralshme, jo vetem s'kane pasur te bejne fare me letersine, por shpesh kane lene te kuptohet se orkestrohen nga interesa politike.


Kjo eshte e kuptueshme, ai "e meriton" nje gje te tille.


Ismail Kadareja, jo vetem me vepren e tij, po me gjithe publicistiken e ketyre viteve ka dhene nje kontribut qe s'mund te mohohet ne demaskimin e regjimit komunist te djeshem. Vecanerisht vitet e fundit, ai ka qene mjaft i pranishem ne skenen politike shqiptare me artikujt dhe intervistat e tij.


Ai i eshte drejtuar popullit me fjalet me tronditese per ato qarqe qe kerkojne ta kthejne prapa vendin tone: ne Shqiperi ekziston rreziku i ringjalljes se stalinizmit. Stalinizmi mbetet armiku tradicional i kombit, i shtetit dhe i demokracise shqiptare, (maj 2000).


Ne mjaft deklarata te tjera, ai ka kritikuar haptazi politikanet e se majtes per disponimin e tyre politik: Klasa politike shqiptare qe eshte ne pushtet nuk mund te vazhdoje praktika te tilla dyfytyreshe: nga njera ane pergjerim i hapur per Europen e SHBA-ne, nga ana tjeter, nostalgji e fshehte per stalinizmin apo enverohoxhizmin, (shkurt 2001).


E majta ne pushtet, ka thene ai, ne qofte se nuk ndien ne ndergjegjen e saj asnje detyrim moral ndaj kesaj pjese te popullit shqiptar, kjo tregon se ndergjegjja e saj eshte e gjymtuar, (maj 2001).


Nga Radio "Zeri i Amerikes", ai ka thene se ne PS ka halabake, se ka nje krah stalinist qe nuk kujtohet se vjen nga nje trashegimi komuniste, (shkurt 2002).


I ka thene kater te vertetat ne sy kryetarit te Partise Socialiste, qe pretendon te zere kolltukun e presidentit, qe ben sikur nuk e di, se te gjitha kritikat qe ai ben sot (fushata e katharsisit), i ka bere opozita e djathte qyshkur, dhe eshte pikerisht kreu i socialisteve qe s'ka pranuar asgje, madje i ka sulmuar kritikuesit me fjalet me te egra, me retorike marksiste e carturi gjuhesore, te padegjuara ndonjehere ne kete truall, (nentor 2001).


Nje nga mendimet qe i ka prishur tej mase humorin shumekujt, eshte permendja e vitit 1997, per te cilin ai shkruan: Birbot e politikes keto dite po kujtojne, pa e fshehur nostalgjine, vitin e zi 1997, vitin kur i vune zjarrin shtetit shqiptar. Duan ta rikthejne prape fantazmen e atij viti. Lakojne dite e nate fjalen "parti", ashtu si ne kohen e diktatures, kur Shqiperia shtypej prej partise, (nentor 2001).


Ka dhene gjykime kritike per procesin zgjedhor, per manipulimet dhe gjithe superstrukturen zgjedhore. Ka kerkuar qe klasa qe eshte ne fuqi te shkarkoje nje ore e me pare KQZ (komisionin Nano), (shkurt 2001), ndersa ketij te sotmit i kujton manipulimet e zgjedhjeve te 24 qershorit dhe zonen e famshme 60, (nentor 2001).


Disa here me radhe, ka shprehur mendimin e argumentuar se e djathta duhet te vije ne pushtet.


Ka folur per hapjen e dosjeve dhe per spiunet e djeshem: Eshte e padurueshme, shkruan ai, qe letraret spiune te djeshem vazhdojne te shpifin prape per viktimat e tyre. I vetmi ndryshim eshte se ndersa dje denonconin me raporte te fshehta, tani shajne haptazi, (maj 2001).


Dhe ja tani, del nje liber me kater intervista te tij, ku vertet si subjekt sherben historia e nje poeme, por mesazhi ka nje rreze shume me te gjere,- domosdoshmerine historike qe Shqiperia te shplahet prej krimit komunist, sepse pa kete s'mund te kete kthjellim e emancipim te vertete te vendit.


Keto, e shume te tjera, nuk ia falin shkrimtarit, jo vetem pasardhesit e Raqit te "Dimrit", por qarqe brenda e jashte vendit, qe nuk duan qe Shqiperia te futet ne rruge te mbare, te pastrohet nga korrupsioni, trafiqet, kondrabanda, shkeljet e demokracise, etj.


(Ai dreq Ismail nuk le njeri pa gervelisur, se c'ka thene edhe per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem, e ka quajtur prokuror politik me fytyre yankee).


Debati rreth "Pashallareve te kuq" u zhvillua e po zhvillohet nen nje sac te nxehte te klimes politike shqiptare, per nje varg arsyesh qe dihen. Dihet, gjithashtu, se shoqeria eshte nje sistem gypash komunikues, ku ben pjese gjithcka, politika, ekonomia, kultura, madje dhe zgjedhja e nje presidenti. Nuk mund te mos beje pjese edhe "Ceshtja Kadare", (nuk eshte thjesht "ceshtja e pashallareve").


Tefik Caushi [EM1]



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar 21 07:11:45 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 21 Mar 2002 04:11:45 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Conference: Western Visions and the
	Construction of Identities  in Southeast Europe, 25-26.4.2002, Brown U.,
	Providence
Message-ID: <20020321121145.57361.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com>
Subject: [balkans] Conference: Western Visions and the Construction of	Identities  in Southeast Europe, 25-26.4.2002, Brown U., Providence
Date: Tue, 19 Mar 2002 10:10:05 +0100
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar 21 07:30:25 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 21 Mar 2002 04:30:25 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Challenges for Central and South-Eastern
	European  Leaders: Introducing Principles on European Governance. Lobbying
	Processes and the European Union,  25-28.4.2002, Sinaia, Romania
Message-ID: <20020321123025.32732.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

  


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Mar 22 07:59:46 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 22 Mar 2002 04:59:46 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: BISA Working Group on the Balkans,
	Workshop, 25.5.2002,  LSE, London
Message-ID: <20020322125946.68711.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue Mar 19 03:49:24 2002
To: balkans at yahoogroups.com
From: Florian Bieber 
Date: Tue, 19 Mar 2002 12:49:24 +0100
Subject: [balkans] CfP: BISA Working Group on the Balkans, Workshop, 25.5.2002,
LSE, London

From:           ETHNOPOLITICS at JISCMAIL.AC.UK

CALL FOR PAPERS/WORK-IN-PROGRESS

Dear Friends,

Following the success of the widely-attended inaugural workshop of the
BISA Working Group on the Balkans, we are pleased to announce a new
workshop to be held on Saturday 25 May, 2002, at the London School of
Economics and Political Science.

We are planning two thematic panels for this workshop:

1. The State, Minority Rights and Democracy in the Balkans This panel
is devoted to explorations of the evolution of the state in the
Balkans following the transition from socialism, and  the relationship
between the state and democratisation; minority rights protection and
the state; and minority rights within the context of democratic
transition.

2. Migration and Identities in the Balkans
The Balkan countries today are witnessing both emigration and
immigration flows that have significant societal and political
implications. We are interested in papers that explore the ways in
which these migrations have contributed to changing perceptions of
individual and communal identities across the region.

We welcome academic papers as well as work-in-progress. Proposals in
the form of a 150-word abstract should be sent to:

Jenny Engstrom
J.M.Engstrom at lse.ac.uk

OR

Pavlos Hatzopoulos
P.Hatzopoulos at lse.ac.uk

The deadline for submission is Monday 29 April, 2002 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar 23 01:07:45 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 22 Mar 2002 22:07:45 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare - 23 mars 2002
Message-ID: <20020323060745.48376.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

Bisedimet kan? qen? shum? t? tensionuara. Q? n? fillim t? dialogut Meidani i ka b?r? t? ditur Rakipit se nuk do ta bllokoj? vendimin e Parlamentit Kryeprokurori dje n? Presidenc?. Berisha: Nuk e paragjykoj Sollakun  Meidani: Rakipi, do t? heqKryeprokurori: Tani dosjet i b?j publike
---------------------------------

Jan? 21 deputet? t? p?rfshir? n? trafiqe t? cil?t ndikuan n? vendimin p?r shkarkimin tim, i ka th?n? dje Rakipi Meidanit. Presidenti i ka b?r? t? ditur Rakipit se e ka marr? tashm? vendimin p?r ta shkarkuar. N? dit?n e kat?rt t? konsultimeve p?r emrin e prokurorit t? ri, presidenti ?sht? takuar pik?risht me prokurorin e p?rgjithsh?m, p?r t? cilin Parlamenti vendosi t? k?rkoj? largimin nga kreu i institucionit t? akuz?s, b?jn? t? ditur burime af?r dy protagonist?ve t? takimin q? u zhvillua dje n? mesdit? n? Presidenc?.

Bisedimet kan? qen? shum? t? tensionuara. Q? n? fillim t? dialogut Meidani i ka b?r? t? ditur Rakipit se nuk do ta bllokoj? vendimin e Parlamentit. Kryeprokurori, i cili vazhdon t? jet? n? detyr? deri sa z?vend?suesi i tij t? dekretohet nga Meidani dhe t? aprovohet nga Parlamenti, u shpreh se vendimi i Parlamentit binte ndesh me Kushtetut?n. "Un? kam zbatuar vet?m ligjin", m?sohet t? ket? th?n? Rakipi. Meidani ka l?n? qart? t? kutpohet se tashm? nuk ka m? kthim pas. Jemi nj? republik? parlamentare dhe p?r k?t? arsye vendimet e Kuvendit jan? m? t? r?nd?sishme se ato t? institucioneve t? tjera. "Un? tashm? e kam vendosur dhe q?ndrimin tim dhe brenda pak dit?sh do ta b?j publik", ka th?n? Meidani. P?r shum? minuta me radh? Rakipi ?sht? p?rpjekur t'i parashtroj? opsionet e tij p?r gjith?ka ka ndodhur rreth tij. "Promotor?t e largimit tim jan? deputet? nga t? dy krah?t e politik?s, p?r t? cil?t prokuroria ?sht? duke hetuar si t? lidhur me krimin dhe me trafiqe t? paligjshme. P?r k?to hetime nga prokuroria ?sht? punuar gjat? dhe tani ka ardhur koha q? dosjet t? b?hen publike", ka paralajm?ruar Rakipi. K?shtu, prokurori i p?rgjithsh?m ka l?n? qart? t? kuptohet n? zyr?n e Meidanit, se ai nuk ka nd?r mend t? hesht? pas largimit nga posti q? mban prej thuajse pes? vjet?sh. Nd?rkoh? Meidani ka shprehur bindjen dhe q?ndrimin e tij se puna e prokuroris? duhet t? vazhdoj? dhe pas ikjes s? Rakipit. "Fatet e institucioneve nuk varen nga emrat e p?rve??m", ka th?n? ai. Me kaq ?sht? mbyllur takimi n? Presidenc?. 
Rakipi ka shkuar n? zyr?n e Meidanit vet?m nj? dit? pasi rreth 20 vart?s t? tij i kishin d?rguar nj? deklarat? presidnetit se do t? jepnin dor?heqjen nga funksionet si prokuror?, n? rast s? do firomoset shkarkimi i Rakipit. Bisedimet q? jan? zhvilluar dje n? Presidenc?, treguan se Meidani nuk e ka marr? n? konsiderat? k?t? paralajm?rim. 


Nd?rkoh? kandidatura e Dhori Sollakut po gjen mb?shtetje dhe n? radh?t e opozit?s. Kryetari i Partis? Demokratike, Sali Berisha, i pyetur n?se do ta pranoj? opozita kanditur?n q? ka zgjedhur Meidani p?r postin e kryeprokurorit t? Republik?s, u p?rgjigj se "nuk mund ta paragjykoj?". Parlamenti e mori vendimin p?r shkarkimin e Rakipit n? or?t e para t? m?ngjesit t? s? mart?s. Tani pritet p?rgjigjja e Meidanit, por dhe dje ai nuk e firmosi dekretin n? lidhje me prokurorin.



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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Sat Mar 23 11:13:53 2002
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Sat, 23 Mar 2002 11:13:53 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: College Board to Revise SAT
Message-ID: <20020323161353.E668558A4D@email5.lga2.nytimes.com>

This article from NYTimes.com 
has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.


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College Board to Revise SAT

March 23, 2002 

By TAMAR LEWIN


 

The College Board is planning to revamp the main SAT test
taken by generations of college-bound students,
acknowledging that it is doing so partly in response to
criticism from the University of California and others that
the test does not reflect enough of what is actually
learned in the classroom. 

The exact nature of the changes, which would take effect
with the high school class graduating in 2006, will not be
determined until the College Board trustees next meet in
June. But the College Board trustees took the first step on
Thursday by asking the staff for recommendations on
revising the three-hour verbal and math test. The plan for
revising the test was first reported in yesterday's Wall
Street Journal. 

Gaston Caperton, the president of the College Board, said
the revised test would likely require students to provide a
handwritten short essay and multiple-choice writing
questions, along with more advanced math problems based
less on aptitude and reasoning, and more on problem-solving
learned in second year algebra or perhaps trigonometry.
Currently, the exam's math problems cover only arithmetic,
first-year algebra and geometry. 

"Obviously the writing is a whole new thing, but it's
something that was recommended to be added as far back as
1993," Mr. Caperton said. "You can only change so much if
you want to have longitudinal data, comparing results over
the years, which is very important. We're not creating a
whole new test, we're making some improvements. I would be
very surprised if more than half the test changed. Most of
it will be similar to what's been on there in the past." 

Mr. Caperton said that while it is too early to outline how
each section of the so-called SAT I might change, it is
likely that the analogy section of the verbal test would
either be eliminated or cut back. 

"Analogies have analytical thinking that is very important,
but some people feel that reading comprehension can measure
the same kind of intellectual skill, and maybe in a fairer
way," he said. "Reading is more consistent with what people
are learning in school, and more connected to the
curriculum." 

While Mr. Caperton played down the extent of the likely
changes, his description of the goals of the process
reflect a profound change, turning what was once deemed an
aptitude, or intelligence, test - until 1990, the S.A.T.
stood for Scholastic Aptitude Test - into an achievement
test designed to measure what is actually learned in the
classroom. 

"What you're learning in the classroom should be critically
important to how you do on this test, " Mr. Caperton said.
"That should help focus people on improving the classroom,
making it more and more clear that the issue is not the
test, it's an unequal educational system." 

Nicholas Lemann, whose 1999 book, "The Big Test," traced
the rise of the SAT, said he was heartened by the proposed
shift, not because it would do much to change the system of
admissions to the nation's most selective colleges, but
because it might help improve education for millions of
high school students. 

"A switch in the test will not change the composition of
the freshman class at Harvard very much," Mr. Lemann said.
"But given the nature of our society, where everyone wants
to be someone, the main college-admission test ends up
being an organizing principle for much of American high
school life. So if the test would now be billed as an
achievement test, and you could tell people that the way to
do better on it is to learn what's being taught in the
classroom, it's a lever to improve the teaching at schools
with systemically low scores, and a much healthier signal
than a curriculum-free aptitude test." 

The College Board has been re-thinking the SAT I for some
years, as more colleges, including Bates, Bowdoin and Mount
Holyoke, have dropped it from their requirements. 

But the board was galvanized last year when Dr. Richard C.
Atkinson, president of the University of California,
proposed replacing the SAT I with a new test that would
more closely reflect the state's high school curriculum.
That university, and other critics, have expressed concern
that the SAT I favors students from middle- and
upper-income families - and that both grade-point average
and SAT II subject test scores are better predictors of
which students are likely to succeed in college. 

"When Dr. Atkinson said he didn't want the University of
California to use the SAT, it really speeded us up, and
heightened what we're doing," said Mr. Caperton, a former
governor of West Virginia. 

The nine-campus, 178,000-student University of California
is the biggest user of the SAT I. Earlier this month, a
U.C. faculty committee recommended that the school replace
the test, beginning in 2006, with a new core test,
supplemented by subject-matter tests, along the lines of
the SAT II's, concrete knowledge tests offered in 22
subjects from world history and physics to Japanese. 

Both the College Board and ACT - the rival exam, which is
more popular in the central United States, and more
achievement-based - have been working with the university
to create a test that would meet the university's wish for
a core test linked closely to California's curriculum. Mr.
Caperton expressed hope that the new SAT I might eliminate
the need for a new California test. 

"Transportability is really important, so that you can
measure in-state students and out-of-state students by the
same yardstick," Mr. Caperton said. "If we come up with a
new test, I'm sure they'll give it very strong
consideration." 

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/23/education/23EXAM.html?ex=1017900033&ei=1&en=911c5225ee5cf327



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Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company


From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Sun Mar 24 18:23:40 2002
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Sun, 24 Mar 2002 15:23:40 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: A Case That Grew in Shadows
Message-ID: <20020324232340.C912F15C2A@email4.lga2.nytimes.com>

This article from NYTimes.com 
has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.


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A Case That Grew in Shadows

March 24, 2002 

By ADAM LIPTAK


 


THIS year alone, Jeffrey A. Newman, a Massachusetts lawyer,
has filed lawsuits on behalf of 38 people who say they were
the victims of sexual abuse at the hands of a dozen priests
in the Archdiocese of Boston. He will soon be filing 29
more. He is, he says, "in the clergy suit business
wholesale." 

He has learned some hard lessons building that business. In
three earlier lawsuits against priests, including two
involving John J. Geoghan, his clients agreed to keep quiet
about their charges in exchange for settlement money. 

"It was a terrible mistake," Mr. Newman said, "and I think
people were harmed by it." Mr. Geoghan, a former priest
recently convicted of sexually molesting a child, has been
accused of abusing more than 130 other people. The secrecy
masked the magnitude of the problem, allowed sexual
predators to repeat their offenses and frustrated criminal
prosecutions of individual priests. 

"I feel strongly," Mr. Newman continues, "that I was
complicit in not recognizing the significance and extent of
the problem. I, among other lawyers, was part of the
problem. It was probably one of the poorest decisions I
made in my career." 

Even now, though, as the wall of secrecy erected by the
Roman Catholic Church is beginning to crumble and
prosecutions of individual priests like Mr. Geoghan have
become more common, the criminal justice system has been
wary of taking on the church as an institution. 

While the entire accounting firm of Arthur Andersen has
been indicted for what must by comparison be considered
minor and isolated wrongdoing, the prospect of a broad
criminal attack on the institutional church appears remote.
There can be little question, though, that if the
widespread and widely tolerated sexual abuse coming to
light had occurred in a day care center, a school or a
scout troop, indictments against institutions would be
flying. 

Part of the reluctance is grounded in the church's history,
mystery and power, and part of it is grounded in the
clauses of the First Amendment protecting religious
freedom. Even in civil cases, quite a few courts have held
the church immune from suit for the negligent hiring and
supervision of priests who engage in sexual abuse. 

The Wisconsin Supreme Court, for instance, rejected a claim
that the church negligently supervised a hospital chaplain
who was accused of sexually assaulting a woman. The court
said that it could not decide the case without interpreting
ecclesiastical law and in particular the vow of celibacy.
That would, it held, "excessively entangle the court in
religious affairs, contrary to the First Amendment." 

The majority of courts, though, have taken the opposite
view. On March 14, the Florida Supreme Court held that "the
First Amendment does not provide a shield behind which a
church" may hide when allegations of sexual abuse are made.
The very fact, though, that there is vigorous debate over
whether the church is simply immune from lawsuits
underscores the societal reluctance to employ its criminal
laws against the church. 

That leaves civil suits by individuals, and they give rise
to the secret agreements that often resolve such suits.
Criminal proceedings, including trials and plea bargains,
are almost always public. In contrast, confidentiality
provisions are common in civil settlements and were
apparently standard in scores if not hundreds of
settlements of abuse claims against priests around the
country. 

But though the secrecy agreements kept children at risk and
prevented the prosecution of ghastly crimes even as
statutes of limitations expired, they are almost certainly
lawful. The legal system encourages settlements, largely
because it lacks the resources to adjudicate every dispute.
And settlements are often thought to require secrecy. 

The party paying the money fears that news of a large
settlement will be blood in the water for more litigation,
and, though a settlement is not an admission of liability,
secrecy serves to protect the reputation of the accused. In
cases involving sexual abuse, the party getting the money
may well want secrecy, too. 

SOME legal experts say that the usual rationales and
incentives cited in support of secret settlements do not
fit priest abuse cases well. The victims were generally
children, who ought to receive special protection; the
abusers were often repeat offenders, who should have been
stopped; and criminal prosecution of the priests was made
all but impossible given the central importance of the
victim's testimony in rape and other sexual abuse cases. 

Prof. Stephen Gillers, who teaches legal ethics at New York
University Law School, says that the arguments made against
secret settlements in cases involving widespread harm,
called mass torts by lawyers, apply with equal strength in
this new setting. "Certain kinds of harm are so serious,"
he says, "whether it's criminal conduct by priests or
exploding kitchen appliances, that we should not let
plaintiffs agree to confidentiality." 

The courts have not embraced these arguments; they almost
always enforce confidentiality provisions in settlement
agreements. They are warier still of the argument that
secret settlements in some situations can themselves amount
to a crime. 

They have rejected claims that seeking silence for money
amounts to witness tampering, bribery or obstruction of
justice, even where money was explicitly paid in exchange
for a promise by the victim not to pursue criminal charges.


PAYING for false testimony is a crime, of course, and so is
paying a witness not to appear. But paying for silence is
generally perfectly legal. 

The law is built on fine distinctions, and this is one of
them. "No agreement can bind the victim to refuse to
cooperate with the authorities," Professor Gillers said.
"The victim can only promise not to report the crime." 

But while it is true that prosecutors can compel even
victims who have signed secrecy agreements to speak,
typically by using subpoenas, they will not know to ask in
most sexual abuse cases. That means that a promise not to
report the crime is tantamount to a foolproof cover-up. 

Many questioned just what Michael Jackson was paying for in
1994 when he spent millions to settle a sexual battery
lawsuit brought by a young teenager. Though the terms of
the settlement were never made public, the youth's lawyer,
Lawrence Feldman, insisted at the time that "nobody has
bought anybody's silence." In the end, though, prosecutors
did not pursue the case when the teenager refused to
testify. 

William H. J. Hubbard, writing in the University of Chicago
Law Review, argues that some civil settlements of rape
charges are a form of witness tampering. "Because the rape
victim's testimony is central to the success of a rape
prosecution," he writes, "pretrial settlement in rape cases
can undermine the enforcement of rape law. A guilty
defendant can use pretrial settlement to influence the
complainant not to cooperate with the prosecution." 

William E. Hellerstein, a professor at Brooklyn Law School,
is sympathetic as a matter of public policy but doubts that
existing case law makes secrecy agreements in even child
sexual abuse cases criminal. "I don't think the obstruction
of justice statutes were drawn with them in sight," he
said. "You would have to stretch it." 

Martin F. Murphy, a former prosecutor in Cambridge, Mass.,
recalls considering about 800 reports of sexual abuse in a
typical year. Only about 50 of them, he said, were
"prosecutable," meaning that the presentation of the
available facts in court was likely to secure a conviction.
A case without a cooperative victim was almost never
prosecuted. 

Mr. Murphy advocates less reliance on victims, who often
feel shame or fear bruising trial tactics even when they
are not constrained by secrecy agreements. Many states
require medical professionals and schools to report all
evidence of abuse of children. Mr. Murphy would extend
those requirements to the church. 

Other reforms are also possible. The church could
voluntarily release the victims from their contractual
confidentiality obligations. Legislation to make secrecy
agreements in sexual abuse cases illegal could be
considered. And grand juries could be convened to look into
the church's role. 

Mr. Newman, for his part, has simply altered his approach
to settlement discussions. "I will not engage," he said,
"in even the loosest discussion of a confidentiality
agreement." 

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/24/weekinreview/24LIPT.html?ex=1018012220&ei=1&en=8be4f50c9a797755



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Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Mar 24 17:42:26 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 24 Mar 2002 14:42:26 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone - 24 mars 2002
Message-ID: <20020324224226.88010.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

Per cfare sherben Sherbimi Sekret Shqiptar?
Ne kohen e Bashkim Gazidedes, SHIK-u sherbente per shkateruar opoziten e atehershme, per te survejuar dhe rrahur gazetaret me te kerkuar te asaj kohe si dhe me ne fund shkaterroi edhe vet ish-Presidentin Berisha.Emerimi i gjeneral Gazidedes komandant i ushtrise, policise dhe SHIK-ut ne muajt e tmerrshem te vitit '97 e denigroi figuren e agjentit sekret qe duhet ti sherbeje Shtetit per te zbuluar dhe neutralizuar veprimtarite me karakter antikombetar apo grupet mafioze qe veprojne kunder institucioneve te Shtetit. Edhe pas ketij viti te mbrapshte kur ne krye te ketij institucioni te rendesishem u ngjit nje tjeter pedagog i Fakultetit te Shkencave te Natyres Fatos Klosi (edhe Gazidede ishte pedagog ne kete fakultet) Sherbimi Sekret Shqiptar nuk mundi ti largohet tradites se paspluralizmit, ku agjentet perdoren kunder klaneve te politikes, opozites dhe nuk kane si "bibel" ligjin per Sherbimin Sekret, por ingranohen si Prokurori i Pergjithshem i saposhkarkuar nga parlamenti, zoti Rakipi. Dihen tashme shkresat zyrtare te ish-kryeministrit Nano dhe me vone te ish-kryeministrit Majko (1999) per shkarkimin e Kryetarit te Sherbimit Sekret Shqiptar zotit Fatos Klosi, porse Presidenti Meidani ne te dyja rastet e ka shpetuar ate nga largimi perfundimtar. Natyrisht qe kryetari i ketij Sherbimi duhet te jete i imunizuar nga goditjet e politikes se dites, pasi ka ne dore gjithe rrjetin e agjenteve brenda dhe jashte Shqiperise,porse kur vete ai infriltrohet ne politiken e dites dhe ne vete luften politike atehere duhet larguar per te mos na kujtuar kohen e hidhur te Bashkim Gazidedes. Jane disa akuza te renda mbi kete Sherbim Sekret, sidomos ngjarjet e vitit 1998, ku u vra lideri i Dhjetorit Azem Hajdari; jane trafiku i armeve ne luften e Kosoves dhe pefitimi nga ky rrjet mafioz;perdorimi i tij ne duelin politik mes Nanos dhe Majkos ne Kongresin e trete te PS-se dhe me vone ne duelin Nano- Meta ; pergjimi i telefonave familjare dhe celulareve te nje pjese te opozites dhe te nje grupi deputetesh; pjesemarrja ne biznese te dyshimta dhe ne veprimtari ekonomike ne dogana; infiltrimi ne disa bashkepronesi mediash audiovizive ne Tirane; emerime ne disa poste te rendesishme te Ekzekutivit te agjenteve te Sherbimit Sekret;ne perpilimin e dosjeve te Prokurorise per qellime politike, etj, pa harruar disa sherbime te dyshimta ne Maqedoni, Kosove dhe ne Bullgari. Pra, parlamenti duhet ti shikoje me perparesi edhe kete Sherbim Sekret qe punon me parate dhe imunitetin e Shtetit, por nuk eshte ne nivelin e duhur te zbatimit te ligjit per kete Sherbim.Do te ishte mire qe ky Sherbim te na zbulonte nje pjestar te Koalcionit Aleanca per Shtetin qe ka urdheruar vrasjen e Liderit te Dhjetorit Azem Hajdari, te na thoshte se perse u nxoren nga qelite dhe nga spitalet e burgut disa prej vrasesve dhe me pas u ekzekutuan pa gjyq; te hetohej edhe per lojen SHISH-Prokurori e Pergjithshme gjoja ne gjetjen e autoreve te vertete. Ky sherbim do t'i bente nje sherbim Drejtesise sikur te kishte hetuar reth deklarates se ish-kryeministrit Meta, i cili ne nje moment nervozizmi me kete Sherbim Sekret tha se" po vriten vrasesit e vraeseve te Azem Hajdarit". Per te qene te sakte zoti Klosi te vetmen gje qe ka bere te sakte dhe me pasion eshte zbulimi i fijeve ne Shqiperi te agjentures se kryeterroristit te botes Bin Ladenit.

SHISH, pa diskutim, qe eshte futur brenda lojes politike dhe punon per nje pjese te sajen, duke harruar se ligji dhe ndeshkimi i tij vjen edhe pas shume vitesh, ashtu sic erdhi edhe per parardhesin e Klosit , pra te shumekerkuarin nga drejtesia, Gazidede. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 26 21:13:42 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 26 Mar 2002 18:13:42 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Doing Business in Albania...
Message-ID: <20020327021342.12595.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

Vila u shit me 2.5 milion? lek?
---------------------------------

Vila 32/1 ndodhet ngjitur me ish-vil?n e Enver Hoxh?s. Vila ?sht? shitur nga Agjencia Komb?tare e Privatizimit me 2.570 milion? lek?. Ajo ka nj? sip?rfaqe prej 530 metrash katror? dhe ?sht? shitur me vler?n fillestare t? hapjes s? ankandit. Gazeta, dy dit? m? par? tregoi p?r vler?simin dhe shitjen e vil?s. Sot Gazeta po publikon nj? intervist? me banuesen e k?saj vile p?r m? shum? se 5 vjet. Pardje n? mediat televizive, drejtoresha e Agjencis? Komb?tare t? Privatizimit ka theksuar se an?tar?t e vler?simit t? ofertave nuk kan? qen? vet?m nga AKP-ja. Sipas saj, vet?m nj? nga 3 an?tar?t e ankandit ?sht? nga AKP-ja. Gazeta sot po publikon nj? intervist?, e cila tregon qart? se ?far? ka ndodhur me ankandin e AKP-s?, q? shet 530 metra karor? me nj? vler? 2.5 milion? lek?. Theksojm? edhe nj? her? se Gazeta ka si synim t? informoj? publikun dhe jo t? b?j? ndonj? sulm mbi institucionet shtet?rore (n? k?t? rast AKP). Intervista e sotme ?sht? marr? nga nj? nd?r konkurrent?t kryesor? t? ankadit.

====

Dy nga konkurrent?t mor?n n? dor? nga 2 mij? dollar? dhe u t?rhoq?n nga ankandi, nd?rsa vlonjati q? ishte m? k?m?ngul?s, mori 4 mij? dollar?. T? tre k?ta u t?rhoq?n nga tenderi" INTERVISTE/ Flet Florika Bardhi: Gjith? pikat e dyshimta q? shpall?n fituesin e ankandit t? AKP  "P?r vil?n ofruan 300 mij? USD"Rr?fimi i d?shmitares: Ja ?'ndodhi para tenderit 
---------------------------------

Redi Gjuzi

N? ankand kishte oferta deri n? 300 mij? dollar?". Kjo ?sht? d?shmia e Florika Bardhit, e cila ka jetuar me qira n? vil?n 32/1. N? nj? intervist? t? dh?n? p?r Gazet?n, ajo tregon t? gjitha peripecit? dhe t?rheqjen e 3 personave nga ankandi, vet?m 1 or? para fillimit. Sipas saj, ka pasur disa k?rc?nime dhe n? ankand ka ardhur edhe policia. 

Djali i saj, q? ishte nj? nd?r personat e interesuar p?r ta bler? vil?n, ?sht? marr? n? polici para fillimit t? ankandit. Ata jan? p?rz?n? prej vil?s nga Drejtoria e Pritjes dhe u ?sht? th?n? se vila do t? p?rdoret nga shteti p?r zyra. Familja ka investuar atje mbi 30 mij? dollar? dhe ?sht? n? gjyq p?r t'i marr? p?rs?ri parat? q? ka investuar.


Zonja Bardhi, ju keni banuar n? vil?n 32/1 me qira. A keni pasur probleme me Drejtorin? e Pritjes?
"Ne kemi m? shum? se 5 vjet q? banojm? n? vil?n 32/1. Im bir ka investuar atje m? shum? se 30 mij? dollar?. Me nj? urdh?r t? Adi Shamkut, n? at? koh? drejtor i Drejtoris? s? Pritjes, ne na ?sht? k?rkuar t? largohemi nga vila. Arsyeja e Drejtoris? s? Pritjes ishte se banesa do t? p?rdorej p?r zyra."


Ju u larguat?
"Ne u larguam dhe hap?n nj? ??shtje gjyq?sore me Drejtorin? e Pritjes. Ne k?rkuam shtyrjen e afatit t? qiras? dhe kthimin e parave t? investuara. Deri tani gjyqi nuk ?sht? mbyllyr dhe presim p?rgjigje. Nga ana tjet?r, vila nuk u p?rdor p?r zyra, si? na tha Drejtoria e Pritjes, por doli n? ankand nga Agjencia Komb?tare e Privatizmit."


Ju mor?t pjes? n? ankand?
"Po. Djali im, Ligor Bardhi, t?rhoqi dokumentacionin n? AKP p?r t? marr? pjes? n? ankand. Ai p?rgatiti edhe ofertat dhe ishte nj? nd?r konkurrent?t m? kryesor? p?r t? bler? vil?n. Ne kemi investuar 30 mij? dollar? atje dhe kemi jetuar p?r nj? koh? t? gjat?, por, me sa duket, AKP-ja kishte vendosur q? vila t? blihej nga dikush tjet?r."


Kjo ?sht? nj? akuz??
"Jo. Po zhvillimi i tenderit tregoi se gjith?ka ishte e vendosur m? par?."


?far? ndodhi n? ankand?
"Ankandi duhet t? fillonte n? 9 t? m?ngjesit t? dat?s 28 dhjetor 2001. Me sa dim? ne, n? ankand duhet t? merrnin pjes? 8 persona, por n? or?n 09.00 atje ishin paraqitur vet?m 4. Djali im bashk? me mua po futeshim te dera e AKP-s?, kur nj? djal? i gjat? e ndaloi tim bir dhe e ftoi p?r kafe. Ligori nuk pranoi dhe i tha se kafen? mund ta pinin pas ankandit. At?her? ai i zuri der?n dhe i tha se k?tej nuk do t? kalonte dhe se nuk do ta lejonte q? ai t? blinte pron?n e tyre. Ligori u t?rhoq dhe lajm?roi policin?."


A kishte njer?z t? tjer??
"Po. Bashk? me at? djalin e gjat? ishin edhe tre persona t? tjer? q? q?ndronon pak m? ve?an."


?far? ndodhi m? pas?
"M? pas erdhi nj? furgon policie, i cili mori me vete Ligorin, djalin e gjat? dhe ata tre personat. Ata personat m? von? dol?n se ishin an?tar? t? policis? dhe u liruan. Ligori m? hodhi dokumentet e ankandit dhe m? tha q? t? merresha un? me ankandin."


Ju u fut?t n? ankand?
"Jo, sepse dokumentet ishin n? em?r t? djalit tim, Ligorit, dhe un? nuk mund t? merrja pjes? n? ankand."


M? pas ?far? ndodhi?
"Gjat? k?saj kohe djali i gjat? u kthye nga policia dhe po diskutonte me konkurrent?t e tjer? t? ankandit. Un? d?gjova se nj?ri nga konkurrent?t (nga theksi dukej vlonjat), i tha se ishte gati t? paguante deri n? 300 mij? dollar? p?r t? bler? vil?n. K?t? e d?gjova me vesh?t e mi."


N? ankand ?sht? paraqitur vet?m nj? ofert?. Pse u t?rhoq?n t? tjer?t?
"Oferta jon? ishte rreth 120 mij? dollar?. Po kaq m? duket se kishin ofruar edhe dy t? tjer?, nd?rsa vlonjati tha se mund t? ofronte deri n? 300 mij? dollar?. Nuk e di, po dy nga konkurrent?t mor?n n? dor? nga 2 mij? dollar? dhe u t?rhoq?n nga ankandi, nd?rsa vlonjati q? ishte m? k?m?ngul?s, mori 4 mij? dollar?. T? tre k?ta u t?rhoq?n nga tenderi."


Tenderi u zhvillua po at? dit??
"Po. N? or?n 11.00 un? u p?rpoqa edhe nj? her? tjet?r t? merrja pjes? n? ankand- tender, por, si? ju thash?, m? ndaluan, se dokumentet ishin n? em?r t? djalit. N? or?n 11.00 n? ankand kishte vet?m nj? ofert?, me vler?n fillestare t? tij, rreth 2.5 milion? lek?, me sa mbaj mend. N? or?n 11:05 ankandi u mbyll dhe fitues u shpall oferta e vetme. Kjo ?sht? e gjitha. Prandaj un? theksoj se AKP-ja e kishte vendosur q? m? par? fituesin."




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Mar 26 22:17:22 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 26 Mar 2002 19:17:22 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Doing Business in Albania -2
Message-ID: <20020327031722.90141.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

CALL FOR TENDERS FROM BUSINESS CONSULTANTS
---------------------------------

Southeast Europe Enterprise Development (SEED) is pleased to announce a call for tenders to provide consultancy services to or Investment Services Programme, working specifically with private Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) in Albania.

This work includes:

o Analysis of company performance
o Preparation of investment plans
o Developing long-term consulting services to SME s

Individual Consultans of Consulting Companies interested in providing these services should contact SEED for information and the Terms of Reference for the tender.

Please contact Mrs. Irena Gribizi at 038 20 52 710 (mobile) or, e-mail: igribizi at ifc.org. Completed tender documents must be received by noon on April 24, 2002.

SEED is a facility managed by the joint SME department on the World Bank Group and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and designed to support SME development and improve the overall environment for SME growth and competitiveness in the region.

for information on SEED: http:/www



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar 28 17:28:30 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 14:28:30 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Conflicting memories and mutual
	representations: Italy & the Balkans
Message-ID: <20020328222830.68535.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


 
[balkans] CfP: Conflicting memories and mutual representations: Italy & the Balkans

Call for Papers:

Conflicting memories and mutual representations: Italy and the
Balkans 
since 1989 

Co-Organizers: Dr Ilaria Favretto, European Research Centre, Kingston 
University (London,UK), and Dr Dejan Jovic, Department of Politics, 
University of Stirling (Scotland, UK).  



Objectives  

The aim of the project is to examine in a comparative, 
interdisciplinary and historical perspective: 1) the
mutual perceptions and representations between Italy and some
selected 
Southeastern European
countries - namely Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro (i.e. the 
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia)
and Albania - since 1989; and 2) their impact on the current
reshaping 
of the bilateral and multilateral
relationships that have been taking place in this area within the new 
post-Cold War international
context.  

There has been a growing amount of literature on economic, political 
and diplomatic relationship
between Italy and its eastern neighbours published since 1989. Some 
topics related to history have
also been analysed. However, little has been done to assess
importance 
of collective memories and
mutual perceptions. This project emerges as direct result of our 
belief that the latter are elements
deserving far greater attention and consideration if a full 
understanding and comprehension of the
area's international dynamics is to be achieved. 

Research questions 

The Committee suggests the following possible topics for papers 
(please note that proposals need not
to be limited to these suggestions): 

1) PART 1: Mutual representations after 1989 

- Representation in political discourse

- Representation in the media (including film, books, etc.)

- Representation in academic research (including in history textbooks 
and guidebooks)

- Representation in everyday life (personal experience, etc.) 

In particular we ask: 

Post-1989 developments, the fall of the Berlin wall and EU 
enlargement, have resulted in a further reconsideration of Europe
both 
in terms of geographical borders and what the determinants of
`Europeaness' should be. We ask: 1) How has the perception of 
Southeastern European countries changed in Italy since 1989?; 2) On 
the basis of which factors some post-communist countries have
been regarded more `European' than others?; 3) When was the
notion of 
the `Balkans' revived in Italian national discourse?; 4)
Italy has 
been rediscovering over the last fifteen years her
`mitteleuropean' 
past. What were the implications of the revival of the notion of 
Central Europe in relation to the image of ex-Yugoslav states, such
as 
Slovenia and Croatia? 

At the same time, we ask: 1) What was the mass- and elite-perception 
of the role of Italy during the Yugoslav crisis in post-Yugoslav 
states? 2) Was Italy seen as a friend or `enemy' and, in
either case,
how can this be explained? 3) Were there any regional differences in 
the perception and representation of Italy? 3) Under influence of 
which factors were these perceptions created? 4) What impact would
they have on future relationships between Italy and its eastern 
neighbours? As far as Albania is concerned, what image of Italy did 
people have in the wake of the fall of the Enver Hoxha regime?
What impact did factors such as massive emigration to the Italian 
coasts or the Alba operation have on perception of Italy?  



2) PART II: The impact of collective memory and past legacies 

When analysing political debate on Italian foreign policy and the 
Balkans, one is struck by the extent to which post 1945 anti-fascist 
Italy has succeeded in keeping aspects of WWII fascist involvement in 
the Balkans out from national collective memory. Italians seem to
have 
forgotten that their presence in that area preceded
`humanitarian' 
operations such that in Albania in 1997. By contrast Italy's WWII
military campaign in the Balkan area seems to be far from having
being 
forgotten by the countries concerned. One of the central issues which 
the project will investigate is the question of conflicting
memories and the role played by them in shaping current mutual 
representations between Italy, Yugoslavia and Albania. 



In particular we ask:  

What impact has historiographical revisionism on Fascism and the 
Resistance been exerting on the Italian perception of Southeastern 
European countries such as Slovenia or Croatia? What was the attitude 
of post-1945 Italy towards the legacy of the Fascist Balkans wars or 
issues such the Trieste question? To what extent were they, as it is 
commonly argued, eclipsed from national collective memory? What role 
did they play, instead, in the national collective memory of
countries 
such as Yugoslavia and Albania? What was the attitude of Albania 
towards Italy's increasingly active foreign policy towards the 
country? To what extent have interventions such as the Alba operation 
revived, as we read in the press, past historical ghosts? As far as 
Yugoslavia is concerned - were there any regional differences? Did,
in 
other words, national official discourse/memory in Kosovo or in 
Montenegro differ in some way from the one in Slovenia and Croatia? 
What importance did the `Trieste question' and the problem of 
minorities have in the Yugoslav collective memory?  

We also aim at analysing memories on the communist period in 
Yugoslavia by the Italians. What perceptions were developed in Italy 
of its communist neighbour ? Yugoslavia? How were these
perceptions 
shaped? Did they survive? How did they influence the process of 
creating new perceptions about the post-communist post-Yugoslavs?  

Timetable and Outcome 

The project is to be organised as a workshop with 2 sessions ? in 
session one, methodology, sources and the papers' main guidelines
will 
be addressed; in session two papers will be presented and discussed. 
Research is to be done by 12-15 academics from all countries to which 
this project focuses - and some experts in the field from outside the 
region (primarily from the UK and US).  

The co-organisers of the project are Dr Ilaria Favretto, European 
Research Centre, Kingston University (London) and Dr Dejan Jovic, 
Department of Politics, University of Stirling (Scotland).  

Subject to funding, the project will begin in September 2002 and will 
end in June 2003. It is expected that papers will be published in an 
edited volume following a successful completion of the project.  

The call for papers is opened by 10 April 2002. Please send a short 
summary of your CV (with a list of recent publications); a 200-300 
word paper proposal; and contact details to: dejan.jovic at stir.ac.uk, 
and/or i.favretto at kingston.ac.uk. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Mar 28 18:11:14 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 15:11:14 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20020328231114.97987.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

Korrupsioni i opozites
Nga Gjergj Buxhuku/ Pasoja e vetme pozitive e rrezimit te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem ishte se per here te pare tregoi qarte se menyrat aktuale kushtetuese te krijimit te institucionit te Presidences dhe institucionit te Akuzes se shtetit, jane te gabuara ne kushtet shqiptare.

Precedenti i rrezimit te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem pikerisht ne momentin kur pavaresisht nga arsyet, si asnjehere me pare po hapeshin dosjet e korrupsionit te pozites, praktikisht te con ne perfundimin se institucioni i akuzes se shtetit duhet te merret vetem me opoziten.

Shpjegimi eshte i thjeshte: sapo te tentohet te sulmohen nga prokuroria, perfaqesuesit e pozites menjehere ata mund te bashkohen me opoziten, qe nga ana e saj "shqiptarisht" eshte dhe do te jete gjithmone e gatshme te rrezoje me cdo menyre dhe sa me shpejt institucionet shteterore te "kundershtarit". Si rrjedhim, kreu i akuzes se shtetit shqiptar rrezikohet te bjere ne cdo moment. Sa me e vogel te jete diferenca ne parlament, ndermjet pozites dhe opozites dhe sa me i madh te jete numri i deputeteve te akuzuar aq me e madhe eshte mundesia e rrezimit te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem nga aleanca e mekatareve te pozites me opoziten. Kjo do te thote qe Akuza, me shume se me kerkimin e fakteve ligjore fajesore ne ngarkim te deputeteve dhe perfaqesuesve te politikes, do t'i duhet te beje kurse kualifikimi matematikore ose te kerkoje kompromise politike per te mos kaluar ne "bumerangun" e numrave te votave te parlamentit shqiptar. Menyra me e lehte per te menjanuar vetdenimin ne parlament eshte qe Prokuroria ose te mos merret fare me politikanet mekatare te te gjitha ngjyrave, ose maksimumi te merret vetem me politikanet e opozites. Por, duke qene se opozita nga ana e saj ka pak mundesi dhe mjete abuzimi, (pavaresisht se deshira mund te mos i mungoje) i bie qe korrupsioni i nivelit te madh, kryer nga perfaqesuesit e pozites te mos preket me ne asnje variant. Prokurori do te jete shume i mire nese do te sulmoje vetem peshqit e vegjel te krimit dhe korrupsionit shqiptar. Me peshqit e medhenj nuk duhet te kete pune, pavaresisht se tashme ne Shqiperi korrupsioni ligjor eshte e keqja kryesore dhe trafiku nderkombetar lulezon pikerisht nga mbeshtetja politike qe i jepet. Pikerisht ky eshte edhe perfundimi i pare dhe dhurata e madhe, qe i eshte bere "mafies se kravatave" shqiptare nga vetvetja.

Jo ne cdo rast vullneti i popullit mund te njesohet me vullnetin e shprehur nga deputetet ne Parlament. Sidomos, kjo eshte e vertete ne rastin e kontrollit te pastertise se vete parlamentareve. Pikerisht, per kete arsye, ne demokraci aq me teper ne ato te pankonsoliduara, eshte e domosdoshme oponenca institucionale edhe per vete institucionin e Parlamentit. Kjo do te thote qe institucioni i Presidentit, pavaresisht numrit te kompetencave qe ai duhet te zoteroje, duhet te ndertohet nga vullneti i shprehur drejtp-rdrejte nga populli dhe jo nga vullneti i atyre qe duhet t'u beje oponence. Vetem pas kesaj, institucioni i Prokurorise i ngritur bazuar ne vullnetin e shprehur dyfish te popullit, mund te jete sado pak i pavarur nga politikanet mekatare dhe nuk do te varet ne interesat personale te nje Presidenti qe nuk merr parasysh vullnetin e shprehur ne menyre permanente nga populli: Kushtetuten e Shqiperise. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Mar 29 06:43:51 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 29 Mar 2002 03:43:51 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Papandreu's statement on borders and banks
Message-ID: <20020329114351.55352.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

An integrated Albania facilitates solution to complicated regional issues - Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou explains to ATA why Greece supports European integration of Albania -
TIRANA, March 28 (ATA)- By Ledi Koraqi, George Papandreou, Foreign Minister of Greece, told ATA that Greece does powerfully support Albania's European integration, because this would facilitate solution to complicated regional issues. Albania's integration "serves our bilateral relations, because European practices and principles will permit us to resolve complex issues such as question of borders, minorities and good neighborliness. Basing on the European standards these issues will be better resolved, in favor of the good neighborliness," Papandreou said. The senior diplomat stated that Greek government is closely working with Albanian government to support Albania's integration into Europe. "On the other side, Albanian party has a great responsibility to implement reforms, develop and modernize civil society, which are processes that Greece supports with numerous programs," the Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou told ATA. /ira/vik/p.s./

"Our countries should be concentrated on real problems and not on speculations" - Papandreou
TIRANE, March 28 (ATA)-By L. Koraqi, Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou told ATA on Thursday evening that he had been taken aback by rumours in Albania on alleged reports by Greek media regarding the credibility of the Savings Bank of Albania which is expected to be privatised soon. "I am surprised by all these rumors because I have seen nothing written by the Greek media on the Albanian banks and I do not understand why this has been turned into a key topic of discussion in Albania when this has not been such in Greece," said Papandreou, who is in Tirane to attend the Summit of the heads of states of SEECP. "Greece is a country that has always aspired excellent relations with all neighbouring countries and asks stability in Albania, also including financial stability." "Albania's prosperity and development is important for the very development and prosperity of Greece," said the senior Greek diplomat. "Let us address the real problems and not rumours because we have enough problems as a region, therefore, let us join efforts and concentrate ourselves on regional issues, which I think are important for the Albanian and Greek people," concluded Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou. /ira/vik/IR/
2002-03-




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar 30 12:06:17 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 30 Mar 2002 09:06:17 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Anti-Americanism displayed
Message-ID: <20020330170617.23369.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

The National Herald: U.S. Ambassador in Greece 
Catches Whiff of     
          Anti-Americanism (T. Mihas, 30-31/03/02)                                       
                                                                                         

U.S. Ambassador in Greece

Catches Whiff of  Anti-Americanism


By Takis Michas

Special to The National Herald(30-31  March)


It is becoming increasingly hard being the U.S. Ambassador in  Athens
these days. No sooner had the dust settled from an incident in  February when
the U.S. Ambassador Thomas Miller was forcibly prevented from  visiting a
high school in Athens than a new incident happened that underlined  once
again that nothing has really changed in Greece during the last two  decades.

This time the ambassador was prevented from taking part in a program  
of tree planting which was supposed to take place over one hectare of land  
next to the St. John Kareas monastery on Mount Hymettus on the eastern  
outskirts of Athens. The program envisages the planting of trees over a  20-hectare
area laid barren by forest fires.

In a hastily convened  emergency council session a day before the event
was to take place, the  council of the eastern municipality of Ilioupolis
adopted a resolution  declaring the presence of the U.S. Ambassador 
undesirable.
The resolution  sounded in both tone and substance more like an Al Qaeda
proclamation issued  in Kandahar than a statement originating by the
municipality of a NATO  country.

"We consider" the statement read "the U.S. primary responsible for  the
ecological destruction of the planet and consequently no  hypocritical
initiative like the attempted tree planting can dupe the people  of
Ilioupolis. We consider the presence of Mr. Miller a provocation to
our people who have condemned the U.S. crimes in the Balkans and in the
world.

The historic memory of our country does not allow us to forget the
criminal interventions of the US in our national issues. The Ambassador of  the 
US is unwelcome in our city and we ask him to cancel his  visit."

According to Kathimerini columnist Stamos Zoulas the act of the
municipal council of Ilioupolis could claim a "Guinness World Record  in

irresponsibility, absurdity, and ludicrousness." Unfortunately, 
however, the incident is also a manifestation of some more worrisome long term
political trends.

What was thus particularly interesting about the event  was the fact 
that the decision banning the visit was unanimous. It was  supported not only by
the representatives of the Communist party but also by  the local
representatives of both the governing PASOK and the conservative  New Democracy
parties.

This fact supports the case that contemporary  anti-Americanism in 
Greece is no longer an exclusively left-wing phenomenon  but can be found
increasingly among the Greek conservatives and the  Orthodox
clergy.

Once again public reaction was muted. Neither the  government nor the
main opposition New Democracy party publicly condemned the  incident. Nor 
did they take any steps to distance themselves from the  perpetrators of the 
act.
Both parties could, for example, immediately expel  from their ranks the
local politicians who supported the resolution. This  would send a powerful
message to the society that such acts henceforth would  not be tolerated by
Greeks.

When I asked Ambassador Miller whether he was  surprised by this lack
of official reaction he said, "I have been in this  country three times 
and very little surprises me. I have a lot of families,  children and colleagues
here at the embassy whose intention [in planting  trees] was 100 percent 
pure and it is very hard to explain to them why we, as  guests in this country,
have met this kind of response."

Let us note that  within the time span of the last three months the
U.S. ambassador in Athens  has been forcibly prevented twice from carrying
out routine diplomatic public  relations functions. To the best of my
knowledge nothing similar has happened  in any other Western European or NATO
country. But then again talking about  Greece as a NATO country and comparing 
what is happening in Greece with what  is happening in other countries 
belonging to the NATO may be misleading,  because, with the exception of Dora
Bakoyanni from the New Democracy party  and George Papandreou from PASOK, one 
would be very hard pressed to find any  other leading Greek politician who could
be said to be a true "atlanticists."


* Takis Michas is a journalist living in  Athens.<bigger> </bigger>
(See attached file: pavlid.vcf)



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar 30 12:21:52 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 30 Mar 2002 09:21:52 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare - Familja Broja
Message-ID: <20020330172152.41499.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

DOSSIER Historia tragjike e dy intelektual?ve t? njohur, miqt? e ngusht? t? Qemal Staf?s q? studjuan n? Franc? dhe Itali. Si vuajt?n n? internime si armiq dy komunist?t e 1937-?s Si u persekutuan intelektual?t, Xhemal e Selfixhe BrojaD?shmia e 80-vje?ares Selfixhe Broja: "N? marsin e vitit 1946, mua dhe bashk?shortin tim Xhemalin, na lajm?ruan t? merrnim pjes? n? nj? mbledhje t? jasht?zakon?shme partie n? Ministrin? e Kultur?s. I deleguari i Komitetit Q?ndror, lexoi nj? qarkore ku thuhej: "Xhemal Broja ?sht? element armik, sepse ka kund?rshtuar vij?n e Partis? p?r problemin e Kosov?s, duke u influencuar nga miku i tij Zef Mala". Pas asaj aty u lexuan edhe akuzat ndaj meje, ku thuhej se urreja shoqet e udh?heqjes dhe i p?rkisja borgjezis?" 
---------------------------------

Dashnor Kalo?i

I deleguari i K.Q. erdhi shum? i vrejtur n? fytyr? dhe nga ajo ne kuptuam se pun?t nuk ishin mir?. Sapo filloi leximin e qarkores, i deleguari u shpreh: "Kemi t? b?jm? me dy lloj element?sh. Element? q? cil?sohen antiparti, d.m.th. armiq t? Partis? dhe dyert e Partis? p?r ta jan? p?rfundimisht t? mbyllura dhe elemnt? q? p?rjashtohen nga Partia, por me t? drejt? rehabilitimi. Si element? antiparti, ?sht? Xhemal Broja, intelektual liberal, i cili ?sht? kund?r vij?s s? Partis? p?r problemin e Kosov?, mik i Zef Mal?s dhe dh?nd?rr i Metat Ciut

Pas k?saj t? gjith? v?shtrimet e t? pranishm?ve u drejtuan nga un?". Njeriu q? flet dhe d?shmon p?r her? t? par? p?r "Gazet?n", ?sht? 80-vje?arja Selfixhe Broja, ish-student? e Let?rsis? n? Firence me Qemal Staf?n e Musine Kokalarin dhe komuniste e Grupit t? Shkodr?s me Zef Mal?n, e cila rr?fen gjith? peripecit? e kalvarin e gjat? t? vuajtjeve n?p?r burgje e internime s? bashku me bashk?shortin e saj intelektualin dhe aktorin e njohur, Xhemal Broja, nj? nga komunist?t e par? dhe Komisar i partizan?ve t? Shkodr?s.


Kush ishte Selfixhe Broja
Selfixhe Ciu (Broja) u lind n? vitin 1918 n? lagjen Varosh t? qytetit Gjirokastr?s dhe babai i saj Ibrahim Ciu, n? at? koh? njihej si tregtar grosist. Selfixheja, q? ishte f?mija i dyt? i familjes (kishte dhe tre motra: Ditaren, Hanushen, Myzejenin dhe v?llan? Kasemin) pasi mbaroi shkoll?n unike vazhdoi m?simet p?r dy vjet n? Liceun e Gjirokastr?s, por pas mbylljes s? tij, ajo erdhi dhe e p?rfundoi shkoll?n e mesme n? Gjimnazin e Tiran?s. Q? n? bangat e shkoll?s s? mesme, Selfixheja kishte pasion Let?rsin? dhe n? at? koh? ajo botoi dhe poezit? e tregimet e para n? shtypin e koh?s, t? cilat i firmoste me pseudonimin letrar "Kolombia". Poezin? e saj t? par? ajo e botoi n? vitin 1935 n? revist?n "Populli", kur nuk ishte m? shum? se 17 vje?. Pas poezis? s? par? q? u prit mir? nga rrethet letrare t? asaj kohe, Selfixheja filloi t? botonte p?rs?ri n? revistat "Bota e Re", "Java", "Diana","Drita", "Shtypi" etj. Kur nuk kishin kaluar m? shum? se dy vjet nga botimi i poezis? s? saj t? par?, Selfixhe Ciu u vlersua me konsiderata t? larta nga publi?isti i njohur i asaj kohe, Fiq?ri Llagami, q? e cil?sonte at? si shkrimtare me talent. Midis t? tjerash n? revist?n "Java", Llagami shprehej: "Kjo vajz? intelektuale, asht? flamurtarja e evolucionit ton? q? me pun?n e saj don me rr?zue nj? shkamb q? ka tabel?n e veseve t? k?qia shqiptare..." 


Studente e Let?rsis? n? Firence
Gjat? periudh?s q? Selfixheja vazhdonte m?simet n? Gjimnazin e Tiran?s, ajo u njoh dhe p?rqafoi idet? komuniste, n?p?rmjet mikut t? saj t? ngusht? Zef Mal?s i cili ishte Kryetar i Grupit Komunist t? Shkodr?s. Q? kur ishte n? bangat e gjimnazit t? Tiran?s n? fundin e viteve 30-t?, Selfixheja u lidh dhe pati nj? miq?si t? ngusht? me Qemal Staf?n dhe Vasil Shanton, me t? cil?t e prezantoi Zef Mala. Nga kjo lidhje q? pati me Qemalin dhe Vasilin, Selfixheja u pranua si antare e grupit Komunist t? Shkodr?s, ndon?se ishte studente n? Tiran?. Pas mbarimit t? shkoll?s s? mesme n? vitin 1938, Selfixheja fitoi nj? t? drejt? studimi dhe shkoi n? Itali p?r t? ndjekur Universitetin e Firences n? fakultetin e Let?rsis?. Lidhur me k?t?, Selfixheja kujton: "N? at? koh? s? bashku me mua n? at? Universitet, studjonin dhe Qemal Stafa, Nikolla Shurbani, Ramadan Sokoli, Andrea Varfi, Musine Kokalari dhe kush?rira ime Qibrie Ciu, me t? cil?t un? ruaja nj? miq?si t? ngusht?". N? prillin e vitit 1939 pas pushtimit t? Shqip?ris? nga Italia fashiste, Selfixhe Ciu s? bashku me disa student? t? tjer? shqiptar?, n? m?nyr? demonstrative i braktisi studimet, pasi disa her? kishte pasur konflikte t? ashp?ra me pedagog?t e saj italian? n? lidhje me agresionin fashist q? Musolini kishte nd?rrmar? n? Shqip?ri. Pas k?saj aty nga fillimi i vitit 1940, Selfixheja u kthye n? Shqip?ri s? bashku t? fejuarin e saj Xhemal Broja dhe me shum? student? t? tjer? shqiptar? t? cil?t braktis?n studimet n? shenj? proteste ndaj agresionit t? Italis? kund?r v?ndit t? tyre. Pas ardhjes n? Shqip?ri, Selfixheja u rilidh me grupet komuniste dhe pas formimit t? PKSH-s?, ajo u d?rgua n? Shkod?r e ngarkuar p?r t? punuar me Organizat?n e gruas Antifashiste t? atij Qarkori. 


Lidhja e Xhemalit me Selfixhen?
Pasi kishin disa vjet lidhje t? ngusht? midis tyre, pas kthimit nga Italia n? vitin 1940 Xhemal Broja me Selfixhen? lidh?n kuror? dhe u martuan n? qytetin e Shkodr?s. Po kush ishte Xhemal Broja dhe cila ishte e kaluara e tij? Lidhur me k?t? Selfixheja d?shmon: "Xhemali u lind n? qytetin e Shkodr?s n? vitin 1918 dhe babai i tij Zenel Broja, pasi ishte diplomuar n? Stamboll p?r Drejt?si, ishte kthyer n? Shkod?r dhe kishte hapur nj? zyr? noterie private ku kishte pun?suar dhe nj? sekretar. Zeneli kishte d?shir? q? edhe djali i tij i vet?m Xhemali, t? studjonte p?r Drejt?si n? nj? nga universitetet e Per?ndimit. K?t? gj? ai e beri realitet pasi Xhemali mbaroi gjimnazin e fret?nve fra?eskan? n? qytetin e lindjes n? vitn 1936, duke e d?rguar at? p?r studime n? Fakultetin e Drejt?sis? n? Grenob?l t? Franc?s. Gjat? asaj kohe q? Xhemali studjonte n? Franc?, krahas Fakultetit Juridik, ai frekuentoj edhe kurset e let?rsis? dhe dramaturgjis? p?r t? cilat kishte nj? afeksion t? ve?ant?. Gjat? periudh?s s? studimeve n? Franc?, Xhemali u lidh me l?vizjen antifashiste dhe aderoi edhe n? Partin? Komuniste Franceze. N? prillin e 1939 kur Italia nd?rmori agresionin fashist ndaj Shqip?ris?, student?t shqiptar? t? Franc?s zhvilluan nj? demonstrat? p?rpara Konsullat?s italiane t? atij qyteti dhe fjal?n e protest?s aty e lexoi Xhemali", kujton Selfixheja lidhur me ish bashk?shortin e saj Xhemal Broj?n q? braktisi studimet n? fakultetin Juridik t? Grenobl?s, pasi pasioni i tij ishte Let?rsia dhe Dramaturgjia. Duke mos pasur asnj? d?shir? t? diplomohej n? Drejt?si ku kishte shkuar me insistimin e t? jatit, Xhemali i nd?rpreu studimet n? Franc? dhe shkoi n? Itali p?r t? vazhduar studimet n? Firence ku asokohe studjonte dhe e fejuara e tij Selfixhe Ciu. Pasi vazhdoi p?r disa koh? studimet n? Itali, ku Xhemali u aktivizua dhe me l?vizjen antifashiste, ai u p?rjashtua nga fakulteti p?r shkak se n? dosjen e tij q? ishte p?rcjell? nga Franca, figuronte si organizator i protest?s antifashiste para Konsullat?s italiane n? prillin e 1939-?s. 


Kthimi i Xhemalit dhe Selfixhes? n? Shqip?ri
N? qytetin e Shkodr?s, Xhemali me Selfixhen? hap?n nj? librari t? cil?n asokohe e shfryt?zuan jo vet?m p?r p?rhapjen e librave, por m? shum? p?r aktivitetin e tyre antifashist. N? at? koh? aty mblidheshin t? gjith? shok?t kryesor? t? Qarkorit Komunist t? Shkodr?s, duke e pasur si pik? takimi p?r aktivitetin e tyre. M? 22 shkurt t? vitit 1942 n? qytetin e Shkodr?s u zhvillua nj? demostrat? antifashiste, ku Xhemal Broja ishte nj? nga organizator?t kryesor i saj. Lidhur me k?t?, Selfixhjeja d?shmon: "Gjat? asaj demonstrate, n? p?rpjekje p?r t? m? shp?tuar mua q? m? kishin kapur italian?t, u vra shoku yn? i paharruar Vaso Kadia (Hero i Popullit). Pas u arrestova nga italian?t, u mbajta prej tyre p?r 11 muaj n? burgun e Tiran?s, kurse Xhemali nga q? u akuzua si nj? nga organizator?t kryesor? t? asaj demonstrate, kaloi n? ilegalitet dhe u d?rgua n? zon?n e Postrib?s. N? at? koh? aty u krijua nj? grup i vog?l partizan?sh q? sh?rbeu si b?rthama e ardh?shme e ?et?s partizane t? Shkodr?s q? m? von? mori emrin Batalioni "Perlat Rexhepi". N? t? dy ato formacione partizane, Xhemali u caktua me detyr?n e Komisarit, kurse Komandant ishte Sadik Bekteshi. Q? nga ajo koh? e deri n? ?lirimin e Shkodr?s, Xhemali drejtoi edhe teknik?n e shtypit ilegal, duke qen? dhe antar i Qarkorit Komunist dhe i Kryesis? s? K?shillit Antifashist Nac-?lirimtar t? Qarkut", kujton Selfixhe Broja lidhur me aktivitetin e saj dhe t? Xhemalit n? qytetin e Shkodr?s, duke shtuar se n? dit?n e ?lirimit t? atij qyteti, Xhemali ishte nj? nga ata q? p?rsh?ndeti popullin e Shkodr?s nga ballkoni i Bashkis?.


N? 1946, Xhemali e Selfixheja antiparti
Pas mbarimit t? Luft?s, Xhemali u em?rua dhe punoi n? Komitetin e Arteve n? Tiran?, kurse Selfixheja si gazetare n? Ministrin? e Bujq?sis?, ku nxirrej gazeta "Bujku u Ri". N? at? koh? Xhemal Broja u shpreh hapur kund?r mb?shtejtjes q? PKSH-ja dhe qeveria Shqiptare i dhan? Jugosllavis? n? lidhje me problemin e Triestes, duke th?n? se edhe Kosova duhej t'i kthehej Shqip?ris?. Nisur nga kjo m? 23 mars 1946, Xhemalin s? bashku me Selfixhen? i p?rjashtuan nga Partia duke i cil?suar armiq t? popullit dhe agjent t? misionit amerikan. Lidhur me k?t?, Selfixheja d?shmon: "N? at? koh? q? un? punoja si gazetare n? Drejtorin? e Propagand?s pran? Ministris? s? Bujq?sis?, na lajm?ruan se duhet t? q?ndronim n? nj? mbledhje t? jasht?zakon?shme Partie, ku do t? merrte pjes? dhe nj? i deleguar nga Komiteti Q?ndror. Po at? dit? un? me Xhemalin, kishim l?n? q? t? shkonim p?r t? par? nj? film dhe nisur nga kjo mu desh q? ta lajm?roja at? p?r pun?n e mbledhjes. Kur e takova ai m? tha se edhe n? Ministrin? e Kultur?s ku ai punonte dhe ishte Sekretar i Partis?, ishin lajm?ruar p?r nj? mbledhje. I deleguari i K.Q. erdhi shum? i vrejtur n? fytyr? dhe nga ajo ne kuptuam se pun?t nuk ishin mir?. Sapo filloi leximin e qarkores, i deleguari u shpreh: "Kemi t? b?jm? me dy lloj element?sh. Element? q? cil?sohen antiparti, d.m.th. armiq t? Partis? dhe dyert e Partis? p?r ta jan? p?rfundimisht t? mbyllura dhe elemnt? q? p?rjashtohen nga Partia, por me t? drejt? rehabilitimi. Si element? antiparti, ?sht? Xhemal Broja, intelektual liberal, i cili ?sht? kund?r vij?s s? Partis? p?r problemin e Kosov?, mik i Zef Mal?s dhe dh?nd?rr i Metat Ciut. Pas k?saj v?shtrimet e t? gjith?ve u kryq?zuan mbi mua dhe i deleguari vazhdoi t? lexonte akuz?n ku thuhej: ambicioze, urren shoqet udh?heq?se, i p?rket borgjezis?, ?sht? e prekur p?r ??shtjen e xhaxhait, inaktive, influencohet prej Zef Mal?s. Pas k?saj po t? nj?tat akuza u than? edhe p?r bashk?short?t Zana e Masar Shehu, ndon?se Zana ishte bij d?shmori dhe Masari komunist i hersh?m, si dhe p?r Xhevo Shehun, e veja e Heroit t? Popullit, Abaz Shehu", kujton Selfixheja at? koh? kur ajo me Xhemalin u p?rjashtuan nga Partia si elemnet? antiparti.


Internimi n? Kurvelesh
Pas k?saj, m? 17 janar t? vitit 1947 Xhemalin dhe Selfixhen? i internuan n? Gusmar t? Kurveleshit ku ata punuan n? pun?t m? t? r?nda n? bujq?si. Pas prishjes me Jugosllav?t n? 1949-?n, ata i kthyen p?rs?ri n? Tiran?. Pasi punoi disa koh? n? Ministrin? e Arsimit, Selfixheja dha dorheqjen. Lidhur me k?t? selfixheja d?shmon: "Q? aty u largova vet?, pasi nuk mund t? pranoja t? m'i sakatosnin shkrimet e mija". Pas k?saj ajo q?ndroi n? sht?pi duke u marr? me shkrime dhe tekste k?ng?sh, kurse Xhemali punoi n? Komitetin e Arteve, Teatrin Popullor, Institutin e Lart? t? Arteve etj. N? vitin 1966 Xhemalin dhe Selfixhen? i internuan p?rs?ri p?r gjasht? vjet n? Gradisht? t? Lushnjes, duke i akuzuar p?r frym? dekadente n? Art dhe Let?rsi. Pas k?saj u ndalua dhe shfaqja e filmit "Detyr? e Posa?me", ku Xhemali kishte nj? nga rolet kryesore. Ata u rikthyen n? Tiran? n? vitin 1971 dhe n? at? koh? Selfixheja u mbyll n? sht?pi, kurse Xhemali pasi punoi disa koh? n? Kinostudjo si administrator, u hoq q? andej dhe u d?rgua t? punonte si pun?tor n? Ferm?n Bujq?sore "Gjergj Dimitrov". N? at? koh? Xhemalit dhe Selfixhes? iu hoq edhe e drejta e botimit, pasi nga Lidhja e Shkrimtar?ve ata ishin p?rjashtuar q? n? 1966-?n. Duke qen? t? survejuar nga Sigurimi, ata u mbyll?n n? sht?pi ku Xhemali u muar me studime duke shkruar kujtimet dhe drama. Gjat? asaj kohe atyre iu larguan dhe t? gjith? miqt? e af?rt q? kishin dhe n? sht?pin? e tyre si? d?shmon Selfixheja, iu shkelnin vet?m Llazar Siliqi e Muntaz Shehu, t? cil?t ishin dhe t? vetmit q? mor?n pjes? edhe n? varrimin e Xhemal Broj?s, i cili vdiq n? vitin 1976. Xhemali me Selfixhen? lan? dy vajza: Sashenk?n (lindur n? 1944) dhe Merin (n? 1951). Tashm? n? mosh?n 80-vje?are, e lodhur dhe e drobitur nga peripecit? e jet?s, Selfixhe Broja jeton me vajz?n e saj Sashenk?n, n? sht?pin? e saj diku n? fund t? Rrug?s s? Barrikadave, me kujtimet e nj? kohe t? shkuar q? iu solli vet?m brenga e mundime t? pafundme.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar 30 12:33:34 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 30 Mar 2002 09:33:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Korrieri
Message-ID: <20020330173334.15386.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

Si do     en armet e Enverit

Si do     en armet e Enverit


Avionet MIG kerkohen nga Gjermania per t'u perdorur per trajnim, ndersa anijet mund te     en ne portin e Ravenes. Amerikanet propozojne qe Kallashnikovi te transformohet ne arme sportive. SHBA dhe Izraeli, bleresit kryesore te armatimit shqiptar


Elton METAJ


Ushtria shqiptare ka nxjerre ne     je nje pjese te armatimit te saj te lehte dhe te rende. E publikuar edhe ne internet, ne listen e pajisjeve ushtarake qe do te     en perfshihen avione, anije luftarake, tanke, automatike, pushke, lende plasese dhe fisheke. Sipas listes se miratuar nga Shtabi i Pergjithshem jane nxjerre per     je armatimet e teperta apo ato qe nuk plotesojne parametrat kerkuar per ushtrine shqiptare. Synimi per te hyre ne NATO dhe zbatimi i programi 10 vjecar ristrukturimi te ushtrise ka bere qe nje pjese e ketij armatimi te     et apo asgjesohet. 


"Avionet MIG dhe anijet e vjetra te ushtrise shqiptare do te     en, ndersa Kallashnikovi do te pershtatet si nje arme sportive". Jane keto projektet e firmes se eksport-importit te ushtrise shqiptare per te zbrazur tepricat qe do te nxjerre ristrukturimi dhe per te siguruar te ardhura per Ministrine e Mbrojtjes. Megjithate, keto nuk jane vetem plane per te hequr vjetersirat e ushtrise. Ne zyrat e "MEICO"-s, kompania ushtarake e eksport-importit, kane mberritur kerkesa nga Gjermania per te blere dy avione MIG, te perdorur deri me tani nga ushtria shqiptare. "Qellimi eshte qe ata te kthehen ne avione trajnimi per grupe pilotesh qe duan te mesojne", sqaron drejtori i "MEICO", Ylli Binari. Sipas te cilit, ka edhe kerkesa qe anijet e vjetra te shkojne ne Ravena, ku eshte nje port i madh dhe ka kalata qe i ngrene anijet dhe aty ato priten. "Keshtu mund te     en me shtrenjte se ne uzinat e shkrirjes", thote ai. 


Nderkohe, problemi i nendeteseve shqiptare duket se tashme eshte mbyllur. Nje urdher i Presidentit te Republikes i ka nxjerre ato jashte organikes, ndersa nje firme ka fituar nje tender per skrap. Por nendeteset jane akoma gjendje. "Nje nendetese duhej te ruhej, qofte edhe per historik, qofte edhe nendetesja 105, pasi duhen pare si burim nga mund te krijohen te ardhura". Duke permenduar nendetsen e njohur te filmit "Balle per balle", me nje fare keqardhje drejtues te Ministrise se Mbrojtjes kujtojne edhe eksperiencat nderkombetare, ku nendeteset jane kthyer ne vende turistike mjaft fitimprurese. 


Por, ne te gjithe historine 10 vjecare te "MEICO"-s, pjesa me e kerkuar ka qene armatim-municioni konvencional, si fisheket, pushket dhe automatiket, te nxitura edhe nga fakti se per to nuk ka kerkesa teknologjike. Koleksioniste te Hollivudit dhe filmave kane bere gjithashtu kerkesa edhe per artikuj trofe, si dhe per armatim-municion te Luftes se Dyte Boterore. Megjithate, tregu i armeve ne bote duket se funksionon po aq normalisht sa per mallrat e tjera. "Ne tregun qe kemi nuk preferohen kinezet, pasi kane superprodhim dhe koleksionistet nuk preferojne mallra qe jane ne seri te madhe. Ne SHBA, per shembull, jane nen embargo", sqarojne operatoret shqiptare te tregut te armeve. Sipas tyre, llogaritjet e prodhimit te armeve shqiptare jane bere ne kohen e Luftes se Ftohte dhe tashme ushtria duhet te lirohet nga sasite e teperta te kohes se Hoxhes. Per pjesen e armatimeve konvencionale (armeve te lehta) Shtetet e Bashkuara jane kerkuesit kryesore. Ndersa, Izraeli, qe ka qene nje nga partneret kryesore me pare, tani eshte ne heshtje dhe nuk ka bere me kerkesa. Gjithashtu, armet konvencionale shqiptare jane kerkuar edhe nga anglezet. Ndersa, koleksionistet gjermane kane qene gjithashtu nder me aktivet. "Ketu mund te jene edhe firma qe u sherbejne te treteve dhe mund te t'i cojne ne zona te nxehta", thote nje punonjes i "MEICO"-s. Ndersa per tanket shqiptare deri me tani ka patur asnje kerkese nga bleres potenciale. Nje pjese e tyre, ne baze te nje projekti, mund te tranformohet per t'iu pershtatur parametrave te NATO-s.


Megjithate, nje tjeter projekt interesant po shqyrtohet ne Ministrine e Mbrojtjes. Nje kompani amerikane mesohet te kete propozuar realizimin e nje projekti, i cili synon qe Kallashnikovin ta ktheje ne nje arme sportive. Sipas specialisteve, kjo mund te arrihet duke bere transformime teknike te armes dhe duke kthyer shteniet, nga bresheri, ne te vecanta. Nje projekt qe mund te rigjalleroje edhe nje pjese te industrise ushtarake. 


Vetem per vitin 2002 Shtabi i Pergjithshem i Ushtrise ka nxjerre nje liste me rreth 27 artikuj, qe vleresohen te tepert. Nje pjese e mire e tyre duhet te asgjesohet, ndersa sasi te konsiderueshme do te hidhen ne treg. Duke siguruar keshtu te tjera te ardhura, qe, sipas legjislacionit aktual, shkojne 100 % per nevojat e ristrukturimit te ushtrise shqiptare.


Si funksionon tregu


Per keto artikuj ka publikime dhe lista te specializuara, por nuk ka ankande. Mungon nje ligj organik per eksport-importin e materialeve ushtarake, qe po pergatitet ne Ministrine e Mbrojtjes, pasi i mungon legjislacionit shqiptar. Ky ligj synon te vendose rregullat e eksport-importit te materialeve ushtarake. Shume shtete kane nje komision ad-hock per kete qellim. SHBA e ka kete komision prane Departamentit te Tregtise, ndersa disa shtete e kane prane Ministrise se Mbrojtjes. Por ndoshta ligji i ri qe duhet te dale do ta zgjidhe perfundimisht problemin edhe per Shqiperine. Ndersa, ne disa vende te Lindjes tregu liberalizuar dhe jane krijuar kompani private te     jes se municioneve. 


Industria ushtarake


Kombinati i Policanit


Eshte nje ndermarrje shteterore, e themeluar ne vitin 1962, me qellim qe te permbushte kerkesat per armatim te Forcave te Armatosura Shqiptare. Ne periudhen 1962-1966 u krijua linja e prodhimit per municion 7.62 mm x 39 (Kallashnikov), municion mortaje 82 mm, granada dore ofensive dhe difensive, si edhe mina antinjeri. Ne periudhen 1970-1972 ne godinen ekzistuese u instalua linja e prodhimit te minave antitank dhe ne nje godine te re u vendos linja e fishekzjarreve 180 mm. Ne periudhen 1977-1985 u krye nje rikonstruksion i thelle me makineri dhe pajisje te ardhura nga Zvicra dhe Austria per te mundesuar prodhimin e municionit kaliber 12.7 mm x 99 dhe 14.5 mm x 51, si edhe municion mortaje me kaliber 60, 107 dhe 120 mm. Aktualisht ndermarrja prodhon municion pistolete te tipit "Makarov" dhe "Parabellum" me kaliber 19mm. Kompania ka mundesi te medha per te prodhuar per popullesine civile, sidomos prodhime fonderie, hekuri dhe celiku. Kombinati i Policanit ka system cilesie GOST. 


Uzina e Gramshit


Ndermarrje shteterore. Projekti i punes ka filluar ne vitin 1962, prodhimi me licence kineze filloi ne 1962 me pushke te tipit "Simonov" me kaliber 7.62 mm. Ne vitin 1974 u instalua prodhimi i automatikut AK 47, arme e fuqishme automatike, ne perdorim per te shkaterruar fuqine njerezore dhe transportuese te armikut. 


Uzina e Gramshit siguron sherbime prodhuese per industrine e mbrojtjes me makinerite e saj te precizionit te larte, riparime, trajtime ne te nxehte, si edhe emailim te siperfaqeve. 


Uzina e Lendeve Plasese, Mjekes


Ndermarrje shteterore qe ka prodhuar eksplozive dhe propelante qe nga viti 1962. Ne vitin 1982 filloi prodhimin e eksploziveve te fuqishem me licencen e "BOFORS" ne mjedise te reja dhe te pershtatshme. Jane gjithsej 6 uzina te vendosura ne afersi te qytetit te Elbasanit, qe ndodhet rreth 50 km nga Tirana. Aktualisht ndermarrja prodhon vetem dinamite dhe municione per te permbushur nevojat e minierave shqiptare, si edhe po eksporton ne menyre te suksesshme ne Kosove. Ndermarrja po kerkon partnere per te bashkepunuar me kompani te huaja, ne bashkepunim prodhimi dhe marketimi te produkteve te tyre, sidomos ne dinamite, municion dhe propelante. Prodhimet e saj jane dinamite, municione, barut i zi, fitila sigurie, TNT, DNT, RDX, propelante (NG/NC) me baze teke dhe cifte dhe nitroceluloze. 


Kohet e fundit ndermarrja eshte duke kryer me sukses nje projekt per demilitarizimin e rreth 1.3 milion minave antinjeri dhe pritet te filloje nje projekt te ri per shkaterrimin e municionit te lehte. 


Ndermarrja e Veshjeve Ushtarake, Tirane


Ndermarrje shteterore e themeluar qe ne 1944 dhe qe ofron tekstile te gatshme ne fushen e veshjeve ushtarake. Produkte te gatshme te saj jane: veshje ushtrie dhe policie per vere dhe dimer, veshje dhe mbulesa kamuflazhi, mbulesa te perforcuara, kostume stervitje dhe kostume kamuflazhi per vere dhe per dimer, si dhe mbulesa per teknike luftarake.


"MEICO", tregti me armatime


Flet drejtori Ylli Binari. Si realizohet eksporti dhe importi i mallrave specifike te karakterit ushtrarak


Cfare eshte "MEICO"? 


"MEICO" (Military Export Import Company) eshte ndermarrje shteterore ne vartesi te Ministrise se Mbrojtjes. Kjo ndermarrje eshte krijuar ne vitin 1991 me Vendim te Keshillit te Ministrave dhe qe nga ky vit ushtron veprimtarine dhe aktivitetin e saj per plotesimin e nevojave te Forcave te Armatosura Shqiptare dhe te institucioneve te tjera me mallra importi specifike te karakterit ushtarak, si dhe eksporte te mallrave ushtarake te reja dhe stoqeve te Ushtrise Shqiptare, si dhe te prodhimeve te industrise ushtarake. 


Cilat jane rregullat e eksport-importit te artikujve te karakterit ushtarak?


Kushtet qe duhet te plotesoje nje subjekt tregtar i huaj qe kerkon te importoje apo eksportoje armatime, municione dhe materiale te karakterit ushtarak nga dhe per Republiken e Shqiperise nepermjet "MEICO"- s jane te percaktuara. Keshtu, subjekti tregtar duhet te jete i regjistruar ne nje shtet qe nuk eshte nen embargo nga Organizata e Kombeve te Bashkuara ose konventave te ndryshme ku aderon dhe Republika e Shqiperise, ku ndalohet import-eksporti i armatimeve, municioneve dhe mallrave te tjera. Merren nga Ministria e Jashtme cdo vit vendet nen embargo, me te cilat nuk mund te trajtojme asnje lloj artikulli, dhe cdo vit qeveria me nje vendim te vecante ben zgjatjen edhe per nje vit te ketij aktiviteti. Me pas te kontigjente qe jep Shtabi i Pergjithshem qe kane dale nga ristrukturimi i ushtrise hidhen ne treg per     je. Gjithashtu, ky subjekt duhet te kete licensen per importe te armatimeve, municioneve dhe mallrave te tjera te leshuar nga auturitetet e vendit te tij. Nder te tjera subjekti duhet te paraqese Certifikaten e perdoruesit te fundit (End User), dokument te leshuar nga autoriteti i vendit te tij, ku garanton se ky mall do te shkoje ne ate vend dhe nuk do te rieksportohet ose tranzitohet. 


Po per importin si veprohet?


Per fat te keq ushtria shqiptare nuk eshte bere gati per te importuar pasi nuk ka fuqi financiare. Kjo ndermarrje ka te drejten, ka dhe kompetencen qe te importoje armatim dhe per nevoja te strukturave te tjera, si Ministria e Rendit Publik ose policia tatimore, elektrike pyjore, etj, por edhe ata nuk kane gjetur burime financiare per te importuar. 


Cfare     et


Armatime 


Ndermarrjes "MEICO" i jane vene ne dispozicion per     je kontigjente te ndryshme armesh trofe, stoqe e te reja. Pushke automatike, mitroloze te lehte e te rende, mortaja, mitroloze kunderajrore dhe topa. Gjithashtu, "MEICO" shet edhe arme te lehta e pjese kembimi te prodhimit te ri te industrise shqiptare. 


Municione 


Fisheke dhe predha te artilerise tokesore, bregdetare dhe kunderajrore. 


Eksplozive 


Barute, TNT, dinamite, amonite, kapsollaKD8, elektrike, fitil zjarrpercjelles dhe detonant, si dhe fishek zjarre. 


Pajisje ushtarake 


- Avione Mig 17,19, 21 


- Helikoptere 


- Tanke 


- Anije e nendetese 




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Mar 30 12:37:03 2002
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 30 Mar 2002 09:37:03 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20020330173703.33936.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

Kontroll rigoroz bankave te huaja
Nga Nju Jorku Gavrosh Levonja/ Jehona e panikut te krijuar lidhur me problemin e sigurise se depozitave ne Banken e Kursimeve arriti edhe ketu ne gjirin e komunitetit te biznesit shqiptaro-amerikan. Konkretisht ne radhet e biznesmeneve te fuqishem shqiptare po diskutohet jo vetem per Banken e Kursimeve, por per gjithe sistemin bankar te Shqiperise. Kjo sepse nje pjese e mire e tyre po nxjerrin nga sirtaret projektet e dikurshme te investimeve ne Shqiperi, te cilat ca 

nga papergjegjshmeria e pushtetareve te periudhave te ndryshme nga viti 1992 e ketej, por edhe si pasoje e mungeses se stabilitetit ne vend mbeten pa u vene ne jete. Dhe ai qe ka rastin te njihet me projektet e biznesit shqiptaro-amerikan per Shqiperine, mbetet i befasuar, pasi nuk eshte fjala per te hapur ndonje restorant, hotel apo ndonje gje tjeter te ketij lloji, por investime komplekse qe perfshijne zona te tera te vendit, me synimin kryesor veriun si pjesen me te pazhvilluar te vendit. Pothuajse pa asnje perjashtim, perfaqesuesit me ne ze te biznesit shqiptaro-amerikan, i shqeteson fakti se thashethemet qe kane shkaktuar alarmin per depozitat e 

Bankes se Kursimeve kane si qellim kryesor destabilizimin e vendit duke rikthyer edhe nje here ngjarjet tragjike te vitit 1997. Sipas tyre dikush duke nxitur shqiptaret te terheqin parate e depozituara ne Banken e Kursimeve mendon te perserise edhe nje here skenarin e renies se piramidave financiare. Por duke qene njohes te mire te biznesit dhe ligjeve ne baze te te cilave ai funksionon, biznesmenet shqiptare te Amerikes, nuk perjashtojne dhe nje loje 

te pandershme te disa prej bankave private qe operojne ne Shqiperi dhe qe jane ne vallen e konkurences per privatizimin e Bankes se Kursimeve. Dhe dyshimet e pjeses me te madhe te tyre bien mbi bankat greke te cilat po shtrijne kthetrat dita dites jo vetem mbi ekonomine shqiptare, por edhe duke synuar grumbullimin e sa me shume vlerave monetare te shqiptareve. Ne fakt, depertimi i firmave greke, pjesa me e madhe e te cilave jane krejt te parendesishme, ne ekonomine shqiptare perben nje shqetesim te kahershem te shqiptaro-amerikaneve. Madje ne kete aspekt, ky invazion ekonomik grek ne Shqiperi, ne nje kohe kur ekzistonin shume alternativa te tjera me te mira, ka bere qe tek pjesa me e madhe e biznesmeneve shqiptare te Amerikes te konsolidohet ideja se politikanet shqiptare qe jane ose kane qene ne pushtet jane ne sherbim te qarqeve te ndryshme greke. Madje dhe fijet e shume aferave 

korruptive te zhvilluara ne Tirane, te cojne ne Athine me shume se kudo gjetke. Kjo eshte dhe nje arsye me shume qe pakkush nga radhet e politikaneve shqiptare te jete i interesuar qe skandaleve te korrupsionit te qeveritareve t'u shkohet deri ne fund. Tani, duke iu rikthyer serish panikut te diteve te fundit ne Tirane, asnje prej biznesmeneve shqiptare te ketushem nuk e ve ne diskutim shkalle e sigurise se Bankes se Kursimeve, por problemi eshte 

se atje ka nevoje per nje transparence me te madhe ne aspektin e asaj qe shqiptaret te kene nje dijeni qofte dhe minimale se ku shkojne dhe cfare behet me parate e tyre. E kunderta po. Ne fakt, njerezit e biznesit ne gjirin e komunitetit shqiptar te Shteteve te Bashkuara, shume kohe para se te ndodhnin ngjarjet e fundit lidhur me banken e Kursimeve, ne diskutimet e tyre lidhur me rruget per rimekembjen e ekonomise shqiptare shprehnin vazhdimisht dyshimet e tyre lidhur me rolin, aktivitetin dhe qellimet e bankave greke ne 

Shqiperi. Duke pasur ne konsiderate si numrin ashtu dhe shtrirjen e aktivitetit te tyre, ata shpreheshin se nje dite prej ditesh pasi te kene akumuluar sasi te konsiderueshme te depozitave dhe kapitaleve ne Shqiperi, keto banka mund te mbyllin sportelet e tyre duke lene shqiptaret me gisht ne goje. Dhe duke gjykuar ne baze te legjislacionit shqiptar per bankat e huaja private biznesmenet shqiptaro-amerikane e shohin depozituesin shqiptar krejtesisht te pambrojtur dhe shtetin te pafuqishem per te kundervepruar ndaj 

tyre ne perpjekje per te mbrojtur qytetaret e tij. Ndersa po t'u permendesh si shembull vete Ameriken, ku operojne nje numer shume i madh bankash te huaja, ata qeshin dhe te nxjerrin nje numer jo te vogel masash garantuese qe parashikon legjislacioni amerikan, mbi te gjitha duke mos ua mundesuar bankave te huaja luksin e eksportimit te kapitaleve jashte SHBA. Ndersa, ne Shqiperi, te thone ata, jo vetem kjo, po askush p.sh. nuk mund te vere doren ne zjarr qe bankat e huaja private nuk kane si aktivitet kryesor te tyrin, pastrimin e parave duke shfrytezuar kaosin dhe mangesite e legjislacionit shqiptar ne fushen e financave. Perfundimisht, alarmi i krijuar me Banken e Kursimeve pati dhe nje te mire pasi duhet te kete sherbyer qe shteti shqiptar t'i rikthehet ne detaje aktivitetit te bankave te huaja private apo dhe atyre qe operojne si filiale te bankave kombetare te ndonje vendi, ne radhe te pare Greqise. Konkretisht te rishikoje gjithcka duke filluar nga politikat kredituese te tyre, per te shkuar pastaj tek kerkesa per garantimin e parave te depozituara nga qytetaret shqiptare, pa harruar dhe rrezikun e ikjes se kapitaleve nga Shqiperia nepermjet transfertave te karakterit mafioz. 


PS, baza kunder deputeteve te vet 
Kryesia e socialisteve durrsake ne mbledhjen e dites se djeshme ka marre ne analize situaten e zhvillimeve me te fundit politike ne gjirin e PSSH-se, te grupit te saj parlamentar dhe te mazhorances se majte ne parlamentin shqiptar. Ne kete mbledhje socialistet durrsake kane treguar rishtas se jane perkrah kryetarit te tyre Fatos Nano, nismat dhe mendimet e te cilit i shohin si me te dobishmet dhe te ligjshme per forcimin e situates ne parti dhe te institucioneve te rendesishme sic eshte ai i prokurorise se pergjithshme. Te shqetesuar nga zhvillimet ne qender dhe nga mosperfaqesimi dinjitoz i elektoratit ne parlament, kryesia e kesaj dege, qe e vlereson bazen si shume te shendoshe ne krahasim me qendren dhe perfaqesuesit e saj parlamentare, ka dale me nje deklarate per shtyp. Deklarata e paraqitur nga sekretari politik i deges Leonidha Gjermeni dhe ai organizativ Edmond Agolli, ne prani te anetareve te tjere te kryesise, ka shprehur rezervat per nje pjese te deputeteve socialiste qe perfaqesojne Drresin ne parlament. "Nje pjese e deputeteve durrsake veprojne dhe votojne ne baze te interesave personale dhe jo te zgjedhesve te tyre", eshte thene nga kreret socialiste te Durresit. Ne deklarate thuhet se "kryesia e PS-se Durres nisur nga reflektimi i bazes se partise shfaqur se fundi i jep mbeshtetje morale- politike vetem per mazhorancen e krijuar nga PS dhe aleatet te dale nga zgjedhjet e 24 qershorit per Kuvendin e Shqiperise. Cdo mazhorance tjeter jashte ketij mandati politik nuk pasqyron mbeshtetjen e bazes se partise ne Durres". Aleancat e kuptuara, por jo te deklaruara te nje pjese te pozites me opoziten kane shkaktuar reagim ne bazen durrsake e cila kerkon nga forumet drejtuese te PSSH-se dhe grupi parlamentar te administroje me pergjegjesi voten qe anetaresia dhe elektorati socialist u ka dhene. Kryesia e Durresit eshte shprehur kunder cdo emerimi apo deklarimi i cili nuk reflekton vullnetin apo mandatin e zgjedhesve qe perfaqesojne, "perfshire ketu dhe votimin per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem" (dje ne fakt ai eshte miratuar nga Parlamenti). Ne te njejten kohe baza socialiste durrsake nepermjet kryesise se deges ka mbeshtetur qeverine Majko, i cili shikohet nga baza si kryeministri qe do te realizoje me sukses mandatin e dyte qeverises te PSSH-se deri ne vitin 2005. 

Vali Qyrfyci



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From mentor at alb-net.com  Thu Mar 28 09:14:49 2002
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 09:14:49 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [Kcc-News] KOSOVA PRISONERS TRANSFERRED: HOME AT LAST!
	(A-PAL
	NEWSLETTER 3/26/02)
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.44.0203280911480.8090-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

---------------------------------------------------------------------
   Kosova Crisis Center (KCC) News Network: http://www.alb-net.com
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 
-------- Original Message --------
Betreff:  [A-PAL] A-PAL NEWSLETTER 3/26/02: KOSOVA PRISONERS TRANSFERRED
Datum: Tue, 26 Mar 2002 14:20:25 -0500
Von: Alice Mead <amead at maine.rr.com>

A-PAL (ALBANIAN PRISONER ADVOCACY)
March 26, 2002

A-PAL STATEMENT

HOME AT LAST!

At long last, the remaining Albanian prisoners crossed the border into
Kosova today, ending nearly three years of intensive international
advocacy on their behalf. We can only imagine the relief the remaining
families must feel at this moment to finally have contact with their
loved ones again. We want to thank all the families for their
extraordinary patience during this period.

*** THANKS TO EVERYONE EVERYWHERE WHO HELPED ****

The European A-PAL email action campaign--run by Divi Beineke in Germany
and her team of translators- sent over 38,000 emails to world leaders on
the prisoners' behalf. Wolfgang Plarre compiled daily articles and
reports on human rights, missing and detained. In the USA, Naida Dukaj
set up the first A-PAL website and ran the mail list for two years.
Mentor Cana set up the mail administration. In Washington, Richard Lukaj
and Ilir Zherka met with State Department staff and Senate foreign
affairs staff. In Ireland, Valerie Hughes was our most resourceful
campaigner, calling members of EP and UK and Irish foreign offices and
embassies. Brendan Moran of Ireland Foreign Office assisted in raising
the issue with other foreign offices. Bernie Sullivan of UK followed the
UK foreign office and NATO.

Suzy Blaustein wrote the first comprehensive report for ICG in 1999.
Laura Rozen wrote articles. Bob Hand. Jason Steinbaum, and Kelly Siekman
staff members from the House and Senate, were supportive in raising the
issue at OSCE and State Dept meetings. Albert Cevallos and Kurt
Bassuener helped advance awareness both in DC. Eric Witte and Nina
Bang-Jensen led the difficult effort to include the transfer of
prisoners in the bill passed by the US Congress to condition future aid
to the FRY.  In Serbia, Natasa Kandic and Teki Bokshi of the
Humanitarian Law Center visited prisoners, defended the 143 member
Gjakova group, and monitored trials.

Teki Bokshi also managed the arrangments in releasing nearly forty minor
children in November, 1999. Fred Abrahams and Bogdan Ivanisevic of HR
Watch monitored trials. Paul Miller and Sian Jones of Amnesty helped
monitor trials. Jovana Krstic and Jelena Milic of Grupa 484 assisted
A-PAL frequently. Patrick Gavigan of UNHCHR helped keep track of
prisoner transfers and conditions. Stefano Valenti of Council of Europe
helped forward information on trials.

MP Bart Staes was our most dedicated EP member. MP Emma Bonino and
Olivier Dupuis also forwarded resolutions and sent letters. In Sweden,
Anders Wessman and Idriz Zogaj provided early support in Brussels, ran
four hunger strikes, and filed suit for kidnapping against President
Kostunica. Judge Richard Goldstone included the prisoner issue in his
report on Kosova. Mary-Teresa Moran in Chris Patten's office followed
the situation diligently and persistently. MP's Doris Pack and Elmar
Brok passed a resolution on prisoner release in EP Brussels.

In NY, lawyers Lisa LaPlante and Marko Maglich worked on the Albanian
Prisoner Advocacy Guide and wrote the comments of Flora Brovina's trial.
Also, Ambassador Ryan of Ireland and the Ambassador of Bangladesh raised
the issue in the UN Security Council. In DC, Senators Smith, Leahy,
Helms and McConnell repeatedly raised the issue in Congress and
coordinated the effort to condition aid if the prisoners were not
transfered by March 31, 2002, as did Reps. Engel and Cardin. At the US
office in Prishtina, Julie Winn, Karen Levine, Laurie Dundon,and John
Menzies offered support along the way. At the UK office, Victoria
Whitford coordinated efforts in Belgrade and Prishtina. US A-PAL
advocates Jane Stevenson and Trish Porter wrote to prisoners in Sremska
Mitrovica and assisted in advocating the release of Bedri Kukalaj.
Madeleine Albright and Colin Powell of the US State Dept. supported our
efforts at crucial moments.

In Kosova, we want to thank Rizah Xhakali, Gani Krasniqi, Avni Klinaku,
and Nexhmi Kelmendi of the APP office, and Ibrahim Makolli, Payazit
Nushi, and Adem Demaci of the CDHRF office, as well as Shukrie Rexha who
represented the prisoner issue on KTC. At UNMIK, Elizabeth Presse, John
Christian Cady, and Clint Williamson were negotiators. Sarah Bascheti
and Mary Elena Andreotti were helpful to families in need and to the
Dubrava hunger strikers. Albin Kurti wrote letters to foreign
governments and met with foreign office officials. Liburn Aliu helped
ill prisoners who had returned home. Enver Dugolli met with UNMIK
officials. The Gjakova Families petitioned internationally and did a lot
to raise awareness. The Released Dubrava Prisoners insisted on the
creation of an UNMIK department of Missing and Detained and the repair
of the mass grave at Dubrava. Blerim Shala, Isuf Hajrizi and Halil
Matoshi kept the prisoner issue alive and in the news. Over 75,000
Albanians signed the first petition we delivered to NATO. Thousands
demonstrated in rain, heat, and snow. Six prisoners died in detention.
But the other 2,000 plus have now returned home.

Best wishes to this last group,

Your A-PAL Coordinators-

Alice Mead    Mentor Cana      Anders Wessman
Divi Beineke  Valerie Hughes
Naida Dukaj   Wolfgang Plarre

    *****************************************

Agence France Presse March 26, 2002 Tuesday

Belgrade turns over Kosovo prisoners, meeting US condition for aid

DATELINE: NIS, Yugoslavia, March 26

Serbian authorities on Tuesday began a transfer of ethnic Albanian
prisoners held in Serbian jails to Kosovo, meeting a key US demand for
extending aid to Yugoslavia.

A convoy of four buses, escorted by two UN vehicles and Serbian police
cars, was seen leaving a prison in the southern Serbian town of Nis
around 2:10 pm (1310 GMT).

A total of 145 ethnic Albanian prisoners, 104 from Nis prison and 41
from Sremska Mitrovica, were to be transferred to Kosovo, the Beta news
agency reported quoting the Serbian justice ministry. Seven ethnic
Albanian prisoners wanted to serve their sentence in Serbia and not to
be transferred to Kosovo, Bruno Vekaric of the ministry told Beta.

The US Congress had made the transfer of ethnic Albanian prisoners to
Kosovo from other parts of Serbia before March 31 a condition for
receving 40 million dollars in aid to Belgrade.

Washington is also demanding cooperation from Belgrade in arresting and
turning over suspects wanted by the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague.

The transfer was in accordance with an agreement reached last week by
the Serbian government and the UN mission in Kosovo on an exchange of
prisoners captured during the Kosovo war.

Under the agreement ethnic Albanian prisoners held in Serbian prisons
will continue to serve out their sentences in Kosovo, while Serb
prisoners held in Kosovo will in return be sent to jails elsewhere in
Serbia.

The agreement was signed Friday by Serbian Prime Minister Zoran
Djindjic, Deputy Prime Minister responsible for Kosovo Nebojsa Covic and
Yugoslav Prime Minister Dragisa Pesic, and the UN administrator for
Kosovo, Michael Steiner, signed the accord on behalf of the province.

Over 2,100 detainees were sent to central Serbia during the June 1999
pullout of Yugoslav forces from the southern Serbian province of Kosovo.

Most of the prisoners stand accused of terrorism and murder during the
1998-1999 war in which Yugoslav forces fought ethnic Albanian guerrillas
in Kosovo.

Some prisoners were released due to lack of evidence or after serving
some time and others were sentenced to prison for 10 years or more.

______________________________________________________________
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From mehollim at hotmail.com  Fri Mar 29 14:04:05 2002
From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli)
Date: Fri, 29 Mar 2002 14:04:05
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [hr-education] 2002 Academy on Human Rights and
	Humanitarian Law (28
 May-14 June)
Message-ID: <F61dbB7xI9PPr5jj9HR00002f3f@hotmail.com>

>2002 ACADEMY ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND HUMANITARIAN LAW
>WASHINGTON, D.C.
>MAY 28 - JUNE 14, 2002
>(Details and application forms can be downloaded from our website:
>http://www.wcl.american.edu/humright/hracademy)
>
>We are pleased to announce that we are now accepting applications for
>summer program 2002 of the Academy on Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
>sponsored by the Center for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law &
>International Legal Studies Program at American University, Washington
>College of Law and the Netherlands Institute of Human Rights (SIM) at
>Utrecht University, the Netherlands.
>
>Please share this information widely.  The deadline for submitting
>applications is May 13, 2002.
>
>INTRODUCTION
>
>The Academy is designed to offer an innovative and diverse program
>tailored to the needs of counselors in international organizations,
>government agencies, international relief agencies, policymakers, NGO
>representatives, academics, and law students specializing in human
>rights from around the world. With the participation from current
>practitioners and future human rights advocates, this program offers an
>unparalleled opportunity to network with peers from across the globe and
>advance the application of human rights norms at the beginning of the
>21st Century.
>More than 100 practitioners and students from four continents
>participated in last year's program.
>
>COURSES
>
>The Academy offers specialized courses on regional human rights law,
>universal human rights law, international humanitarian law, as well as
>other thematic courses. In addition, this year a core set of courses
>will be offered again in the Spanish language. Our faculty include
>recognized professors, practitioners, and human rights activists from
>different regions in the world.
>
>Summer 2002 courses in English include:
>
>1.  European Human Rights Law (Leo Zwaak, University Lecturer, Utrecht
>University)
>2.  International Humanitarian Law (Robert Goldman, Professor of Law,
>WCL)
>3.  Inter-American and African Human Rights Law (Elizabeth Abi-Mershed,
>Human Rights Principal Specialist, Inter-American Commission on Human
>Rights and Christof Heyns, Director and Professor of Human Rights Law,
>University of Pretoria)
>4.  Human Rights Practice: Skills, Ethics and Values in Advocacy
>(Richard Wilson,
>Professor of Law, WCL; Melissa Crow and Elizabeth Bruch,
>Practitioners-In      Residence, WCL)
>5.  Human Rights and Environmental Law (Durwood Zaelke, President,
>Center for
>International Environmental Law and Romina Picolotti, Director of the
>Access to Justice Program, Center for Human Rights and Environment
>(Cedha)
>6.  Women and International Human Rights Law (Kelly Askin, Fellow, Carr
>Center for Human Rights Policy, Harvard University)
>7.  United Nations and Human Rights (Nigel Rodley, Professor of Law,
>University of Essex)
>8.  Accountability for Past Human Rights Violations (Reed Brody, Special
>Counsel for Prosecutions, Human Rights Watch)
>9.  Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (Philip Alston, Professor of
>Law, New York University School of Law).
>
>
>        Summer 2002 courses in Spanish include:
>
>    1.  Inter-American Human Rights Law (Claudio Grossman, Dean and
>Professor; Claudia Martin and Diego Rodr?guez-Pinz?n, Academy
>Co-Directors and Visiting Associate Professors, WCL)
>
>2.  United Nations and Human Rights (Alejandro Valencia Villa, Advisor
>Office of the United Nations High Commissioner in Colombia)
>
>3.  Litigation and Activism in Human Rights (V?ctor Abramovich,
>Executive Director,
>        Center for Legal and Social Studies; and Felipe Gonz?lez, Professor
>of Law, Universidad Diego Portales)
>
>4.  Administration of Justice Reforms in Latin America and Fundamental
>Rights (Juan Enrique Vargas, Executive Director, Centro de Estudios de
>Justicia de las Am?ricas)
>
>
>HUMAN RIGHTS IN WASHINGTON, D.C.
>
>The Academy's Washington, DC location offers unrivaled opportunities for
>our participants, allowing them access to key resources and human rights
>institutions such as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
>(IACHR) within the Organization of American States, Human Rights Watch,
>and the Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL), as well as
>international organizations such as the World Bank and the
>Inter-American Development Bank which are influential in the development
>of rule of law programs.  Our participants take advantage of these
>resources via on-site visits, specialized conferences, workshops,
>distinguished lecture series and career panels.  Last year, for example,
>participants met with key staff members at the IACHR, CEJIL  and Human
>Rights Watch, the World Bank Inspection Panel, the United States
>Congress, where they learned the history of the organization and their
>work on human rights or their efforts to integrate human rights issues
>into their mandate.  Such visits provide a venue to meet people behind
>the institutions and become familiar with the resources and materials
>such organizations
>offer.  Participants also attend workshops that offer training in human
>rights  advocacy skills and career panels that explore growing
>opportunities in the dynamic field of international human rights.
>Keynote speakers, specialized conferences and the distinguished lecture
>series will bring to campus leading human rights practitioners and
>distinguished thinkers from this country and abroad who are working on
>the frontiers of contemporary thought.  These events are aimed at
>providing our participants with a forum to engage in discussion and
>network with the international and local human rights community.
>
>HUMAN RIGHTS MONTH
>
>As part of last year's program, the Academy organized the Human Rights
>Month, an event that included a series of conferences by distinguished
>lecturers and human rights practitioners, a film festival, a career
>panel, workshops, and on-site visits to national and international
>institutions in Washington D.C. The conferences featured seminars such
>as: International Civil Society and Human Rights: Overcoming the
>Democratic Deficit?; Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights; Banca
>Multilateral, Estado de Derecho y Gobernabilidad; the World Commission
>on Dams
>Report; The Battle against Impunity: International and Domestic
>Remedies; UN World Conference against Racism: Battle, Struggle,
>Challenge or Promise?; and Trade, Labor Rights, and Environmental
>Protection. The academy was honored to have Mr. Jos? Miguel Vivanco,
>Executive Director, Human Rights Watch Americas; Mr. V?ctor Abramovich,
>Executive Director, CELS, Argentina; Mr. Fernando Carrillo,
>Modernization of State Specialist, Inter- American Development Bank; Ms.
>Teresa Genta-Fons, Senior Counsel, Legal Department, Latin America and
>the Caribbean, World Bank; Ms. Rachel Kyte, IFC/Office of Compliance
>Advisor/Ombudsman; Ms. Maria Herminia Graterol, Race, Ethnicity and
>Gender Justice in the Americas; Mr. Keith Harper, Native American Fund;
>Ms. Grace McDonough, Leadership Conference on Civil Rights; Ms. Veena
>Vasista, International Human Rights Law Group; Mr. Sam Buffone, Ropes &
>Gray; Ms. Martina Vandenberg, Europe Researcher, Human Rights Watch; and
>Mr. Richard L. Herz, Litigation Director, Earth Rights International as
>speakers in the conferences. In addition, the distinguished WCL faculty
>participating in the panels included: Dean Claudio Grossman, and
>Professors Ken Anderson, Daniel Bradlow, David Hunter, Jerry Levinson,
>Beth Lyon, Diane Orentlicher; and Jan Perlin.
>
>The Human Rights Month also included a film festival, a workshop on how
>to present petitions before the Inter-American Human Rights System
>conducted by experienced staff attorneys of the Center for Justice and
>International Law (CEJIL), as well as a career panel that featured Mr.
>Christopher Sabatini, Senior Program Officer, NED; Mr. Don Muncy, Senior
>Democracy Officer, Bureau of Africa, USAID; Mr. Christopher Borgen,
>ASIL; and Ms. Aurora Carmichael,
>WCL Director for Grants and Programs. Lastly, students in the program
>participated in on-site visits to the Inspection Panel of the World
>Bank, where they met with Mr. Alberto Ninio; the Inter-American
>Commission on Human Rights, where Mr. Ariel Dulitzky and Mr. Brian
>Tittemore lectured on the new developments in the regional system; the
>U.S. Congress to participate in a panel discussion with Mr. David
>Abramowitz, Democratic Chief Counselor, and
>Mr. Joseph Rees, Legal Counsel, House International Relations Committee;
>Human Rights Watch to meet with  Mr. Steve Goose, Program Director, Arms
>Division; and CEJIL where Ms. Roxanna Altholz and Ms. Mar?a Clara Galviz
>made a presentation on the activities of this organization. Such visits
>provided a venue to meet people behind the institutions and become
>familiar with the resources and materials such organizations offer.
>
>The 2002 Academy will again sponsor Human Rights Month as part of the
>activities that the program will offer to participating students. As in
>our previous edition, Human Rights Month will include a series of panels
>on current issues of international law and human rights with
>presentations made by distinguished professors and practitioners,
>workshops that offer training in human rights advocacy skills, a career
>panel that will explore growing opportunities in the dynamic field of
>international human rights, and on-site visits to national and
>international institutions based in Washington, D.C. These events are
>aimed at providing our participants with
>a forum to engage in discussion and network with the international and
>local human rights community.
>
>HUMAN RIGHTS AWARD
>
>The Human Rights Award of the Academy is conferred upon participants who
>successfully pass two required examinations, one written and one oral
>before a panel of experts. Candidates for the award should be law
>faculty currently teaching international human rights law or related
>courses, or lawyers with at least five (5) years of experience in the
>field of international human rights law.
>Examinations can be taken in English or Spanish. Interested candidates
>should contact the Academy to request a copy of the Award Regulations
>and registration requirements.
>
>ADMISSION
>
>The Academy's program is designed for lawyers or law students with a
>demonstrated interest in international human rights law. Other
>professionals in related fields with some academic or practical
>experience in human rights can also be accepted to the program on a
>case- by-case approval. Admission of the candidates to the Academy is
>decided by a Selection Committee.
>
>Candidates planning to take courses in English may apply to the Academy
>either for Academic Credits or for a Certificate of Attendance.
>Candidates taking the courses in Spanish may apply to the Program for a
>Certificate of Attendance only.
>
>Application of Credits toward an American University, Washington College
>of Law, LL.M.  Degree in International Legal Studies:
>
>Those planning to apply to or already admitted to but not yet enrolled
>in the Master in International Legal Studies at American University
>Washington College of Law, may apply for up to four credits earned in
>the academy toward their LL.M. degree if they register for academic
>credits. Those taking courses for Certificate of Attendance are not
>eligible for this benefit.
>
>If you are not currently registered as a student, and English is not
>your first language, you must take the Test of English as a Foreign
>Language (TOEFL) in order to apply these credits to your LL.M. degree at
>WCL.  A minimum TOEFL score of 580 (237 computer based) is required. The
>TOEFL requirement will be waived only if you have completed a higher
>degree program in an accredited U.S. institution.  Please contact the
>academy, if you are interested in this opportunity.
>
>Program Procedure and Registration Information
>
>Calendar
>
>       Registration   February 1 - May 13, 2002
>       Classes Begin  May 28, 2002
>       Classes End         June 14, 2002
>       Exams for candidates applying for Academic Credit      June 17 & 18,
>2002
>       Exams for candidates for the Human Rights Award   June 13 & 14, 2002
>
>APPLICANTS FOR ACADEMIC CREDIT
>(for English courses only)
>
>Registration:
>Students may take no more than seven credit hours.  If you wish to
>accelerate graduation by enrolling for summer courses, you must consult
>and have permission from your hom e institution.  A letter of good
>standing and permission to enroll at American University Washin gton
>College of Law must accompany your application.  Please use the
>appropriate application form (download it from
>http://www.wcl.american.edu/humright/hracademy )to receive academic
>credit. Mail the application form to the Registrar's Office at:
>
>American University
>Washington College of Law
>Registrar's Office
>4801 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Suite 304
>Washington, D.C. 20016-8125
>USA
>Tel: 202-274-4080
>
>TUITION & FEES
>
>The following tuition and charges are applicable for summer 2002:
>
>      Tuition per credit  $965
>      Student activity fee          $23 (one-time fee)
>
>Note that tuition and fees do not include other expenses such as books
>or reading materials.
>
>
>APPLICANTS FOR A CERTIFICATE OF ATTENDANCE
>
>Registration:
>
>Students may register for any number of courses. However, given the
>intensity of the workload, it is highly advisable that they take no more
>than three courses. Please use the appropriate application form
>(download it from http://www.wcl.american.edu/humright/hracademy )to
>receive a Certificate of Attendance.
>
>TUITION
>
>The following fees are applicable for summer 2002:
>                  One (1) course $1,050
>                  Two  (2) courses $1,700
>                  Three (3) courses $2,200
>
>Non-refundable application fee of $55.
>Note that tuition and fees include books or reading materials.
>
>CERTIFICATE
>
>Upon completion of the program, a Certificate of Attendance will be
>presented to students who do not wish to take courses for academic
>credit. Students taking courses for a certificate are not required to
>take final exams.
>
>GENERAL INFORMATION
>
>Language of Instruction: The Academy offers courses in English and
>Spanish. However, not all the courses offered in English are
>simultaneously offered in Spanish. Students must have a good command of
>the language of instruction to take full advantage of the program.
>
>Visa: Participants are responsible for obtaining any visas that might be
>necessary to attend the Academy on Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in
>Washington, DC during the 2002 Session.  Participants should contact the
>appropriate consulate well in advance as visa issuance may take some
>time.
>
>Responsibility & Insurance: The Academy on Human Rights and Humanitarian
>Law and its sponsors and organizers do not provide any health insurance
>to visiting students.  It is strongly recommended that every visiting
>student obtain heath insurance prior to departure from home.
>
>SUMMER HOUSING
>
>If you would like to stay in American University residence halls, please
>download an application form from the academy's Web site and mail it
>directly to Residential Life & Housing Services, 4400 Massachusetts
>Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20016-8142; tel. (202) 885-3370 or email
>housing at american.edu.  Please send a COPY of this application to the
>academy.  If you cannot download the form, please contact the academy
>and we will fax or mail it to you.
>
>Download Academy Housing Form from:
>http://www.wcl.american.edu/humright/hracademy/english/services.htm
>
>Availability of short-term summer housing on-campus and in Washington,
>D.C. is
>EXTREMELY limited.  If you plan to enroll in our summer session, we
>strongly recommend that you make arrangements as early as possible.  The
>academy does not guarantee housing for our visiting students and it is
>not responsible for any problems related to housing.  The on-campus
>housing agreement is strictly between the participant and the American
>University Residential Life & Housing Services.
>
>Summer Housing Deadline:  March 15, 2002
>
>For alternative housing resources in D.C., please visit the
>International Student Services resources at:
>http://www.american.edu/other.depts/iss/Newstudents/Pre-Arrival/housinfo.html
>
>PROGRAM CHANGES AND WITHDRAWALS
>
>Applicants who have registered or paid a deposit will be informed
>promptly of any change in the academy's course offerings and, in the
>unlikely event of a course cancellation, will receive a full refund for
>the course (excluding the application fee of $55 which is
>non-refundable).
>
>Applicants who have registered or paid a deposit should notify us
>immediately in case of withdrawal to receive a full refund (excluding
>the application fee of $55 which is non-refundable).  Students who have
>registered to receive academic credit must complete the appropriate
>forms, available in the Office of the Registrar, to withdraw officially,
>and requests for refunds should be directed to the American University
>Office of Student Accounts. The address is as follows:
>
>American University
>Student Accounts
>Asbury Building, 3rd Floor
>4400 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
>Washington, D.C. 20016-8073
>USA
>Tel: 202-885-3541
>
>For withdrawals during or before the first week of classes, students
>will receive a refund of 100 percent less $55.  Students who do not
>officially withdraw during this cancellation period will be responsible
>for payment of the full amount of the applicable tuition and fees.
>
>
>FOR MORE INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT:
>
>Co-Directors Claudia Martin and Diego Rodr?guez-Pinz?n
>Program Coordinator Fabiana Arciniegas
>Academy for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
>American University
>Washington College of Law,
>4801 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Suite 615
>Washington, D.C.  20016-8181
>Tel: 202-274-4070
>Fax: 202-274-4198
>E-mail: hracademy at wcl.american.edu
>Or visit us at: http://www.wcl.american.edu/humright/hracademy
>
>
>
>
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>Archives of the list can be found at: 
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><owner-hr-education at hrea.org>.
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>but please retain the original and listserv source.


XOXOXO,
Mimoza

_________________________________________________________________
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From albboschurch at juno.com  Fri Mar 29 16:33:44 2002
From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church)
Date: Fri, 29 Mar 2002 16:33:44 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] On Refugees
Message-ID: <20020329.170345.-197519.5.albboschurch@juno.com>


 * NEW BOOK ON IMMIGRANTS:  Many of our communities have witnessed the
experience of refugee resettlement. Now we learn  the "inside story" from
author Ganimete Myftiu, who is both a former refugee and a case worker.
The book entitled: "Refugees in New H(e)aven" is available (in English:
$15) from the Albanian Archdiocese Chancery Office at 523 East Broadway,
SBoston, MA 02127. What follows is a review printed on the book cover, by
Fr. Arthur Liolin: 

       This volume of 151 pages  "..... is the gripping testimony of
Ganimete Myftiu's interviews with newcomer refugees in New Haven and the
traumatic, insecure world they inhabit. As an Albanian Kosovar refugee,
she writes with intimacy of the subject, a sturdy passion for justice and
with a reflective poignancy that is both disquieting and serene. From the
start, Connecticut itself seems to wrestle with the anxieties of the
Third Millennium, sometimes playfully mocked, sometimes portrayed as a
wily seductress, yet still loved. With poetic contrast, the author
escorts us from Yale's studied ambience to discover ethnic neighborhoods
as we listen to the trying tales of survivors and asylum seekers.
Vulnerability and strength, expectation and brute reality, banal
hypocrisy and resistance to evil leave the reader curiously bewildered,
just like the refugees she describes. Most of all hope, both lost and
found, imbue this diary of a sojourner who refuses to abandon her sanity
and values, prodding us with a sense of what is right and true. The fairy
tale and the computer have become for her, twin icons of the story:
emblems either of nostalgia or bureaucracy, which are nonetheless
overcome with aplomb. In some ways, this is the account of a place to
which only those who have visited can rightfully relate and fathom.  As
Goethe wrote:  'Who wants to understands the poem, must go to the land of
poetry. Who wishes to understand the poet, must go to the poet's land'  
Ganimete Myftiu brings us very close to sharing the experiences of an
ambiguous world, one which has become increasingly relevant to American
society in our day. " 
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