From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jul 1 13:34:10 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 1 Jul 2002 10:34:10 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Albania eligible for free access to scientific journals via WHO Message-ID: <20020701173410.36239.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Subject: Albania eligible for free access to scientific journals via WHO Thanks to an initiative led by the World Health Organization, public institutions in Albania are eligible for free (or nearly free in a minority of cases) online access to an impressive list of more than 2000 scientific and medical journals (the entire Nature family, Cell, the Lancet, NEJM, PNAS, etc.; even Harvard Med doesn't get Cell and NEJM). They simply need to register, so please forward. Serbia, like Montenegro and Macedonia, is only eligible for "deeply discounted prices", but I bet that institutions in Kosova could make a case for free access. Details: http://www.healthinternetwork.org The list of countries that qualify is interesting for its two groups, GNP/capita less than $1000 (Albania, Moldova, Sene-g(o)al) and between $1000 and $3000 (West Bank & Gaza, Wallis & Fortuna): http://www.who.int/library/reference/temp/Eligible_countries.pdf --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Sign-up for Video Highlights of 2002 FIFA World Cup -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 2 00:04:27 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 1 Jul 2002 21:04:27 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Rilindja Demokratike Message-ID: <20020702040427.56991.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Nobeli i gjasht? Nga Halit Shamata N? ver?n e nxeht? t? mbetur, pas zgjedhjeve t? mbetura n? klas? t? 24 qershorit, at?her? kur presidenti ende n? detyr? q?ndronte i skut?-tuar n? p?rputhje me zerokracin? presidenciale, n? nj?r?n nga vrimat m? t? r?nd?sishme institucionale, pa th?n? asnj? ?erek fjale p?rball? vrimave t? m?dha e t? zeza zgjedhore, si p?r shembull ajo e Dushkut, un? isha duke hedhur n? let?r faqet e fundit t? romanit tim "Dyert t? paputhitura", n? t? cilin p?r parakoin?idenc? kam shkruar: "....Ata q? me sa duket pat?n nd?rtuar gjith? at? mur enkas p?r mua, me shembjen e vet?vetishme t? tij, mbet?n pa vrimat dhe skutat estetike ku jetonin prej koh?sh n? nj? lumturi pa kurrfar? vrime...." N? ver?n e nxeht? zgjedhore t? nj? viti m? par?, kur un? qesh? kandidat i "Bashkimit p?r Fitore", n? nj? zon? zgjedhore q? niste nga ura e Rrogozhin?s dhe mbaronte te kthesa e C?rrikut, ku ende mund t? gjesh ngjitur n? nj? shtyll? betoni fosile t? posterit elektoral t? zotit Meidani, nd?rsa "vrima" e zez? e masakr?s s? kat?r an?tar?ve t? Gard?s, q? ruajn? nat? e dit? presidentin ende n? detyr?, ishte nj? nga vrimat e mbyllura t? drejt?sis? politike, p?r t? cilat zoti Meidani krenohet gjer n? ekstaz?n e ?mimit "Nobel". Un? qesh? kandidat n? nj? zon? fqinj me Dushkun, nd?rsa shteti higjenik i presidentit ende n? detyr? pati kandiduar p?rball? meje dhe t? tjer?ve, papast?rtit? m? elitare t? policis? s? (anti) shtetit. N? at? koh? un? nuk mund ta parashikoja se presidenti ende n? detyr?, mund t? humbiste "vrim?n" e tij t? rehatshme, q? arriti ta mbyll? duke mbyllur goj?n n? m?nyr? institucionale, p?rball? dhjetra vrimave t? zeza zgjedhore, n? ver?n e vitit t? shkuar, ndon?se n? romanin: "Dyert..." kam shkruar: "...Me kalimin e koh?s, ata q? humb?n vrimat e rehatshme t? ish-murit e q? si d?mshp?rblim sekuestruan vrimat e vesh?ve t? mi, i braktis?n edhe k?ta t? fundit dhe u v?rsul?n e mbush?n vrima t? reja..." Nuk kam dashur t? b?j aluzion p?r asgj? q? po flitet n? lart?sin? dhe posht?sin? e politik?s, se presidenti ende n? detyr? mund t? marr? ndonj? portofol n? kabinetin e ri t? pashmangsh?m, shpresojm? p?r t? mbyllur nj? vrim? t? re (n? uj?), por e gjitha kjo ?sht? nj? paskoin?idenc?, sepse un? librin e kam shkruar afro nj? vit m? par?, kur nuk kishte rilindur doktrina aristoteliane e katharsisit, kur nuk ishin vendosur ende m?katar?t e politik?s s? majt? n?p?r rrath?t p?rkat?s t? m?kateve, kur ende Nano nuk u kishte l?n? ende gishtat e tij n? goj?, atyre q? tundin lart e posht? flamurin e past?rtis? socialiste. Sikurse un? nuk mund t? parashikoj rezolut?n e Parlamentit Europian p?r president konsensual n? kompensim t? zgjedhjeve t? pakompensueshme, kthimin e menj?hersh?m t? klim?s politike q? u shoq?rua me nj? kthim tjet?r m? se historik, kthimin e paralajm?ruar t? familjes mbret?rore p?rfundimisht n? Shqip?ri, pas 63 vjet?sh kongrese P?rmeti. Sikurse nuk mund t? parashikoja suksesin e papritur t? policis? gjat? aksionit p?r grumbullimin e arm?ve n? Rinas, p?r nder t? kthimit t? familjes mbret?rore. Po ashtu un? nuk mund t? parashikoja ribashkimin e opozit?s q? b?ri, q? numri i ekstaz?s presidenciale q? u b? shkak p?r hapjen e menj?hershme t? sezonit t? gjuetis? s? votave t? nevojshme presidenciale, t? m? kujtoj? fillimin e novel?s nobeliste t? Heminguejt "Plaku dhe Deti", t? cilin po e riprodhoj m? posht?: "Ai ishte nj? plak q? peshkonte i vet?m me bark? mbi Gulf Strim dhe q? kishte tet?dhjet? e kat?r dit? pa kapur asnj? peshk. Dyzet dit?t e para me t? shkonte edhe nj? djal?. Por, kur kaluan dyzet dit? pa kapur asnj? peshk, prind?rit i than? djalit se plaku ishte b?r? tani p?rfundimisht salao, q? do t? thot?, m? tersi nd?r t? paaft?t...". Sikurse nuk mund t? b?ja edhe parashikimin e fundit, nd?rhyrjen jasht? mase qytetare t? Sh?rbimit Informativ p?r t? zgjedhur me ?do ?mim (p?rjashtuar ?mimin "Nobel") president zotin Kuko, thjesht se ai ishte propozuar nga pozita, p?r t?i prer? rrug?n nj? kandidati t? mundsh?m t? propozuar nga opozita me mjete adekuate t? tipit "Securitates". At?her? mua nuk m? shkonte kurr? n? mendje ose p?rreth saj, se vrimtaria ?sht? fryt i presidencializmit t? vonuar, pa nisur nga referencat e presidentit ende n? detyr?, rrezikon q? t? akordohet "Nobeli" i gjasht?, p?r mbyllje publike t? vrimave jo qeveritare, ?mim, i cili mund t?i akordohet njer?zve t? shquar n? fush? t? vrimtaris? publike, duke filluar presidentit ende n? detyr?, sa koh? q? nuk e ka dor?zuar ende detyr?n vrim?tare, i cili nuk ?sht? as ters, as i paaft?, pra edhe as salao, po t? p?rdorim nj? gjuh? t? v?rtet? nobeliste. Ajo q? b?ri t? habiten jo pak njer?z, k?shillat q? presidenti ende n? detyr? ka nisur t? jap? p?r presidentin e zgjedhur, zotin Moisiu, (krejt ndryshe nga bibla ku Moisiut i jep k?shilla vet?m Zoti). Kjo mund t? quhet "bibla sipas presidentit ende n? detyr?" e q? p?r koin?idenc? edhe kjo e dyta nis me ??shtje t? higjen?s e t? pastrimit t? sht?pis? s? par? institucionale (Presidenc?s). M? posht? po citojm? pak nga bibla: "Zoti u foli akoma Moisiut dhe Aaronit (z?dh?n?si i Moisiut): "... p?r t? pastruar sht?pin? do t? marr? dy zogj, dru kedri, skarlat dhe hisop (Pastrimi i sht?pive t? molepsura nga lebra "Eksodi"). Sikurse b?ri t? habiten pjesa tjet?r e gjindjes, kur d?gjoi presidentin ende n? detyr? t? flas? n? nj? gjuh? t? huaj, at? p?r t? cilin ishte krijuar p?rshtypja se e ka m? shum? p?rtim t? flas? n? gjuh?n e vendit. Dhe q? shum? i sakt? kur citoi Kantin kritik, kur thot? se e bukura q?ndron jasht? interesit. (Gjykimi i shijes n? saj? t? t? cilit shpallet i bukur nj? objekt, nuk duhet t? ket? p?r baz? asnj? lloj interesi. E. Kant ? Kritika e gjykimit). Por p?r t? nj?jtin argument Kanti thot? se, gjith?sesi interesat nd?rhyjn? dhe kjo ?sht? e lidhur me prirjen e njeriut p?r t?ia transmetuar k?naq?sin? e s? bukur?s t? tjer?ve, sepse nj? njeri i mbrujtur me civilizim, mund t? arrij? t? jet? i k?naqur me t? bukur?n, kur t? arrij? t? ndaj? at? me t? tjer?t. K?t? ai e lidh me nevoj?n e komunikimit midis njer?zve, p?r t? rritur vlerat e s? bukur?s. N? k?t? kuptim duhet konceptuar edhe marr?veshja e fundit, midis pozit?s dhe opozit?s, pavar?sisht se opozita do t? vonoj? ardhjen n? pushtet dhe pavar?sisht q? Meidani nuk do t? jet? m? president, dhe fqinj?t, dhe miqt? e tij t? prezumuar persona publik?, nuk do t? num?rojn? m? votat e shqiptar?ve, pa i hapur kutit? e rr?mbyera. Marr?veshja q? Meidani, pa marr? vul?n e hyrjes n? Rinas, e quajti bikraci, trikraci, kat?rkraci (?!). Po ta linin m? t? fliste, mund ta kishte ?uar num?rimin gjer n? tet?dhjet? e kat?rkraci. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 2 08:17:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 2 Jul 2002 05:17:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Research Grant: Challenges in Internationalizing Higher Education in Southeastern Europe: Policy and Practi ce Message-ID: <20020702121704.85887.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Jun 26 13:01:13 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Wed, 26 Jun 2002 22:01:13 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Research Grant: Challenges in Internationalizing Higher Education in Southeastern Europe: Policy and Practice The Institute of International Education?s IIENetwork is Pleased to Announce a New Research Grant Opportunity: Supporting Excellence in Policy and Practice that Contributes to the Internationalization of Higher Education around the World Topic of the Research Grant Program 2002: Challenges in Internationalizing Higher Education in Southeastern Europe: Policy and Practice Deadline for Submission: July 15, 2002 PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH GRANTS The Institute of International Education's IIENetwork has created this research opportunity to help universities around the world become more globally connected. The Institute wishes to support policy-focused research from individuals and institutions that will in turn help other institutions in their internationalization efforts. The topic of this research support program is: "Challenges in Internationalizing Higher Education in Southeastern Europe: Policy and Practice". This research program will culminate in a Research Symposium in Thessaloniki, Greece in October 2002, the first in a series of regional research symposia held by the Institute. The IIENetwork Research Symposium will bring together in Greece leaders in the field of higher education to engage in a dialogue aimed at exploring the way that higher education can serve the economic, social, and political development of the nations in Southeastern Europe. The countries in this region (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania, Turkey, Fed. Republic of Yugoslavia) share common past and cultural traditions, yet have had widely varying levels of stability and transformation in the post-World War II era. What they all share at the present time is that their societies are at a crossroads. Some are members of the European Union; others are striving to join it. Some have been damaged by ethnic strife and warfare; others are starting new initiatives to heal old divisions and wounds. They are all trying to adapt to the 21st century, to the challenges of the global information age, and the rapid spread of knowledge. They are also all focused on utilizing higher education to assist the difficult transitions they face. INNOVATION IN PRACTICE This program seeks papers that speak to the concrete problems and challenges faced by higher education leaders and policy makers seeking to internationalize university education in their countries and institutions. We welcome papers that describe and analyze vexing problems at the institutional level and then suggest responses to those challenges that can be considered for other institutional contexts across national borders. Our hope is that the solutions presented should be either new approaches that improve upon what others in the field are already doing or, that they can reflect well-tried solutions that can be generalized to other settings. In both cases we hope to encourage new policies and practices based on existing strengths, either in practice or in theory. The strongest papers will also feature a research component appropriate to the topic or area that the innovation is attempting to address. This component may include either qualitative or quantitative approaches that may vary consistent with the academic discipline and perspective of the applicant. In general, however the research component should include the following features: ? Be multidimensional in nature encompassing several key features of the setting in which the innovation is implemented ? Be empirical rather than philosophical in nature ? Focuses on variables or features of the practice setting that are amenable to modification ? Speaks to the needs of both the policy community and the immediate interests of those charged with implementing the innovation ? Is consistent with ethical practices of inquiry Examples of proposals may include the following range of activities: Partnerships between institutions to promote transparency in credit transfers that facilitate international student mobility. Collaboration between the Higher Education and the private sector to create opportunities for international students to extend their studies. Reform efforts that reduce barriers to the exchange of international students and scholars. Faculty development programs designed to support faculty in teaching international students. The creation of innovative instructional materials or other curricular initiatives that support education across national frontiers, including distance education. Descriptions of and the evaluation of training workshops that support international education. The use the internet to create communities of professionals around topics related to international education. THEMATIC AREAS The Research Grant for 2002 will be made in the following thematic research areas. Faculty Development and Training: Challenges in Faculty Development and Training in Southeast Europe with a focus on either conducting research abroad or integrating an international experience into the home classroom. What changes are necessary in the formation of the professorate to ready the next generation of faculty to teach and work in a connected world? Student mobility: Existing programs that encourage student mobility to and from Southeast Europe or programs or policy that make study abroad more accessible to a broader student population in Southeast Europe. Currently an imbalance in student exchange exists between students from southeastern Europe and those seeking an educational experience in this region. What programmatic initiatives might be useful in equalizing this flow? Curriculum: Advancing Global Curriculum Development. This may include topics that touch on what students learn, how they learn, how learning is evaluated within the context of developing a curriculum that supports transnational competence. What does a curriculum that builds student capabilities for living and working across national boarders look like? Management: Management Challenges and Governance. How does institutional structure and governance affect the ability of higher education to support internationalization? What reforms in funding, staffing and management practices are necessary to promote the international dimension of higher education? National Policy: Relationship between National Higher Education Policy and Local Implementation. National systems of higher education as well as private higher education are responsive to national policy. What can national governments do to promote and support international education? NATURE OF AWARD Five awards will be given and multiple awards in any category are possible. Those proposals selected to receive an award will be presented with a certificate and a $1000 to support the work. Travel support to Thessaloniki, Greece for the October Symposium will be made available to those the award recipients whose papers are selected for presentation at the symposium. Those receiving the grants will be announced to the press, and showcased in the IIENetwork online community and in the IIENetworker magazine, as well as in other IIE publications and websites and at IIE national and international events throughout the year. The final papers will be published in an edition of the widely respected IIE Policy Research Series. APPLICATION To apply for support, a complete application package must be received no later than July 15, 2002. Incomplete or late applications will not be accepted. This grant program is designed for new works or work in progress. Papers that have previously been published or presented are not eligible. The application must include the following sections and should not exceed 4 pages: 1. Title Page: Please indicate your name, date, title of your research, the thematic area to which you are applying, and your contact information (including telephone number and email address). 2. Objectives and Research Narrative: Please give us a clear and concise statement of the objectives and key components of your proposed research paper, supported by an argument for their practical importance. This should no exceed one page. 3. Biographical Information of Researcher(s): Please provide us with your biographical information and background (no more than one page). 4. Letter of Support: Please include one letter of support We strongly encourage applicants to use double-spacing, a 12-point font, and 1-inch margins. Reviewers are able to conduct the highest quality review when applications are concise and easy to read, with pages consecutively numbered. HOW TO SUBMIT YOUR PROPOSAL Please submit all applications by e-mail and regular mail. Send your completed application to ResearchGrant at iie.org. Hard copies should be sent to: Research Grant Program 2002 Higher Education Resource Group Institute of International Education 809 United Nations Plaza New York, NY 10017 USA Please send two original copies of any printed matter. All materials must be received by July 15, 2002. If you have any questions about the competition, please call NAME at 212/984 - or send an e-mail to ResearchGrant at iie.org. ELIGIBILITY Papers may be submitted by individuals from North America and Europe, affiliated with colleges and universities, both public and private; graduate and professional schools; community organizations; libraries; consortia; student groups; state and local government agencies; multi-lateral institutions; non-profit corporations; and educational associations. REVIEW A committee of experts representing the five thematic areas will review submissions. The individuals receiving the grants will be announced on August 15, 2002. ABOUT IIE The Institute of International Education, founded in 1919, is the United States? most experienced nonprofit educational and cultural exchange organization. IIE has a network of 19 offices worldwide, over 750 college and university members, and more than 5,000 volunteers. IIE designs and implements programs of study and training for students, educators, young professionals and trainees from all sectors with funding from government and private sources. These programs include the Fulbright and Humphrey Fellowships, administered for the U.S. Department of State, and The Global Training for Development program administered for USAID. IIE also conducts policy research and provides advising and counseling on international education and opportunities abroad. Information about IIE can be obtained from IIE?s website: http://www.iie.org. ABOUT IIENETWORK IIENetwork, The International Education Knowledge Network, is the foremost global advocate for international education. IIE?s knowledge network is the world?s first and leading research and membership association and a forum for members to share experience and knowledge and build relationships that strengthen professional practice. IIENetwork is a membership association of over 750 educational institutions around the world. Membership is open to institutions of higher education, international educators and scholars, and business executives. Members participate in the network through working groups organized around key topics and world regions. Established groups include Marketing International Programs, Distance Education, Research. Regional working groups include Europe, North America and Asia. The network is a not for profit division of the Institute of International Education. It incorporates the services of the Institute?s former Educational Associates membership program. Information about the IIENetwork can be obtained from the Network?s website http://www.iienetwork.org. ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jul 3 07:36:42 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 3 Jul 2002 04:36:42 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Book Review: Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question. Reviewed by Goran Janev Message-ID: <20020703113642.74400.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue Jul 2 12:53:45 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 02 Jul 2002 21:53:45 +0200 Subject: [balkans] Book Review: Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question. Reviewed by Goran Janev Balkan Academic News Book Review 22/2002 --------------------------------- James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question. Houndmills & New York: Palgrave, 2001. 311 pp., ISBN 0-333-92066-X, USD 22.95 (paperback). Reviewed by Goran Janev (Oxford University), Email: gorjan00 at yahoo.com. --------------------------------- Order Book from Amazon (By ordering this and other books through Amazon by following the link, you help support Balkan Academic News providing you with book reviews) --------------------------------- The history, recent and ancient, as well as the present of Macedonia is anything but boring. Sadly, Macedonia received insufficient academic coverage. Most of it by the local academia that is by rule highly biased and concerned with selfish advancement of national interests. The edited volume by James Pettifer The New Macedonian Question, the book at the center of our interest, fails to contribute better understanding of the complex problem and only adds to the confusion. The main weakness is editor?s voluntary and arbitrary treatment of the Macedonian situation best illustrated in his refusal to call Macedonians by their own name and the state by its constitutional name. Obviously the editor was unable to resist Balkan?s influences and he is apparently biased. Instead of using the rule of thumb, not the say the main principle in social sciences that the self-categorization is of highest priority, he uses the term coined by Greek nationalist propagandists and refers to Macedonians as Slav-speakers, or ?Macedonians? in inverted comas (pp.xiii, 16, 18, 22, 137, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145). Moreover, throughout the volume he assumes cynical tone to all things Macedonian and whenever possible tries to even undermine the state?s institutions legitimacy. In his interpretation, the police of Republic of Macedonia is called ?Skopje paramilitary police? (p. 139) or ?FYROM paramilitary police? (p.143), Macedonian government is ?Skopje government?, ?Skopje authorities? (p.142). His persistent renaming of the Macedonians and inappropriate labeling of the country?s institutions can hardly earn him the claim to impartiality. The editor is obviously unable to overcome the confusion that transpires the whole volume. This volume is ?organized? in four parts. In each of the thematic parts, the editor managed to breathe uncertainty about the relation between the selected chapters and the topic of that part of the book. In general, the editor is not clear whether Republic of Macedonia, or geographical region of Macedonia is his main concern, or whether it is past or present he is dealing with. Regardless, he proposes to make a ?comparisons with the past and present? (p. 15), i.e. of the Old and New Macedonian question. It is rather unattainable goal, especially with editor?s inconsistent approach that carelessly conflates, instead of comparing, two different and distant historical periods. The Old Macedonian question concerned much larger territory and its political destiny. Contemporary Republic of Macedonia has nothing to do with this issue in any other sense than regional cooperation and cross-border flow of people, goods, finances, and cultures. To know how Macedonia emerged on the world?s political map is one issue, but to seek any comparison with a period more then one century ago, and that century was rather eventful one, and the future developments of the Republic of Macedonia is very adventurous quest. The New Macedonian Question lacks coherence and is rather a collection of editor?s readings on the topic. It should also be noted that most of the contributions are reprints, some of them quiet outdated. Part one ?The National Question in Modern Macedonia? consists of six chapters and one interview. Elisabeth Barker?s article is a reprint from 1950 and it opens this volume to familiarize the reader with the ?traditional pro-Greek view of the British Foreign Office? (p. xxxviii). Reuter?s chapter Policy and Economy in Macedonia only marginally relate to this topic and Dobrkovic?s Yugoslavia and Macedonia in the years 1991-6: from brotherhood to neighborhood hardly fits into this thematic section. Pettifer?s first chapter in this book with same title is reprint from 1992. In this chapter we can see how he constructs his history in his interpretation of Treaty of San Stefano, the ill-fated attempt of Russia to get access to the warm waters. He uncritically treats the ?short-lived ?Great Bulgaria?? illusion as existing entity (p18. my italics). Even his vocabulary can hardly be justified as academic but at least it reveals that he also suffers compassionately with the ?Greek political psyche?(sic!) (p.18) and tells us how badly it was hurt when on the north, that part of Macedonia that was not occupied back in 1913, now claims for itself the name so important to the national Greek cultural heritage (Kofos in his chapter cannot stop praising this heritage while claiming to stand above nationalistic passions). Pettifer also finds the fears of Greeks that Macedonia can attack Greece justified since Greece was always invaded from the north and that ?awakens ancestral fears?(sic!) and ?the Greek army and police will be very stretched do defend it [the border] in the event of a breakdown of good relations with the states in the north? (p.19). That Pettifer hastily jumps to the conclusions without bothering to provide any evidence is evident when he argues that Macedonia cannot be economically viable country because its economy depends on one single crop tobacco (p.19). Such an assessment cannot be more incorrect. In fact, agricultural products contribute 20 percent to Macedonia?s exports and 30 percent of Macedonia?s GDP. It is true that export of fermented tobacco and cigarettes dominates the agricultural sector, but to claim that Macedonia is the single crop economy is way far from the reality. Part II is entitled ?Ethnic Minorities? and the Poulton?s Non-Albanian Muslim Minorities in Macedonia covers the situation in four different countries in Macedonia as geographic region, while the three other chapters are concerned with Macedonia proper and this incoherence is the main characteristic of the whole volume. In this regard, it is dubious why the editor in the book titled The New Macedonian Question pays no attention to the Macedonian minority in the neighboring states. The most probable answer is editor?s refusal to recognize the existence of Macedonians at all. Thus, not that Pettifer is just failing to contribute to greater clarification of the issue he fails to define, but by denying the right of self-identification of Macedonians he burdens it even more. We can note Pettifer?s negative attitudes towards Macedonians most apparently in his second contribution to the volume. This chapter is impregnated with contradictions from the onset best reflected in the title The Albanians in western Macedonia after FYROM independence but is not limited to it and goes well into deviating the truth. On page 140 we learn about the misfortune of some Macedonian Albanian Assistant Minister of Defense and on the next page the author states that ??all post-1992 governments have had some Albanian representation, although generally in tokenistic positions, often as ?Assistant Ministers?, without offices or staff, to Slav-speakers and never involving posts in the Defense or Foreign Ministries?? Besides contradicting himself he largely contradicts the reality in which every post-1992 government had between four to five Albanian Ministers, a number of Deputy Ministers and Albanian politicians always held other responsible posts in the government and in the public administration. However, Albanian representation in the executive was lesser problem then the proportional representation of Albanians in the public administration in general, but to realize that one needs to study the situation in the country instead of relying on hearsay. Capable of such constructions Pettifer endangers our trust in the facticity of many other statements he makes so nonchalantly. Indeed, Pettifer managed to undermine his own position in the sloppy approach to the academic apparatus. In his first chapter in the book he manages to have just one reference while making numerous categorical statements. That reality obviates Pettifer?s voluntarism we can note from the unprofessionally prepared list of acronyms, that he decided to call list of abbreviations, that is crammed with mistakes and Pettifer?s idiosyncratic knowledge. For example, the capitol letters of the acronyms are sometimes standing for the words in English, sometimes for the words in Macedonian. Part III is titled Historical Perspectives and is marginal to the old or new Macedonian question. Hibert?s contribution only illustrates how confused British were in the Balkans during WWII, how little informed they were (p.184), how confused they were by the Balkan complex realities (p.186) and how it was hard for them to have more adventures and ?to be more than quartermasters or supply officers? because of the partisans independence (p.193). Nedeva and Kaytchev tells us about how national romanticism, particularly in concern of final integration of Macedonia to the Bulgarian motherland never vanes. Curiously enough, Georgi Prvanov, the young zealot from the meeting of the Sofia Macedonian Cultural-Educational Club before the collapse of the regime who ?? was bold enough to refute in an open public debate a retired senior security service officer?? (p.177) is a president of Bulgaria today. The last part of the book is titled International Relations of the New State. It contains Mircev?s contribution on the uneasy international position of post-independence Macedonia, that is one of the few solid chapters in this volume (along Troebst?s on Macedonian historiography in part I and Winnifrith?s on the position of Vlachs in the country in part II). Kofos? contribution helps us understand the Greek nationalistic hysteria of the early 1990s from the pen of the very experienced Greek nationalist historian. His chapter is rather entertaining, if compared to the chapter by Drezov in the first part of the book. This comparison reveals how amusing is the existence of Macedonians who reject neighboring nationalistic constructions, as presented in these two chapters. To sum up, Pettifer?s volume lacks coherence and has no clear goal but to challenge the right of Macedonians to self-identification. Hence the whole enterprise is futile and redundant. What remains to be concluded is of lesser concern to the editor, who should stick to writing tourist guides and gossipy journalistic reports, but that there is a certain social and political responsibility that the influential publishing houses outside the region must assume. --------------------------------- This an earlier book reviews are available at: www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans --------------------------------- ? 2002 Balkan Academic News. This review may be distributed and reproduced electronically, if credit is given to Balkan Academic News and the author. For permission for re-printing, contact Balkan Academic News ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 4 09:27:26 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 4 Jul 2002 06:27:26 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] New Members Message-ID: <20020704132726.6043.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Jul 3 01:32:00 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Wed, 03 Jul 2002 10:32:00 +0200 Subject: [balkans] New Members We welcome the following new subscribers to Balkan Academic News: Vassil G. Marekov. I'm 29 years old. I'm PhD student at Sofia University. Email: vgmarekov1 at yahoo.com Dana Plavcova. Working for Saferworld, int'l NGO based in London dedicated to provention of conflicts through tackling small arms proliferation. I am a regional project co-ordinator for Southern Eastern Europe, based in Belgrade. Email: danaplav at yahoo.co.uk. Valmir Osmani, I'm 21 years old, from Prishtina, Kosova, currently working for Central Fiscal Authority/Ministry of Finance and Economy Macroeconomic Analysis Unit, this year planning on continuing studies on Econ Faculty or, if possible, get an education somewhere out of Kosova. Email: edimania at yahoo.com Alfred Saliu. l am a post-university student in albania,actually l am studying at the magistrate's school of albania.l will be very interested to find some interlocutors from balkan especially from greece, people who have the same interes with me in laws,or are magistrates in there countries as well.Email: fredsaliu at yahoo.com. Mariana Stoicheva. I work for a Bulgarian NGO - Open Society Club - Stara Zagora. My qualifications include Russian /I have graduated from Moscow State Pedagogical University in Russian philology/, English, computer and internet capabilities. I have the opportunity to work for the Open Society Foundation in Bulgaria. Since 1997 being a consultant at the Open Society Club in Stara Zagora, I implement the main activities of Open Society Information Centers, including: - advisory services and information in the following areas: theory and practice in the non-governmental sector; education in Bulgaria and abroad; - international and European programs open for Bulgaria; - consultations on funding opportunities and grant-making pro-ce-dures of the Open Society Foundation - Sofia; - participating in the Open Society Club's projects, coordinating all advertising, media and public relations activities; - information and advisory services on educational opportunities offered by Bulgarian and foreign higher education institutions; - consultations on the application requirements set by various Bulgarian and foreign institutions and organizations - individual and group advising sessions; - information about scholarships, competitions and exchange programs of Bulgarian and foreign institutions and organizations, such as the Educational Information and Resources Branch of the US State Department, the Austrian Institute for Eastern and Southeastern Europe, the Embassy of the Kingdom of Spain, the French Cultural Institute in Sofia, the British Council and others; - advisory services and library of printed and electronic publications (directories, guides, manuals, foreign periodicals, preparation kits) for the international tests TOEFL, SAT, GRE, GMAT. Email: osc at osc.starazagora.net ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 5 17:28:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 5 Jul 2002 14:28:25 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020705212825.42748.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Cikli: T? mos harrojm? at? q? na kan? b?r? dhe at? q? po na b?jn? grek?t. Duke shfletuar v?llimin e ri antishqiptar t? botuar n? Greqi me titull "Vendet e dhimshme t? Greqis?. #8209; D?shmitar?t e Vorio #8209; Epirit dhe t? vlleh?ve". Nga KASTRIOT DERVISHI Roli antishqiptar dhe helenizues i kish?s greke dhe nd?rhyrja e saj n? ??shtjet e brendshme t? kish?s n? Shqip?ri. {vijon} Ishte e kuptueshme q? pas fjal?ve "t? m?dha" dhe qarjeve t? pamata p?r "martirin" antishqiptar Kozma Etoliani, n? librin n? fjal? do t`i vinte radha edhe historikut t? kish?s ortodokse n? Shqip?ri, q? si? shihet nga libri grek?t nuk e ndajn? k?t? kish? nga ajo greke. Pra p?r grek?t kisha ortodokse n? Shqip?ri konsiderohet si nj? kish? greke apo shtojc? e k?saj kishe. N? funksion t? k?saj prej tyre ?sht? par? me vend q? antishqiptar?t m? t? m?dhenj t? hyn? n? list?n e figurave apo t? martir?ve t? kish?s greke. P?r grek?t t? gjith? ortodoks?t e Shqip?ris? jan? t? grek? ose kriptogrek?. ?sht? mjaft dometh?n?se q? n? hapje t? librit, pas portretit karnavalor t? Kozma Etolianit, shfaqet peshkopi Sebastianos dhe nj? ushtar grek duke puthur dor?n e tij, shoq?ruar kjo me k?to fjal?: "Kisha dhe ushtria jan? dy kolona ku q?ndron helenizmi n? t? gjith? periudh?n historike t? kombit". Q? prej shum? koh?sh n? e njohim rolin antishqiptar t? klerik?ve grek? q? kan? vepruar n? Shqip?ri, t? favorizuar nga shkaqe t? ndryshme. N? thelb puna e prift?rinjve grek? q? kan? sh?rbyer n? Shqip?ri ka qen? nj? veprimtari asimiluese dhe antishqiptare. Sidomos pas formimit t? shtetit grek, kjo veprimtari e klerit grek u forcua edhe m? shum?. Puna e klerik?ve greke ka qen? kaq e posht?r, saq? njihen edhe disa p?rfundime logjike t? tyre. K?shtu p?r shembull n? shtator 1906, ?eta e ?er?iz Topullit vrau peshkop Fotin q? sh?rbente n? Kor??. Edhe ky peshkop mbahet si "maritir" nga grek?t ngaq? t? gjith? ata q? punojn? kund?r shqiptar?ve k?shtu cil?sohen. Nga ana tjet?r ?sht? p?r t`u kujtuar se peshkop?t Spiridon, Germanos dhe Vasilios spikat?n si asnj?her? tjet?r me antishqiptarizmin e tyre kur u b?n? an?tar? t? "qeveris? vorio #8209; epirote" s? renegatit Jorgji Zografi, duke udh?hequr n? k?t? m?nyr? aksionet terroriste t? andart?ve grek? n? jugun e Shqip?ris?. Pas vitit 1913, kur u njoh pavar?sia e Shqip?ris? nga Fuqit? e m?dha n? ato p?rmasa q? tashm? njihet, pritej q? t? zbatohej parimi "vend i pavarur #8209; kish? e pavarur". Sipas k?tij parimi kisha e Rusis? ishte autoqefale q? prej vitit 1720, ajo e Austris? q? prej vitit 1873, ajo e Bukovin?s q? prej vitit 1873, ajo e Greqis? q? prej vitit 1833, ajo e Rumanis? q? prej vitit 1856, ajo e Serbis? q? prej vitit 1880 dhe ajo e Bosnj? #8209; Hercegovin?s q? prej vitit 1908. Mbetej q? ky parim t? zbatohej edhe n? Shqip?ri. Mir?po p?r shkak t? rrethanve jo t? favorshme pas vitit 1913 dhe nd?rhyrjes flagrante t? Greqis? n? pun?t e shtetit shqiptar, ky proces nuk u mund?sua dot n? koh?n e duhur. Ajo q? i dallon grek?t nga her?t e tjera n? librin n? fjal? ?sht? se ata k?rkojn? t? falsifikojn? edhe procesin e autoqefalis? t? Kish?s Ortodokse Shqiptare. K?shtu nd?rsa pranohet procesi i nisur nga Fan Noli n? mars 1908 n? Boston t? SHBA#8209;s? jepet p?rshtypja se nj? gj? t? till? e kan? komanduar grek?t. Nd?rsa nj? grekoman si Vasil Kondi n? librin e tij "Greqia dhe Shqip?ria n? shekullin e XX", e kritikon at? q? ai e quan "shqiptarizim t? kish?s ortodokse". P?r t? Vasil Marko, Vangjel ?am?e dhe klerik?t e tjer? "shpall?n n? m?nyr? pu?iste autoqefalin? e Kish?s Ortodokse t? Shqip?ris?" n? Berat m? 10 shtator 1922. Kuptohet q? p?rher? Greqia ka dashur nj? proces t? kontrolluar prej saj ose moszhvillimin e k?tij procesi dhe mbikqyrjen e plot? t? kish?s ortodokse t? Shqip?ris? nga ajo. Nga kjo koh? e m? pas nuk rresht?n p?rpjekjet e t? d?rguarve t? Patriarkan?s p?r t? mos e nxjerr? k?t? kish? nga ndikimi grek. K?tu mund t? p?rmendim peshkop?t Jerotheu, Kristofor, Trapezuntas etj. Ky i fundit ka ardhur tre her? n? Shqip?ri, ishte p?rpjekur p?r ruajtjen e gjuh?s greke dhe n? fund fare p?r t? gjitha k?to ishte p?rz?n? nga qeveria shqiptare si shum? koleg? t? tij. Autoqefalia e Kish?s Ortodokse Shqiptare u sanksionua p?rfundimisht n? Kongresin e Dyt? Ortodoks t? zhvilluar n? Kor?? n? fund t? qershorit 1929, nga ku doli edhe statuti i k?saj kishe. Gjithashtu Vissarion Xhuvani u zgjodh kryepeshkopi i par? i KOASH#8209;t. P?r grek?t Xhuvani ishte njeri i pad?shirua dhe njihej{sipas tyre} me "tre emra": Petros Xhovanis, Pjer Xhuvani dhe Petros Joanidhis. Sipas librit n? fjal?, autoqefalia e Kish?s Shqiptare ishte realizuar nga "ndikimi i dy pakteve italo #8209; shqiptare t? viteve 1926 dhe 1927" dhe jo nga nj? proces i natyrsh?m. ?sht? p?r t`u n?nvizuar se p?rsa i takon kish?s ortodokse n? Shqip?ri, grek?t nuk thon? asnj? fjal? p?r kryepeshkopin Kristofor Kisi apo "pasuesin" e tij Pashko Vodica i njohur si Paisi. Nd?rsa nuk harrohet t`i kushtohet r?nd?si e madhe "persekutimit t? grek?ve n? koh?n e Enver Hoxh?s", {sikur ky persekutim t? ishte vet?m p?r greqishtfol?sit dhe jo p?r t? gjith? shtetasit e Shqip?ris?}, "kujtohet" kontibuti i "kryepeshkopit Janullatos" n? rind?rtimin e "kish?s greke n? Shqip?ri". Modeli i prifit grek ?sht? Sebastianos N?se dikush k?rkon t? gjej? nj? model t? priftit grek, mjafton t? mos k?rkoj? shum? n? histori por vet?m t? shikoj? "pun?n" dhe "vepr?n" e nj? prifti si Sebastianos. T? gjith? prift?rinjt? n? Greqi mundohet t`i ngjajn? atij. Prandaj n? t? gjitha botimet "vorio #8209; epirote", nd?r luft?tar?t m? t? flakt? t? "Vorio #8209; Epirit", kan? Sebastianosin. Ky i fundit ka lindur m? 1922 dhe ka ngordhur m? 1994. T?r? jet?n e tij lehu dhe volli helm e vrer kund?r shqiptar?ve m? tep?r se ?do guerrilas apo fondamentalist, aqsa nj? dit? n? parlamentin grek tha se t? gjitha topat e Greqis? duheshin drejtuar kund?r Shqip?ris?. Nisur nga kjo t? krijohet bindja se prift?rinjt? grek? p?r ?do gj? mund t? jen? por vet?m p?r pun? t? zotit nuk munt t? jen?. Ata m? tep?r duken luft?tar? me nuanca rrebeli, t? fantaksur nga mbyllja n? muret e gurta e t? ftohta t? kishave e manastireve, sesa si njer?z q? pretendojn? se drejtojn? delet e per?ndis?. N? fund t? fundit nuk kemi se ?`far? presim m? tep?r, kur ta zem? para kryepeshkopit t? Athin?s Kristodhulos, paraqitet forca nga ushtria sikur ai t? ishte shef i shtabit t? p?rgjithsh?m t? ushtris?. Por ajo q? vlen t? theksohet me t? madhe, ?sht? fakti se modeli i priftit grek, ?sht? mbrujtur sistematikisht n? vite me urrejtje kund?r shqiptar?ve n? at? m?nyr? saq? grek?ve po t`u heq?sh k?t? urrejtje nuk do t? din? se me ?`far? t? merren. Pse Anastasios Janullatos citohet, repektohet e nderohet nga t? gjitha organizatat fam?keqe "vorio #8209; epirote" n? Greqi ? Eksarku grek Anastasios Janullatos ka ardhur n? Shqip?ri m? 16 korrik 1991, pas nj? kompromisi t? b?r? n? Korfuz m? 2 korrik 1991 midis ministrave t? jasht?m t? Shqip?ris? dhe Greqis?, p?rkat?sisht Muhamet Kapllani dhe Antonios Samaras. Mbi baz?n e k?tij kompromisi, u lejua q? n? kund?rshtim me statutin e KOASH#8209;it t? vitit 1929, ai{Janullatos} t? drejtoj? p?rkoh?sisht me cil?sin? e eksarkut k?t? kish?. Vet? Anastasios Janullatos pak dit? para ardhjes n? Shqip?ri, i d?rgoi m? 3 qershor 1991 Presidentit t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, Ramiz Alia k?t? let?r: "Shk?lqesia juaj! Do t? doja t`ju paraqisja ju shk?lqesi ??shtjen e Kish?s Autoqefale Ortodokse t? Shqip?ris? dhe t? zhvillimit t? saj n? konteksin e ndryshimeve institucionale. ......Dihet mir? se Kisha Ortodokse e Shqip?ris? ?sht? nj? institucion n? shkall? bot?rore n? shkall? bot?rore me tradit?n dhe rregullat e saj t? pranuara universialisht, dhe asnj? kish? ortodokse nuk mund t? ekzistoj?, dhe m? tep?r t? organizohet, pa nj? peshkop q? t? ket? pasues apostolik. P?rderisa n? t? gjith? bot?n sot nuk ka nj? peshkop ortodoks p?r t? marr? p?rgjegj?sin? e riorganizimit t? kish?s n? Shqip?ri, Patiarkana Ekumenike e Kostandinopoj?s, q? ?sht? froni i par? i njohur zyrtarisht nga t? gjitha kishat ortodokse q? i p?rkasin institucionit n? shkall? bot?rore t? ortodoksis? {ruse, serbe, rumune, bullgare, greke, shqiptare}, mori iniciativ?n e em?rimit tim p?r t? ardhur n? vendin tuaj t? dashur si nj? patriark eksark. 1#8209;T? komunikoj me autoritetet e duhura t? qeveris? shqiptare dhe me p?lqimin e tyre dhe ku t? jet? nevoja, me bashk?punimin e tyre, t? hyj? n? kontakt me prift?rinjt? ortodoks? ekzistues dhe besimtar?t ortodoks? atje, pavar?sisht nga origjina dhe gjuha amtare. 2#8209;T? merrem me pun?n organizative kishtare n? nivelin primar, mbas zhvillimeve t? fundit dhe vendimit p?r t`i dh?n? liri fetare Shqip?ris?. 3#8209;Krijimin e kushteve, n? nj? koh? sa m? t? shpejt? q? Kisha Ortodokse Autoqefale e Shqip?ris? t? vet?drejtohet; me bindjen se riorganizimi i Kish?s Ortodokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris? duhet t? p?rfundohet n? bashk?punim me ortodoks?t e interesuar. Un? tashm? kam kontaktuar me Lart?sin? e tij Metropolitanin Theudosiun, Primati i Kish?s Ortodokse n? Amerik? dhe me rev. Artur Liolin, kancelar i kryedioqez?s shqiptare n? Amerik?, dhe ne ram? dakort plot?sisht t? bashk?punojm?, n? kuadrin e objektivave t? lartp?rmendura, p?r t? mir?n e ortodoksis? n? Shqip?ri dhe t? gjith? qytetar?ve t? saj. Si nj? peshkop ortodoks dhe si nj? studiues, dua t`ju siguroj ju shk?lqesi, n? m?nyr?n m? t? dukshme, se misioni i patriarkut eksark n? Shqip?ri k?rkon ekskluzivisht t`i sh?rbesh me sinqeritet popullit t? dashur shqiptar n? k?t? koh? kritike dhe t? ndihmohet p?r t? ?uar p?rpara ??shtjen e paq?s dhe t? mir?kuptimit v?llaz?ror n? Evrop? dhe n? bot?". N? kund?shtim me k?t? premtim, Janullatos vazhdoi t? q?ndroj? n? Shqip?ri, madje m? 2 gusht 1992 ai u vetshpall kryepeshkop i KOASH#8209;it. N? k?t? m?nyr? Janullatos na tregoi nj? rast tjet?r se si di ta mbaj? fjal?n nj? grek. Duke marr? parasysh dhe t? kaluar?n e marr?dh?nieve shqiptaro #8209; greke, praktikisht nuk mund t? lejohej q? qoft? edhe i p?rkohsh?m, nj? grek s`mund t? ishte n? krye t? KOASH#8209;it. Nj?ri nga p?rkrah?sit m? t? m?dhenj t? Janullatosit n? Shqip?ri, z.Ylli Popa n? nj? intervist? dh?n? revist?s "Klan" dat? 15 korrik 2001, n? lidhje m? ??shtjen "Janullatos" thot? se n? fillim t? vitit 1991, ai s? bashku me disa persona, nd?r t? cil?t edhe nj? i panjohur deri at?her? si Kosta Makariadhi {t? cilit z.Popa i thot? gabimisht deputet, n? nj? koh? q? i till? ai ?sht? b?r? pas nj? viti}, ka shkuar n? Athin? dhe e ka takuar Janullatosin n? sht?pin? e tij. Natyrisht q? k?to pun? nuk jan? aq t? rast?sishme sa p?rpiqet t`i b?j? zoti Popa, aq m? tep?r kur ai thot? "na ?uan n? banes?n e peshkopit". M? tej zoti Popa thot?: "Tashm? kan? kalur 10 vjet q? Kisha Ortodokse Autoqefale e Shqip?ris? drejtohet nga kryepeshkopi Janullatos, i cili e ringjalli at? nga pluhuri i rr?nojave ku e kishte katandisur diktatura komuniste. ?sht? merit? e kryepeshkopit Janullatos q? duk? rim?k?mburKish?n Ortodokse, kontriboi shum? n? rivendosjen e ekuilibrit dhe t? harmonis? midis besimeve n? vendin ton?..". Do t? b?nte mir? zoti Popa t? shikonte dhe t? lexonte gazetat dhe botimet "vorio #8209; epirote" n? lidhje me vler?simet e tyre p?r Janullatosin para se t? na jap? k?t? entuziaz?m t? pabazuar gj?kundi. Mua si shqiptar, t? pakt?n nuk m? vjen mir? p?r shembull q? organizata MAVI, q? vrau dy ushtarak? shqiptar? m? 10 prill 1994 n? Peshk?pi t? Gjirokastr?s, sponsorizon aktivitetet e Janullatosit. Gjithashtu nuk ?sht? normale q? n? Greqi, Janullatosi t? marr? pjes? n? mbledhje t? organizatave "vorio #8209; epirote" dhe t? quhet "mbrojt?s i helenizmit grek n? Shqip?ri" nga ana tjet?r ta quajm? si di?ka normale k?t? gj?. Nuk duhet t? harrojm? se Janullatos vjen nga vendi q? i ka marr? Shqip?ris? ?am?rin?, nga vendi q? ka djegur disa her? jugun e Shqip?ris? dhe nga vendi q? i ka shpallur luft? Shqip?ris? q? prej vitit 1940. P?r t? tilla ??shtje natyrisht mund t? ishte p?rgjigjur edhe kreu i Akademis? m? t? paaft? t? Shkencave q? mund t? ket? pasur ndonj?her? Shqip?ria n? k?to vite t? saj. Dhe me ?`duket akademik?t tan? nuk jan? m? shum? se disa pensionist? q? flen? vet?m p?r t? marr? ndonj? rrog? nga shteti. P?r t`u kujtuar ?sht? gjithashtu se At Artur Liolini n? nj? intervist? q? i jep gazet?s "Koha Jon?", dat? 20 shtator 1994 nd?r t? tjera ka th?n?: "T? gjith? e dim? q? Janullatosi erdhi n? Shqip?ri si misionar i p?rkohsh?m....E theksoj ai erdhi me nj? kusht: si i p?rkohsh?m". N? librin objekt t? polemik?s son?, Anastas Janullatosi ka nj? vend nderi dhe mahet si "shp?tues i helenizmit grek n? Shqip?ri". Gjithashtu ajo q? ja vlen t? diskutohet ?sht? fakti se si ka mund?si q? organizata te?rroriste dhe kriminale si ato t? ashtuquajtura "vorio #8209; epirote", flasin e shkruajn? mjaft mir? p?r Janullatosin e mjaft keq p?r shqiptar?t. Logjika m? e thjesht? t? ?on n? p?rfundimin se Janullatos i ka sh?rbyer me p?rkushtim interesave greke n? Shqip?ri n? drejtim t? greqizimit t? KOASH#8209;it. P?r m? tep?r n? mjaft botime "vori #8209; epirote", theksohet me t? madhe se nj? nd?r financueset e kishave greke n? Shqip?ri ?sht? organizata fam?keqe SFEVA. N?se do t? gruponim drejtimet e pun?s se Janullatosit sot n? Shqip?ri m? kryesoret do t? ishin: #8209;Ngritja e nj? strukture kishtare q? t`i p?rgjigjet interesave t? Greqis?. #8209;Theksimi se t? gjith? ortodoks?t e Shqip?ris? jan? grek? ose kriptogrek?. #8209;P?rdorja e greqishtes n? ceremonit? fetare. #8209;Marrja e financimeve edhe nga organizatat "vorio #8209; epirote" p?r t? nd?rtuar kisha sipas nj? stili grek. #8209;Reklamimi si "shenjtor?" i tipave t? till? si Kozma Etoliani, q? n? thelb kan? punua kund?r gjuh?s shqipe. P?r k?to arsye ka mjaft r?nd?si autoqefalia e kish?s ortodokse shqiptare. Nuk ?sht? hera e par? q? kjo autoqefali t? jet? rrezikuar nga kisha greke. Natyrisht q? m? gjer? p?r problemet e kish?s shqiptare kemi shkruar shkruar her? t? tjera, por ajo q? duam t? theksojm? me forc? n? k?t? shkrim ?sht? mesazhi: Janullatosi mb?shtetet haptazi nga t? gjitha organizatat terroriste "vorio #8209; epirote", si ENVI, SFEVA, MAVI, etj. Jo se nuk njihet p?rkrahja e shtetit grek p?r t?, por p?rkrahja e segmenteve m? kriminale t? shoq?ris? greke tregon edhe m? mir? se ?`far? misioni ka pasur dhe ka Janullatos n? Shqip?ri. E ?`mund t? jet? nj? "kryepeshkop" q? p?rkrahet nga k?to organizata t? terrorit? Kujt mund t`i sh?rbej? tjet?r ai? #8209;Peshkop Foti i vrar? m? 22 shtator 1906 nga ?eta e ?er?iz Topullit. #8209;Sebastianos. #8209;Mitropoliti Vasileos, ish minist?r n? "qeverin?" e Jorgji Zografit. #8209;Mitropoliti antishqiptar Kurilas. #8209;Nj? mashtim klasik grek. N? foto ceremonia e hirotonosjes se Fan Nolit peshkop m? 4 dhjetor 1923, ku kan? marr? pjes? edhe Jerotheu dhe Kristofori. Grek?t mashtrojn? se Noli ?sht? midis nj? grupi "vorio #8209; epirot?sh". #8209;Mashtim tjet?r grek dhe jo pa q?llim. Gjoja "vorio #8209; epirot?" n? kish?n e "Sh?n #8209; M?ris?" n? Elbasan. #8209;Ushtria paraqet forc?n para kryepeshkopit t? Athin?s Kristodhulos. === www.gazeta55.com --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jul 6 09:05:21 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 6 Jul 2002 06:05:21 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020706130521.74983.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Cikli: T? mos harrojm? at? q? na kan? b?r? dhe at? q? po na b?jn? grek?t. Duke shfletuar v?llimin e ri antishqiptar t? botuar n? Greqi me titull "Vendet e dhimshme t? Greqis?. #8209; D?shmitar?t e Vorio #8209; Epirit dhe t? vlleh?ve". Nga KASTRIOT DERVISHI Pikpamja greke p?r luft?n italo #8209;greke. Historiani grek Kostandin Vakapulos ka shkruar n? librin q? po analizojm? edhe kapitullin q? trajton "problemin e Vorio#8209; Epirit nga fillimi i Luft?s Italo #8209; Greke deri n? fund t? Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore". Dihet tashm? q? sidomos agresioni grek i 1940#8209;s, p?rb?n nj? moment "krenarie" p?r historiografin? greke. Sipas Vakapulisit q? p?rfaq?son pikpamjen greke, "bashk?punimi italo #8209; shqiptar ishte nj? politik? e p?rbashk?t kund?r grek?ve". Sipas tij dhe p?rgjithsisht sipas historiografis? greke, t? ashtuquajturit "vorio #8209; epirot?" q? n? realitet kurr? nuk kan? dal? nga mediokriteti i tyre i njohur, na qenkan "persekutuar" nga "pushteti italo #8209; shqiptar" q? ishte vendosur pas 7 prillit 1939 n? Shqip?ri. Sipas grek?ve shqiptar?t qenkan armatosur dhe pasi paskan luftuar me "vorio #8209; epirot?t" n? nj? koh? t? paditur, i paskan futur ata n?p?r burgje. Mir?po kur grek?t megjith?se i "kan? ditur" k?to persekutime nuk ia paraqit?n p?r ankes?, p?r shembull Ministrit t? Arsimit t? Italis? Botai gjat? vizit?s q? ky i fundit b?ri n? Athin? m? 18 dhjetor 1939. Luft?n italo #8209; greke, grek?t e kan? lidhur pazgjidhshm?risht edhe me "??shtjen e Vorio#8209; Epirit" dhe sipas tyre ata b?n? "?lirimin" e tij. Lufta italo #8209; greke filloi m? 28 tetor 1940, pas skadimit t? ultimatumit q? qeveria italiane i d?rgoi asaj greke n? lidhje me shkeljen e neutralitetit t? Greqis? dhe v?nien e uj?rave nd?rkomb?tare t? k?saj t? fundit n? p?rdorim t? britanik?ve. N? k?t? ultimatum t? qeveris? italiane nd?rthureshin shum? faktor? q? fillonin qysh me armiq?sit? e vjetra italo #8209;greke, vrasjen e Daut Hoxh?s n? gusht 1940 dhe me situat?n e re n? fillim t? Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore, ku Fuqit? ishin n? k?rkim t? zgjerimit t? zonave t? tyre t? ndikimit. Qeveria italiane i k?rkoi qeveris? greke at?here "t? drejt?n e pushtimit me forcat e veta t? armatosura, p?r sa koh? do t? zgjas? konflikti i tanish?m me Britanin? t? disa pikave strategjike n? tok?n greke q? ajo t? mos e kund?rshtoj? k?t? pushtim dhe t? mos pengoj? kalimin e lir? t? trupave q? jan? caktuar p?r t? kryer k?t? detyr?". N? or?n 03.00 t? dat?s 28 tetor 1940, ambasadori italian n? Athin? paraqiti ultimatumin me nj? afat prej tre or?sh. Sipas pik?pamjes greke "Greqia u sulmua nga Shqip?ria" m? justifikimin se ishte kryer nj? proces i rregullt i "bashkimit personal" midis Shqip?ris? dhe Italis?. N? fakt t? drejt?n e akuz?s duhet ta ket? Shqip?ria pasi grek?t e kan? sulmuar disa her? territorin e saj n? vite dhe koh? t? ndryshme dhe asnj?her? shqiptar?t nuk i kan? shpallur luft? grek?ve si? e meritojn? ata. P?r grek?t lufta italo #8209; greke i sh?rbeu Greqis? p?r t? "?liruar Vorio #8209; Epirin". Madje ajo q? ka m? shum? r?nd?si n? librin q? po analizojm? jan? datat e "?lirimit" t? "qyteteve vorio #8209;epirote". Nga pikpamja historike lufta italo #8209; greke ?sht? e ndar? n? tre faza: #8209;Faza e par? 28 tetor #8209; 14 n?ntor 1940. #8209;Faza e dyt? 14 n?ntor #8209; 28 dhjetor 1940. #8209;Faza e tret? 29 dhjetor #8209;26 mars 1941. Grek?t duke pasur edhe mb?shtetjen e aviacionit anglez mund?n q? pasi t? thyejn? sulmin e ushtris? italiane t? hyn? n? territor shqiptar dhe ta mbajn? at? t? pushtuar p?r rreth kat?r muaj. P?r t? p?rligjur edhe "historikisht" at? q? ata e quajn? "?lirim t? Vorio #8209; Epirit", grek?t festojn? edhe p?rvjetor?t e hyrjes s? ushtris? greke n? tok?n shqiptare. K?shtu festohet p?r shembull 22 n?ntori p?r Kor??n dhe Leskovikun, 24 n?ntori p?r Voskopoj?n, 30 n?ntori p?r Pogradecin, 3 dhjetori p?r P?rmetin, 5 dhjetori p?r Delvin?n dhe Frash?rin, 6 dhjetori p?r Sarand?n, 8 dhjetori p?r Gjirokastr?n, 22 dhjetori p?r Himar?n, 10 janari p?r K?lcyr?n etj. Grek?ve nuk u intereson t? thon? kund?rshtin? q? kan? pasur shqiptar?t p?r k?t? agresion t? pashembullt ndaj territorit shqiptar. Nga ana tjet?r asnj? krim i ushtris? i ushtris? greke n? jugun e Shqip?ris? nuk p?rmendet n? botimet greke. Nd?rsa i ashtuquajturi "ligj i luft?s" q? p?rcaktonte si shtete armike t? Greqis? "Italin? me dominonet, territoret perandorake dhe kolonit? e saj dhe Shqip?ria", b?ri t? mundur q? t? gjitha pasurit? eshqiptar?ve n? Greqi t? viheshin n?n "sekuestrim konservativ", n? baz? t? ligjit 2636. N? baz? t? k?tij ligji grek?t e kan? trajtur "vend armik" Shqip?rin? p?r kaq vite dhe nga ana tjet?r kan? vjedhur pasurit? e shqiptar?ve n? Greqi. Po t? ishin grek?t kaq trima sa mendojn?, le ta mbanin k?t? ligj luft? me Italin?, t? pakt?n p?r dinjitetin e tyre. Ajo ?ka duhet t? mbajm? mend mir? ne shqiptar?t ?sht? se nuk e kemi trajtuar me objektivitetin e duhur luft?n e ashtuquajtur italo #8209;greke. Madje n? disa raste p?r fa t? keq jemi krenuar p?r dep?rtimin e ushtris? greke n? Shqip?ri. Agresioni grek i 1940#8209;s mbi Shqip?rin?, i marr? fund n? prill 1941, t? mos harrojm? se n? Greqi quhet "?lirim i Vorio #8209; Epirit". T? mos harrojm? gjithashtu se n? Shqip?ri ndodhen varret e ushtar?ve grek? t? vrar? duke luftuar kund?r nesh. Jo m? kot pak dit? m? par? ambasadori grek n? Tiran? Iliopulos, shkoi n? Himar? p?r t? p?rkujtuar luft?n italo #8209; greko dhe bile duke p?ruruar edhe nj? pllak? p?rkujtimore n? greqisht p?r trim?rit? e k?saj lufte. M? e pakta q? do mund t? b?nte nj? shtet normal dhe serioz n? k?to raste do t? isht? p?rz?nia e nj? ambasadori t? till? nga Shqip?ria si person i pad?shiruar. ?sht? rasti t? kujtojm? gjithashtu se i nipi i Sebastianosit ka th?n? para pak vjet?sh: "Eshtrat e ushtar?ve grek? t? mos merren se ato kan? r?n? n? tok?n amtare, n? Vorio #8209; Epirin e Greqis?". Sipas logjik?s s? imponuar{t? "ligjit t? luft?s"}, i bie q? Shqip?ria mban eshtrat e ushtar?ve t? nj? vendi q? e quan "vend armik". Do kishim d?shir? ta shikonim n? nj? rast t? till? "trim?rin?" e kryeministrit Majko, p?rball? nj? armiku real t? Shqip?ris?. A ka vepruar MAVI dhe QEVA n? vitet e Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore n? Shqip?ri? Sipas librit n? fjal? qysh gjat? viteve t? Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore n? Shqip?ri ka vepruar organizata terroriste MAVI#8209;{Apeleferetiko Metopo Vorio Ipiro q? do t? thot? Fronti p?r ?lirimin e Vorio Epirit}. Ajo ?sht? nj? organizat? terroriste e formuar n? vitin 1942 nga gjenerali fam?keq Napolon Zerva. Sipas librit n? fjal?, n? korrik 1942, Ilias Konsta, Mihal Mano{s}, Jakis Taso{s}, Anastasios Kokaveli{s} etj, kan? themeluar deg?n e k?saj organizate n? Tiran?. Duke marr? parasysh faktin se grek?t njihen si falsifikator? t? historis?, k?t? t? dh?n? mund t? marrim me rezerv?, por nga ana tjet?r nuk mund ta lem? pas dore. ?sht? fakt tashm? s? element?t grekoman? kan? pasur nj? lloj organizimi, sado minimal apo sado pak i organizuar t? ket? qen? ai. Megjithat? ka mund?si q? element?t e sip?rtreguar apo ato q? do t? lexoni m? posht? t? jen? grekoman? me emra apo mbiembra t? greqizuar. ?sht? ndoshta nj? prej ??shtjeve m? pak t? diskutuara se n? ?`nivele ka qen? agjentura greke gjat? viteve t? Luft?s s? Dyte Bot?rore n? Shqip?ri dhe sa ka ndikuar lufta italo #8209; greke n? k?t? drejtim. Sipas librit, "MAVI veproi n? Shqip?ri" dhe zona m? e p?rdorur nga ata ishte kryesisht ajo q? shtrihet brenda t? ashtuquajtur?s "Vija Venizellos". Nd?r bashk?pun?tor?t m? aktiv? t? organizat?s n? lib?r p?rmend?n Spiridon Lito, Jani Vidali, Vasil Shahini. Mbetet t? shikohen arkivat tona n? lidhje me personat q? p?rmenden me lart dhe q? mbase mund t? sjellin di?ka t? panjohur deri sot. Gjithmon? duk? marr? n? referenc? librin, n? shkurt 1943 ?sht? zhvilluar nj? mbledhje ku ?sht? vendosur bashk?punimi dhe lufta e armatosur p?r arritjen e q?llimeve t? tyre. Nga sa kuptohet ka qen? nj? q?llim i grek?ve rikthimi n? zon?n e pushtuar gjat? luft?s italo #8209; greke. MAVI vepronte edhe n? kuad?r t? EDES#8209;it{Lidhja Komb?tare Demokratike Greke}, n? krye t? s? cil?s vepronte krimineli Napoleon Zerva. K?to trupa kryen masakra t? shumta kund?r popullsis? autoktone ?ame n? fundin e Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore dhe nd?rmor?n nj? spastrim t? gjer? etnik kund?r k?saj popullsie. N? lib?r sh?nohen emrat e disa "luft?tar?ve t? dalluar" n? luftimet q? jan? b?r? me shqiptar?t n? Libohov?, Qaf?n e Muzin?s, Borov? etj. K?to emra jan?: Elefteros Xhuvelis, Kristo Pilo, Stavro Kokali, Mihal Kokaveci, Aleks Mihali, Kristo Stefanu etj. Sipas grek?ve, jan? b?r? tre marr?veshje me komunist?t shqiptar?: n? Konispol n? gusht 1943, n? Labinot n? shtator 1943 dhe n? Poli?an n? n?ntor 1943. P?r momentin nuk mund t? themi v?rtet?sin? ose falsitetin e k?saj q? thon? grek?t, por ?sht? p?r t`u th?n? se sipas tyre komunist?t kan? premtuar at?her? dh?nien e "autonomis? s? Vorio #8209; Epirit", pas lufte. MAVI njihet gjithashtu n? koh?n e sotme p?r sulmin e kryer kund?r Post?s Kufitare t? Peshk?pis? m? 10 prill 1994, ku u vran? dy ushtarak?t shqiptar? Fatmir Shehu dhe Arsen Gjini. Ndoshta edhe sulmi i at?hersh?m nuk ?sht? b?r? nga ndonj? organizat? tjet?r me q?llimin p?r t? dh?n? iden? e vijueshm?ris? historike t? organizat?s. P?r t`u kujtuar ?sht? gjithashtu s? organizat? tep?r e njohur at?her? dhe sot ?sht? edhe QEVA {"Komiteti Qendror i Luft?s Vorio#8209;Epirote"} i drejtuar p?r shum? vite nga peshkopi Serafin Tikas. Kjo organizat? u krijua n? vitin 1918 me udh?zim t? qeveris? greke. Komiteti Qendror i k?saj organizate p?rve? kryetarit p?rb?het edhe nga dy n?n kryetar?t, tre k?shilltar?t , gjasht? an?tar?t dhe ark?tari. Kryetari zgjidhet nga qeveria greke n? konsultim me sh?rbimin sekret. Mendohet q? meq? QEVA ka qen? n? nj? nivel m? t? lart? se MAVI, t? ket? qen? e pranishme edhe ajo n? Shqip?ri n? vitet e Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore. P?r vet? rrethanat e luft?s k?to mund t? ken? vepruar n? grupe t? vogla. Sot n?nkryetar i organizat?s ?sht? ish#8209;sekretari i Janullatosit n? Tiran? Ilia Kontas. An?tar? t? Komitetit jan? edhe shtetas shqiptar? me komb?si greke. QEVA ?sht? kordinadore edhe e sillogjeve "vorio#8209;epirote" si ato t? Athin?#8209;Pireut, Selanikut, Korfuzit, Janin?s, Patr?s, Follorin?s, Ekaterinit dhe e "Bashkimit t? Delvinjot?ve", "Bashkimit t? Himariot?ve", "Bashkimit t? Dropullit?ve", "Bashkimit t? Kor?ar?ve" etj. QEVA drejton edhe "K?shillin e Ndihm?s Ekonomike", i cili administron fondet kund?r Shqip?ris?. N? k?t? kuad?r ai ?sht? i gatsh?m edhe t? b?j? mobilizimin e "vorio#8209;epirot?ve" me arm?t q? disponon reparti i k?tij k?shilli. Por p?r t? pasur suksesin e duhur n? k?t? fush? QEVA ka pasur dhe ka edhe K?shillin Ushtarak, i cili disponon edhe listat e "vullnetar?ve vorio#8209;epirot?". QEVA drejton gjithashtu edhe organizatat e tilla si Komiteti Qendror i Rinis? apo Instituti i K?rkimeve Vorio#8209;Epirote me qend?r n? Janin?. Ky i fundit drejtohet nga renegati shqiptar nga Kor?a Ksenofon Konduri. Gazetat kryesore t? k?tij rrjeti antishqiptar jan?: "Ipiriton Mellon", "Ipiriti Dhrasi" etj. QEVA ka deg? t? saj edhe n? diaspor?n greke. P?rve? financimeve shtet?rore ajo financohet edhe nga dispora greke. P?r t? v?rtetuar m? shum? t? dh?nat e m?sip?rme dhe p?r t? plot?suar m? mir? t? dh?nat p?r Luft?n e Dyt? Bot?r?ro, del e nevojshme pra t? mendohet se sa e shtir? ka qen? agjentura greke n? Shqip?ri gjat? k?saj lufte. #8209; Varrezat e ushtar?ve grek? n? Bularat t? Gjirokastr?s. #8209; Ushtar? grek? n? luft?n italo #8209; greke. 107 #8209; Terrerist i MAVI#8209;it 109 #8209; Napoleon Zerva Kryeministri grek Jorgos Papandreu{i vjetri} ne vitin 1945 duke p?rsh?ndetur nj? miting p?r "Vorio #8209; Epirin". 11 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 9 17:56:20 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 9 Jul 2002 14:56:20 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020709215620.52681.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Cikli: T? mos harrojm? at? q? na kan? b?r? dhe at? q? po na b?jn? grek?t. Duke shfletuar v?llimin e ri antishqiptar t? botuar n? Greqi me titull "Vendet e dhimshme t? Greqis?. D?shmitar?t e Vorio #8209; Epirit...". Nga KASTRIOT DERVISHI Problemi ?am n? marr?dh?niet shqiptaro #8209; greke. Nj? vend jo i vog?l n? librin objekt polemike, z? edhe problemi ?am. Kuptohet q? k?ndv?shtrimi grek ?sht? krejt ndrysh? nga e v?rteta dhe n? mbrojtje t? plot? t? akteve terroriste q? grek?t kryen ndaj popullsis? s? pafajshme ?ame q? banont? n? trojet e veta n? Greqi. N? k?t? pik? ja vlen t? kujtojm? at? q? thuhet n? fillim t? librit objekt polemike, n? p?rsh?ndetjen q? organizata "vorio #8209; epirote" SFEVA, i drejton lexuesve t? librit. N? k?t? "mesazh" thuhet nd?r t? tjera: "Popujt q? harrojn? historin? e tyre shuhen. ?sht? e detyr? e jona q? t? punojm? p?r helenizmin dhe historia na m?son si t? punojm? p?r k?t? ??shtje". Dhe derisa grek?t jan? k?mb?ngul?s n? at? q? ata e quajn? "mos harrim t? historis?", aq m? shum? kemi t? drejt? ne shqiptar?t t? mos harrojm? historin? ton? dhe ve?mas t? v?rtetat e marr?dh?nieve shqiptaro #8209; greke. Dhe e r?nd?sishme n? marr?dh?niet tragjike shqiptaro #8209; greke, ?sht? edhe ??shtja ?ame me t? v?etetat e saj si d?shmi e pakund?rshtushme e genocidit e spastrimit etnik t? nd?rmarr? ndaj shqiptar?ve. Kapitulli i "problemit ?am" ?sht? shkruar nga historiani Kostandin Vakalopulos. Q? n? fillim t? mendimit t? tij Vakalopulos e lidh ??shtjen ?ame me "gabimin tragjik t? diktatorit Pangallos". P?r grek?t veprimi i kryeministrit t? at?hersh?m Pangallos "ishte nj? veprim tragjik", sepse njohu qenien e pakic?s shqiptare n? Greqi. Pik?risht ?sht? fjala p?r fjalimin q? kryeministri Pangallos mbajti n? Lidhjen e Kombeve n? Gjenev? m? 8 mars 1926, ku nd?r tjera tha: "..Republika Greke njeh minoritetin shqiptar q? jeton n? territorin e saj dhe nuk i konsideron m? shqiptar?t si turq. Teza q? ?sht? mbrojtur deri sot nga ne se ortodoks?t shqiptar? jan? grek? ?sht? e gabuar dhe e shkelmuar nga t? gjith?...."{"The Times" 9.3.1926}. Madje Pangallos arriti deri aty sa shp?rndau edhe t? gjitha organizatat "vorio #8209; epirote" q? vepronin n? Greqi. Natyrisht veprimi i zotit Pangallos ngeli nj? rast i ve?uar n? politik?n greke dhe me ?`shihet kritikohet edhe nga historiografia greke. Ndodh kjo gj? sepse p?r politik?n greke, n? asnj? koh? "nuk ka ekzistuar problemi ?am". Pik?risht ajo politik? q? qaravitet e shkul flok?t p?r t? ashtuquajturin "persekutim t? vorio #8209; epirot?ve", b?het krejt e pandjeshme dhe bile arrogante kur bie fjala p?r t? drejtat e minoritetin shqiptar q? Greqi. Sipas pikpamjes greke, "?am?t nuk kishin lidhje me shqiptar?t dhe nuk njiheshin si shqiptar?". Teorit? grek? n? k?t? pik? nuk kufizohen n? em?rtimin e shqiptar?ve "turq" apo "helen? t? asimiluar". P?r historiografin? greke, pushtimi i ?am?ris? nga ushtria greke n? fund t? vitit 1912 dhe n? fillim t? vitit 1913, "ishte nj? veprim i drejt? dhe i arsyesh?m", sikur t? mos ekzistonte fare e drejta komb?tare e shqiptar?ve. Madje grek? jan? k?mb?ngul?s n? at? q? "?am?t filluan t? luftojn? helenizmin" dhe n? at? tjetjr?n q? "gjat? Luft?s s? Par? Ballkanike shqiptar?t kan? luftuar kund?r grek?ve". Sipas logjik?s s? grek?ve shqiptar?t duhet t? prisnin me k?naq?si pushtimin grek dhe jo ta luftonin at?, si? edhe b?n? jo n? suksesin e duhur. N? librin objekt polemike, jepen edhe disa statistika n? lidhje me shifr?n e popullsis? ?ame n? Greqi. K?shtu pa marr? parasysh shk?mbimet e popullsis?, sipas tyre n? vitin 1925 n? Greqi ka pasur 25 mij? ?am?, n? vitin 1928 17 mij?, dhe n? vitin 1940 af?rsisht po kjo shif?r. Nd?r dob?sit? e politik?s greke, libri p?rmend hapjen e shkollave shqipe n? ?am?ri, pas presionit t? ushtruar nga Ahmet Zogu, fillimisht President dhe m? pas Mbret i Shqiptar?ve. Kritik? jan? grek?t ve?an?risht p?r marr?veshjen e vitit 1926 midis Shqip?ris? dhe Greqis? ku u mund?sua hapja e shkollave p?r pakicat n? t? dy an?t e kufirit. Mir?po shkelja e nj?anshme e k?saj marr?veshje nga Greia b?ri q? edhe Shqip?ria t`i mbyll? edhe ajo p?r reciprocitet shkollat greke n? Shqip?ri n? vitin 1927. Sipas pik?pamjes greke, k?tu ka ndodhur nj? "fatkeq?si e madhe" dhe ka nisur "largimi i grek?ve nga trojet e tyre". Nd?rsa k?rkojn? "Greqin? e Madhe", grek?t tremben nga "Shqip?ria e Madhe". Pik?risht n? kapitullin anti?am, n? nj? korniz? paralajm?ruese t? faqes 152, grek?t shprehin frik?n e tyre ndaj t? ashtuquajtur?s "Shqip?ri t? Madhe", ndon?se shqiptar?t nuk kan? ndonj? program t? tipit "Megali Idea". Natyrisht q? ?sht? nj? mashtrim i madh t? thuash se shqiptar?t po k?rkojn? "Shqip?rin? e Madhe", kur ata kan? k?rkuar gjithmon? Shqip?rin? e V?rtet? dhe jo at? false. Sipas librit "lobi shqiptaro #8209; amerikan ka b?r? presion p?r njohjen e Shqip?ris? s? Madhe dhe ka k?rkuar nga kosovar?t q? ta p?rkrahin k?t? ide". "Shqip?ria e Madhe" sipas grek?ve ?sht? bashkimi i Shqip?ris? me Kosov?n, ?am?rin?, Maqedonin? per?ndimore, Malin e Zi lindor dhe Morav?n jugore {Preshev?, Bujanovc dhe Medvegj?}. Kjo frik? e grek?ve b??het disi qesharake po t? mendojm? se pik?risht libri ku ata i shfaqin pretendimet e tyre, fund e krye k?rkon nj? Greqi t? Madhe, m? t? madhe nga kjo aktualja. "Krimet" e ?am?ve. Nuk p?rb?nte ndonj? ?udi t? madhe q? grek?t do t? justifikonin krimet e paraardh?sve t? tyre ndaj popullsis? autoktone shqiptare, me teorin? e "krimeve t? ?am?ve". Dhe pikpamja greke ?sht? insistuese n? at? q? "?am?t ishin bashk?pun?tor? t? fashist?ve italian? dhe nazist?ve gjerman?". Nuk e dim? t? ket? ekzistuar ndonj? dashuri e madhe e grek?ve p?r shqiptar?t e ?am?ris? para periudh?s s? Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore, q? t? arrihet tek ky p?rfundim. Grek?t nuk mund t? thon? se nuk kan? ushtruar genocod ndaj shqiptar?ve para vitit 1940, sado q? t? p?rpiqen ta quajn? t? mbylluar ??shtjen ?ame. Ajo q? ndodhi masivisht n? vitin 1944 n? ?am?ri, ishte nj? spastrim i madh etnik i kryer nga terrorist?t grek? ndaj shqiptar?ve pa asnj? motiv. Nj? gj? e till? ishte planifikuar prej kohesh nga t? gjitha qeverit? greke dhe vet?m ?sht? pritur nj? moment i volitsh?m q? edhe erdhi. Grek?ve n? t? gjitha rrethanat ju ?sht? dashur nj? justifikim i p?rgjithsh?m p?r t? mos e hapur m? ??shtjen ?ame dhe ta p?rs?risin pa argumente sa her? t`ja k?rkoj? nevoja k?t? mashtrim. "Argumenti" grek i "bashk?punimit m? fashizt?t" nuk ka asnj? vler? edhe sikur t? jet? i v?rtet?. Nuk mund t? p?rligjet n? asnj? m?nyr? dhuna ndaj f?mij?v? , grave, apo pleqve, q? sipas grek?ve na paskan qen? "fashist?" dhe paskan b?r? politik? t? p?rbashk?t me Musolinin apo Hitlerin. V?shtir? t? besohet q? f?mij?t pes? vje?ar? t? ken? qen? fashist? apo nazist? t? lindur si? i k?rkojn? grek?t. Nga ana tjet?r nuk ka asnj? t? dh?n? p?r bashk?punimin e popullat?s ?ame me ushtrit? kalimtare fashiste apo naziste n? Greqi. Konflikti bot?ror nuk kishte asnj? lidhje me interesat e popullsis? ?ame. Krim i madh cil?sohet nga grek?t hapja e shkollave shqipe n? ?am?ri n? koh?n e pushtimit italian. "Krimi" konsiston n? at? q? koha kur u rihap?n k?to shkolla, rastis me "pushtimin italian". Mir?po po t? vazhdojm? me k?t? logjik?, i bie q? edhe grek?t q? kan? m?suar greqisht n? koh?n e "pushtimit italian", t? jen? fashist? t? lindur. Grek?t p?r t? qen? t? besuesh?m n? g?njeshtrat e tyre kan? sajuar disa "krime t? ?am?ve". Sipas mashtrimeve t? tyre, m? 29 shtator 1943 na qenkan vrar? n? Paramithi 49 grek?, nga bashk?punimi i shqiptar?ve me gjerman?t. Nd?rsa n? t? gjith? ?am?rin? na qenkan vrar? 1100 grek? {kaq grek? s`ka pasur kurr? n? ?am?ri} dhe qenkan djegur 3000 sht?pi dhe jan? vjedhur 30 mij? kafsh?. Nd?r "krimet" e tjera grek?t rendisin edhe "vrasjet" n? koh? t? gjermanit, ku "kriminel?t" na paskan qen? Nuri dhe Mazar Dino, t? cil?t na pask?n q?lluar n? 84 fshatra, paskan marr? rob 300 #8209; 800 veta dhe paskan p?rdhunuar gra. M? qesharak? b?hen grek?t kur thon? se dy shqiptar? dhe nj? gjerman, kapnin 35 grek?. Nd?rsa sipas grekomanit Vasil Kondi{i riu} "16.000 #8209; 18.000 ?am? u larguan bashk? me ushrin? gjermane me mjete gjermane transporti". Intermexo historike P?r t? krijuar nj? ide m? t? sakt? p?r problemin ?am{gjithmon? n? lidhje m? polemik?n n? fjal?}, le t? shikojm? se si trajtohesh ky problem n? nj? mbledhje t? Lidhjes s? Kombeve n? Gjenev?. E marrim k?t? shembull pasi n? vitin 1928 nuk b?hej fjal? far? p?r t`i akuzuar ?am?t si "fashist?" apo si "nazist?". 1#8209;Pjes? nga debati i zhvilluar n? K?shillin e Lidhjes s? Kombeve n? Gjenev? m? 5 qershor 1928, midis p?rfaq?suesit t? Shqip?ris? Mehdi Frash?ri dhe p?rfaq?suesit t? Greqis? Politis. POLITIS: ...Qysh nga fillimi i pavar?sis? shqiptare, qeveria greke nuk ka pushuar s? dh?ni fqinj?s s? saj provat m? t? v?rteta dhe jet?gjata t? vullnetit t? saj t? mir?....Mjafton q? me dy fjal? t? p?rmend q?ndrimin e ?ilt?r t? qeveris? greke pas humbjes s? dhimbshme t? Epirit t? Veriut, humbje q? ka qen? tep?r e ndjeshme p?r shpirtin helen, sepse kjo provinc? prej shekujsh ka qen? konsideruar prej t? gjith? grek?ve si nj? provinc? qen?sisht komb?tare. ........Qeveria shqiptare nuk ka asnj? titull p?r t`u p?rzier? n? ??shtjet e brendshme t? Greqis?. K?rkesa e saj d?shmon p?r nj? konceptim me t? v?rtet? t? rreziksh?m n? mbrojtjen e pakicave. Qeveria ka prirjen q? t? harroj? se an?tar?t e pakic?s shqiptare n? Greqi jan? shtetas grek?...Shkurt qeveria shqiptare, n? kund?rshtim t? plot? me sovranitetin grek, k?rkon q? ndaj pakic?s shqiptare n? Greqi t? marr? q?ndrimin e nj? fuqie mbrojt?se...... MEHDI FRASH?RI:.......N? fillim t? fjalimit t? tij, p?rfaq?suesi i Greqis? foli p?r mir?sit? e qeveris? greke ndaj Shqip?ris?, t? cilat un? nuk i njoh fare. Prandaj do t? isha tep?r i lumtur po t? na jepej nj? shembull i mir?sive t? tilla n? dy ??shtjet q? paraqiten tani. Duke folur p?r mir?sit? e qeveris? greke, z.Politis citoi Epirin e Veriut q? duhej t? konsiderohej si vend helen. Un? k?mb?ngul q? t? deklaroj dhe p?r d?shmitar marr historin?, se Epiri i Veriut nuk ka qen? kurr? helen. N? t? nuk gjenden ve?se pakica greke tep?r t? dob?ta. .....Por m? lejoni t? pyes z. Politis, n?se qysh prej pushtimit grek t? ?am?ris?, a ?sht? krijuar nj? shkoll? e vetme shqiptare? POLITIS: Nuk do t`i p?rgjigjem k?saj pyetje dhe ju mohoj ?do lloj t? drejte q? t? trajtoni k?tu problemin e pakicave. Un? konstatoj se ju vazhdoni n? gabimin me t? cilin keni filluar. MEHDI FRASH?RI: Megjithat? ??shtja e pakicave ?sht? nj? nga t? drejtat publike t? Lidhjes s? Kombeve. ?do an?tar i Lidhjes ka t? drejt? ta ngreje k?t? problem. N? rast se nuk ?sht? k?shtu, kjo e drejt? duhet mohuar n? mb?shtetje t? s? cil?s qeveria shqiptare ka t?rhequr v?mendjen e K?shillit mbi shmangiet nga rregullat e statutit t? pakicave..... {Cituar nga "Nj? rrug? ende pa krye", p?rkthyer nga av. Agim Tartari, Tiran? 2000} 2#8209; Ja krimet e grek?ve. Edhe po t? marrim t? mir?qen? "krimet" imagjinare q? gjoja na paskan kryer ?am?t kund?r grek?ve, prap statistikat q? tregojn? krimet e grek?ve ndaj shqiptar?ve jan? shum? t? larta dhe kalojn? ?do lloj "fashizmi" apo "nazizmi". Le t? citojm? pra nj? statistik? p?r krimet e grek?ve ndaj shqiptar?ve t? ?am?ris?. K?shtu sipas t? dh?nave t? publikuara n? Kongresin ?am t? zhvilluar n? Vlor? m? 24 #8209; 25 qershor 1945, krimet e bandave grek? t? udh?hequr nga Kamara, Ka?o, Naqis, Cakis, Mi?is, Karallambras, 4 v?llez?rit Pandazis, Zoto, Vito, Ballumi, Delijamaqi etj, t? drejtuar nga terroristi Napoleon Zerva, nd?r t? tjera jan?: #8209;1270 burra t? vrar?. #8209;350 gra e f?mij? t? vrar?. #8209;4700 veta t? vdekur gjat? shp?rnguljes. #8209;61 fshatra t? djegura me rreth 5.800 sht?pi. D?me pasurore: #8209;17 mij? bag?ti e vjedhur. #8209;800 lop? e qe t? vjedhura. #8209;425 kuaj t? ngordhur. #8209;127 mij? kok? bag?ti e im?t e therur ose e ngordhur gjat? emigrimit. #8209;1200 lop? t? therura apo t? ngordhura gjat? emigrimit. #8209;1 milion e 730 mij? ok? drith?ra t? l?na n? sht?pi {dmth t? vjedhura nga grek?t}. #8209;prodhimi i vitit 1945 i llogaritur n? 4 milion ok? drith?ra, 7 milion ok? mis?r dhe rreth 3 milion ok? vaj. {Cituar sipas gazet?s "Bashkimi" nr 230, dat? 26 shtator 1945, librit t? Albert Kotinit "?am?ria denoncon", Tiran? 1999 dhe nj? botimi tjet?r t? vitit 1947}. Spastimi etnik nuk mund t? justifikohet me asnj? "argument". Ajo q? ndodhi n? ?am?ri 58 vjet m? par? ishte nj? genocid dhe spastrim etnik, i kryer n? rrethana t? favorshme t? Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore. Fakti q? qeverit? e ndryshme greke i p?rmbahen t? njejt?s pik?pamje p?rsa i takon "kolaboracionizmit" t? ?am?ve, do t? thot? se t? gjith? ata p?rkrahin linj?n terroriste t? Napoleon Zerv?s, prandaj jo m? kot ata i kan? ngritur edhe nj? monument kriminelit t? tyre. P?r t? gjitha qeverit? greke, ka qen? dhe ?sht? i domosdosh?m vet?m nj? justifikim sado kot q? t? jet? ai, n? m?nyr? q? ta quaj? "t? mbyllur" k?t? ??shtje. Por n? thelb grek?t nuk l?vizin aspak nga pozitat e tyre t? p?rkrahjes s? terrorizmit. ?sht? p?r t`u kujtuar gjithashtu se masakrat e kryera nga Milloshevi?i n? Kosov? nuk dallojn? shum? nga ata t? kryera nga Zerva n? Greqi dhe t? p?rkrahura nga Papandreu {i riu dhe i vjetri}, Micotaqos#8209;i, Simitis#8209;i, etj. #8209;Ja "kriminel?t", "fashist?t" dhe "nazist?t" ?am? q? paskan rrezikuar Greqin?. Sipas grek?ve k?ta vog?lush? 6 vje?ar? kan? qen? "fashist?" t? lindur. #8209;Momente nga largimi i popullsis? ?ame nga trojet e tyre shekullore. #8209;Ja me ?far? popullsie kan? treguar "heroizmin" e tyre terrorist?t grek? n? vitin 1944. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 11 11:33:21 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2002 08:33:21 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: International Policy Fellows, 2003 Message-ID: <20020711153321.85343.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu Jul 11 04:22:38 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2002 13:22:38 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: International Policy Fellows, 2003 CALL FOR PROPOSALS CENTER FOR POLICY STUDIES INTERNATIONAL POLICY FELLOWSHIPS, 2003 All applications must be submitted online at http://www.osi.hu/ipf by August 1, 2002 ____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________ The Central European University Center for Policy Studies (CPS) is calling for proposals for its year 2003 International Policy Fellowships (IPF) program, which is affiliated with the CPS and the Open Society Institute-Budapest. Broadly speaking, an open society is characterized by a reliance on the rule of law, the existence of a democratically elected government, a diverse and vigorous civil society, and respect for minorities and minority opinions. Launched in late 1999, the CPS works with a broadening circle of policy analysts and institutions to promote the development of policy center networks throughout Central and Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and Mongolia, as well as countries in South and Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa. The Center undertakes policy research and advocacy that furthers the open society mission and disseminates quality analyses in accessible formats. The CPS International Policy Fellowships are intended to support the analytical policy research of open society leaders and to provide these Fellows with professional policy training. The program aims to improve the quality of analysis in countries where the Soros foundations work by ensuring that these leaders are able to conduct research in their home region while maintaining local affiliations and a high degree of mobility and intellectual freedom. Fellows participate in four training seminars in Budapest over the course of the fellowship year conducted by professors of public policy from around the world and gain vital skills including how to write professional policy documents, identify appropriate policy instruments, and effectively advocate policiesskills that are underdeveloped in countries where the Soros foundations work. Good policy analysis is characterized by elements including a reliance on well-researched data; comprehensive, non-ideological assessment of relevant factors and options; explicitly stated criteria for assessing options; consideration of the interests and groups affected; and the clear presentation of feasible recommendations for action as well as how these recommendations should be communicated and implemented. Outstanding Fellows from Eastern Europe may be nominated to participate in additional training and research opportunities including a three-month International Junior Public Policy Scholar Fellowship in Washington, D.C. in affiliation with the Woodrow Wilson Center's East European Studies program. The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the United States' official memorial to President Wilson, was established by congressional legislation in 1968. Meant to reflect and continue Woodrow Wilson's commitment to a deeper understanding of issues crucial to global peace and stability, the Center serves as an international, interdisciplinary, non-partisan scholarly institute which fosters scholarship in the humanities and social sciences and encourages dialogue between the academic and policy communities. East European Studies, housed at the Woodrow Wilson Center, provides a non-partisan forum for bringing historical and contemporary understanding of the former communist states of Eastern Europe and the Baltics to the nation's capital and throughout the country. For more details on the Wilson Center and its East European Studies program, please see further details at the end of this announcement and visit the Center's website at www.wilsoncenter.org. Applicants are encouraged to submit individual, practical and policy-oriented research proposals in the following subject areas. The product of each fellowship will be a detailed analysis of a major issue to be published in English and translated into other languages: 2003 Fellowship Issue Areas Note: Although the topics Conflict Prevention in Southeast Europe and The Future of the Caucasus are not included in this year's announcement, IPF remains especially interested in receiving applications from these regions. Please apply according to the relevant topic rather than region. Also please note that applicants interested in Gender Policy as it relates to education, the media, and health should apply in the education, media, and health categories. The Policy Process Building Institutions Cross-Border Cooperation Outside the European Union Cultural Policy Education Policy Enhancing the Learning Experience in Central and East European Higher Education Primary and Secondary Education Policy Environmental Policy International Climate Change Policy Strategic Environmental Assessment and Sustainability Appraisal as Policy-Making Tools The Future of Central and Southwest Asia Gender Policy: Intra-Enterprise Level Gender Inequalities in Post-Socialist Societies Information Policy Media Policy Public Health Policy Tobacco Economics Research and Advocacy Policy Priorities in Public Health Social Responsibility in Global Governance Structures State Capacity and the Leading Economic Sector in Post-Socialist Eastern Europe State Responses to the Challenge of Multiethnicity Terms of the International Policy Fellowship Award Fellows will be provided with a one-year stipend, expenses including travel, and needed communications equipment to work full-time on research of their design in one of the above areas. The amount of the award will vary depending on standards in the Fellow's country of residence and the budgetary needs of the proposal. To Apply: Application Requirements and Procedures All initial queries must be entered online via the internet directly into the IPF application database found at http://www.osi.hu/ipf. Those who have no possibility to access the internet (including from public libraries, internet centers, or national Soros foundations) should send an e-mail to fellows at osi.hu or call the IPF offices at (36 1) 327-3863 to discuss the best alternate application solution. Finalists will be interviewed by telephone at the expense of IPF. Successful applicants will be notified in November or December 2002 and no later than January 15, 2003. The fellowship research cycle will approximate the period from March 2003 to March 2004. Applications sent by mail, fax or e-mail will not be considered unless you received prior approval from IPF staff to use an alternative method of application. ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 12 09:12:35 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2002 06:12:35 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare Message-ID: <20020712131235.84223.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> DOSSIER Nentedhjete vjete me pare shovinistet greke masakruan patriotin Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro), kryetarin e Klubit "Bashkimi" te shqiptareve te Janines dhe botuesin e gazetes "Zgjimi i Shqiperise" Si e vran? grek?t patriotin Kadri Kumbaro --------------------------------- Kadri GJATA, Sulejman JUSUFATI Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro) lindi ne Libohove me 1865, ku mbaroi shkollen fillore dhe ate qytetse (Ruzhdie) dhe me 1880 shkoi ne Janine te tezja e tij (motra e nenes) per te .vazhduar shkollen e mesme (medrese). Mbas mbarimit te shkolles ai qendroi ne Janine, sepse e adoptoi tezja e tij dhe u mor me administrimin e pasurise se saj. Per arsye te adoptimit ai nderroi edhe mbiemrin e tij (e kishte Kumbaro dhe mori mbiemrin e tezes,Gjata). Janina ne ate kohe ishte nje nga te kater vilajetet e Turqise ne Shqiperi. Ne kete qytet, ne fund te shekullit te XIX dhe ne fillim te shekullit te XX pati nje levizje patriotike te frymezuar nga idealet e Rilindjes. Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro) u lidh me kete levizje patriotike dhe me kohe fitoi emer midis patrioteve qe zhvillonin veprimtari patriotike Roli i "Bashkimit" Sipas gazetes "Liria" ne Nr.11-12 tetor 1908 ne shkrimin "Korespondence nga Janina" thuhet: "Me 5 te muajit (shtator 1908) 300 vete u mblodhen per te themeluar shoqeri...Foli Bajo Topulli...kendoi rregulloren; u zgjodh pleqesia e Klubit "Bashkimi": Zia bej-kryetar, Qerim bej Leskoviku-nenkryetar, Kadri Gjata-arketar, Rasim Gjirokastra-shkronjes (sekretar), keshillonjes-6 veta". Klubet asokohe kane qene organizatat kryesore politike qe perqendronin ne duart e tyre veprimtarine patriotike, politike, kulturore, publicistike etj. Ato zhvillonin pune legale e krahas kesaj edhe pune patriotike ilegale. Klubet krijoheshin si organe lufte per bashkimin e popullit shqiptar, per zhvillimin e shkolles dhe te kultures shqipe. Veprimtaria e tyre gjeti perkrahje te plote ne masat e gjera te popullit. Ne mjaft raste popullsia njihte me teper autoritetin e klubeve se sa ate te administrates turke. Rolin me te rendesishem dhe ne shume raste rolin drejtues ne levizjen kombetare ne Shqiperine e Jugut dhe te Mesme e luajti klubi i Manastirit "Bashkimi" dhe Klubi i "Janines". Kadri Gjata bashkepunoi ngushte me patriotin e shquar dhe publicistin e njohur Nu?i Na?i. Ai ishte nje gazetar patriot dhe demokrat dhe per nje kohe qe edhe drejtor i gazetes "Zgjimi i Shqiperise" te Klubit te Janines. Puna e Klubit qe mjaft e veshtire sepse ne Janine kishte baza te forta levizja shoviniste greke(qe dispononte klub, shtyp, shkolla greke, fonde etj). Shovinistet greke te Janines jo vetem qe e shikonin me armiqesi te hapet punen e klubit shqiptar, por edhe vepronin aktivisht kunder tij. Ata kishin perkrahjen e plote te qeveritareve xhon-turq. Sa me teper merrte hov levizja patriotike ne Shqiperi (sidomos me kryengritjet e Shqiperise se Veriut e te Kosoves me 1909-1912), aq me teper qeveria turke e xhon-turqeve i sillte pengesa klubit te Janines duke perkrahur njekohesisht shovinistet greke te megali-idhese.Presione te shumta beri administrata turke mbi Klubin e Janines,duke kerkuar qe Klubi te shperndahej dhe qe ne Janine te krijohej nje klub i vetem nen kontrollin e xhon-turqeve. Pikerisht ne kete faze te veshtire,kur maredheniet me qeverine turke u acaruan ne tere vendin,ndersa shovinistet greke po beheshin perhere e me agresive,ne Klubin e Janines u bene zgjedhje te reja te kryesise dhe ne krye te Klubit u zgjodh Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro). Lidhur me kete ngjarje gazeta e klubit "Zgjimi i Shqiperise" me 5 prill 1910,Nr.75 shkruan:"Pleqesia zgjodhi si kryetar Kadri Gjaten,...i cili nuk do te trembet..."Ata ishin te bindur se Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro) ne rolin e kryetarit te Klubit nuk do te stepej e nuk do t'u trembej presioneve te armiqve te atdheut. Aktiviteti i ketij Klubi eshte trajtuar nder te tjera ne artikullin:"Veprimtaria e shoqerise "Bashkimi" te Janines ne vitet 1908-1912", e Ibrahim Hoxhes, botuar ne revisten "Studime historike" te vitit 1974, Nr.1. Klubi "Bashkimi" i Janines kishte si pikesynim propoganden patriotike, itimin e te drejtave kombetare, perhapjen e arsimit shqip, perhapjen e librit dhe te shtypit shqip, lidhjen e levizjes patriotike te asaj krahine ne levizjen rilindase ne mbare vendin dhe ne "kolonite" shqiptare (ne Egjipt,Rumani etj).Klubi kishte si anetare nje mase te madhe shqiptaresh te Janines, intelektuale, nenpunes, ushtarake, nxenes te gjimnazit e te medresese, zanat?inj, ?irake, etj. Klubi krijoi dhe pasuroi edhe biblioteken e vet me libra shqip te asaj kohe. Ai krijoi edhe nje mesonjetore-nje shkolle-ku mesonin shkrimin shqip anetaret e klubit si dhe nxenesit shqipetare te shkollave te Janines. Gazeta "Zgjimi i Shqiperise" mbronte dhe perhapte idete patriotike, propagandonte e popullarizonte veprimtarine e levizjes patriotike qe zhvillohej ne Shqiperi dhe jashte. Nen kujdesin e ketij klubi u themelua dhe qarku (rrethi) letrar "Toskeria" (ne prill 1910). Klubi i Janines u lidh ngushte me qendrat e tjera patriotike sidomos me ate te Prevezes (qe drejtohej nga patrioti Sabri Preveza), te ?amerise (qe kishte si aktivist Musa Demin, njerin nga drejtuesit e meparshem te Klubit te Janines) si dhe me patriotet e Leskovikut, Kor?es, Permetit, Gjirokastres, Libohoves, Beratit , Vlores, etj.) Ndikimi i Klubit dhe emri i kryetarit te tij Kadri Gjates, ndihej dhe nderohej edhe ne qarqet patriotike jashte Shqiperise (ne Rumani, Egjipt, Bullgari,etj.) Klubi: n?npresionin e grek?ve Nen presionin e arestimeve te frikesimeve te xhon-turqeve ne vitin 1911 deri me 1912 pjesa me e madhe e klubeve shqiptare u mbyllen, por klubi i Janines e vazhdoi punen e vet patriotike. Atehere qarqet zyrtare turke dhe ato shoviniste greke, duke pare se Kadri Gjata ishte figura kryesore e klubit dhe e levizjes patriotike te Janines, menduan t'a thyenin ate duke i bere shantazhe e duke i derguar letra kercenuese anonime. Per kete deshmon edhe gazeta "Drita", qe ne gusht 1912 ne artikullin "Kush e do Shqiperine, ai vdes per te", kushtuar vrasjes se Kadri Gjates qe kishte ndodhur pak jave me pare, shkruante nder te tjera: "Ne ate qytet (ne Janine) si shqiptar me ndjenja te larta e me zell kombesie, i kishte vene krahe klubit dhe s'i druhej fare vdekjes, kur i vinin letertrembjet si bresheri, qe ta frikesonin per ta larguar nga veprimi kombetar. Por per deshmorin shpirt-ndritur te gjitha qene bllof, as ua vuri veshin fare, por perkundrazi shtonte kunderqendrimin. Jeta e tij ndodhej ne rrezik nga dy pale njerez, perve? grekerve kishte dhe tikat?inj (eshte fjala per xhonturqit). Ateher? armiqte e popullit tone vendosen t'a vrisnin Kadri Gjaten. Me 12 korrik 1912 Kadri Gjata, ndersa po udhetonte bashke me nje te afermin e tij ne fshatin Radhotop, afer Janines, u ndesh ne nje prite dhe u vra me arme zjarri.Vrasja e tij, si? u morr vesh menjehere,qe nje krim politik i shemtuar, ne vazhden e shume krimeve te tjera te kryera nga shovinizmi grek ne ato vite qe i paraprine shpalljes se pavaresise. Hakmarrja U muar vesh se vrasja e Kadri Gjat?s u krye nga nje bande kriminelesh ne sherbim te shovinisteve greke. ?eta perbehej nga 22 vete te kryesuar nga kapiteni si dhe kapiten Gogua e kapiten Farmaku. Kjo ?ete kriminelesh e organizuar nga shovinistet greke, pas krimit qe beri, qarkulloi per disa dite neper fshatrat e ?amerise e te Shqiperise se Jugut. Indinjata per kete krim politik antishqiptar, qe e madhe. Ne Kurvelesh e Vlore u krijuan disa reparte vullnetare patriote qe e ndoqen ?eten, e rrethuan dy here dhe thuajse e asgjesuan teresisht ne perpjekje me arme. Vete kapiteni Jani Puteci e pagoi me koke krimin.(Gazeta "Drita", Manastir-gusht 1912). Lidhur me vrasjen e Kadri Gjates prej andart?ve grek? dhe me kunderveprimin spontan te masave popullore fshatare, te cilat formuan ?eta qe asgjesuan grupin e andart?ve, ne Laberi eshte krijuar edhe kjo kenge popullore (mbledhur nga Saliko Qani Progonati / Ne malin permbi Sarande / Vrane kapetan Jane, (Jani Putecin) / Mustafai me te vellane / Muarne hake per Kadrine / Qe e vrane ne Janin? / Pse e deshte Shqiperine / Kapetan Salih Smokthina / U leshua si vetetima / Aty afer mbi Mursi / Vrau te njezet e dy / O ju qener te pabese / Per nje late njezet e pese". Mustafa Ftera nga Ftera, per te marre hakun e Kadri Gjates, bashke me shume fshatare te tjere i rrethoi andartet greke, vrasesit e Kadriut ne hanin e ?ukos (Delvine) dhe ne perpjekje vrau kapiten Jani Putecin dhe te dy niperit e tij. Te tjeret, qe i shpetuan rrethimit (22 vete) u vrane afer Mursise nga ?eta e kapetan Salih Smokthines (Salih Murat Vranishti): Kokat e kapetaneve greke u ekspozuan ne tregun e Delvines. Jehona e vrasjes Kadri Gjat?s Ne shume gazeta patriotike te kohes u shkruan artikuj dhe vjersha. Nder personalitetet qe reaguan ndaj kesaj ngjarjeje, qene patriote e publiciste demokrate si Nu?i Na?i, Mu?o Qulli, Jani Vruho, Mihal Grameno, poeti i permendur Asdreni, Halim Xhelo etj. Keto figura kane qene perfaqesues ne ze te krahut me demokratik e antifeudal te levizjes patriotike te atyre viteve. Deshmite dhe vleresimi qe i kane dhene keta bashkekohes rolit dhe personalitetit politik te Kadri Gjates, ndihmojne te kuptohet autoriteti qe gezonte ne gjirin e mbare levizjes patriotike shqiptare brenda dhe jashte Shqiperise. Klubi i Janines dhe kontributi i kryetarit te tij energjik, Kadri Gjata. Gazeta e Mihal Gramenos "Koha" nje nga organet me luftarake te asaj kohe, shkruante: "Nje nga bijte e dashur te Shqiperise u vra nga armiqte e kombit shqiptar. Greket e pabese, barbare e te eger goditen kombin shqiptar duke e vrare (Kadri Gjaten)...Ishte shpirti dhe zemra e shqiptarizmes ne Janine...Ka luftuar si dragua per kombin...Kur te gjithe klubet u mbyllen, vetem i Janines nuk u mbyll, por mbajti flamurin lart perpjete. Edhe kjo i detyrohet te pavdekshmit patriot...Qofte kujtimi i pavdekshem dhe mbetet shembull. "Gazeta "Shkupi" pak kohe pas vrasjes shkruante: "Deshmor per Shqipni...I pari shqiptar ne Janine, e vrane propaganda e grekut se punonte per Shqipni. Gazeta "Drita" e Mu?o Qullit me 9 gusht 1912 ne kryeartikullin "Deshmoret e kombesise" shkruan:"Kadri Kumbaro nga Libohova, kryesonjes i klubit te Janines...u vra prej grekerve...Duhet te dine ata gjakpires se n? ra deshmor Kadriu, Shqiperia rron me nder e me trimeri te saj. Ne i vdiq nje djale Shqiperise, atdheut te Pellazgeve, ai vend i shenjteruar ushqen nde gji te tij mijra trima si ai ...".Nu?i Na?i shkruante:" Klubi i Janines kishte ne gjirin e tij burrin trim dhe patriotin e flaket qe nuk i trmbej syri dhe as ja kishte friken se keqes dhe as vdekjes. Ky patriot mori persiper vete shpenzimet e Klubit dhe te organit te tij. Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro) ishte njeri i punes dhe i sakrifices, agjitator i flaket, perkrahes dhe strehues i patrioteve qe ndiqeshin nga qeveria. Edhe grekerit nga ana tjeter punuan se bashku me xhonturqit per te shkaterruar ?do gje patriotike dhe ?do gjurme ne Vilajetin e Janines. U vra me 12 korrik 1912". Ne nje artikull te tij botuar ne "Liria e Shqiperise" me titull "Vrasja e Kadri Libohoves", Jani Vruho nga Egjipti (Misiri) shkruante: "Nje jave me pare si sot, tek kendonja nje gazete greqishte nga te Stambollit, pashe nje telegraf qe i qe hequr nga Janina Stambollit per vrasjen e te ndjerit atdhetar Kadri Efendi Libohoves". Kete lajm Vruho e cileson "potere te zeze", e cila "menxyros kedo shqiptar te atdhetarte". Me poshte Jani Vruho me indinjate te madhe i paralajmeron shovinistet greke se me keto vrasje e me politiken e tyre shoviniste nuk do t'ia arrijne kurre qellimit te tyre. Populli shqiptar, thote J.Vruho, kerkon te jetoje ne miqesi me popujt fqinje, por ai s'lejon kurre t'i preken te drejtat dhe nuk trenmbet nga kercenimet. Asokohe ne krahinen e Laberise per Kadri Gjaten u krijua dhe u kendua nje kenge popullore (ajo u mblodh dhe u botua me vone ne gazeten "Drita" te Tiranes me 27 janar 1937, ne faqen tre ku thuhet : "Re e zeze ka rene / Mbi te shkreten Janine / Kadri Gjaten e vrane / E vrane dhe me s'e lane / Kadri Gjata / djale i ri / Burre trim libohoviti / Perpiqej per kombesi / E vrau Shtriga eteri / ?'e vrane andart?t / Me nje plumb ne balle / ?'e vrane kusaret / Po qajne shqipetaret". Se ?'rol vendimtar luante Kadri Gjata ne Klubin e Janines, duket edhe nga fakti se pas vrasjes se tij qeveria turke arriti te mbyllte Klubin shqiptar, te vetmin qe kishte mbetur dhe qe vazhdonte veprimtarine asokohe. Revista "Ylli i mengjezit", qe dilte ne Boston te Shteteve te Bashkuara te Amerikes ne Nr.11 te vitit 1917, duke folur per Themistokli Germenjin, shkruan keshtu per marredheniet qe kishte ai me Kadri Gjaten (ne vitin 1911 kur Th. Germenjin e kishin arrestuar xhonturqit dhe e kishin shpene ne burgun e Janines): "Si e shpune Themistokline ne Janine, atdhetari i shkelqyer, i ndieri Kadri Gjata, te cilin andart?t e vrane me te pabese ne 1912, vuri tere fuqine e tij duke perdorur jo vetem influencen, por edhe mallin e vuri rehem (e vuri peng), vetem Themistokliu te shpetoje dhe plani i Komitetit te mos dale ne shesh pa u vene ne veprim" (eshte fjala per planin e nje kryengritjeje ne Shqiperine e Jugut). Kujtimin e Kadri Gjates e mbante gjalle edhe poeti i shquar shqiptar Asdreni 30-vjet pas vdekjes se Kadri Gjates me 1942, Asdreni botoi ne gazeten "Tomorri" (Tirane Nr. 286, 29 Nentor 1942, faqe 3) nje vjershe ku ndjehet jehona qe kishte ngjallur dikur ne ndergjegjen e tij dhe te patrioteve te tjere shqiptare vepra patriotike dhe vdekja prej deshmori e Kadri Gjates.Nder te tjera ne ate vjershe Asdreni thote"Po gjithe trim si te parit / Kadri Gjata ne Jann? / Qe me "Zgjimin" e tij plot zjarr / Ka ra fli per Shqipenine". Deshmi interesante qe vertetojne karakterin patriotik te veprimtarise se Kadri Gjates dhe karakterin politik te vrasjes se tij,permbajne edhe relacionet diplomatike te konsullit te Austro-Hungarise ne Janine. Figura e Kadri Gjates dhe veprimtaria e Klubit "Bashkimi" qe ai drejtoi me guxim,ka filluar te studiohet ne menyre me te thelluar edhe pas vitit 1944. Interesante jane deshmite e vitit 1962 te disa veteraneve te levizjes patriotike si Visat Fico, Enver ?obani, Nezir Leskoviku, anetare te Klubit te Janines qe e kane njohur personalisht Kadri Gjaten ne Janine. Mbas vitit 1970 shume publiciste e shkrimtare kane shkruar per jeten e Kadri Gjates (Kumbaros) dhe veprimtarine patriotike te Klubit "Bashkimi" te Janines,si ne gazeten "Bashkimi" viti 1970, gazeta "Mesuesi"viti 1973, ne revisten "Nendori" 1973, ne studime historike viti 1974,etj. Ne vitin 1979 Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro) u shpall Deshmor i Kombit. Ne librin "Bredhi i gjelber" te shkrimtarit Petraq Zoto,viti 1981 jepen edhe kujtimet e patriotit te shquar Themistokli Germenji me titull "20-vjeshte e dyte 1917": "Vdes njeriu, po mendimet rrojne edhe bemat e tij gjithashtu,ja tek i kane fjalet e Gjerasim Qiriazit.Sa e ?uditshme kjo bote". "Gjer tani munda te mproj veten,po ketej e tutje nuk do te mund.E di qe kane vendosur e kane marre masa per vrasjen time": I kujt eshte ky shenim?I Papa Kristo Negovanit, i Petro Nini Luarasit, Kadri Gjates? Te tre njesoj, te njejtin fat paten. Jane edhe sot e kesaj dite midis nesh, me rrezik ne ?do ?ast jetuan, por nga bemat per memedheun s'u tunden as nje here. E dinin ?'u thurrej por s'u dhane thjesht per burreri e qendrese? Jo di?ka me shume, ja merr Kadriune. Kur turqit me shpune ne burgun e Janines, Kadri Gjata s'la gur pa luajtur qe te me lironte, sikur te kishte rene ne burg vellai i tij. Ne mbyllje te ketij shkrimi, ne 90-vjetorin e vrasjes, kujtojme me respekt figuren e patriotit Kadri Gjata (Kumbaro) qe ne ?do hap te jetes se tij tregoi nje dashuri te thelle per Atdheun dhe nje deshire te zjarrte per ta pare ate te lire dhe te lulezuar. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Jul 14 08:58:18 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 14 Jul 2002 05:58:18 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Summer School, Post Communist Transition and European Integration Processes,1-15.9.2002, Cervia Message-ID: <20020714125818.94749.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu Jul 11 04:48:56 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2002 13:48:56 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Summer School, Post Communist Transition and European Integration Processes,1-15.9.2002, Cervia The International Summer School in Cervia Post Communist Transition and European Integration Processes (8th Edition) Duration: September, 1st/15th, School Location: Cervia (RA), EU/Italy Objectives: The School (at its VIII Edition) admit young post-graduate men and women from European Union and from Southeast Europe and can provide for an ideal environment for the development of interpersonal and intercultural relationships between Eastern and Western Europeans and for learning together about political questions of common concern. This can be also a good opportunity for influencing a cultural rehabilitation of a young Balkan generation involved in nationalistic tensions and, sometimes, in war activities and for helping Balkan students to learn about democratic development, human rights, peace and European integration. Contents summary: The lectures are intended to offer an analysis of the political and economic integration processes in the European Union, of the fundamental principles and pre-requisites to become its members and, in comparative perspective, of the characteristics of the political and economic systems in the post-communist Balkan transition. The school provides for 2 different courses, corresponding to 2 main study areas: 1 - Law, Human Rights and Political Institutions; 2 - Economics and Environment Management. The first area will be focused on various subjects, in particular on nationalism, differences in gender, relationships between minorities and majorities in democratic systems. The second one will be focused on subjects about monetarian union, prevention principles and estimate procedures on the environment and fundamental principles of sustainable development. The students will attend the courses shared in two groups one per area. Moreover, three interdisciplinary events are scheduled to be followed by all the students at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of the courses. The subjects of these three meetings will be focused on human rights, international dimension and role of the European Parliament, inter-regional relations in the Balkans. The programme of the School will also feature meetings with leaders and operators of Human Rights organisations and visits to local companies. During all this period, four Tutors (two per area) will follow the students, helping them to write a brief final paper. Thanks to the co-operation of the municipality of Cervia it will be possible to organise cultural tours. Faculty: The faculty will comprise mostly distinguished EU members of the Network and the Centre, scholars of Bologna University and EU officials, among whose: Renzo Imbeni (vice-president of European Parliament), Michael Leigh and Sandro Gozi (EU Commission, Bruxelles), Panagiotis Liargovas (University of Athens), Julie Mostov (Drexel University), Zoran Pajic (RIIA, London), Anna Krasteva (New Bulgarian University, Sofia), Rudolf Rizman (University of Ljubljana), Damir Grubisa (IMO, Zagreb), Dragoljub Stojanov (University of Sarajevo), Dusan Janjic (Institute of Social Science, Belgrade), Vera Vangeli (Institute for National History, Skopje), Luljerta Minxhozi (University of Tirana), George Sch?pflin (University of London), Daniel Daianu (Economic Academy, Bucharest), Camelia Beciu (University of Bucharest), Klaus Schubert (Universit?t Bochum), Luigi Bruzzi, Andrea Segr? and Stefano Bianchini (University of Bologna). Language: English Number of Participants: 40 students (5 from EU and 35 from Southeast Europe), 40 people as teachers, tutors, staff, operators of Human Rights organisations and managers of local companies. Accommodation: Hotel Genzianella, Cervia (RA). Entrance-fees: Entrance-fees are not provided. Local representatives of Europe and the Balkans International Network both in EU and in Balkan areas will vouch for the selection of students with high education and strong personal motivation. Ways of Payment: none Information: Europe and the Balkans International Network, Forl?, European Union/Italy eurobalk at spbo.unibo.it Yahoo! Groups Sponsor Click here to find your contact lenses! ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 12 21:14:41 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2002 18:14:41 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Editorial - Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020713011441.26171.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Terrorist?t grek? t? MAVI-it, celul? n? Shqip?ri Atentate t? pritshme, destabilizim n? Himar? etj... Burime tep?r t? rezervuara, por t? denja p?r t'u marr? n? konsiderat?, madje p?r t? v?n? alarmin n? shtetin shqiptar, b?jn? t? ditur se organizata terroriste MAVI ka celul? n? Shqip?ri. Aktiviteti i k?saj organizate terroriste, n? programin e s? cil?s p?rfshihet platforma p?r "?lirimin e Vorio Epirit", p?rfytyrohej deri tani vet?m me sulme nga jasht? brenda. K?shtu ndodhi rasti i post?s s? Peshk?pis?, n? t? cil?n tashm? ?sht? provuar totalisht autor?sia e MAVI-it. Madje ?sht? provuar nga Sh?rbimet Inteligjente, por dhe ka dal? n? publik fakti q? k?ta bandit? i kishte takuar nj? intelektual grek i diaspor?s. Goditja q? shteti grek po p?rpiqet t'i jap? terrrorizmit, kryesisht atij t? organizat?s "17 n?ntori" t? prirur majtas, duhet t? p?rfshij? edhe MAVI-in. Mir?po tek kjo organizat?, shteti grek ende nuk ka provuar se ?sht? dor?jasht?. Para disa koh?sh organizata terroriste MAVI, hodhi n? er? disa shtylla t? tensionit t? lart? n? territorin grek, t? cilat sillnin energji elektrike n? drejtim t? Shqip?ris?. Disa arrestime q? u jan? b?r? terroristev? grek? kan? ndodhur p?rgjat? kufirit me Shqip?rin? dhe akuzat n? gjyq p?r ta kan? qen? jo p?r terroriz?m, por p?r arm?mbajtje pa leje e p?r ndonj? gj? t? k?tij lloji. Informacione serioze b?jn? t? ditur se gjat? p?rkujtimit flagrant t? vrasjes s? ushtar?ve grek? n? Himar?, ku mori pjes? dhe ambasadori Iliopullos, mendohet se kan? qen? prezent dy protagonist? t? organizat?s terroriste MAVI. P?r ngjarjen n? fjal? nj? prefekt protestoi ashp?r, por qeveria e kalamanit Majko nuk qe n? gjendje ta ?oj? ??shtjen deri n? fund dhe t? mbahen p?rgjegj?sit? e nevojshme. Nj? nga piketat m? t? af?rta t? k?saj organizate terroriste, po p?rgatitet n? bregdetin e Jonit, ku do t? sulmohen pronar?t e tokave n? em?r t? tez?s Vorio - Epiriote. Organizata terroriste nuk i sheh t? pamundura atentatet e nevojshme n? Tiran? apo gjetk? ndaj personaliteteve kulturore gazetareske politike, t? cil?t kan? nj? portret patriotik e komb?tar. Ajo q? ?sht? alarmante ?sht? e lidhur me faktin q? sh?rbimet shqiptare, qoft? ato diplomatike, qoft? ato inteligjente e m? gjer?, jan? shum? larg zot?rimit t? situat?s. Madje mund t? themi me plot goj?n se brenda tyre ka m? jo nj? infeksion tradh?tie t? sh?rbimit t? mirfillt? antishqiptar, por ka nj??zinxhir individ?sh q? i b?jn? jehon? k?saj atmosfere. Qeveria e shtetit grek jo rrall? ?sht? dukur n?p?r faqet e internetit si p?rgjegj?se p?r paaft?sin? n? luft?n kund?r terrorizmit. Madje shpesh akuzat shkojn? m? larg se kaq. Por n? momentin i tanish?m po duket se Greqia po e eksporton k?t? terroriz?m edhe n? form? strukture n? Shqip?ri.N? organizata si OMONIA apo n? PBDNJ, njeriu q? mund t? jet? i MAVI-t nuk do t'ia deklaroj? k?t? partis? apo shoqat?s hapur, por udh?heq?sit.K?to dy subjekte duhet t? jen? vigjilent? ndaj k?tyre figurave t? zeza. Kjo organizat? terroriste bashk? me "17 n?ntorin" n? Greqi apo n? Shqip?ri ka p?r objektiv goditjeje veprimi, ?udit?risht po ato t? skem?s s? terrorizmit islamik, ku padyshim p?rfshihet elementi amerikan, anglez etj... Sidoqoft? n?se do t? kishte nj? d?shir? t? thell? dhe t? sinqert? lidhur me k?to informacione, do t? thoshnim se, ajo ka t? b?j? me faktin q? shteti grek, strukturat legale t? tij, t? jen? sinqerisht kund?r terrorizmit. As ata vet? nuk e kuptojn? se ?'mund t? buroj? prej lajthitjesh t? tilla mesjetare. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? New! SBC Yahoo! Dial - 1st Month Free & unlimited access -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 16 19:21:08 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 16 Jul 2002 16:21:08 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Camerine - Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020716232108.3901.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Mbi t? gjitha ?am?ria N? lasht?si, ?am?ria njihej si Iliria e Jugut dhe m? von? ?sht? quajtur Shqip?ria e Jugut. Grek?t e kan? quajtur ?am?rin?, Epir, nj? em?r q? do t? thot? "Kontinent", ky nuk ka asnj? lidhje me komb?sin? e popujve q? banojn? n? k?t? kontinent. Emri ?am?ri u p?rdor nga banor?t grek? t? ishujve t? vegj?l p?rtej kufijve t? Shqip?ris?. Grek?t, n? vazhdim?si jan? munduar p?r t? tjet?rsuar historin? duke shpikur edhe gjenez?n helene, si t? vetmen pellazge, para asaj ilire si trash?gimtare t? v?rtet?. Ata duke mos p?rballuar dot shkenc?risht, gjenez?n ton? pellazge m? t? hershme se helen?t, at?here nuk u mbetej tjet?r gj?, ve?se tjet?rsimi i t? v?rtetave historike. P?rpjekjet e grek?ve p?r t? tjet?rsuar historin? nuk jan? mb?shtetur nga studimet shkencore, t? b?ra si nga shkenc?tar?t e huaj dhe ata grek?, pa p?rjashtuar dhe disa prej tyre q?, me argumentime shkencore bind?se hedhin drit? t? plot? p?r gjenez?n e popullit ton?, duke filluar q? nga lasht?sia deri tani n? koh?rat moderne, duke argumentuar shkenc?risht, se shqiptar?t jan? pasardh?s t? pellazg?ve, ilir?ve. Straboni dhe Herodoti, duke mos e njohur gjuh?n e fiseve fqinje q? ndryshonte krejt nga helenishtja, i quajt?n banor?t n? veri t? Ambrakis?, Pellazg? ose Barbar?. P?r t? dalluar helen?t nga kombet e tjera ata p?rdornin k?t? formul?:"Kush nuk ?sht? helen, ?sht? barbar". Teza e p?rbashk?t q? e gjejm? tek Straboni, Ptolemeu, Tuqiditi ?sht?:"?am?ria n? lasht?si banohej nga fiset thesprote, mollose, kaone, q? nga grek?t e lasht? quheshin fise barbare, sepse nuk flisnin greqisht". N? librin "Fjalor i Antikiteteve klasike" t? Lybkerit, tek artikulli p?r Korkyr?n (Korfuzin), vihet n? dukje, se ai ishull n? zanafill? banohej nga ilir?t. N? vepr?n e studiuesit t? njohur suedez Martin P. Nilson, botuar n? Lond?r n? 1909, me titull "Studime mbi historin? e Epirit t? lasht?", sqarohet m? s? miri, se Epiri nuk ka qen? ndonj?her? grek, ky rajon ka ruajtur natyr?n e vet ilire t? pandryshueshme. N? shekullin e X-t? t? er?s son?, perandori i Bizantit Leoni i Men?ur, n? nj? nga librat e tij p?rmend faktin q? "banor?t e Epirit jan? shqiptar?" Pukvili (1770-1857), q? njihej si mik i helen?ve, i cil?suar si filo-grek shkruan "p?r Pirron dhe Thesprotin q? nuk jan? grek?" si dhe jep mjaft prova etnografike, arkeologjike p?r autoktonin? ?ame (libri "Udh?time n? Greqi" vol. 1 fq.98.( Martin Lik n? librin "K?rkime n? Greqi" botuar n? Lond?r, n? 1814, n? fq. 266 thot?:"?am?t okupojn? vendin n? jug t? lumit Kalama (Thiam i vjet?r) dhe kam arsyen t? besoj, se ?am?t e kan? nxjerr? emrin e tyre nga nj? aliternacion i lumit t? prapthi. Vendit i thon? Dar, dhe shtrihej deri rrotull fshatrave t? Janin?s, vendet kryesore t? ?am?ris? jan?: Suli, Paramithia, Margariti, Parga, Agjija. Enciklopedia e madhe helenike, v?llimi 15 fq. 405 provon se, ?am?t jan? banor?t e par? t? Thesprotis? dhe jep njoftime se emrin ?am e kan? marr? prej Thiam (Kalama i sot?m). Nga pik?pamja gjuh?sore pranon se dy t? tretat e ?am?ris?, megjith?se t? ndar? n? t? krishter? dhe mysliman?, flasin shqip, por nj? shqipe t? ve?ant?. Studiuesit, konsujt dhe udh?tar?t e ndrysh?m si Pukvili, Lik, Brukton, Helon, Bul, Liri, Dozon etj, q? vizituan Shqip?rin? n? shek.XIX-t? konstatuan se populli i ?am?ris?, trev? q? shtrihej n? mes t? lumit Kalama, gjirit t? Art?s e deri n? Prevez?, popullohej nga shqiptar?t autokton?. P?rfaq?suesi i Greqis? n? Konferenc?n e Losann?s, deklaroi m? 19 janar 1923,se "Shqiptar?t banojn? n? nj? krahin? plot?sisht t? caktuar, d.m.th Epirin. Nga sa m? sip?r, del m? se e qart? autoktonia ilire e ?am?ris?, si dhe vazhdimi i iliro-shqiptar?ve t? saj, pasardh?sit e fiseve pellazgo-ilire jan? quajtur thesprot?, me qend?r shpirt?rore tempullin e Dodon?s. Me t? drejt?, banor?t e vjet?r t? ?am?ris? japin p?rgjigje p?r vendndodhjen e ?am?ris?:"?am?ria zihet ka lumi i Shal?sit (Pavllo) n? veri, jaram t? tre gur?t e zes n? Prevez?". ?am?t dhe epiriot?t, kan? patur nga helen?t ndryshime nga kultura, gjuha, historia, zakonet, etj. Helen?t jan? pasardh?s nga p?rzierja e pellazg?ve me mesopotamasit q? emigruan n? Greqi, rreth vitit 1700 para er?s son?, dhe u p?rzien nj? her? t? dyt? pas vdekjes s? tyre n? Greqi me t? tjer? pellazg?. Shteti social i Greqis? s? lasht?, p?rb?hej nga elementi mbizot?rues dygjuh?sor q? fliste n? sht?pi shqip (pellazg?) dhe q? m?sonte n? shkoll? greqishten, dhe q? u quajt?n m? von? helen?, t? dal? nga p?rzierja pellazgo-mesapotame, pellazgo-egjiptiane t? emigruar n? Greqi. Fjala "helene" ?sht? marr? nga "helios" (diell), q? do t? thot? q? vijn? nga vendet e nxehta me diell, si Babilonia (Egjipti) e Mesapotamia. Gjat? lasht?sis?, si dhe sot quhet helen ?do person q? ?sht? arsimuar n? gjuh?n greke, q? mund ta fliste dhe ta shkruante k?t? gjuh?, duke u b?r? k?shtu dy gjuh?sh. N? koh?n e pavar?sis? t? Greqis?, n? vitet 1821-1830, gjendja shoq?rore e lasht? ende mbizot?ronte n? Greqi. N? Parlamentin Komb?tar t? Greqis? p?rdoreshin t? dy gjuh?t. Mbretin Oton i Par?, q? iku nga Gjermania dhe vajti n? Greqi, e k?shilluan t? m?sonte greqishten p?r t? folur me popullin, dhe pasi e m?soi greqishten e vjet?r e doli n? popull, pa se askush nuk fliste greqisht, por flisnin shqip. N? rac?n e bardh?, pellazg?t jan? t? par?t ku autoktonia i p?rket shqiptar?ve, kurse grek?t, latin?t, jan? derivate t? pellazg?ve. Banor?t e Epirit nuk kan? qen? ndonj?her? grek?, kjo trev? q? n? lasht?si ka qen? iliro-pellazge, Thesprotia nuk ka q?n? greke, se ?am?t q? nga lasht?sia dhe deri tani n? koh?t moderne jan? autokton? n? trojet e tyre. N? ?am?ri, si n? lasht?si dhe tani n? koh?t moderne, p?rpjekjet e grek?ve p?r t? hequr identitetin shqiptar t? ?am?ris?, kan? qen? dhe do t? jen? t? pasuksesshme, pasi historia nuk mund t? tjet?rsohet sipas d?shir?s s? grek?ve. Krahina e Epirit ka qen? etnikisht shqiptare q? prej koh?s antike. Konferenca e ambasador?ve n? Lond?r, n? vitin 1913, pjes?n jugore t? k?saj krahine ia shk?puti trungut t? saj amtar, dhe ia dha shtetit grek, pavar?sisht faktit se banor?t e Epirit t? Jugut ishin shqiptar? t? besimit ortodoks dhe mysliman, shqiptar?t e besimit ortodoks, iu n?nshtruan helenizimit. Greqia ndoqi nj? politik? t? sofistikuar asimilimi ndaj shqiptar?ve ortodoks? t? ?am?ris?, duke konsideruar se ata jan? grek?, duke pretenduar se t? gjith? ortodoks?t jan? grek?, duke p?rdorur fen? p?r asimilimin e shqiptar?ve ortodoks?, dhe i ktheu n? komb?sine greke. Qeveritar?t grek? kan? ndjekur nj? politik? shoviniste dhe kan? kryer genocid kundra shqiptar?ve mysliman?. N? vitin 1913, bandat e Deli Janaqit t? organizuara dhe t? p?rkrahura nga qeveria greke, masakruan dhe vran? te P?rroi i Selamit, n? Paramithi, 72 burra nga krer?t e k?saj krahine. Ky ka qen? fillimi i shfarosjes s? shqiptar?ve mysliman? t? ?am?ris?. N? vitet 1914-1921 n?n pretekstin e ?armatimit t? popullsis? shqiptare t? ?am?ris? nga qeveritar?t grek?, u kryen ndjekje, persekutime, tortura dhe grabitje ndaj popullat?s (vijon) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 16 19:34:19 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 16 Jul 2002 16:34:19 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020716233419.26955.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> T? mos harrojm? at? q? na kan? b?r? dhe at? q? po na b?jn? grek?t. Duke shfletuar v?llimin e ri antishqiptar t? botuar n? Greqi me titull "Vendet e dhimshme t? Greqis?". Nga KASTRIOT DERVISHI Pikpamja greke p?r ngjarjet e marsit 1997 n? Shqip?ri N? librin objekt polemike ishte e natyrshme se nuk mund t? liheshin pa u trajtuar edhe ngjarjet e vitit 1997 n? Shqip?ri. Si? edhe pritej kapitulli p?r ngjarjet e marsit 1997 titullohej "revoltat e marsit 1997" dhe ?sht? shkruar nga Arqile Kesopulo. Fotoja e par? q? e hap k?t? kapitull ?sht? ajo e Sebastianosit me nj? grup f?mij?sh "vorio #8209; epirot?" n? shkurt 1993, dal? n? an?n greke t? pik?s s? kalimit kufitar n? Kakavij?. Sipas autorit Kesopulo dhe p?rgjith?siht sipas pik?pamjes greke, si shkak p?r "revolt?n e marsit", merret "armatosja e nj? popullsie q? ndodhej 200 kilometra n? veri t? Tiran?s" dhe shtirja e k?tij "kontigjenti t? armatosur njer?zish deri n? Elbasan". N? k?t? m?nyr? sipas grek?ve merr jet? p?rralla e dy etnive t? ndryshme n? Shqip?ri t? ndara sipas tyre jo vet?m gjeografikisht nga lumi Shkumbin. N? funksion t? k?saj, ajo q? ndodhi n? jug t? Shqip?ris? quhet reagim i "vorio #8209;epirot?ve" kund?r dhun?s s? "veriut shqiptar". Shikoni pra sa t? rrezikshme dhe t? thella jan? "pun?t" p?r grek?t. N? k?t? kuad?r sipas tyre "vorio #8209; epirot?t filluan t? mbrojn? ??shtjen e tyre". N? faqen p?r ngjarjet e vitit 1997, p?rmendet edhe nj?far? Vasilio Kukias, me detyr?n e presidentit t? shoqatave "vorio #8209; epirote" q? veprojn? n? Selanik. Sipas tij n? ngjarjet e vitit 1997 jan? larguar p?r n? Selanik "60 mij? vorio #8209; epirot?". I shkreti Kukias, nuk e di ose nuk do t`ia dij? q? n? Shqip?ri realisht nuk banojn? m? shum? se 30 mij? greqishtfol?s. N? k?t? m?nyr? kan? kaluar planin edhe 30 mij? fantazma "vorio #8209; epirote". N? lidhje me ngjarjet n? fjal? pikpamja greke i jep nj? r?nd?si t? posa?me, "vijueshm?ris?" historike t? ngjarjeve. P?r grek?t ajo q? ndodhi m? 1997#8209;n n? Shqip?ri ?sht? di?ka e njejt? me at? q? ka ndodhur m? 1914, koh? kur bandat grek? n?n mask?n e "epirot?ve", dogj?n jugun e Shqip?ris? dhe shpall?n t? ashtuquajtur?n "autonomi" zografiste t? "Vorio #8209; Epirit". E ashtuquajtura "??shtje e parave" pothuajse nuk p?rmendet fare n? lib?r. Kjo tregon se sa kot ka qen? ajo ??shtja e kthimit t? parave n? vitit 1997. Nga ana tjet?r ajo q? merr nj? vler?sim nga grek?t ?sht? bashk?punimi i asaj pjese t? politik?s shqiptare me grek?t, p?r p?rmbysjen e pushtetit dhe p?r ta kthyer Shqip?rin? n? nj? koloni t? Greqis?. ?sht? p?r t`u theksuar se t? gjitha botimet grek?, k?mb?ndulin se ngjarjet e vitit 1997 kan? qen? nj? "kryengritje vorio #8209; epirote", pa mundur t? realizohet plani p?r shk?putjen e gjysm?s s? Shqip?ris? dhe aneksimin e sak nga Greqia. M? posht? do t? japim shkaqet se pse nuk u nd?rmor ky plan. Historia nga ana e saj do t? sh?noj? m? t? zeza t? gjitha emrat e politikan?ve dhe personave t? tjer? t? v?n? n? sh?rbim t? Greqis? p?r katastrof?n e vitit 1997. Por nuk duhet t? harrohet se komitetet e shp?timit, parti politike, etj drejtoheshin nga njer?z q? jan? aktiv? edhe sot n? shoq?rin? shqiptare. Po ashtu ?sht? p?r t? ardhur keq q? sh?rbimi sekret grek EYP, ka shtir? fijet e tij n? Shqip?ri. Ashtu si edhe her? t? tjera grek?t kan? vepruar me arm?t e tyre t? njohura si kisha dhe ushtria. K?shtu p?r shembull gazeta "Makedonia" e Selanikut dat? 7 mars 1997 njofton se mitropoliti i Drinopulit Andreas ka l?shuar thirrjen: "Kemi nevoj? p?r nd?rhyrje t? menj?hershme, p?r mbrojtjen e minoritetit grek. Duhet t? rr?nbehen arm?t p?r p?rmbushjen e borxhit komb?tar." ?sht? rasti pra t? kujtojm? se ajo q? i ndodhi Shqip?ris? m? 1997 nuk ishte nj? tragjedi e pad?gjuar dhe e paplanifikuar nga shteti grek n?p?rmjet organizmave t? tij t? specializuara. Meqen?se libri objekt polemike jep shkurtimisht ngjarjet e 1997 duke u mjaftuar vet?m t? thot? se k?to ngjarje "ishin kryengritje vorio #8209; epirote" dhe nuk p?rmendend emrat e politikan?ve shqiptar? q? bashk?punuan me ta{mbase p?r t`i ruajtur ato} q? drejtuan dhe udh?hoq?n rrebelimin e 1997{q? gjithsesi njihen t? gjith?}, do b?jm? disa citime nga shtypi grek dhe ai turk n? lidhje me ngjarjet n? fjal?. Gjithsesi komploti greko #8209; komunist i vitit 1997 kund?r Shqip?ris?, i nisur me sulmin mbi godin?n e SHIK#8209;ut n? Vlor? dhe i vazhduar me shthurjen e shtetit shqiptar, ?sht? nj? moment n? historin? e Shqip?ris?, i cili po nuk pati v?mendjen e duhur apo t? tentohet t? harrohet, shton shanset p?r nj? rip?rs?ritje t? tij me t? njejtat objektiva. "Stohos" p?r Greqin? e Madhe". Pretendime edhe ndaj Italis? Gazeta "Stohos" njihet si p?rcjell?se e mendimit shovinist n? Greqi, por edhe si paralajm?ruese e veprimeve t? mundshme p?r t? ndodhur. Artikulli i m?posht?m ?sht? i dat?s 15 Qershor 1996 me titull:"Si mund t? ringjallet Perandoria Bizantine e kombit grek". Ja pjesa m? kryesore e tij. "Roma i dhuron Shqip?ris? ?am?rin?. N? Greqi nuk ka zon? me em?r ?am?ri. Ndoshta ?am?ria ndodhet p?rtej Tiran?s ose Ankon?s n? Itali, t? cil?n n? se do Italia t`ia jap? Shqip?ris?. Ne n? Greqi nuk kemi as ?am?r dhe as ?am?ri. Dihet tashm? fakti se Italia s? bashku me Austrin? kan? patur si q?llim dh?nien e Epirit t? Veriut shtetit t? ri shqiptar, t? krijuar n? vitin 1912. Shqiptar?t t? cil?t p?rb?hen nga far?ra dhe popuj t? ndrysh?m, inekzistent si komb, ......u b?n? komb dhe shtet i lir? me ndihm?n e Italis? dhe t? Austris? n? d?m t? helenizmit..... Shqiptar?t kan? grabitur tok?n greke, Epirin e Veriut si dhe shqiponj?n me dy krer? t? flamurit bizantin...Tashm? ka dal? edhe historia e ?am?ris? inekzistente n? Greqi. ...Dihet tashm? q? ?am?t kan? bashk?punuar me fuqit? e bllokut qendror si dhe kan? kryer krime t? shumta n? d?m t? grek?ve. Pas Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore, p?r shkak t? krimeve dhe masakrave q? kishin b?r?,ata nuk mund t? q?ndronin m? n? Greqi dhe shkuan n? Shqip?ri,e cila s? bashku me Italin? drejtuan luft?n kund?r Greqis?. K?shtu ??shtja e k?tyre "?am?ve" u mbyll nj?her? e p?rgjithmon?. P?rpjekjet e Italis? p?r ?am?rin? jan? vet?m dokrra. Kjo e fundit nuk mund t? shk?puste m? tok? greke p?r t`ia dh?n? Shqip?ris?. K?tij q?llimi ata nuk do t`ia arrijn? kurr? jo vet?m p?r shkak t? rezistenc?s greke por edhe p?r arsye se pas pak koh?sh Italia do t? pushoj? s? ekzistuari si shtet me k?t? em?r. N? nj? t? ardhme t? af?rt, do t? flitet vet?m p?r gadishullin italik (nj?soj si gadishulli Ballkanik), e jo m? si shtet Italian. Shp?rb?rja e Italis? pothuajse ka filluar. Liga e Veriut pothuajse ka krijuar shtetin e vet me emrin Padania, me kryeqytet Milanon. Italia do t? p?rb?het nga tre shtete: N? veri Padonia,n? mes shteti i Italis? qendrore me emrin Republika Latine me kryeqyetet Rom?n dhe shteti i tret? ai i Jugut i cili do t? p?rmbledhe rajonet e Puglias s? poshtme, Kalabris?, ishullit t? Si?ilis?, Stropolit Panteleris? etj. P?r shtetin e Italis? s? Jugut e dim? q? do t? quhet Greqia e Madhe dhe do t? jet? shtet grek me kryeqytet Taranton dhe n?n/kryeqytet Sirakuz?n. Popullsia e Greqis? s? madhe ?sht? me origjin? greke dhe po nd?rgjegj?sohet ?do dit?, k?shtu rikthimi i helenizimit ?sht? ??shtje kohe. Rikthimi i ortodoksis? n? Greqin? e Madhe e Si?ili, do t? ndihmoj? shume n? ?'latinizimin e banor?ve t? cil?t Papati i latinizoi n? fe dhe gjuh?. Vitet q? po vijn? jan? vitet e helenizimit, i cili p?rs?ri do t? luaj? rolin e tij krijues e historik. P?r t? luajtur k?t? rol n? rradh? t? par? helenizimit i duhet t? fitoj? tokat e humbura t? cilat sot ndodhen jasht? kufijve aktual? t? Greqis?, n? drejtim t? veriut n? vij?n: Lumi Shkumbin (n? Shqip?ri)#8209;Krusovo#8209;Vilazona (ne Maqedonine e Veriut)#8209;Filipupoli, Aktopoli (Thraka e Veriut)#8209; Stamboll (n? Thrak?n Lindore). N? Lindje Greqia do t? shtrihet n? vij?n: Iraklio (n? Azin? e Vog?l)#8209; porti i Sagarius#8209;Ikomo#8209;Ekvoles, n? lumin Kalimandhru (Kilikia#8209;#8209;Qipro). N? Veri#8209;Lindje: pondet do t? bashkohen me Greqin? dhe do t? ken? si kryeqytet Stambollin, nj?koh?sisht edhe qendra e ortodoksis? boterore. Ne etap?n e dyt?, helenizmi do t? p?rfshihet n? vatrat at?rore dhe do t? krijoj? perandorin? Bizantine, duke filluar nga deti Turin (Greqia e Madhe) deri n? lumin Danub, nga Pondet n? Kaukaz, Andioqia, Qipro dhe Aleksandria me rrethinat e saj. Rikthimi i Perandoris? Bizantine do t? arrihet n? dhjet?vje?arin e par? t? shekullit t? 21#8209;t? dhe p?r k?t? arsye ky shekull do t? jet? edhe shekulli i helenizimit. T? gjith? turqit do t? kthehen n? vendin e tyre n? Turkistan, bullgar?t n? lumin Vollga, dhe shqiptar?t do t? asimilohen t? gjith? midis nesh dhe Serbis? s? Madhe (sepse jan? njer?z pa troje). Popullsia greke q? jeton n? Pondet si kriptokristiane do t? ?lirohet dhe do t? bashkohet me Greqin? e Madhe d.m.th. me Perandorin? Bizantine e cila nuk do t? njoh? as minoritete t? huaja, as besime fetare t? huaja dhe as gjuh? t? huaja, perve? nj? kombi t? bashkuar helen, fes? ortodokse dhe gjuh?s greke." Kush pengoi "autonomin? e Vorio #8209; Epirit" m? 1997? ?sht? rasti s?rish p?r t`u kujtuar se nj? penges? t? madhe p?r realizimin e planeve t? vjetra t? Greqis? luajti Turqia. Nga ana e tyre grek?t nuk kan? nj? mendim t? prer? se pse nuk u realizua e ashtuquajtura "autonomi e Vorio #8209; Epirit", por her? akuzojn? {sa p?r sy e faq?} politik?n grek? dhe h?r? rolin e ditur t? Turqis? n? rajon. K?shtu kanali televiziv grek "Tele Nora" m? 8 Mars 1997, n? lajmet e or?s 17:00, b?nte t? ditur: ".. Greqia nuk mund t? nd?rhyj? zyrtarisht p?r arsye t? rrezikut t? nj? sulmi t? mundsh?m nga ana e Turqis? n? mbojtje t? aleat?ve t? tyre historik?." Nd?rsa n? kulmin e rrebelimit, m? dat?n 17 Mars 1997, kryeministrja turke Tansu ?iller deklaroi para gazetar?ve n? Ankara: "Turqia nuk do t? q?ndroj? spektatore ndaj p?rpjekjeve p?r t? p?r?ar? Shqip?rin?. P?r ruajtjen e t?r?sis? territoriale t? Shqip?ris? dhe zgjidhjen n? nj? koh? sa m? t? shkurt?r t? kriz?s qeveria turke ka intensifikuar veprimtarin? e saj n? interes t? Shqip?ris?, n? NATO, OSBE dhe organizma t? tjer? nd?rkomb?tar?.Turqia ?sht? gati t? zer? vendin e saj n? ?do forc? nd?rkomb?tare apo n? ?do projekt q? do t? hartohet p?r k?t? q?llim.Gabimi q? u b? me Bosnj?n nuk duhet t? p?rs?ritet n? Shqip?ri. N? k?t? kuad?r Turqia do t`i jap? Shqip?ris? t? gjitha ndihmat e nevojshme si n? planin politik, ekonomik ashtu edhe ushtarak"{gazeta turke "Hyrriyet" 18 mars 1997}. T? nes?rmen e deklarat?s s? zonj?s ?iller, gazeta turke "Zaman", botoi nj? artikull n? lidhje m? ngjarjet n? Shqip?ri sipas disa t? dh?nave t? Sh?rbimit Informativ Turk. Sipas Agjencis? s? Marr?dh?nieve Nd?rkomb?tare (INAF), veprimtarit? e fshehta greke kan? qen? n?n survejimin e Sh?rbimit t? Fshehte Turk (MIT). M? posht? jepet pjesa m? e r?nd?sishme e artikullit: "MIT ka zbuluar se Greqia ka planifikuar,n? m?nyr? t? ve?ant? n? dy vjet?t e fundit, t? p?rgatis? minoritar? grek? n? pjes?n greke t? Ishullit t? Qipros. Rreth 200 t? rinj minoritar? greke nga "Epiri i Veriut" jan? trajnuar si oficer? policie dhe agjent? t? fsheht? n? Qipron greke. Raportohet se nj? pjes? e parave t? mbledhura n?p?rmjet fushat?s s? organizuar nga Kisha Greke Qipriote jan? d?rguar n? Shqip?ri. 100 gra t? reja, jan? trajnuar si infermiere n?n mask?n e trajnimit p?r sh?rbime sociale. Nd?rkoh?, ?sht? zbuluar q? agjent?t e Sh?rbimit Sekret Grek #8209; EYP, kan? kaluar kufirin dhe jan? vendosur n?p?r Kishat Orthodokse me rrob?n e prift?rinjve q? n? vitin 1993. N? vitet 1995 #8209; 1997, nj? mij? t? rinj shtetas shqiptar? me origjin? greke, kan? kaluar kufirin p?r arsye t? ndryshme p?r t`u trajnuar si komando, si dhe 40 vet? nga ta grek? jan? specializuar se si t? organizojn? rrebelimin. P?rs?ri ka raporte se Greqia ka furnizuar minoritetin grek me nj?mij? arm?. Qarqe diplomatike paraqesin shqet?simin se Greqia po p?rpiqet q? t? krijoj? n? jug t? Shqip?ris? nj? situat? t? ngjashme me at? n? Qipro". Shkrimi i m?sip?rm nxiti nj? takim t? 18 kryetar?ve t? shoqatave shqiptaro#8209;turke q? veprojn? n? Stamboll t? takoheshin me Presidentin turk Demirel. N? k?t? takim zoti Demirel i siguroi shtetasit e tij me origjin? shqiptare se Turqia po e ndiqte me v?mendje t? madhe situat?n dhe se askush nuk do t? guxonte qoft? edhe t? mendonte q? t? merrte nj? p?ll?mb? toke nga Shqip?ria. N? t? njejt?n dit? u organizua edhe nj? takim i tre diplomat?ve shqiptar? t? akredituar n? Turqi me personalitete t? larta turke t? cilat p?rs?rit?n t? njejtin angazhim si edhe Presidenti i Republik?s Turke. Pak or? m? von?, diplomat?t u njoh?n me nj? draft t? p?rb?r? prej 12 pikash t? hartuar nga Shtabi i P?rgjithsh?m i Ushtris? Turke lidhur me aksionin q? do t? nd?rmerrej n? lindje t? Greqis? n? rast t? nj? agresioni t? k?saj t? fundit ndaj Shqip?ris?. Pas k?tij njoftimi grek?t ndryshuan menj?her? q?ndrimin e tyre n? lidhje m? "zgjidhjen e kriz?s n? Shqip?ri. M? 29 mars 1997, pas nj? takimi urgjent me Shefin e P?rgjithsh?m t? Shtabit t? Turqis?, gjeneralin Ismail Haki Karadagi, Kryeministria ?iller deklaroi p?rs?ri para shtypit: "Turqia ?sht? e vendosur t? ruaj? integritetin territorial t? Shqip?ris?, dhe nuk mund t? q?ndroj? pasive ndaj ngjarjeve q? k?rc?nojn? cop?timin e Shqip?ris?. P?rkeq?simi i situat?s n? Shqip?ri ?sht? i palejuesh?m dhe do t? ishte turp p?r Evrop?n,ndaj nga ana e saj Turqia ?sht? e gatshme t? b?j? gjith?ka p?r stabilizimin e gjendjes n? Shqip?ri." (Marr? nga e p?rditshmja turke "Turkish Daily Ne?s" 30 Mars 1997). --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jul 17 18:09:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Jul 2002 15:09:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] On Macedonia Message-ID: <20020717220904.75073.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Subject: Illinois Senate Declares Ancient Macedonians are Greeks! And a Passionate Response by a Macedonian American! ADVERTISEMENT var lrec_URL="http://rd.yahoo.com/M=194081.2174217.3621095.1829183/D=egroupweb/P=m1i0222a11bv0f00/S=1705064309:LREC/A=1150013/R=0/id=flashurl/*http://www.ediets.com/start.cfm?code=3572";var lrec_flashfile="http://us.a1.yimg.com/us.yimg.com/a/1-/flash/ediets/rememberwhen_tanning_070802.swf";var lrec_altURL="http://rd.yahoo.com/M=194081.2174217.3621095.1829183/D=egroupweb/P=m1i0222a11bv0f00/S=1705064309:LREC/A=1150013/R=1/id=altimgurl/*http://www.ediets.com/start.cfm?code=3572";var lrec_altimg="http://us.a1.yimg.com/us.yimg.com/a/1-/flash/ediets/rememberwhen_tanning_070802.jpg";var lrec_width=300;var lrec_height=250;on error resume nextSub banner_click_lrec_FSCommand(ByVal command, ByVal args)call banner_click_lrec_DoFSCommand(command, args)end sub on error resume nextSub banner_click_lrec_FSCommand(ByVal command, ByVal args)call banner_click_lrec_DoFSCommand(command, args)end sub State of Illinois 92nd General Assembly Legislation Senate Sponsors: GEO-KARIS. Short description: ANCIENT MACEDONIANS-HELLENES Synopsis of Bill as introduced: Proclaims that the ancient Macedonians are Hellenes and that the inhabitants of the northern province of Greece, Macedonia, are their Hellenic descendants. Last action on Bill: RESOLUTION ADOPTED Last action date: JUN-01-02 Location: Senate Amendments to Bill: AMENDMENTS ADOPTED: HOUSE - 0 SENATE - 0 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---- http://www.legis.state.il.us/legisnet/legisnet92/srgroups/sr/920sr0446.html 92_SR0446 LRB9216991BHbh 1 SENATE RESOLUTION 2 WHEREAS, Philip of Macedonia, his son, Alexander the 3 Great, and his tutor, the philosopher Aristotle, were born 4 and raised in the Northern Province of Greece, Macedonia; and 5 WHEREAS, The language and culture of the ancient 6 Macedonians, the ancestors of the inhabitants of northern 7 Greece of today, were Hellenic; and 8 WHEREAS, The Macedonians, like the rest of the Hellenes 9 in Antiquity, believed in the 12 Gods of Olympus and 10 participated with their fellow Hellenes in the Olympic Games; 11 and 12 WHEREAS, Pella, the palace where Alexander the Great was 13 born, and Vergina, the burial site of the Macedonian kings, 14 are all located in Northern Greece; therefore, be it 15 RESOLVED, BY THE SENATE OF THE NINETY-SECOND GENERAL 16 ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS, that for all of the above 17 reasons, we proclaim that the ancient Macedonians are 18 Hellenes and that the inhabitants of the northern province of 19 Greece, Macedonia, are their Hellenic Descendants; and be it 20 further 21 RESOLVED, That the history of Ancient Macedonia has been 22 Hellenic for 3,000 years and continues to be today; and be it 23 further 24 RESOLVED, That a suitable copy of this resolution be 25 presented to Dr. Antonios Papadopoulos, the Mid-Western 26 District Governor of the Pan-Macedonian Association, Inc. [ Top ] ------------------------------------------------- Re: Ancient Macedonians are Greeks State of Illinois General Assembly - Resolution 92_SR0446 Letter by Metodija Koloski July 11, 2002 Source URL: http://maknews.com/html/articles/koloski.html Governor George H. Ryan (governor at s...), Senators, and Members of the House of Representatives of the State of Illinois: Regarding Resolution 92_SR0446 made by the State of Illinois General Assembly declaring that the "Ancient Macedonians are Greeks." As an American citizen of Macedonian origin I am writing to convey my disappointment over Resolution 92_SR0446 adopted by the Illinois Senate General Assembly on June 1st, 2002. The Macedonian identity has given rise to many controversies and debates. Did the State of Illinois even bother to study the Macedonian Question before making such a ludicrous resolution? The Modern Greek claim -- that the ancient Macedonians were Greek -- is politically motivated and is not supported by historical evidence. This political mythology was created in the late 19th century to advance territorial claims against Ottoman Macedonia. In its current incarnation it is used by Greece as an excuse to discriminate against its Macedonian minority. Ancient Macedonians were among the peoples that lived between northern Greece (Thessaly) and Thrace in the Balkans and were considered by the classical Greeks as "non-Greek Barbarians" that could not participate in the Greek Olympic Games. Herodotus wrote that "Macedonians" were "Dorians" and were never admitted to the Greek community. They did not speak Greek but another language presently unknown of which only proper names remain; nowadays, they speak a Slavic language. There is a large gap between ancient and modern times. Macedonia has been a kingdom, as well as a province under Rome, Byzantium and the Ottoman Empire. It is true that the ancient Macedonian capital of Pella has been located in northern Greece since Macedonia's partition in 1913. However, this does not make the ancient Macedonians Hellenic or Greek. Consider that the Modern Greek State itself was only formed ca. 1829 and even then under a Bavarian monarchy. But who is the State of Illinois to pass a resolution proclaiming the ancient Macedonians to be Hellenes? Has the Senate tested the blood of the today's Greeks and compared it with the bones of the ancient Macedonians? Recent genetic research, -- "HLA genes in Macedonians, and the sub-Saharan origin of the Greeks" (2001) -- has established that Greeks exhibit a sub-Saharan origin whereas Macedonians are related to the older Mediterranean sub-group and, more to the point, do not show a close relationship to Greeks (1). Allow me also to mention the struggle facing the Macedonian minority in Greece. Following the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, Greece annexed half the territory of Ottoman Macedonia and instigated a policy of denationalization (ethnic cleansing) and forced assimilation of the indigenous Macedonian population (2). It is widely known that Greece refuses to acknowledge the existence of any national minorities or even minority languages (2). These difficulties still persist in Greece as highlighted by the US Helsinki Commission hearing of June 2002 (3). The Greek government will ultimately have to recognize that there is a distinct Macedonian ethnic identity. The Illinois General Assembly's recent resolution, however, is nothing short of a hate crime denying Macedonians their ethnic identity. With all due respect, Metodija A. Koloski -- a first generation American of Macedonian descent - e-mail: mkoloski at h... References: 1 - Abstract, HLA Genes in Macedonians and the Sub-Saharan Origin of the Greeks. http://maknews.com/html/articles/hla_genes.pdf 2 - Rainbow - Political Party of the Macedonian Minority in Greece - http://www.florina.org 3 US Helsinki Commission Hearing, June 2002 http://www.csce.gov/briefings.cfm?briefing_id=219 Further Readings: The Balkan Human Rights Web Pages - http://www.greekhelsinki.gr Pollitecon Publications - http://macedon.org/pollitecon/index.html The British Foreign Office and Macedonian National Identity, 1918-1941 by Andrew Rossos, Slavic Review, vol.53, number 2, Summer 1994 Macedonian Human Rights Movement of Canada - http://www.mhrmc.ca Ancient Macedonians - http://macedon.org/anmacs/index.htm Risto Stefov, Macedonia - What Went Wrong in the Last 200 Years http://maknews.com/html/articles/stefov5.html ******************************* "People who originate from one and the same race, speak the same language, live together in harmony, and have the same customs, songs and mentality, constitute a nation, and the place where they live is their homeland. In this way, the Macedonians are a nation and their homeland is Macedonia." Gjorgji Pulevski, 1875 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jul 17 23:57:45 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Jul 2002 20:57:45 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020718035745.88168.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> T? mos harrojm? at? q? na kan? b?r? dhe at? q? po na b?jn? grek?t. Duke shfletuar v?llimin e ri antishqiptar t? botuar n? Greqi me titull "Vendet e dhimshme t? Greqis?. D?shmitar?t e Vorio #8209; Epirit...". Nga KASTRIOT DERVISHI Falsiteti i pretendimeve greke ndaj Shqip?ris? Grek?t duket q? i japin r?nd?si asaj q? ata e quajn? "trash?gimi greke" dhe ndikimin e kultur?s grek? n? at? shqiptare. N? k?t? linj? ata gati sa nuk i thon? grek? v?llez?rve Frash?ri dhe rilindasve t? tjer?, duke marr? si kriter t? m?suarin n? shkolla si ajo "Zosimea" e Janin?s apo vendlindjen e tyre n? "Vorio#8209;Epir". Nd?r falsifikimet m? t? trasha t? grek?ve ?sht? quajtja e babait t? gjuh?s shqipe Kostandin Kristoforidhit si "shqiptaro #8209; grek". Shkurtimisht mund t? kujtojm? se Kostandin Nelku{Kristoforidhi}, shpeshher? prezantohej me emrin Kostandin Elbasanasi. Ai ka kryer studimet n? "Zosimea" t? Janin?s ku i m?soi shqip edhe konsullit gjerman n? Janin? Georg Han{1811#8209;1869}. Nd?r veprat e tij kryesore "Abetari skip" ?sht? botuar n? Stamboll n? vitin 1872. Ekzistojn? prova t? shumta gjithashtu se Kristoforidhi ka qen? urryer gjithnj? nga kisha greke. N? k?to pak rreshta mund t? kujtojm? gjithashtu se ka qen? nipi i Kostandin Kristoforidhit disa vite m? par? q? i dhuroi biblotek?s s? Elbasanit, nj? koleksion me gazeta belge ku tregoheshin me foto masakrat e Spiro Spiro Milos n? vitin 1914 n? jug t? Shqip?ris? dhe vet? ky i fundit duke shkelur mbi koka shqiptar?sh t? prera. Ndoshta diskutimi i k?saj teme mund t? jet? edhe m? i gjat? n? shkrime t? tjera, p?r vet? karakterin e ve?ant? q? ka. P?r t? v?rtetuar "lasht?sin?" e "vendeve greke n? Shqip?ri", nj? kapitull i ve?ant? i ?sht? kushtuar n? librin n? fjal? edhe p?rrallave q? p?rpiqen t? "v?rtetojn?" nj? gj? t? till?. Autori i k?tij kapitullit t? titulluar "themelet e Epirit grek" ?sht? Jorgo Skiadhi. Sipas k?tij autori k?to, "themele" na qenkan qytetet shqiptare si Kor?a, Gjirokastra, Himara, P?rmeti etj. Kor?a Pretendimet greke fillojn? me qytetin e Kor??s, i cili quhet prej grek?ve si "qend?r e helenizmit grek". Ndon?se n? Kor?? askush nuk ka folur dhe askush nuk flet greqisht, p?r grek?t kjo nuk ka r?nd?si sepse p?r ta "?do ortodoks ?sht? grek". Q? k?tu vihet re se sa fals? jan? n? grek?t n? "argumentet" e tyre. Sipas autorit Jorgo Skiadhi, "Kor?a n? shekullin e 19#8209;t? ishte nj? qend?r kryesore ekonomike" sikur kjo t? p?rb?j? ndonj? prov? q? Kor?a t? ket? qen? greke. Pasi thot? se "Voskopoj?n e dogj?n shqiptar?t m? 1769", Jorgo Skiadhi k?mb?ngul n? at? q? ai e quan "pjes?marrje e kor?ar?ve n? revolucionin grek t? vitit 1821", pa dh?n? absolutisht ndonj? em?r. Jo pa r?nd?si p?r grekt?t ?sht? edhe "argumenti" tashm? i njohur i shkollave greke n? Kor?? gjat? shekullit t? 19#8209;t? dhe fillimit t? shekullit t? 20#8209;t?. Nd?r ata q? paskan ndihmuar k?ta shkolla p?rmendet nj?far? Janis Pakas q? thuhet se ka dhuruar shuma t? m?dha p?r mitropolitin grek t? Kor??s Neofatos. Me interes ?sht? t? dim? se n? Bank?n Komb?tare Greke qysh n? shekullin e 19#8209;t? paska ekzistuar nj? llogari e p?rcaktuar p?r planet helenizuese t? grek?ve. Formalisht kjo llogari ka qen? n? em?r t? Janis Pakas#8209;it. Parat? e dala nga kjo llogari financonin shkollat greke n? bashk?punim edhe me nj? t? ashtuquajtur fondacion "Lasou". ??shtja e shkollave greke t? hapur n? viset Shqiptare n? shekullin e 19#8209;t? ?sht? nj? ??shtje komlekse dhe nuk ka t? b?j? vet?m me Kor??n. K?to shkolla u hap?n si pasoj? e privilegjeve q? g?zonte kisha greke n? regjimin e at?hersh?m osman. N? asnj? rast k?to shkolla nuk u hap?n duke pasur si kriter gjuh?n apo etnin?, por vet?m p?rkat?sin? fetare, t? cil?n grek?t e njehsonin me komb?sin?. P?r grek?t nuk ka asnj? r?nd?si q? Kor?a ?sht? nj? qend?r e v?rtet? e shqiptarizmit, gj? q? provohet edhe nga historia. P?r ta mjafton t? jesh ortodoks dhe p?rnj?her? je "grek". E nd?rsa k?mb?ngulin n? g?njeshtra e tyre, grek?t nuk harrojn? t? p?rmendin as "d?shmor?t e helenizmit n? Kor??" si mitropoliti Aridhas Parthenius i vrar? m? 1670 nga shqiptar?t dhe mitropoliti Fotis Kallibis i vrar? m? 1906. P?r k?t? t? fundit ata thon? se u vra nga njer?z t? paguar, n? nj? koh? q? dihet se ai u vra nga ?eta e ?er?iz Topullit si shpagim p?r krimet q? ai kishte kryer kund?r shqiptar?ve. ?sht? interesant fakti se ndon?se k?t? klerik? nuk kan? qen? nga Kor?a, n? asnj? rresht t? librit n? fjal? nuk e merr vesh nj? gj? t? till?. Kjo gj? b?het p?r arsye q? t? jepet idea q? n? Kor?? ka pasur grek?. P?rve? qytetit t? Kor??s, n? shkrimin e Jorgo Skiadhit p?rmendet edhe Dardha si nj? "fshat me tradita greke". P?r k?t? fshat thuhet se organizata "vorio #8209; epirote" SFEVA ka nd?rtuar kish?n ortodokse dhe se kryetari i komun?s s? Dardh?s{emri i t? cilit nuk jepet}, ka studiuar n? Greqi. Sipas tyre ky ka falenderuar SFEVA#8209;n p?r "ndihm?n e dh?n?" nga kjo organizat? n? Dardh?. Nuk mund t? lem? pa p?rmendur gjithshtu se n? historin? e Shqip?ris? njihen mjaft figura nga Kor?a si Mihal Turtulli, Mihal Grameno, Pandeli Cale, Themistokli G?rmenji, Pandeli Evangjeli, Kostaq Kotta, Vasil Avrami etj, t? cil?t kan? dh?n? kontibut t? ?muar p?r ??shtjen komb?tare shqiptare. Dhe p?r ironi t? gjith? kan? qen? antigrek?. Kor?a kurr? nuk qen? dhe kurr? nuk do t? jet? greke. Gjirokastra Falsiteti grek vazhdon me qytetin e Gjirokastr?s. P?r k?t? qytet thuhet se ka "tre emra", at? "turk" Erger, at? shqiptar Glinokast?r dhe at? "grek" Argjirokast?r. Dhe k?tu Jorgo Skiadhi nis e tregon "historin? e princesh?s Argjiro", pa dh?n? ndonj? dat? apo subjekt t? ngjarjes. Skiadhi thot?: "Gjirokastra do t? ngelet gjithmon? greke, t? pakt?n p?r aq koh? sa njer?zit t? k?rkojn? historin? e v?rtet?". Sipas "pik?pamjes" greke n? Gjirokast?r na paska pasur shum? grek?, por ata na qenkan larguar diku rreth vitit 1730. P?rralla vazhdon m? tej me p?rmendjen e nj?far? at Joan Kapodistria, i cili paska ikur n? Korfuz, nd?rsa shum? "grek?" t? tjer? paskan ikur n? Janin? dhe vende t? tjera t? Greqis?. Mir?po Jorgo Skiadhi ose ka harruar ose nuk ia ka iden? q? edhe n? Janin? n? at? koh? ka qen? pushteti osman dhe n?se "grek?t" do t? "persekutoheshin" n? Gjirokast?r e njejta gj? do t? ndodhte edhe n? Janin? apo n? qytete t? tjera. Ashtu si edhe tek rasti Kor??s edhe n? rastin e Gjirokastr?s, grek?t k?mb?ngulin tek shkollat greke t? hapura n? shekullin e 19#8209;t? dhe tek numuri i kishave ortodokse. Pak r?nd?si ka p?r ta q? n? Gjirokast?r nuk ka folur dhe nuk flet askush greqisht. Sipas Jorgo Skiadhit, nj?far? Kristos Kostandinidhis ka dh?n? para p?r shkollat greke, t? cilat i ka hapur fillimisht m? 1810 mitropoliti i Gjirokastr?s Dositheas q? ka ardhur nga Me?ova dhe ka q?ndruar deri m? 1830. Sipas tyre p?r k?to shkolla ka ndihmuar edhe mitropoliti Joakim, i cili m? von? ?sht? b?r? patrik ikumenik n? Stamboll. Sikurse kuptohet p?r hapjen e shkollave greke ka qen? e interesuar drejtp?rdrejt kisha greke, nd?rsa financimet jan? mbuluar nga persona t? tjer? nd?r t? cil?t p?rmenden Dhimitros Haxhipolupso, Apostol Arsaqi, Vangjel Zhapa etj. Nuk harrohet t? theksohet n? k?to raste as Kozma Etoliani, nj? pseudoprift ky q? ?sht? shpallur edhe "shenjtor" nga grek?t, p?r posht?rsit? e kryera nga ai kund?r shqiptar?ve. Nd?r mashtimet e tjera t? Jorgo Skiadhit n? kapitullin n? fjal? jan? edhe cil?simi "gjirokastritas" i disa anonim?ve me emra greke. Nd?rsa si dat? e "?lirimit" t? Gjirokastr?s grek?t p?rmendin 3 marsin 1913, kur ushtria greke pushtoi k?t? qytet gjat? Luft?s s? Par? Ballkanike. Si kudo edhe k?tu p?rmendet "puna e mir?" e mitropolit?ve grek? kund?r shqiptar?ve. Himara Si? edhe pritej Himara quhet nga grek?t si "qytet i lasht? grek", madje kjo lasht?si provohet p?r ta "qysh nga koha e Bizantit". T? mjer?t grek? ose nuk e din? ose nuk duan ta din? se qysh nga koha e Sk?nderbeut, nj? pjes? e mir? e Himar?s dhe Lab?ris? u popullua me mirditor?. P?r k?t? shkak edhe sot e k?saj dit? ka akoma mbiemra si Gjondeda, Gji{n}pali, etj. N? rastin e Himaras, Jorgo Skiadhi thot? se k?tu "flitej greqisht qysh n? vitin 1518. Mir?po Skiadhi duket se nuk para ja ka iden? se si funksiononte sistemi i venomeve n? Perandorin? Osmane, kur thot? se m? 1684#8209;n "u k?rkua nga turqit largimi i himariot?ve". Tashm? ?sht? e provuar se ato tre fshatra si Palasa, Dh?rmiu dhe Himara q? flasin nj? greqishte t? prishur e kan? k?t? pasoj? nga propaganda e fort? e kish?s greke. Ata ruajn? me besnik?ri t? gjitha doket dhe zakonet shqiptare. ?sht? p?r t`u kujtuar se n? dasma k?ndohet shqip dhe n? vdekje vajtohet shqip. N? librin objekt polemike p?rmendet nj? fakt interesant n? lidhje me financimet p?r greqizimin e Himar?s. K?shtu thuhet se n? vitin 1770 nga zona e Egjeut kan? ardhur para p?r q?llimin e sip?rp?rmendur. P?rsa i takon "figurave" t? Himar?s libri p?rmend Spiro Milon{i riu}, i cili ?sht? shquar n? "revolucionin grek t? 1821#8209;it" dhe Spiro Spiro Milon{i vjetri}, i cil?suar edhe si "kapiten Buas", dhe q? njihet si nj? nd?r ish ushtarak?t e ushtris? greke q? dogj?n jugun e Shqip?ris? dhe q? shpalli pas Jorgji Zografit "autonomin? e Himar?s". Spiro Spiro Milo nuk ishte grek, por nj? grekoman i zellsh?m. Masakrat e kryera nga ai jan? t? njohura n? mbar? Evrop?n dhe p?r to ka shkruar gjer?sisht edhe shtypi evropian i koh?s. Ajo ?ka ia vlen t? kujtohet n? rastin e Himar?s ?sht? fakti se agjentura greke ka vepruar n? vite t? ndryshme mjaft fort n? zon?n e Himar?s. K?shtu n? Arkivin e Shtetit gjenden mjaft dokumente q? v?rtetojn? k?t? veprimtari. K?shtu p?r shembull n? vitet e Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore, "element? me ndjesina t? teprueme grekomane" n? zon?n e Himar?s kan? qen?: Milo Spiro Milo, Savo Llazari, Kozma Kalleshi, Jorgji Guma, Spiro ?iri?i, Qimo ?iri?i, Jorgji Skura, Milto Kalushi, Janaq Gjoni, Gjik Kokaveshi, Jorgji Abdru?i, Damiano Bollano, Ilia Likoka, Pipi Sima etj.{shih nj? dokument t? Arkivit t? Shtetit t? publikuar n? librin e Albert Kotinit "Tre gur?t e zes n? Prevez?", v?llimi i dyt?, faqe 991#8209;992}. N? k?t? informat? rezervante njoftohet kuestura e Vlor?s se personat e m?sip?rm ishin "element? me ndjesina t? teprueme grekomane". Saranda Edhe Saranda ?sht? quajtur "vend i shenjt? i Vorio #8209; Epirit". N? t? gjitha p?rmendjet grek?t thon? p?r k?t? qytet "Sh?n#8209;Saranda". Sipas tyre ky em?r lidhet me martirizimin e 40 ortodoks?ve t? cil?t kan? ngritur nj? kish? n? nj? zon? t? qytetit. N? k?t? kish? paska pasur edhe 40 ikona q? i korrespondonin "40 martir?v?". Edhe p?r k?t? qytet Jorgo Skiadhi thot? q? ka pasur vet?m grek?. Si zakonisht Skiadhi nuk bazohet n? asnj? material n? pohimet e tij. Nd?rsa n? nj? foto t? librit p?rmendet si "argument" i fort? ngritja e "flamurit t? Vorio #8209; Epirit" n? Sarand? nga ushtria greke n? vitin 1913, ku para k?tij "evenimenti" duken disa andart?, nj? f?mij? i marr? p?rdore dhe nj? prift ortodoks q? ashtu si edhe shok?t e tij, kurr? nuk ka b?r? pun?t e Zotit, por ka trazuar shpirtrat e deleve t? per?ndis?. ?sht? p?r t`u kujtuar se n? vitin 1938 emri i Sarand?s u b? Zogaj, nj? vit m? pas Porto Eda dhe n? vitet e regjimit komunist u rikthye emri i par?. P?rmeti Duke p?rmbledhur edhe zonat p?rreth, edhe P?rmeti quhet p?r grek?t "pjes? p?rb?r?s? e Epirit grek". N? k?t? shkrim nuk p?rmenden shum? gj?ra, por theksohet se Apostol Arsaqi ishte nga Hotova e P?rmetit dhe ishte nj? "vorio#8209;epirot i shquar". E ashtuquajtura "lasht?si bizanine", ?sht? p?rdorur si edhe n? rastet e tjera pa ndonj? efekt mbres?l?n?s. Duke qen? se Apostol Arsaqi ka qen? grekoman dhe jo grek, ?sht? rasti t? ritheksojm? d?min e madh q? p?son Shqip?ria nga hapja e kolegjit me t? njejtin em?r n? Tiran?. Nuk ?sht? normale q? figuara e nj? njeriu q? vler?sohet nga t? gjitha organizatat "vorio#8209;epirote", t? jet? simbol i shkollimit n? mes t? Tiran?s. P?r nj? fakt t? till? nuk mund t? heshtet, aq m? tep?r kur vihet re se q?llimet e shkollave t? tyre jan? q?llime asimiluese dhe helenizuese. #8209;Apostol Arsaqi #8209;Libri n? fjal? #8209;Ngritja e flamurit t? "Vorio#8209;Epirit" n? Sarand? n? vitin 1913 nga andart? dhe prift?rinj grek?. 237 #8209;N? k?t? barak? q? thuhet se ?sht? n? Himar? ?sht? shkruar di?ka p?r "Vorio#8209;Epirin". Kjo mbahet si "argument" i fort? nga grek?t se "Himara ?sht? greke". 234 #8209;Janis Pakas, nj? financues i shkollave greke. 225 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 18 22:38:12 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 18 Jul 2002 19:38:12 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dokumente per Camerine Message-ID: <20020719023813.2823.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Mbi te gjitha Cameria Dekreti i Kuvendit Popullor nr.2654,dt.19.04.1953 me an?n e t? cilit t? gjith? ?am?t me komb?si shqiptare dhe shtet?si greke, marrin shtet?sin? shqiptare, ky dekret nuk u botua n? gazet?n zyrtare. ?do veprim p?r dh?nien e shtet?sis? shqiptare, ?am?ve ishte top sekret. N? 15 -17 Maj t? vitit 1961 me gjyqin e montuar kund?r t? ashtuquajtur?s grup armiq?sor ?am t? Teme Sejkos popullsis? s? ?am?ris? iu dha nga qeveria komuniste d?nimi i tret? masiv. Me k?t? gjyq ata eliminuan ?do ?am q? ishte n? funksione n? pushtetin komunist dhe m? kryesorja ishte denigrimi psikologjiko - moral i t? gjith? ?am?ve. U arrit deri n? at? shkall? sa t? krijohej n? opinionin publik se ?do ?am ishte kush?riri i Teme Sejkos pra ishte armik i popullit dhe Partis?. Veprimtaria anti-?ame nuk ka patur t? sosur, nuk u mjaftua me tragjedin? q? hoq?n nga grek?t por u vazhdua gjat? koh?s s? monizmit dhe vazhdohet me forma t? kamufluara t? ndihet efekti i saj edhe sot. N? dokumentacionet q? l?shoheshin nga zyrat e gjendjes civile,n? ?ertifikatat e lindjes sh?nohej vet?m fshati i lindjes po se ku ishte ky fshat pak r?nd?si kishte, mjafton t? mos sh?nohej krahina e ?am?ris?. Po k?shtu jan? kryer veprime t? tilla edhe me pasaportat e l?shuara nga Drejtorit? e Komisariateve nga punonj?sit q? plot?sonin pasaporta. Sh?nohej p?r elementin ?am si vendlindje qyteti ku l?shohej pasaporta duke u hequr ?am?ve n? k?t? m?nyr? identitetin e lindjes. T? gjitha k?to veprime t? kryera nga qeveria shqiptare e monizmit dhe nga n?npun?sit e gjendjes civile dhe komisariateve t? policis? dje dhe sot t? ?ojn? n? p?rfundimin se k?to u sh?rbejn? vet?m grek?ve. Ne nuk kemi b?r? k?rkes? p?r marrje shtet?sie dhe nuk kemi pse t? heshtim p?r k?t? padrejt?si. Parlamenti, qeveria shqiptare duhet t? marrin masa t? plota dhe t? shpejta p?r ta korrigjuar duke respektuar ligjshm?rin?, duke na rikthyer shtet?sin? greke, at? q? kemi patur. Vet?m duke b?r? k?to veprime mund t? themi se k?tu fillon puna p?r kthimin e ?am?ve n? trojet e veta. Praktika e pun?s t? heqjes t? identitetit t? lindjes t? ?am?ve ndryshimit t? emrit dhe fes? nga bashkit? duhet t? hiqet menj?her?, t? zbatohet me korrekt?si ligjshm?ria dhe n? ?sht? e nevojshme t? b?hen ndryshimet e duhura n? ligjet aktuale p?r t'i sh?rbyer t?r?sisht zgjidhjes s? problemeve q? kan? t? b?jn? me t? sotmen dhe t? ardhmen e kombit ton?. N? marr?dh?niet midis Shqip?ris? dhe Greqis?, par?sore duhet t? jet? zgjidhja e problemeve si ??shtja ?ame, riatdhesimi i ?am?ve n? trojet e tyre etnike, kthimi i pronave shp?rblimi apo kompensimi i tyre nga shfryt?zimi 58 vjet si dhe abrogimi i ligjeve dhe vendimeve t? inskenuara greke duke filluar nga ligji i luft?s Nr. 2636, dt.10.11.1940 ."Mbi veprimet juridike t? armiqve dhe konfiskimin konservativ t? pasurive armike". Greqia ka deklaruar se ?sht? n? luft? me Shqip?rin?. N?n presionin e organizatave "Vorio - Epirote" me vendim t? p?rbashk?t t? Ministris? s? Financave dhe Ministris? s? Ekonomis? Komb?tare nxorr?n dy akte n?nligjore n? dt.07.06.1947 p?rkat?sisht me nr.14882 e nr.3574 qeveria greke i b?ri ligjit t? luft?s nj? p?rjashtim duke u dh?n? t? drejt? p?r t? nxjerr? pronat e tyre nga sekuestroja konservative vet?m shtetasve shqiptar? me komb?si greke me banim n? Shqip?ri q? n? baz? t? regjistrit t? p?rgjithsh?m t? popullsis? t? vitit 1981, shtetas shqiptar? me komb?si greke ishin vet?m 65 000 p?rb?jn? m? pak se 2.5% t? popullsis? s? p?rgjithshme t? Shqip?ris?. Kuptohet se privilegj g?zonin ata ortodoks shqiptar? q? pala greke i quan grek?. K?t? q?ndrim ka mbajtur dhe Gjykata e Lart? e Greqis? e cila me vendimin e vitit 1970 ?sht? shprehur se duhet t? vazhdoj? t? q?ndroj? sekustroja konservative p?r pasurit? e shtetasve shqiptar? me komb?si shqiptare pra p?r 97.5% t? popullsis? t? Shqip?ris? deri n? hartimin e traktatit t? paqes midis Greqis? dhe Shqip?ris?. N? 28 gusht 1987 grek?t u shpreh?n se e hoq?n gjendjen e luft?s me Shqip?rin?, n? fakt qeveria greke nuk shfuqizoi ligjin e luft?s k?shtu q? vendimi i m?sip?rm ishte nj? tjet?r mashtrim diplomatik. Qeveria greke me ligjin Nr.4506, dt.21.03.1996 nxorri vendimin q? t? mos b?hej asnj? veprim juridik mbi pasurit? n? fjal?, pa "leje speciale t? nj? komisioni midis Ministris? t? Pun?ve t? Jashtme dhe asaj t? Brendshme. Traktati i Miq?sis? e Bashk?punimit mes Shqip?ris? dhe Greqis? ratifikuar n? 22.07.1996 nga Kuvendi i Shqip?ris? dhe dekretuar nga Presidenti n? 22.08.1996 ?sht? ende i paratifikuar nga Parlamenti Grek. N? k?t? traktat nuk trajtohet zgjidhja e problemit ?am dhe nuk pasqyron realitetin, kalohet n? heshtje problemi ?am. Ne e denoncojm? k?t? traktat si nj? dokument q? nuk p?rfaq?son interesat tona komb?tare, si nj? dokument mashtrues. Si mund t? q?ndroj? nj? dokument i till? kur Greqia mban ende n? fuqi ligjin e luft?s, kur Greqia nuk pranon t? n?nshkruaj? marr?veshje q? konsiderohen esenciale p?r krijimin e kushteve t? mir?besimit dhe t? paqes n? marr?veshjet bilaterale si "Marr?veshjen p?r ruajtjen e mir?mbajtjen e shenjave kufitare" dhe "Marr?veshjen p?r zgjidhjen e incidenteve kufitare". Marr?veshjet e m?sip?rme nuk n?nshkruhen nga Greqia p?r shkak se ajo nuk i njeh kufijt? e vitit 1913 por ka synime shoviniste megallomane p?r ndryshimin e kufijve deri n? Shkumbin. Parlamenti dhe qeveria shqiptare duhet t? p?rjashtoj? praktika t? tilla pune q? n? momente t? caktuara por shum? t? r?nd?sishme (si? ?sht? rasti i traktatit t? miq?sis? dhe t? bashk?punimit Shqiptaro - Grek) t? hesht? n? m?yr? t? pakuptimt? p?r problemin e ?am?ve dhe duke e konfirmuar k?t? zyrtarisht. Ky traktat l? jasht? mund?sive t? zgjidhjes t? problemit komb?tar. Parlamenti dhe qeveria shqiptare n? kuadrin e detyrimeve q? ka p?r zgjidhjen e problemit ?am t? reflektoj? dhe t? b?j? ndryshimet e duhura n? k?t? traktat q? jan? p?r zgjidhjen e problemit t? popullat?s t? shqiptar?ve t? ?am?ris?. Ministria e Jashtme e Greqis? ka konfirmuar ekzistenc?n e ligjit t? gjendjes s? luft?s midis Greqis? dhe Shqip?ris? n? korrik t? vitit 1999 pra edhe sot n? vitin 2002 ekziston gjendja e luft?s. Megjith?se ka kaluar nj? koh? shum? e gjat? q? nga viti 1940 dhe deri m? sot n? 2002 Greqia vazhdon t? mbaj? t? nj?jtin q?ndrim ku asnj? shtetas shqiptar me komb?si shqiptare ) n? ve?anti ?am, nuk mund t? marr? pronat e tij n? Greqi dhe tani pas 62 vjet?sh t? miratimit t? ligjit t? luft?s n? Parlamentin Grek dhe t? dekretit me an? t? t? cilit i ?sht? shpallur luft? Shqip?ris? edhe pasi ka kaluar nj? koh? prej 58 vjet?sh nga mbarimi i Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore. Ligji i luft?s i duhet Greqis? n? radh? t? par? p?r t? mos u kthyer pronat shqiptar?ve mysliman? t? ?am?ris?, p?r t? mos riatdhesuar ?am?t n? trojet e tyre etnike, p?r t? mbuluar dhe harruar genocidin ndaj ?am?ve, p?r t? mos dh?n? detyrimet financiare p?r shlyerjen e tyre 58-vje?are. Mbi t? gjitha ligji i luft?s i lejon ?do qeverie greke p?r t? mbajtur ngritur t? ashtuquajtur?n ??shtje t? Vorio - Epirit, kjo b?het p?r t? qet?suar ndjenjat nacional- shoviniste t? opinionit grek por edhe p?r t? patur nj? procedur? formalo - juridike q? i lejon asaj t? kryej? veprime sipas interesave t? tyre. T? heq?sh dor? nga ligji i luft?s ?sht? t? heq?sh dor? nga "Vorio Epiri", asnj? qeveri greke as kjo e Simitis nuk ka dashur dhe nuk ka b?r? nj? veprim t? till?. Greqia po punon n? m?nyr? t? hapur dhe intensivisht p?r t? helenizuar Shqip?rin? e Jugut, ajo po punon p?r t? orientuar drejt Greqis? Shqip?rin? e jugut jo vet?m ekonomikisht por edhe kulturalisht dhe shpirt?risht, duke nxitur ekspansionin e gjuh?s greke, nd?rrimin e detyruesh?m t? emrave t? refugjat?ve shqiptar? q? punojn? dhe jetojn? n? Greqi, ngritjen e kishave dhe t? institucioneve t? tjera helenike si? ?sht? rasti i ngritjes t? kish?s n? fshatin Gresic? t? Mallakastr?s ku nuk ka asnj? banor ortodoks dhe ku t? gjith? jan? mysliman?. Qeveria greke u shp?rndan n? m?nyr? ilegale rroga dhe pensione banor?ve t? Shqip?ris? t? jugut, jo vet?m minoritar?ve por t? gjith?ve. K?to veprime b?hen nga qeveria greke p?r t? shtuar n? m?nyr? artificiale radh?t e minoritetit grek q? t? p?rdoren p?r q?llime politike n? rastin e riregjistrimeve t? popullsis? n? Shqip?ri. Qeveria greke ka k?rkuar zyrtarisht ngritjen e varrezave t? ushtar?ve greke t? r?n? gjat? luft?s s? vitit 1940 n? t? gjith? vij?n Himar? - K?lcyr?-Kor?? pra aty ku fillojn? kufijt? e Vorio Epirit sipas grek?ve. P?r realizimin e k?saj politike t? megalo - ides? n? m?nyr? t? hapur dhe t? fsheht? ka punuar dhe punon n? m?nyr? intensive Kryepeshkopi Janullatos. K?ta zot?rinj jo vet?m kan? prishur shkat?rruar varret e t? par?ve t? ?am?ve q?jan? n? trojet e tyre etnike por nuk lejojn? popullat?n shqiptare myslimane t? ?am?ris? t? shkojn? n? varrezat p?r t? rregulluar dhe sistemuar dhe p?r t? vendosur nj? buqet? me lule nga pjes?tar?t e familjeve t? tyre. N? kushtet aktuale t? vendit ton? t? nj? politike t? pastablizuar, t? munges?s t? veprimit t? institucioneve dhe t? shtetit, t? munges?s t? strategjis? komb?tare t? zhvillimit ekonomik, t? papun?sis?, t? munges?s t? energjis? elektrike, pagave t? ulta, t? kriz?s t? besimit duke i shtuar k?saj situate t? mjaft t? r?nduar edhe mb?shtetjen nga funksionar? dhe krer? n? politik?n shqiptare e Ministrin? e Jashtme, t? politik?s greke ?sht? b?r? e mundur q? Greqia t? jet? mjaft aktive n? politik?n e saj p?r t? helenizuar Shqip?rin? e jugut. P?r sa koh? Greqia nuk do t? abrogoj? p?rfundimisht ligjin e luft?s p?r sa koh? Greqia nuk do t? heq? dor? nga politika e helenizimit t? Shqip?ris? s? jugut p?r sa koh? Greqia nuk do t? zhbllokoj? pasurit? e shtetasve shqiptar? popullat?s shqiptare t? ?am?ris?, nuk do t? njohi t? drejt?n e ?am?ve p?r t'u kthyer n? trojet e veta etnike "?am?ri" nuk mund t? flitet p?r marr?dh?nie normale shqiptaro greke. Parlamenti, qeveria dhe diplomacia shqiptare duhet t? marrin masa p?r ndalimin e helenizimit t? Shqip?ris? s? jugut, p?r abrogimin nga Qeveria dhe Parlamenti grek t? ligjit t? luft?s nr.2636 viti 1940, ligji nr.4506 viti 196 dhe ligjit nr.2664 viti 1998. Parlamenti shqiptarduhet t? zgjidhi p?rfundimisht rrug?t ligjore dhe t? veproj? sa m? par? p?r abrogimin e dekretit t? Kuvendit Popullor nr.2654 dt.19.04.1953 me an?n e t? cilit t? gjith? ?am?t me komb?si shqiptare t? marrin shtet?sin? greke gj? e cila krijon mund?sin? p?r zgjidhjen e ??shtjes ?ame. Trajtimi i problemit ?am nga diplomacia shqiptare t? mos b?het nj? mjet p?r nj? propagand? t? p?rkohshme ose sa p?r t? qet?suar k?rkesat tona si ?am por duhet t? jet? nj? pjes? p?rb?r?se e politik?s s? jashtme shqiptare dhe nj? detyr? e vazhdueshme e diplomacis? son?. N? baz? t? kart?s t? OKB mbi t? Drejtat Themelore t? Njeriut dhe legjislacioneve t? tjera nd?rkomb?tare n? fuqi t? njihet bot?risht problemi ?am, t? denoncohet publikisht genocidi grek i ushtruar mbi popullat?n shqiptare t? ?am?ris? n? 1944 - 1945. Qeveria shqiptare n? vazhdim?si t? shtroj? n? takimet bilaterale me diplomacin? greke problemin e zgjidhjes s? ??shtjes ?ame si dhe n? takimet me t? huajt dhe me institucionet nd?rkomb?tare si BE, OKB Kongresi Amerikan, OSBE, Gjykat?n Nd?rkomb?tare Hage etj tu b?het e njohur problemi ?am dhe ligji i luft?s grek si dhe t'u k?rkohet angazhimi p?r t? ndikuar te Parlamenti dhe Qeveria greke si vend an?tar i BE dhe organizma t? tjera nd?rkomb?tare p?r abrogimin e k?tyre ligjeve dhe zgjidhjen e problemit ?am. P?rfaq?suesit e kryesis? t? SHPA ?am?ris? Tiran? m? 24.07.2000 u takuan me an?tar? t? Komisionit t? Jasht?m t? Parlamentit Shqiptar. N? k?t? takim u trajtua problemi i shqiptar?ve t? ?am?ris?,p?r genocidin e ushtruar ndaj saj, d?bimin e dhunsh?m nga trojet e veta autoktone, sekuestrimin e pronave, inskenim gjyqesh p?r t? d?nuar dhe p?r t? zhveshur nga pron?sia elementin shqiptar t? besimit mysliman, e cila bie ndesh jo vet?m me t? Drejt?n Nd?rkomb?tare por edhe me vet? Kushtetut?n greke. Ata u vun? n? dukje n?p?rmjet letrave, peticioneve, memorandumeve, demonstratave paq?sore, u ka k?rkuar autoriteteve shqiptare personaliteteve t? huaja dhe organizmave nd?rkomb?tare nj? impenjim dhe nd?rhyrje m? aktive p?r zgjidhjen e problemit ?am. SHPA ?am?ris? i ka b?r? t? qart? qeveritar?ve,parlamentar?ve shqiptare se nuk mund t? ket? stabilitet dhe marr?dh?nie t? q?ndrueshme me fqinj?t e jugut pa nj? zgjidhje t? drejt? dhe bashk?kohore t? problemit ?am. Zgjidhja arrihet me riatdhesimin e ?am?ve n? trojet e tyre, me kthimin e pronave pronar?ve t? ligjsh?m, me abrogimin e ligjeve e t? vendimeve t? inskenuara greke q? pengojn? kthimin e pronave, shp?rblimin apo kompensimin e tyre nga shfryt?zimi 58 vjecar, garantimin e lirive e t? t? drejtave etnike n? at? mas? q? i g?zon edhe minoriteti grek n? Shqip?ri. Komisioni i Jasht?m i Parlamentit shqiptar vler?soi materialin e paraqitur, informacionin e sakt? dhe k?rkesat e argumentuara p?r zgjidhjen e problemit ?am. Ata e pan? t? arsyeshme mbajtjen e nj? seance t? parlamentit p?r t? caktuar nj? platform? t? ve?ant? p?r zgjidhjet dhe rrug?t e zgjidhjes t? problemit ?am, k?t? duhet ta b?j? edhe qeveria. Pa zgjidhur problemin ?am nuk mund t? nd?rtohet nj? miq?si e sinqert? dhe e q?ndrueshme me Greqin?. Ne do t? vem? n? dijeni dhe qeverin? greke, lidhur me k?t? mbledhje dhe n? rast se ajo do t? vazhdoj? me q?ndrimet e deritanishme, problemi do ta nd?rkomb?tarizojm?. Gjithashtu Ministria jon? e Jashtme do t? porositet ta ket? gjithmon? n? axhend?n e bisedimeve k?t? problem. T? k?rkosh t? drejtat e tua nuk do t? thot? t? pretendosh p?r "Shqip?rin? e Madhe" si? na akuzojn? shpesh qarqe t? caktuara.??shtja ?ame do zgjidhur pa hezitim, p?r k?t? partit?, shoqatat, parlamenti dhe shteti duhet t? flasin me t? nj?jtin z?. K?rkesat e SHPA ?am?ria jan? t? drejta, problemi duhet nd?rkomb?tarizuar, SHPA ?am?ria duhet ndihmuar n? t? gjitha drejtimet SHPA ?am?ria nuk ?sht? trajtuar si? e meriton jo vet? duhet t? mbajm? t? fort? dhe ta pajisim me zyra dhe mjedise t? nevojshme, por edhe t? gjejm? rrug?t p?r ta ndihmuar financiarisht, gjithashtu u porosit?n mediat q? problemin ?am ta trajtojn? drejt dhe n? vazhdim?si. Mb?shtetja e gjithanshme e deputet?ve pozit? opozit? t? Komisionit t? Politik?s s? Jashtme t? Parlamentit shqiptar p?r trajtimin dhe zgjidhjen e problemit ?am n? k?t? takim la p?rshtypjen m? t? mir?, menduam se m? n? fund kur ?sht? fjala p?r ??shtjen komb?tare forcat politike shqiptare do t? din? t? flasin me nj? z? si? fol?n n? Komisionin e Jasht?m t? Parlamentit. Kjo ndodhi n? 24.07.2000 dhe sot jemi n? 2002 afro 2 vjet t? gjitha detyrat e p?rcaktuara n? k?t? takim kan? mbetur n? protokollet e mbledhjes, kan? mbetur n? kuadrin e fjal?ve dhe nuk ?sht? marr? asnj? veprim konkret, kjo tregon pap?rgjegjshm?ri t? institucioneve p?r t? realizuar detyrimet dhe angazhimet ligjor q? kan? p?r zgjidhjen e problemit ?am. Vazhdohen t? nj?jta praktika pune si? duket t? imponuara nga qeveria greke dhe t? lidhura me interesa personale t? individ?ve t? ve?ant? apo grup parlamentar?sh q? problemi ?am t? kalohet n? heshtje. Parlamenti dhe qeveria shqiptare duhet t? p?rjashtojn? praktika t? tilla pune heshtjeje n? m?nyr? t? pakuptimt? p?r problemin ?am. Ne nuk mund t? presim dhe as nuk na shkon n? m?ndje se shovinist?t grek? do t? ndryshojn? vullnetarisht q?ndrimin e tyre gjithmon? keqdash?s ndaj nesh, nuk ushqehemi me iluzione t? tilla sepse t? gjitha qeverit? greke dhe ajo ekzistuese e PASOK-ut p?rpiqet q? me t? gjitha mund?sit? dhe format t? varrosi c?shtjen ?ame. Ne i p?rmbahemi mendimit se problemi ?am nuk ?sht? di?ka q? ka t? b?j? vet?m me nj? krahin? dhe popullsin? e saj por para s? gjithash ?sht? nj? ??shtje e madhe q? i p?rket mbar? popullit shqiptar. Duke u nisur nga ky faktor i pamohuesh?m dhe nga roli q? mund dhe duhet t? lozi SHPA, ?am?ria n? k?t? ??shtje t? madhe q? i p?rket mbar? popullit shqiptar. Duke u nisur nga ky faktor i pamohuesh?m dhe nga roli q? mund dhe duhet t? lozi SHPA, ?am?ria n? k?t? ??shtje ne insistojm? q? faktori vendimtar q? do t? kontribuoj? n? shtrimin dhe zgjidhjen e drejt? t? saj ?sht? dhe mbetet parlamenti dhe shteti shqiptar me predispozicionin dhe p?rpjekjet e tyre konkrete.Prandaj ?sht? e natyrshme q? t? k?rkojm? nj? angazhim serioz dhe t? vazhduesh?m t? parlamentit dhe qeveris? shqiptare p?r ta marr? p?rsip?r dhe p?r ta kryer deri n? fund barr?n q? i takon duke parandaluar t? gjitha tentativat e qeveris? greke q? b?n dhe do t? b?j? ?mos q? t'i imponoj? qeveris? shqiptare q? t'i kthej? shpin?n ??shtjes ?ame. Parlamenti, shteti dhe partit? politike shqiptare pun?n q? duhet t? b?jn? p?r problemin ?am duhet ta pranojn? si nj? detyrim, obligim ndaj ??shtjes komb?tare. Fakti q? ka af?rsisht dy vjet dhe vazhdohet t? mbahet nga parlamenti dhe Komisioni i Politik?s s? Jashtme nj? heshtje p?r t? trajtuar problemin ?am sipas konkluzioneve t? 24 korrikut 2000 tregon m? s? miri p?r nj? munges? p?rgjegj?sie dhe veprime diktuese dhe frenuese t? qeveris? greke ndaj qeveris? dhe parlamentit shqiptar. Parlamenti shqiptar t? trajtoj? n? nj? seanc? t? parlamentit n? nj? koh? sa m? t? shkurt?r t? mundshme p?r t? p?rcaktuar nj? platform? t? ve?ant? p?r zgjidhjen dhe rrug?t e zgjidhjes s? problemit ?am si dhe p?r t? gjitha problemet dhe konkluzionet e nxjerra n? k?t? takim. Qeveritar?t greke n? vazhdim?si kan? avancuar k?rkesat p?r minoritetin e saj n? Shqip?ri nxitur kjo nga Athina dhe ledhatimi i tepruar nga shteti zyrtar shqiptar me l?shimet absurde. Grek?t n? Shqip?ri jan? pakic? dhe jo minoritet sepse nuk jan? etnik?, autokton? s'kan? pron? t? tyre t? trash?guar.Shqip?ria ka b?r? gabim t? madh me l?shime t? tilla si dh?nia n? pron?si toke me ligj Nr.7501, dt.31.07.1991 "P?r tok?n" dhe ligjin nr.8053,dt.21.03.1995"P?r kalimin n? pron?si pa shp?rblim t? tok?s bujq?sore "Shteti shqiptar u dhuroi pakicave komb?tare greke,?if?ijve greke, argat?ve grek? duke i b?r? pronar? n? tokat e shqiptar?ve pa qen? ndonj?her? pronar?, por t? ardhur nga Greqia. P?r pakicat komb?tare t? veprohet sipas normave nd?rkomb?tare duke i par? t? drejtat q? i takojn? dhe duke respektuar detyrimet n? m?nyr? reciproke midis dy vendeve. Nga Greqia fqinje t? marrin shembull prej tyre si i trajton ajo minoritetet reale, sidomos shqiptar?t etnike n? trojet e tyre n? ?am?ri po ashtu dhe t?r? arb?ror?t n? t?r? Greqin?. K?tu Greqia duhet t? japi shpjegime, llogari dhe garanci "Do ot das" m? jep t? t? jap ton? latin?t. Me Greqin? t? veprohet sipas Kushtetut?s s? tyre q? thot? q? n? marr?dh?niet me shtetet e tjera dhe me fqinj?t Greqia zbaton normat nd?rkomb?tare si dhe parimin e reciprocitetit, at?here Shqip?ria t? b?j? p?r Greqin? ashtu si? b?n Greqia p?r Shqip?rin?. Greqis? t'i thuhet me forc?: Njih minoritetin shqiptar dhe jepi t? drejtat, gjuh?n, shkoll?n, shtypin t? heqi dor? nga racizmi , b?ni sa kemi b?r? ne. N? rast se Greqia nuk i b?n at?here dhe Shqip?ria duhet t'i p?rgjigjet me t? nj?jtat veprime. T? nd?rpritet ?do l?shim nga ana e Shqip?ris?, mbi t? gjitha, t? nd?rpritet elenizimi i emigrant?ve, ?do ndryshim komb?sie t? mos njihet. T? zbatohet kushtetuta jon? q? shteti interesohet p?r ?do emigrant duke k?rkuar statistika t? plota, sa t? burgosur jan? n? Greqi sa t? vrar?, keqtrajtime q? u b?hen nga policia greke shpjegimet p?rkat?se. Ambasada shqiptare n? Greqi duhet t? merret seriozisht dhe me p?rgjegj?si me problemet e emigrant?ve shqiptar? n? Greqi. Me Greqin? duhet folur me t? nj?jt?n gjuh? q? po flet ajo, duhet vepruar me t? nj?jtat veprime q? b?n ajo. Ajo nuk ruan asnj? virtyt fqinji, asnj? norm? ligji dhe asnj? parim nd?rkomb?tar, at?here pse Shqip?ria duhet t? veproj? ndryshe e gjunj?zuar, inferiore, nuk ka asnj? baz? morale dhe ligjore. Nuk duhet trembur nga shantazhi i d?bimit t? emigrant?ve shqiptare. Duhet ta kemi t? qart? plot?sisht se Greqis? po t'i ikin v?rtet emigrant?t shqiptar? "sh?rb?tor?" ajo do t? alarmohet, ajo ka fitime t? pallogaritshme nga puna e papaguar e refugjat?ve, afro 7 milion? dollar? n? dit? nxjerr Greqia. Ne vitin 1995 15% e buxhetit grek ishte nga puna e shqiptar?ve. Greqia ka m? tep?r interes q? t? mos ndahet me Shqip?rin?, po t? llogaritet pasuria e tundshme dhe e patundshme e ?am?ve nga viti 1945 - 2000, arrin 80 miliard? dollar? q? Greqia u ka borxh ?am?ve. SHPA ?am?ria, Kryesia dhe k?shilli drejtues i saj nuk duhet t? rrij? n? pritshm?ri p?r p?rfundimet e nxjerra n? dt.24 korrik 2000 nga Komisioni i Jasht?m i Parlamentit, duhet t? organizoj? pun?n p?r t? nxitur dhe ndihmuar n? koh?n e duhur duke shfryt?zuar t? gjitha mund?sit?, takimet me deputet?t e k?tij komisioni, grupet parlamentare, Kryesin? e Kuvendit, gjithashtu t? shfryt?zohen t? gjitha mund?sit? q? na jep demokracia t? japi trysnin? e saj p?r plot?simin e angazhimeve t? marra nga deputet?t e Komisionit. Qeveria jon? t? k?rkoj? me forc? nga qeveria greke si nj? vend an?tar i BE dhe nj? shtet q? ka n?nshkruar marr?veshjet nd?rkomb?tare lidhur me mbrojtjen e t? drejtave t? njeriut, t? p?rjashtoj? menj?her? praktika t? shtr?ngimit t? refugjat?ve shqiptar? duke i v?n? n?n presion p?r t? k?mbyer identitetin e tyre entik dhe kulturor me mir?q?nien ekonomike. Ligjin e luft?s Greqia vazhdon ta mbaj? edhe sot n? 2002. Qeveria e Papandreut ka mashtruar duke e quajtur t? hequr ligjin e luft?s ku parlamenti dhe Presidenti grek nuk kan? firmosur abrogimin e tij. Dinak?ria greke vazhdon, Papandreu n? vitin 1986 shprehet "Eshte e papranueshme se abrogimi i gjendjes s? luft?s do t? ket? pasoja vepruese p?r ?am?t mysliman? dhe gjith? atyre q? synojn? rivendosje t? mundshme n? Greqi. Qeveria jon? nuk ka aspak predispozicion t? b?j? t?rheqjen m? t? vog?l n? k?t? ??shtje". Papandreu jo vet?m mashtron p?r heqjen e ligjit t? luft?s n? vitin 1982 por ajo q? ?sht? m? kryesorja pranon kurthin grek pra dhe me abrogimin e ligjit t? luft?s, Greqia zyrtarisht pengon dhe do t? pengoj? kthimin e t? drejtave legjitime, kthimin e ?am?ve n? trojet e tyre etnike, kthimin e pronave dhe t? d?mshp?rblimeve p?rkat?se t? shqiptar?ve. Qeveria shqiptare nuk duhet t? futet n? kurthet e fabrikuara nga dinak?ria greke por me kthjellt?si, dinjitet dhe guxim duhet t? pozicionohet t? mos mjaftohet vet?m me abrogimin e ligjit t? luft?s por t? saksionohen nga t? dy pal?t zyrtarisht pasojat vepruese p?r plot?simin e k?rkesave, t? drejtave legjitime t? shqiptar?ve mysliman? t? ?am?ris?. Greqia ka 100 vjet q? mashtron duke mohuar pranin? e pakicave komb?tare n? vend n? ve?anti problemin ?am. Ky problem nuk mund t? mbahet i mbyllur. Komisioni i ??shtjeve Juridike dhe i t? Drejtave t? Njeriut i K?shillit t? Europ?s ka rekomanduar hetimin e respektimin e t? drejtave t? pakicave n? Greqi. Qeveria shqiptare t? denoncoj? krimet, genocidin grek ndaj popullit shqiptar t? ?am?ris? n? Gjykat?n Nd?rkomb?tare n? Hag? si dhe n? institucionet nd?rkomb?tare. SHPA ?am?ria, intelektual?t dhe ?do ?am n? m?nyr? individuale t? grumbulloj? evidentoj? dhe sistemoj? materiale me fakte konkrete p?r krime dhe genocidin e ushtruar nga shovinist?t grek? dhe t? b?jn? denoncime n? Gjykat?n e t? drejtave t? njeriut n? Strasburg n? Gjykat?n Nd?rkomb?tare n? Hag?. Par?sore t? jet? angazhimi i intelektual?ve t? specializuar si n? dilomaci, jurist, ekonomist dhe politikan? p?r p?rgatitjen e materialeve e b?rjen e denoncimeve dhe k?rkesave institucioneve nd?rkomb?tare si BE, OKB, Kongresit Amerikan, OSBE etj p?r t? dh?n? ndihmes?n e tyre ligjore p?r zgjidhjen e problemit ?am. SHBA dhe BE kan? qen? mjaft t? interesuara p?r faktorin shqiptar dhe zgjidhjen e ??shtjes shqiptare n? Ballkan. Fitorja e liris? n? Kosov?, zgjedhjet e lira konstituimi i parlamentit, zgjedhja e qeveris? dhe Presidentit Rugova, konstituimi i institucioneve n? Kosov? jan? shprehje t? drejtp?rdrejta t? p?rgjegjshm?ris? t? klas?s politike, t? aft?sis? t? saj p?r t? nd?rtuar shtetin e saj t? pavarur. Hapa t? r?nd?sishme ( por t? pjesshme) drejt liris? jan? hedhur dhe nga shqiptar?t e Maqedonis?, me ato q? u arrit dhe me shvillimet e tjera t? m?vonshme do t? mund?sohet q? shqiptar?t t? ken? t? drejta t? barabarta me etnit? e tjera n? Maqedoni. Tani koha punon p?r ne, p?r faktorin shqiptar, p?r zgjidhjen e ??shtjes shqiptare n? Ballkan. ??shtja ?ame si pjes? p?rb?r?se e ??shtjes komb?tare do t? futet n? rrug?n e zgjidhjes dhe do t? zgjidhet. Q? kjo t? realizohet n? nj? koh? sa m? t? shkurt?r duhet q? parlamenti dhe qeveria shqiptare ta nd?rkomb?tarizoj? problemin e zgjidhjes s? ??shtjes ?ame, duhet ta shtroj? dhe t? k?rkoj? zgjidhje nga SHBA, BE, duke qart?suar dhe v?n? theksin se ?am?ria ?sht? pjes? p?rb?r?se e kombit shqiptar dhe pa zgjidhur k?t? problem nuk mund t? flitet p?r zgjidhjen e ??shtjes shqiptare n? Ballkan. P?rderisa jemi shqiptar? ne jemi t? gjith? shqiptar? t? Shqip?ris?, se ekziston vet?m nj? Shqip?ri dhe ne jemi bijt? e saj ti nga Geg?ria un? nga ?am?ria ai nga Muzeqeja e ai tjetri nga Arb?ria, Mirdita dhe Kosova, po k?to krahina jan? t? gjitha pjes? e kombit shqiptar. Q? t? zgjidhim problemin komb?tar k?rkes? e par? ?sht? q? ne t? heqim nga mendja jon? kufijt? imagjinar? q? ndajn? shqiptarin nga shqiptari. Dijetari dhe shkenc?tari ?am Hoxh? Hasan Tasini nj? nga ata njer?z t? m?dhenj q? qindravje?ar?t dhe epokat nxjerrin rrall? dhe me v?shtir?si, kur u largua nga atdheu p?r her? t? fundit u tha farefisit dhe bashkatdhetar?ve:"E di q? i gjall? nuk do t? kthehem dot m? por do t? kthehem i vdekur". Intelektuali dhe krijuesi i par? shqiptar i afiniteteve dhe dimensioneve europiane, stilisti i p?rkryer, eruditi i shk?lqyer dhe atdhetari i madh Faik Konica nga Konica e Epirit n? testametin e len? midis t? tjerave shkruan "Nuk do t? m? tret? dheu m?se ti imzot Noli dhe ti Lamja im i vog?l dhe t? gjith? ata q? e quajn? veten shqiptar? nuk do ta ?ojn? kufom?n time t? tretet n? tok?n m?m? , kam l?n? m?njan? dhe harxhimet e rrug?s p?r trupin pa jet? dhe shum?n p?r 2 metro vend n? Shqip?ri". N? testamentet e atdhetar?ve t? m?dhenj Hasan Tasimi dhe Konica, ne ?am?rit refugjat? n? Shqip?ri gjejm? porosin? e madhe q? me q?ndrimin parimor dhe t? prer? dhe me dashurin? e madhe p?r vendlindjen ?am?rin? p?r asnj? ?ast t? mos ndalemi t? mos lig?shtohemi nga pengesat por n? vazhdim?si t? punojm? p?r t'u kthyer n? ?am?ri, k?tu gjen m? s? miri vend shprehja e vjet?r q? thot? "Guri i r?nd? peshon n? vendin e vet". ?am?ria ?sht? p?r ne ?am?rit vendlindja, atdheu yne legjitim. Ne jetojm? me shpres?n dhe d?shir?n dhe dashurin? e zjarrt? q? kemi ne n? zemrat tona p?r t'u kthyer n? ?am?ri. Ne jetojm? me bindjen e plot? se do t? kthehemi n? ?am?ri, bile do t? kthehemi shum? m? shpejt se sa mund t? mendohet. E drejta ?sht? me ne, koha punon p?r ne."Eshte e jona ?am?ria". FIER 26.03.2002 AGUSH A.VELIU Gazeta 55, 18 korrik 2002 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 18 22:54:42 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 18 Jul 2002 19:54:42 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The London Times Message-ID: <20020719025442.4843.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Greek clan confess to killing British envoy >From Daniel McGrory and John Carr in Athens A MOTORCYCLE mechanic was charged with the murder of Brigadier Stephen Saunders yesterday as Greek police revealed how a family of assassins formed the heart of the 17 November terrorist group. Vassilis Xiros, 30, confessed to taking part in the ambush of the British defence attach? two years ago as he drove to work and told detectives how he and two of his brothers carried out other killings. Greek police also said that they had captured the mastermind behind the elusive left-wing group that is blamed for killing 23 people in a 27-year campaign of bombings and assassinations. The alleged leader is a university professor, 58, who was detained by a special forces team as he was about to leave his holiday home on a remote Greek island and flee to Turkey with his French wife. The Greek chief of police appeared on television yesterday to claim that his men had dismantled the Marxist-inspired organisation that had managed to evade the authorities for nearly three decades. He praised the Scotland Yard detectives who have worked in Athens for the past two years for their help in apprehending the group. The Foreign Office said last night: ?We welcome these arrests and the other recent breakthroughs in this investigation. We have had very good co-operation with the Greek authorities and these are very positive and significant developments.? Greek politicians did not disguise their jubilation and relief at finally defeating a ruthless organisation that swore to disrupt the 2004 Athens Olympics. Costas Simitis, the Prime Minister, interrupted a Cabinet meeting to tell his colleagues of yesterday?s confessions, and the first charges ever brought against anyone belonging to 17 November. Three sons of a Greek Orthodox priest lie at the heart of the group?s operation. Mr Xiros described in graphic detail how, in June 2000, he was part of the two-man team on a motorbike that ambushed Brigadier Saunders, who was driving to work in peak-hour traffic, and shot him four times. Showing little emotion, he then went on to confess to killing Costas Peraticos, an Anglo-Greek shipowner, in May 1997. His elder brother, Christodoulos Xiros, 44, who makes musical instruments, admitted to taking part in nine murders, including that of William Nordeen, the US defence attach?, in 1988. The US had offered a $2million reward to anyone who identified the assassins. Yesterday the two brothers were dressed in white bullet-proof flak jackets and streets were sealed off so that they could be taken from police headquarters in Athens to the prosecutor?s office to be charged. Alongside them was another of the gang, Dionisis Georgiadis, 26, who is believed to be a close friend of the brothers from the northern Greek town of Florina. Another brother, Savvas Xiros, a 40-year-old painter of religious icons, is still recovering in hospital after he was injured when a bomb he was carrying exploded prematurely. It is his testimony that led detectives to two safe houses in central Athens where they recovered a weapons cache, including the Colt .45 pistol used in the murder of Brigadier Saunders. Detectives are puzzled how these three brothers, described last night by neighbours as ?models of respectability and family decency? became part of the 17 November group. Vassilis Xiros was only three years old when 17 November carried out their first assassination in December 1975, which was the murder of Richard Welch, the CIA station chief in Athens. Police are certain that this was engineered by Alexander Yiotopoulos, the university professor mastermind of the group. A tall, chubby-faced, white-haired figure who is code-named Nikita, he was still being questioned last night. The professor, who was born in France, was on the quayside on the tiny island of Lipsi, 160 miles southeast of Athens, waiting for a hydrofoil, when the police launched their undercover operation on Wednesday night. The special forces team used a red fire brigade helicopter so as not to alert the economics professor, who is also nicknamed the ?Tall One?. He was bundled into the helicopter but Marie-Th?r?se Peynaud, his French wife, was not with him. Last night police were searching neighbouring islands for her. Detectives said that the professor was carrying a fake identity card and that his fingerprints had been found on weapons in the Athens safe houses that were used by the group to store its armoury. While his only brush with authority on the island was when he flouted local by-laws to paint his villa a lurid salmon pink instead of white, anti-terrorist officers revealed that they had had him under surveillance for years. They said that until now they have never had sufficent evidence. They are understood to have found a battered typewriter in his Athens apartment that they believe he used to write the rambling claims of responsibility that accompanied every atrocity. Investigators say that the Sorbonne-educated academic is the son of a known left-wing extremist and took part in the 1968 student demonstrations in Paris. They believe that he was schooled in terrorist techniques in Cuba and helped set up the 17 November organisation, which was named after a 1973 student uprising against the military junta. Fotis Nasiakos, Greece?s chief of police, said that the three men charged yesterday had confessed to 42 crimes going back to 1984 that included murder, bombing and robbery. ?The accused admitted their acts and described in detail the way these were committed,? he said. In their confessions, the men are said to have revealed the second figure who took part in the ambush on Brigadier Saunders. He is believed to be Dimitris Koufodinas, a 44-year-old beekeeper, who was still on the run last night. The relief in Greece following the charges was matched by the astonishment at the identity of the motley crew who comprised one of Europe?s most deadly and efficient terrorist organisations. There is little immediate evidence top explain why three sons of a 78-year-old Greek Orthodox priest embraced the Marxist philosophy that was said to motivate the group?s campaign against Western diplomats and Greek politicians. The ordinary recruits came from comfortable, middle-class backgrounds, and were involved in obscure professions such as painting icons, building musical organs and bee-keeping. They were led by an eccentric academic with a cherubic face. Greece had been under mounting pressure from its European allies and the US to make arrests amid suspicions the group may have help from some maverick elements among left-wing politicians. The Prime Minister said: ?We are on a good road and we have made progress, but this requires time and thoroughness?. He told his Cabinet: ?We must resist pressure that can lead to mistakes. This is not a movie that will end in two hours. We are proceeding with the total breakup of terrorism in this country.? --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 19 07:59:49 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Jul 2002 04:59:49 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Tirana Contributor, Intellinews Message-ID: <20020719115949.63434.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Antonia Rousseva wrote: From Antonia Rousseva Sun Jul 14 01:42:40 2002 To: From: "Antonia Rousseva" Date: Sun, 14 Jul 2002 11:42:40 +0300 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Tirana Contributor, Intellinews Dear Madam/ Sir Intellinews, a service of Internet securities, Inc. a Euromoney Institutional Investor company is looking for a contributor based in Tirana. The contributor will deliver 1.5-2 pages of review of the Albanian press. The review is expected every working day by 07:30 am. The contributor will also deliver a weekly report on Mondays. The review is in English language only. The choice of the news is mainly business and politics. No sports, arts and weather news are to be reported. The ideal candidate will have an economics/ business degree and exprience in journalism. The candidates' English language is expected to be very strong. Interested candidates please send CV to Georgi Kadiev, Director of Intellinews, at gkadiev at securities.com For more info about Intellinews please visit http://www.securities.com/MyImages/intellinews.html Interested candidates please email CV and Motivation Letter to gkadiev at securities.com.pl Best regards, Intellinews Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: bieberf at gmx.net Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Sun Jul 21 02:47:24 2002 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Sun, 21 Jul 2002 02:47:24 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Authors in Translation Message-ID: <20020721.082621.1504.1.albboschurch@juno.com> This is reportedly the largest collection of Albanian literature in English translation gathered together in one site. Kudos to Dr Robert Elsie for this effort (and to Canadian poet Janice Mathie-Heck for her assistance in the project.) Albanians and those interested in Albanian literature owe him a profound debt of gratitude. Fr. Arthur Liolin ----------------------------------------------------- ----- Forwarded Message ----- From: Robert.Elsie at t-online.de (Robert Elsie) To: Date: Sat, 20 Jul 2002 19:08:30 +0200 Subject: new website Have a look at my new website - Albanian authors in English translation: www.albanianliterature.com Vizitoni faqjen time te re ne internet - autor? shqiptar? anglisht: www.albanianliterature.com Dr. Robert Elsie Knaufspescher Str. 14 D-54597 Olzheim, Germany Homepage: www.elsie.de -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: Efeu.gif Type: image/gif Size: 5665 bytes Desc: not available URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 23 23:53:42 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 23 Jul 2002 20:53:42 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta 55 Message-ID: <20020724035342.71823.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Cikli: T? mos harrojm? at? q? na kan? b?r? dhe at? q? po na b?jn? grek?t. Duke shfletuar v?llimin e ri antishqiptar t? botuar n? Greqi me titull "Vendet e dhimshme t? Greqis?". Nga KASTRIOT DERVISHI Terrorizmi si pjes? e pandashme e politik?s greke ?sht? e qart? q? nuk mund t? kuptohet politika greke pa lidhjen e saj me terrorizmin. N? k?t? kuad?r pa dallim kohe dhe regjimesh, n? Greqi gjithmon? kan? qen? aktive dhe t? forta organizatat e ashtuquajtuara "vorio#8209;epirote", duke pasur mb?shtetjen e p?rhershme t? qeveris? dhe shtetit grek. I vetmi rast q? Greqia nuk ka pasur aktivitet t? organizatave n? fjal? ?sht? nj? periudh? e shkurt?r n? vitin 1926, koh? kur kryeministiri i at?hersh?m grek Pangallos, i ndaloi ato. Dhe vet?m p?r k?t? veprim t? shkurt?r pa ndonj? efekt t? madh, Pangallos quhet "diktator" sot n? historiografin? greke. Ndoshta Greqia mund t? jet? nd?r vendet e pakta n? Evrop? me nj? numur kaq t? madh organizatash q? ve? ushtrimit t? aktivitetit t? tyre politik poseidojn? magazina arm?sh t? ndryshme. Mosndalimi i k?tij aktiviteti nga shteti grek e p?rzien at? drejtp?rdrejt n? k?to veprimtari q? n? ?do vend do t? ishin antikushtetuese. Politikan? t? ndrysh?m greke si Andreas Papandreu e t? tjera pas tij q? sot jan? n? pushtet n? Greqi jan? p?rmendur shpesh si udh?heq?s real? t? k?tyre organizatave. Po ashtu politikan? dhe prift?rinj grek? jan? t? gjith? t? pranish?m n? aktivitete publike t? organizatave "vorio#8209;epirote". M? konkretisht organizatat m? kryesore "vorio#8209;epirote" jan?: SFEVA#8209;{Sintoniksi Fititiki Enosi Vorioepiritiko Agona #8209; Komiteti Koordinues Studentor i Luft?s p?r Vorio#8209;Epirin". ?sht? organizata m? kryesore, q? merret me propagand?n antishqiptare, e cila ?sht? krijuar n? vitin 1982 dhe n? librin objekt polemike ka p?rgatitur pjes?n m? t? madhe t? materialeve. Drejtues i organizat?s prej shum? vitesh ?sht? Grigor Gizelis. Para Gizelis#8209;it drejtues aktiv i k?saj organizate ka qen? peshkopi fam?keq Sebastianos. Elementi i rekrutuar nga kjo organizat? ?sht? kamufluar n?p?rmjet m? shum? se 200 kurseve p?r gjuh?n, historin? dhe etnologjin? greke n? Shqip?ri. SFEVA ?sht? nd?r organizatat m? t? r?nd?sishme vorio#8209;epirote. Ajo njihet si financuese e nd?rtimit t? kishave greke n? Shqip?ri. Mban lidhje t? ngushta me kryepeshkopin grek Kristodhulos q? njihet si nj? nd?r miqt? m? t? m?dhenj t? Anastasios Janullatos. Gazeta e organizat?s ?sht? "I Vorio#8209;Epiros poreia autonomia". P?rve? k?saj gazete, organizata njihet edhe si botuese e shum? librave t? cil?t pretendojn? se japin "historin? e Vorio#8209;Epirit ENVI#8209;{Efnikis Neollaias Vorio Ipiras}. ?sht? "Bashkimi i Rinis? Vorio#8209; Epirote", i cila n? thelb t? programit t? saj ka hapjen e shkollave dhe kurseve n? gjuh?n greke, financimin e aktivist?ve "vorio#8209;epirot?" dhe t? "qeveris? n? ekzil t? Vorio#8209;epirit". ENVI financon gjithashtu edhe "trup?n mbrojt?se vorio#8209;epirote", e cila sipas tyre vepron n? territorin shqiptar. Organizata ?sht? aktive sidomos pas vitit 1990 dhe sh?rbeu si harmonizuese n? lidhjet e rinis? greke me at? minoritare n? Shqip?ri. Ka deg? shum? t? r?nd?sishm? t? saj n? qytete t? ndryshme. Gazeta e organizat?s ?sht? "Vorio#8209;Epirus simera". Drejtues i ENVI#8209;it p?r shum? koh? ka qen? Harallamb Karathano, i cili k?to vitet e fundit ka hyr? e ka dal? n? Shqip?ri si n? sht?pi t? vet dhe z?vend?s i tij ?sht? Spiro Joanidhi. Miq t? ngusht? t? organizat?s jan? ish#8209;deputeti Kristo Goci dhe deputeti Ligoraq Karamelo, t? cil?t shihen n? veprimtarit? festive q? organizon ENVI me rastin e p?rkujtimit t? vitit 1914 si vit i djegies s? Shqip?ris?. MAVI #8209;, q? do t? thot? Fronti p?r ?lirimin e Vorio Epirit. Sipas librit n? fjal? qysh gjat? viteve t? Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore n? Shqip?ri ka vepruar organizata terroriste MAVI#8209;{Apeleferetiko Metopo Vorio Ipiro q? do t? thot? Fronti p?r ?lirimin e Vorio Epirit}. Ajo ?sht? nj? organizat? terroriste e formuar n? vitin 1942 nga gjenerali fam?keq Napolon Zerva. Sipas librit n? fjal?, n? korrik 1942, Ilias Konsta, Mihal Mano{s}, Jakis Taso{s}, Anastasios Kokaveli{s} etj, kan? themeluar deg?n e k?saj organizate n? Tiran?. ?sht? fakt tashm? s? element?t grekoman? kan? pasur nj? lloj organizimi, sado minimal apo sado pak i organizuar t? ket? qen? ai. MAVI vepronte edhe n? kuad?r t? EDES#8209;it {Lidhja Komb?tare Demokratike Greke}, n? krye t? s? cil?s vepronte krimineli i njohur Napoleon Zerva. K?to trupa kryen masakra t? shumta kund?r popullsis? autoktone ?ame n? fundin e Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore dhe nd?rmor?n nj? spastrim t? gjer? etnik kund?r k?saj popullsie. MAVI njihet gjithashtu n? koh?n e sotme p?r sulmin e kryer kund?r Post?s Kufitare t? Peshk?pis? m? 10 prill 1994, ku u vran? dy ushtarak?t shqiptar? Fatmir Shehu dhe Arsen Gjini. Ndoshta edhe sulmi i at?hersh?m nuk ?sht? b?r? nga ndonj? organizat? tjet?r me q?llimin p?r t? dh?n? iden? e vijueshm?ris? historike t? organizat?s. POAKA#8209; ?sht? "Organizata Panepirote e Amerik?s", e krijuar m? 1942 n? Nju#8209;Jork. M? 1981 n? k?t? organizat? u p?rfshin? edhe homologia e saj n? Kanada dhe m? 1983 ajo e Australis?. Q? prej vitit 1993 drejtues i saj ?sht? Nikolla Gazojani{Gejxh}.Punon pa reshtur kund?r Shqip?ris? n? qarqe diplomatike nd?rkomb?tare dhe nga ana tjet?r ka arritur t? ket? n? orbit?n e saj edhe mjaft politikan? t? Shqip?ris?, t? cil?t jan? par? shum? her? me Gejxhin. QEVA#8209; ?sht? "Komiteti Qendror i Luft?s Vorio#8209;Epirote" dhe u drejtua p?r shum? vite nga peshkopi Serafin Tikas. U krijua n? vitin 1918 me udh?zim t? qeveris? greke. Komteti Qendror i k?saj organizate p?rve? kryetarit p?rb?het edhe nga dy n?n kryetar?t, tre k?shilltar?t , gjasht? an?tar?t dhe ark?tari. Kryetari zgjidhet nga qeveria greke n? konsultim me sh?rbimin sekret grek EYP. Mendohet q? meq? QEVA ka qen? n? nj? nivel m? t? lart? se MAVI, t? ket? qen? e pranishme edhe ajo n? Shqip?ri n? vitet e Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore. P?r vet? rrethanat e luft?s k?to mund t? ken? vepruar n? grupe t? vogla. Sot n?nkryetar i organizat?s ?sht? ish#8209;sekretari i Janullatosit n? Tiran? Ilia Kontas. An?tar? t? Komitetit jan? edhe shtetas shqiptar? me komb?si greke. QEVA ?sht? kordinadore edhe e sillogjeve "vorio#8209;epirote" si ato t? Athin?#8209;Pireut, Selanikut, Korfuzit, Janin?s, Patr?s, Follorin?s, Ekaterinit dhe e "Bashkimit t? Delvinjot?ve", "Bashkimit t? Himariot?ve", "Bashkimit t? Dropullit?ve", "Bashkimit t? Kor?ar?ve" etj. QEVA drejton edhe "K?shillin e Ndihm?s Ekonomike", i cili administron fondet kund?r Shqip?ris?. N? k?t? kuad?r ai ?sht? i gatsh?m edhe t? b?j? mobilizimin e "vorio#8209;epirot?ve" me arm?t q? disponon reparti i k?tij k?shilli. Por p?r t? pasur suksesin e duhur n? k?t? fush? QEVA ka pasur dhe ka edhe K?shillin Ushtarak, i cili disponon edhe listat e "vullnetar?ve vorio#8209;epirot?". QEVA drejton gjithashtu edhe organizatat e tilla si Komiteti Qendror i Rinis? apo Instituti i K?rkimeve Vorio#8209;Epirote me qend?r n? Janin?. Ky i fundit drejtohet nga renegati shqiptar nga Kor?a Ksenofon Konduri. Gazetat kryesore t? k?tij rrjeti antishqiptar jan?: "Ipiriton Mellon", "Ipiriti Dhrasi" etj. QEVA ka deg? t? saj edhe n? diaspor?n greke. P?rve? financimeve shtet?rore ajo financohet edhe nga dispora greke. PA#8209;SI#8209;VA#8209; ?sht? " Konfederata Panhelenike e Luft?s Vorio#8209;Epirote" e themeluar nga peshkopi Sebastianos n? vitn 1986 dhe q? u drejtua prej tij deri n? vdekje. Sot n? krye t? saj ?sht? v?n? pasardh?si i Sebastianosit dhe organizata njihet me emrin "Fondacioni i Studimeve Vorio#8209;Epirote" PEOF#8209;?sht? "Organizata e student?ve t? Selanikut". Kjo organizat? ?sht? nj? grupim studentor n? var?si t? universitetit t? k?tij qyteti dhe p?rve? specializimeve t? posa?me p?r ??shtjet "epirote" t? student?ve t? saj, nd?r t? cil?t edhe "minoritar?", e ka shtrir? veprimtarin? e vet edhe n? Gjirokast?r, gj? q? d?shmohet edhe n? gazetat greke. IYAPOE #8209; ?sht? "Instituti i Pritjes dhe Rikthimit t? Homogjen?ve grek?". ?sht? nj? institucion shtet?ror n? var?si t? Ministris? s? Pun?ve t? Jashtme t? Greqis? n? lidhje t? ngusht? me sh?rbimin sekret grek EYP#8209;n. IYVE#8209;?sht? "Instituti i K?rkimeve Vorio#8209;Epirote" me qend?r n? Janin?. Ky institut ka p?r q?llim pregatitjen e shtetasve shqiptar? t? v?n? n? sh?rbim t? Greqis?, n? veprimtari antishqiptare. Koordinatore e tij ?sht? natyrisht EYP#8209;i. N? vitin 1992 t? gjith? organizatat vorio#8209;epirote zhvilluan n? Athin? nj? kongres ku vler?suan si rrug? t? vetm? "?lirimin e Vorio#8209;Epirit nga pushtuesit shqiptar?". Organizata "17 n?ntori". Origjina e k?saj organizate terroriste greke, haset n? vitet e sundimit t? junt?s ushtarake n? Greqi 1967 #8209; 1974. Ajo ishte nj? l?vizje e ekstremit t? majt? e drejtuar kryesisht kund?r mb?shtetjes q? SHBA#8209;ja i dha junt?s ushtarake. Mendohet se mbeturinat e l?vizjes s? rezistenc?s t? drejtuar nga Andreas Papandreu jan? krer?t e k?saj organizate. Emri i organizat?s ka marr? spunto nga protesta studentore e 17 n?ntorit 1973 n? Athin?, ku ushtria me ndihm?n e tankeve vrau 34 student?. T? parin atentat organizata e kreu n? dhjetor 1975 kund?r shefit t? CIA#8209;s n? Athin? Richard Wolch. N? vitet e ekzistenc?s s? saj, nga organizata jan? vrar? rreth 25 vet? dhe kryesisht diplomat? amerikan? dhe turq si dhe ndonj? bisnezmen grek. Asnj? krim i k?saj organizate nuk ?sht? zbuluar. Kjo tregon se pas t? gjitha krimeve q?ndron qeveria greke. S? fundi n? shtypin e huaj ?sht? p?rmendur se an?tar? t? r?nd?sish?m t? saj kan? qen? politikan? t? lart? t? PASOK#8209;ut. Mendohet q? pas ndryshimit t? situatave politike n? bot?, nj? nd?r planet e ardhshme t? organizat?s t? jet? prirja m? e madhe p?r t? qen? nj? organizat? e ngjashme me ato "vorio #8209; epirote". Ilustrim historik Veprimtaria e organizatave t? ashtuquajtura "vorio#8209;epirote", n? koh? t? ndryshme e ka shfryt?zuar elementin greqishtfol?s n? Shqip?ri. K?shtu nj? nd?r strategjit? e p?rdorura n? vitet 30#8209;t? nga k?to organizata ka qen? bojkotimi i sh?rbimit t? detyruesh?m ushtarak nga t? rinjt? greqishtfol?s. Nj? fakt i till? provohet nga buletinet "Fletorja Zyrtare", ku jepen em?r p?r em?r k?to persona q? n? shumic?n d?rmuese t? rasteve i p?rkasin popullsis? greqishfol?se. P?rve? k?saj nd?r q?llimet kryesore t? organizatave "vorio#8209;epirote" ka qen? an?tar?simi i madh i element?ve greqishtfol?s q? banonin n? Shqip?ri. "Fletorja Zyrtare" e korrikut 1928, p?r shembull jep emrat e "an?tar?ve t? sillogut vorio#8209;epirot t? Janin?s" t? thirrur nga gjyqi politik. K?ta persona ishin Pallo Pusteci, Petro Pusteci, Jani Pusteci, Jorgji Pusteci, Pavlo Harito, Leonidha Kalaja, Kosta Lluci, Niko Q?ndro, Mihal Leka, Jorgji Filo etj. N? k?t? m?nyr? sh?rbimi sekr?t shqiptar i koh?s i kishte n?n kontroll t? gjith? personat q? merreshin me k?to veprimtari antishqiptare. Edhe sot strategjit? nuk kan? ndryshuar sepse grek?t jan? nj?soj n? antishqiptarizmin e tyre. Asnj? qeveri e tyre nuk merr p?rsip?r shp?rndarjen e organizatave "vorio#8209;epirote", sepse po t? b?hej kjo gj?, humbet nj? pjes? e mir? e forc?s s? politik?s greke. Ato nuk mund t? b?jn? dot pa kt? politik?. #8209;Aktivist? t? organizat?s SFEVA me kryepeshkopin e Athin?s, Kristodhulos q? njihet nd?r t? tjera edhe si mik i Janullatosit. 22 #8209;70 f?mij? nga "Vorio #8209; Epiri", duke u "pag?zuar" n? Patra t? Greqis? me ndihm?n e SFEVA#8209;s. 23 #8209;Aktivitet i p?rbashk?t i SFEVA#8209;s me kish?n greke p?r "Vorio Epirin" 56 #8209;SFEVA reklamon nd?rtimin e kishave greke n? Polen?, Aliko dhe Dardh?. #8209;Dokument pag?zimi i nj? shqiptari n? Greqi n? shtator 2001. Vini re pullat me fotografin? e nj?rit nga drejtuesve m? aktiv? t? shoqatave "vorio#8209;epirote", peshkopit Serafin. #8209;Kongresi i SFEVA#8209;s n? prill 1997 274 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - Feel better, live better -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From foticici at yahoo.com Fri Jul 12 19:11:34 2002 From: foticici at yahoo.com (Fatmir Foti Cici) Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2002 16:11:34 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ideological aspects of Bishop Noli's liturgical translations into Albanian and English Message-ID: <20020712231134.86641.qmail@web9205.mail.yahoo.com> I am sending you an article of mine, taken from ILLYRIA-the only Albanian-American newspaper. IDEOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF BISHOP NOLI'S LITURGICAL TRASLATIONS INTO ALBANIAN AND ENGLISH BY Fatmir Cici INTRODUCTION Bishop Noli published around fifty books. Half of his publications are translations of liturgical texts from Greek into Albanian and English, including musical settings in both languages, translation of the New Testament into English for liturgical use, and a complete translation of the New Testament and the Psalms into English. In addition, he arranged and translated into Albanian and English two catechism books. After the 1940s, hundreds of articles and books were published about Noli, and many authors still are investigating different aspects of his life and work: his poetry, translations of world literature, historical works, politics, etc. Noli?s Albanian translations of liturgical texts, used today in Albania and in the United States, are the only ones that exist. His English translations of the Liturgy and the New Testament are still used by most of the Albanian Orthodox Churches in the United States and in some other parishes in different jurisdictions. While there is a large bibliography regarding Noli?s life and secular works, it is nearly impossible to find even one work pertaining to his religious publications in either Albanian or English. Furthermore, there is no work about Noli as a bishop and leader of the Church in Albania and in the United States. There are several reasons for this gap in Noli?s bibliography. First, after World War II, the communist regime discouraged all references to religion, including the worship texts of all the religions practiced in Albania. Bishop Noli?s secular works, however, were taught in the Albanian schools during the dictatorship and he was considered by the regime as a forerunner of Communism in Albania; during this period very few Albanians knew that he was a bishop. Consequently, up to the 1990s, Albania did not have any works on Noli?s liturgical translations or his church career. While in Albania it was impossible to produce any work in this area, there was not the same degree of censorship of religious publications in Kosov?. However, liturgical translations are a very specific field of scholarship and no Kosovar author had the interest or the background to deal with them. Most importantly, Kosov? does not have an Albanian Orthodox community. Nor do I do know of any studies of Noli?s liturgical translations by Albanian authors in Macedonia, where most likely the same situation obtains as in Kosov?. Another reason for this bibliographical gap is the current situation in Albania. For nearly 50 years under the communist dictatorship there were no theological studies, and for 24 years there was not even a church school. As a result, contemporary Albanian authors are not able to read liturgical Greek and do not have the religious background with which to approach Noli?s translations, in either Albanian or English. Most Albanian authors avoid mentioning Noli?s liturgical translations, which they associate with ?religion and its stereotypes,? a subject not worthy of scholarly attention. This attitude is supported by the general ridicule in Albania of the idea that Noli ?did not believe in God?. The influence of ?Socialist Realism?, as an institutional ideology, on Albanian cultural and literary life for almost fifty years is still alive today and it seems that will remain alive for a couple of generations. The only theologian to survive the communist era in Albania was the late Greek-Albanian Dhimit?r Beduli, and he was the only scholar with the theological background to read Bishop Noli?s church work. He started to publish a critical study of Noli?s liturgical translations in the early 1990s from the Orthodox point of view. But Beduli was accused by Albanian nationalists of denigrating Noli?s work and his publication was stopped. It is difficult to speak objectively in Albania about Noli?s life and work. Many have glorified him as an anti-Greek hero and a great man of history and of letters, a man whom no Albanian would criticize, unless ?they have been paid by the Greeks.? In the case of the late Beduli, this would be factually true, though he was being paid for his assistance to the Greek Archbishop Anastasios, not for writing articles against Bishop Noli. A factor promoting these illogical opinions about Albania?s past is the attack on Noli by contemporary Greek authors writing about Albania. While they express their sympathy with ?the poorest country of Europe?, they approach Bishop Noli with the same confrontational attitude that the Greek Church had towards Noli in the 1920s. The Orthodox Church itself has never encouraged research about Noli?s church aspect. The only Albanian Orthodox community outside of Albania, the Albanian Archdiocese in America, is using Noli?s English and Albanian liturgical translations. The Chancellor, Fr. Arthur Liolin, who does not read Greek, believes that Noli?s English translations should be used in all Albanian parishes in the United States. This is a response to those Albanian parishes that have hired non-Albanian priests, who most commonly are theologians and sometimes prefer to use other translations. Fr. Liolin?s attitude is ideological and emotional, rather than national or ecclesiastical. The well-known Albanian community in Southern Italy, the Arb?resh, have also the Byzantine rite in their services and use the same texts for worship, as the Albanian Orthodox do. Yet, Arb?resh authors make very few and obscure references to the subject of Noli. With respect to Greece, Apostolos Glavinas, a professor at the University of Thessaloniki, did the only significant research on the history of the Albanian Church, from the Greek point of view. He describes Noli at best as ?an adventurer? and he states that ?The Orthodox Albanians did not have the right to be separated from the Patriarchate and proclaim their Church as Autocephalous.? The traditionalist Greek professor considers Bishop Noli as a ?black sheep? because he separated the Albanian Church from the ?Mother Church of Constantinople?. Glavinas, who does not read any Albanian, disavows Noli?s translations because he replaced Greek words with Albanian or foreign ones. The fourth edition of Glavinas? book, in 1998, does not have any change or reconsideration from what he wrote originally in the 1960s. Today, ten years after the Orthodox Church was reestablished in Albania, Bishop Anastasios Yannoulatos, who was sent to Tiran? by the Greek Government to become the Archbishop of Albania, does not allow any research on Bishop Noli?s work, since Noli is considered ?an enemy of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and of the Church of Greece.? Archbishop Anastasios went to Albania with the full support of the Greek government, the Church of Greece and of the Greek Diaspora. He managed to become the permanent leader of the Orthodox Church in Albania even though his flock did not have a unanimous voice in his enthronement. Many Albanians still do not feel comfortable having a foreign archbishop, because the Orthodox Church in Albania has been autocephalous, enjoying the same independent status as the Church of Greece, since 1937. Therefore any author working under Dr. Yiannoulatos?s jurisdiction (or under his political and, especially, financial influence) cannot express views about Noli that are contrary to those held by the Greek Church. I believe that the bibliographical vacuum regarding Bishop Fan Noli?s church work has a political dimension, which is what has motivated me to undertake this research. The empty Albanian ?fanolism? on the one hand, and the anti-Albanian Greek campaign, channeling its financial and political influence through Archbishop Anastasios of Albania, on the other, are the main obstacles to approaching Noli?s church contribution with an objective eye. Bishop Noli?s liturgical translations in Albanian and English are worth reading for the first time as a source of Noli?s ideology. He is the founder of the Albanian Autocephelous Orthodox Church and of the Albanian Archdiocese in America. Bishop Fan Noli has influenced the political, religious and the intellectual life in Albania as few other men have in Albanian history, but this does not prevent us from viewing him in his human dimensions. NOLI'S LITURGICAL TRANSLATIONS INTO ALBANIAN During Ottoman rule (late 16th century up to early 20th century) the liturgical language of the Orthodox Church in Albania was Greek, according to an uncompromising agreement between the Ottoman government and the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople. The Orthodox population was mainly in the South and Greek influence upon the Orthodox Albanians was very strong, since Greek schools and the Byzantine rite?s churches were the only educational institution in the area. Albanian Orthodox who made efforts to teach Albanian or use it in worship were excommunicated by the Church, and some of them were killed. With the start of the 20th century the Albanians, and especially the Albanian communities outside of Albania, began to coordinate their efforts to gain the independence of their country from the Turks, which was achieved in 1912. They realized, though, that it was almost impossible to be independent while at the same time having foreign religious leaders, and consequently foreign influences (especially Greek), for the three religions of Albania: Islam, Orthodoxy and Catholicism. Many Albanian politicians of that time were confused and suggested that Albanians should be united and embrace one common faith instead of being devised in three religions. But the young Fan Noli opposed these opinions and supported the idea of ?Albanizing? the present religions of the country by electing Albanian leaders and using Albanian language in worship. The idea of having an independent Albanian Orthodox Church was not new in Noli?s days, but he was the charismatic person who had the talents to be the central figure of this movement. When the Albanian Orthodox of the United States decided to ask the Russian Church to ordain an Albanian priest for the pastoral needs of the Albanian immigrants, Noli, although was not the only candidate, insisted that he is the persona grata to undertake this position. Noli?s motivation was political and financial and not spiritual. I want to emphasize, though, that Noli was not an atheist, as many Albanian and Greek scholars contend. But he was definitely not the traditional model of the Orthodox clergyman. His only passion was Albania, and for her liberation he was ready to do anything, even though he did not feel a calling to priesthood. But as a priest Fan Noli had the opportunity to preach and organize more effectively the Albanians in America who were immigrants from South Albania, most of whom were Orthodox. In his late 20s Noli was dreaming of planting this Church of the Albanian Diaspora in his homeland and of being the first Albanian Archbishop. In addition Noli concluded that only as a priest would he have the financial means to study literature at Harvard, which he had not been able to do at the University of Athens, Greece. It was in 1908 that Noli was ordained under the Russian Church and, as a condition for having an Albanian Church under its jurisdiction, was asked by the Russian Archbishop of New York to use Albanian in the Liturgy using a printed Service Book. This put Noli into a difficult position because it was hard for him to start this monumental work of liturgical translations by himself. He asked the help of Greek-educated Albanian philologists and theologians but no one was to be found in America, and even though Fan Noli announced his request in the Albanian press there were no positive responses from Albania or Albanian communities abroad. Having no other solutions, he began the translation by himself. Noli knew liturgical Greek and Byzantine music very well, but his Albanian was not at the same level, and he did not have any theological or philological training. When he decided to translate the liturgy into Albanian he did not look to any previous work in the field. In actuality, there were no printed translations and I doubt if he had the opportunity to see any manuscripts of fragmentary previous works. Furthermore, Noli does not mention anywhere the first printed translation of the New Testament into Albanian, edited and published in 1827 by the Archbishop Gregorios Argyrokastrites (Grigor Gjirokastriti). But he knew very well Kostandin Kristoforidhi?s translations of the New Testament and some books of the Old Testament. NOLI AND KRISTOFORIDHI: TWO IDEOLOGIES It is very important to see Noli?s initial ideological agenda in his translations, comparing his works with Kristoforidhi?s, because Kristoforidhi?s biblical translations were the basis of the existing Orthodox liturgical terminology in Albanian. Kristoforidhi was a very challenging figure for Noli as a translator of Liturgy. He had absolute authority in Albanian letters and especially in Orthodox terminology, which was created through his translations into Tosk, the Southern dialect of Albania. Most Orthodox Albanians spoke Tosk, which was Noli?s language as well and would be the language of his translations and his works in general in his Albanian publications. Although Noli admired Kristoforidhi?s New Testament translation into Tosk, he would not accept his works as models for his new school of translations into Albanian. This was very daring, and after his liturgical publications were issued, Albanian scholars attacked Noli because he did not follow Kristoforidhi?s way of translating certain Greek terms. Noli and Kristoforidhi had different backgrounds, decidedly different ideological influences, different conditions for their work and a different reception for their publications in Albania. Kristoforidhi was born in Elbasan, in central Albania, where the two main dialects of Albanian (Geg and Tosk) meet. He was also well known as a linguist of the Albanian language who had studied in several countries and was professionally prepared for his translations. Fan Noli was not born in Albania and he knew only his forefathers? Tosk dialect (to be strictly accurate, Noli spoke a sub-dialect of Tosk), which he only spoke and was trying to learn to write, just a few years before he made his liturgical translations. Kristoforidhi worked for many years on his translations and had the full support of the British Biblical Society for his publications. Noli translated the church services and the hymns in a very short period of time, during his years of studying literature at Harvard University, without professional training. The only support that Noli had was by Albanian patriots who were convinced by Noli?s speeches that these books should be published for the salvation of the nation and must be published as soon as possible, ?regardless of their quality.? Kostandin Kristoforidhi came from one generation older than Noli, which means that his views about the language were strictly purist and his purpose was to create a national language, taking out the Greek and other foreign words. Kristoforidhi?s purpose was to translate the Bible writing in two dialects of Albanian, giving to the Albanians the impression that Geg and Tosk are not that different and should be united in one national language. Kristoforidhi worked hard to prove with his translations that the Albanian language has the potential to express all modern terminology without borrowing foreign words. Kristoforidhi used the Greek alphabet for the Tosk publications and the Latin alphabet for Geg. But Noli had a different ideology about the ?standardization? of Albanian. He wanted to make Tosk a literary language for all Albanians, enriching it with new modern terms from other western languages, thus removing many purist words from Krisroforidhi?s tradition, and using only the Latin alphabet. Noli used Geg only in a satirical political poem and in some official documents during his tenure as Prime Minister, which were most likely written by his secretary over Noli?s signature. Comparing the works of these prominent authors of Albanian letters, regardless of the translation quality of both men, we see obviously a significant difference: Kristoforidhi translated translations, and not the original Hebrew, for the Old Testament, or Koine Greek, for the New Testament, while Fan Noli worked translating original text from Biblical and Byzantine Greek into Albanian. Last and not least, although Kristoforodhi was Orthodox, he was a layman working for a Protestant organization and not a priest of the organized church. He did not have the pressure of time and had greater independence to act according to his beliefs. Noli was not a layman but a priest under the Russian Orthodox jurisdiction. He did not have the luxury of waiting, studying, and perfecting his translations. These texts were the first step toward creating an Albanian Church in the United States, and the quality of the translations was a secondary matter. FIRST PERIOD OF THE ALBANIAN LITURGICAL TRANSLATIONS: 1908-1914 There are six books from this period, most of them dedicated to the Russian Archbishop Platon. The first book is a translation of the Holy Week services and hymns, and was translated very quickly in time for Easter. From this book we see how Noli is struggling to create his personality in the Albanian world. His language is full of sub-dialectical forms, compared to the other five liturgical books of this period. His language style is not consistent, the biblical readings are cited from Kristoforidhi, and he chose to use one of the many alphabets of that time. A few months later, the Congress on the Albanian Alphabet was held. Fr. Noli adopted the alphabet currently used for Albanian, although he did not agree with the decision reached by Albanian scholars representing both dialects. In these translations Noli enriched the language with foreign modern terms and created his literary style in Albanian. Noli was trying to create a literary Albanian language in keeping with the modern terminology of European languages. The philosophy of these translations ran counter to Noli?s will and talent. He was being challenged to provide literal translations, whereas his second liturgical translations (1941 ? 1952) and all his future literary translations in Albanian were much more free. In the first period of his translation work Noli gave an exact meaning for the original Greek, thus sacrificing the musical setting of the text. It is very difficult in any language to balance the exact translation of the original hymns while keeping the originality of Byzantine chant. But in Noli?s case his political intention was to induce the Orthodox Church to accept and recognize these books and not to erect obstacles to the movement for the independence of the Albanian Church. With this strategy he hoped that any negative reaction to his translations would be limited. After the second publication (the Service Book) Noli made clear the purpose and the nature of his church work. He was not willing to undertake a full translation of the Liturgy and the Bible of the Orthodox Church into Albanian, a work which even today does not exist. The young priest sincerely promised his fellow Orthodox Albanians that he would provide them the most important services in Albanian, as an indispensable tool for worship in their own language. In Noli?s notes for all these publications we see him asking for financial support from the Albanians, without which he could not complete the project. Noli?s decision to publish these translations raised the question of providing the canon for the Albanian Liturgy. In the first period (1908 ? 1914) Noli selected the most useful services and hymns, trying to give an exact translation from the Greek and reining in his tendency towards free translation. Instead of translating the whole Parakletike he published a small Lutjesore, translating only the Sunday services (Saturday evening Mbr?m?sore and Sunday morning M?ngjesore), without shortening the hymns and the services. In such a way Noli was helping the Albanians to have a full service on Sundays and the most common feasts of the ecclesiastical year. If Noli had had an exclusively spiritual motivation, along with the necessary time, he would have also translated the daily hymns from the twelve-volume hymnological work, Menaion, and given the full translation of the Lenten Book, Triodion, and the Easter Pentekostarion. For the weekday services of the great feasts Noli translated and published a one-volume anthology from Menaion, compiling thus a Festal Menaion in Albanian. And from Triodion and Pentekostarion he translated the Sunday services and the Holy Week services and hymns. While Noli was publishing the Service Book he began to inform and organize the Albanian Orthodox inside and outside of Albania, asking them to send petitions to the Ecumenical Patriarchate for the independence of the Albanian Church, using the fact that the Liturgy had been translated by an Orthodox Albanian priest. But he also asked Albanian patriots to support the recognition of his translations by the Russian Church by sending letters to Archbishop Platon stating that the translations were accurate, whether they actually believed that to be true or not. The reception of this period?s translations by many Albanian figures, including Faik Bey Konitza, the most prominent figure of Albanian letters at that time, and other Albanian authors, was enthusiastic. There were negative reactions, however, from serious, Greek-educated Albanian patriots and philologists, including the well-known author and linguist Alexand?r Xhuvani. The Greek Church considered these translations as having ?dogmatic mistakes,? and consequently unaccepted for worship. The reception of these works had historical importance because they were the first liturgical translations into Albanian, and without those books it was impossible to assert the independence of the Orthodox Albanians from the Greek Ecumenical Patriarchate. However, while the Albanian style of Noli?s translations satisfied those who were working for a literary Albanian distanced from Greek linguistic influence, the theological nuances in the texts escaped their attention. This was his first series of liturgical publications. Before the work was complete Noli had made it clear that he would fulfill his promises to his countrymen, giving them the most essential prayers in Albanian, before he now dedicating himself to translations of world literature ?for which the nation has such a great need.? SECOND PERIOD OF THE ALBANIAN LITURGICAL TRANSLATIONS 1941 ? 1952 Between 1914, when Noli published the last liturgical translations of his first period, and 1941, when he published Uratore, the first volume of the second liturgical translations, he published 14 other books, mainly translations of world literature. Noli?s six books of the first period are included, but retranslated, and the quantity is approximately doubled in the three volumes of his second period of liturgical translations. Bishop Noli had two reasons to retranslate and republish the Liturgy in Albanian. First, the liturgical canon in worship was not complete because many important services were not translated during the first period. Second, he wanted to publish the Liturgy according to his own ideology, which was not possible during his early years as a translator and young priest. Now he was politically independent and his position in the Albanian community in America was very strong. In addition, in the 1940s he had the same authority in Albanian letters as Kristoforidhi had had in Noli?s first period liturgical translations. There are two obvious changes in this work. First, Noli translated the hymns more freely, achieving a perfect setting of the translated text within the Byzantine chant, something that didn?t exist in the first period, since the translation of the text was the primary goal, rather than the musical setting. Second, Noli was not satisfied with providing only a free liturgical translation with priority given to the music, which is a non-church pattern for liturgical translations. On the one hand, he translated new services to complete the canon, but on the other, he edited these services, shortening some of the readings by the priests and abridging many phrases and verses of hymns. Why did Noli edit the hymns and the services of his second translations? Since music was his priority it is understandable that in some hymns he was forced to sacrifice the text for the chant?s sake, but that does not explain all his changes. In the priest?s readings there is no connection with music, yet Noli still edited those readings. In Uratore he is justified in saying that he edited these readings and prayers ?not only to save money but also because they figure only in the books and are never read in Church.? That is true for some of those readings and prayers but not for all the prayers that Noli shortened and edited. It is surprising that there is no apparent difference in language style or liturgical terminology between the two periods of Noli?s translations. This shows that Noli?s busy mind never thought deeply about the Liturgy. But it is obvious that he worked very hard and was never satisfied with his previous work. Even the biblical passages are retranslated in his second translations, which represents a great deal of work that was not necessary. In the publications of the second period we see very clearly Noli?s political ideology as a translator of the Liturgy and as an Orthodox Church leader in the Diaspora. Since Noli was not a theologian, his vision of the future of Orthodoxy in North America was clearly defined from an ideological perspective (issues of language and politics of jurisdiction) but not from a theological one. And the Liturgy is an inseparable part of Orthodox theology. He believed that the Orthodox Church in the West would reconsider its liturgical eastern tradition and would make changes in the length and the structure of the services, to adapt itself to the new world. But this did not happen. Were these translations addressed to the Albanian Church in America or were they universal, intended even for the Orthodox Church in Albania, which at that time had a canonical Archbishop, despite the political difficulties in the country? It is very difficult to say yes or no, because the prayers commemorating the bishop are not uniform. In all the translations for the first period we read ?P?r Kryepeshkopin ton? aksh? (For our Archbishop N?), relying on each priest to name his bishop, but this is not true in the second set. The latter translations have ?P?r Kryepeshkopin ton? aksh?, wherever the local bishop should be commemorated, but there are other places where we read Noli?s name: ?Theofanit, Kryepeshkopit ton??? (To you, o Archbishop Theofan?.? In this passage Bishop Noli is using for himself the titles of the Archbishop of the Orthodox Church of Albania, making himself superior to all the Albanian bishops of that time, without any canonical authority to do so. In Uratore Noli translated and added the service of Myron, celebrated by the Patriarch. Why did he add this service to the canon of the Albanian Liturgy? Albania does not have a Patriarch and the Myron was traditionally given to the Orthodox Church of Albania either by Constantinople or, during the communist regime, by Russia. Having observed all these phenomena, if we compare the two periods of Bishop Noli?s translations into Albanian, I would say that the first ones come from a priest who is offering them as texts to be prayed in Church, while the second come from a bishop to be used by and for himself. But this still cannot explain the paradox of the translations from the second period. The Albanian translations of the second period received limited acceptance and were not recognized by the Church of Albania for use in worship. However, the difficulty of translation into Albanian made Noli the most useful liturgical translator until recent days. Greek missionaries, who work in Albania assisting Archbishop Yiannoulatos, although they do not accept Bishop Fan Noli as a canonical clergyman of the Orthodox Church, and use Albanian only for political reasons (when and where they are forced to do so), they prefer the first period?s publications, and they use the second period?s publications only when necessary. The first period?s translations found a better reception because of their historical link with Albanian independence, both political and religious. The second period had no historical connection except to meet liturgical needs in worship and pastoral use. In addition, it was difficult to spread awareness of these publications, since the communist regime in Albania had begun to isolate and persecute religion, and the publication of these kinds of works was not appreciated as an important contribution. NOLI'S LITURGICAL TRANSLATIONS INTO ENGLISH: 1949 - 1964 When Bishop Noli returned from Europe and undertook the pastoral care of the Orthodox Albanians in America, in the 1930s, he realized that Albanian was no longer the first language of worship. At that time liturgical languages in the US were mostly foreign and Noli had dreams of ?the American Orthodox Church of the future, which will unite all Orthodox groups and enable them to fulfill their evangelical mission in the United States of America.? Dedicating himself to liturgical translations, he was one of the pioneers of American Orthodoxy. His work, though, must be seen not as that of an Orthodox theologian, but as that of a Christian clergyman and politician, the open-minded Orthodox leader of the Church, who after his busy life in politics and exile is struggling to make peace for himself and for his people. While the Albanian translations are ?a turning point in the history of the Albanian Renaissance? (Faik Bey Konitza), the English translations are the turning point in Bishop Noli?s life. It is very rare for men like Noli to shift their ideology from strictly national to wider, universal thinking, taking decisions that are completely different from their whole previous work and life. When the Greek bishops in America were trying to maintain their language both in worship and in education, making their churches a national (and, some times, nationalistic) institution, the ideologue of Albanian nationalism, Fan Noli, the first translator of the Liturgy into Albanian, decided to use English in the Liturgy. ?If we want to keep the young generation in Church we should make painful decisions and use only English in our services.? The Greek Church, which still looks upon Bishop Noli as a fanatic nationalist, cannot make up its mind even today, while he, more than 50 years ago, sacrificed national ideology for the Church?s sake, translating the Liturgy into his flock?s language. Noli published his English translations from the late 1940s to the early 60s. Although the first books of the English translations were published at the same time as the Albanian translations of the second period, they are different in ideology, canon, and reception. While the Albanian translations are more powerful in their language expression, the English ones are more accurate in their translation of liturgical terms. The order of the services in English was made according to the Slavonic rite and the musical settings according to the Russian composers, while the Albanian translations follow the Byzantine order and use Byzantine chant. In order to achieve the setting of the Slavonic melodies Noli made radical textual changes comparing to the Albanian settings. Bishop Noli had visions of a universal Orthodox translation of the Liturgy but a Byzantine musical setting of the translated text into English would serve only the Byzantine rite?s parishes. He tried to create a new and uniform liturgical tradition for his parishes, closer to the Russian background, but this was an artificial way of mythmaking a new tradition, because the Albanians in America did not have any cultural or emotional connection with the Russian world. Noli had great admiration for Russian music and tradition and it is well known that Noli wanted to distance himself from the Greek tradition. But he could not do the same with the Albanian translations because the Albanian Church at that time had a solid Byzantine background, and this cultural connection between Byzantine culture and Albania is clear even in the folk tradition. Slavonic and Russian models were closer to Noli?s ideological inspiration but were as well closer to the western music, comparing to the Byzantine music. Bishop Noli wanted to create a new Orthodox Western tradition for the Liturgy, using church music with Russian and some ?Byzantine? motifs. Since the Patriarchate of Constantinople considered Bishop Fan Noli?s episcopacy to be non-canonical, it would be the American Orthodox Church, supported by the Russian Church, that recognized him, especially because of his very important contribution to the American Orthodox Liturgy, with its obviously Russian cultural background in music and typikon. All this happened after Metropolitan Noli?s death, in 1972, when the Orthodox Church in America commemorated Bishop Noli in the diptycha and recognized his successor and his diocese as a part of the newly named Church among the other ethnic Orthodox dioceses. While the Albanian translations are strictly liturgical, the English are not. Noli did not publish any Festal Menaion, Lenten Book or Easter Book in English, but he did translate the New Testament and the Psalms, which he did not translate into Albanian. It seems that he gave emphasis to the Sunday Liturgy and not to the major daily feasts, as in Albanian. From this perspective his biblical translations are liturgical tools. Although Noli translated and published many readings of the Gospel and the Epistles in his Orthodox Prayer Book, he later compiled a Lectionary of gospel and epistle readings, which are important books for priests and cantors in their liturgical service. Not only is the length of these readings different from the previous work, but so also is the translation itself and the language. Noli?s English translations were an important contribution at that time because since the publication by the Episcopalian Isabel F. Hapgood of the Service Book, there had been no systematic work of liturgical translation into English. Noli?s work in English, apart from his catechism, can be separated into three parts: Liturgy, biblical translations and musical compositions. I, however, make no distinction in my research between liturgical and biblical translation by Noli, because all his English translations were destined for liturgical use, including the New Testament and the Psalms. And of course Bishop Noli?s musical books are the musical settings of his liturgical translations, chant being an inseparable part of worship, interpreting the theological notions and human emotions of the Byzantine hymns. Thus, the compositions of church music cannot be included with his secular musical works, or they must be counted on both sides. Were Noli?s liturgical translations good enough to be used beyond the Albanian Orthodox Church in America? It is problematic that while his books were dedicated to the whole Orthodox community in the US, Noli?s name is the only person to be commemorated as an Archbishop in his liturgical translations, which is not true even of the Albanian translations of the second period. Why did Noli change the practice of Hapgood, whose Service Book even today is used by Orthodox Churches in America, and put ?For our Most Reverend Archbishop Theofan? in the commemoration, instead of ?Our Archbishop N.?? Even if the Albanian Orthodox Church in America was the only Church to use these translations, Noli at that time was in his 70s, and he knew that in the Orthodox Liturgy the priest commemorates the living bishop of the Church. I don?t believe that Bishop Noli hoped that his books would be used only in his day. And as in the Albanian translations of the second period, we have here the same paradox of his title as the primate of the Albanian Church. Noli expressed his opinion about the structure that the American Orthodox Patriarchate should have, and he suggested that the Russian Metropolitan Leonty be the new Patriarch. But why did Bishop Noli put down his name as the only celebrating hierarch in his English translations? Did he see the acceptance and use of his liturgical translations by other Orthodox Churches as a sign that others would recognize him as a canonical bishop? From an inter-textual point of view, the use of Noli?s name in his liturgical translations, both in English and Albanian, does not seem uniform and has no reasonable interpretation. From an Orthodox prospective though this phenomenon might arise a discussion about the question of his ecclesiastic phronema. The reception of the English translations was somehow similar to the first Albanian publications. The English translations had a historical importance for the Orthodox mission in North America, for which they were praised, used and appreciated by many Orthodox dioceses. The references pertaining comments for the quality of these translations come from friends and scholars, but not from Orthodox theologians, although they knew Metropolitan Noli and admired him for his missionary attitude, through his preaching for the American Orthodoxy and his indispensable publications. The silence for further comments on these translations was the sign that these texts were seen as eccentric to be accepted by the theological movement for establishing an American Orthodox Church, for which Bishop Noli was a pioneer. It is not an accident that two professors of Harvard who were scholars of Church History and Music, praised Noli?s English translations; Church History and Music are those fields related to Noli?s liturgical work in English with an importance beyond his time, rather than the translation quality of his work. CONCLUSION The liturgical translations of the first period (1908-14) were a consequence of the movement for the independence of Albania from the Turkish Government and from Greek influence, a sine qua non condition for organizing an Albanian Orthodox Church in North America, with the prospect of planting it also in Albania, of which Noli became the charismatic leader. This period coincided with Noli?s ordination to the priesthood and his undergraduate studies at Harvard University. At the same time Noli was struggling to develop his literary persona, especially in Albanian politics and letters, which meant that liturgical translations were not a priority in his life and work. These early translations are very literal, with priority on the word rather than on the musical setting, thus giving an Orthodox character to these texts. This is an ideological compromise between the ordained translator and the textual mentality of Orthodox worship; the style of Noli?s later translations was free rather than literal. The ?literal? character of these early books is the reason that they were accepted for use by the Albanian Church and were tolerated until recently by the Orthodox Church of Albania. The publications of the first period were not accepted by the Greek Church, as ?having dogmatic mistakes,? and were criticized by purist Albanian scholars for their ?enterprising? spirit of creating a ?latinized? terminology in Albanian, in contrast to Kristoforidhi?s Orthodox tradition in Tosk. Yet Albanian men of letters of that time had praised these translations for their poetic and strong expression of language. The liturgical translations of the second period (1941-52) do not have the same historical importance as those of the first period. With these translations Bishop Noli wanted to complete his canon of the Albanian liturgy by translating additional services. What is new here is that Noli edited and shortened the hymns and the priest?s readings. This philosophy is part of Noli?s vision of the Orthodox Liturgy in North America. The style here is ?Nolian,? free translation, and the priority is the musicality of the text, giving a perfect Byzantine setting to the hymns, at the cost of sacrificing the word, which is primary in Orthodox worship. The language and terminology chosen are almost the same as in the translations of the first period. These publications were translated for the Albanian Church in America and in the homeland, but the commemoration of Archbishop Theofan?s name, as Primate of the Albanian Church in America and, to some extension, of the Church of Albania, creates a liturgical non-uniformity, which is the paradox of Noli?s work. The Orthodox Church of Albania did not accept these publications for use in worship, yet for lack of alternatives these books are still used there, while they are accepted in the Albanian Church in America because of Noli?s name as a founder, and especially because the Archdiocese, as a practical matter, has neither the leadership nor the staff with the theological and language background to read and evaluate these translations. The English translations (1949-64) are liturgical and biblical, but all Bishop Noli?s work was intended for liturgical use. This period is a turning point in Noli?s life because his work turns from the strictly national to widely universal. The English publications are a result of the movement for an American Orthodox Church, for which Bishop Noli was the pioneer with his preaching and especially his liturgical translations. These translations are different in their philosophy because Noli is creating a Liturgy on a Russian foundation, both in typikon and in the musical settings. His ideology was to create an ?ecumenical? liturgical canon for all Orthodox Churches in America, which, in Noli?s work, is moving away from the Byzantine tradition. At the same time, he hoped to earn canonical recognition for his church status, which was opposed by the Greek Church. While the language is one of Noli?s achievements in the Albanian translations, the English ones do not have a uniform style. The intention of giving priority to the musicality of the text appears more strongly here, which required that Noli make many changes in the text. Theologically, though, the English translations are better interpretations of the liturgical terms. These publications have a historical importance and were used in the USA not only by the Albanian Church. Today, however, their use is limited, even in Albanian parishes. The mention of Bishop Fan Noli?s name in the liturgy poses the same paradox as in the Albanian translations of the second period and, in addition to the quality of these translations, prevents Noli?s work from being widely used in North America. (This article was published in three issues of Illyria: June 28-July 8, 2002, V. 12, 1152-54). __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Sign up for SBC Yahoo! Dial - First Month Free http://sbc.yahoo.com From mentor at alb-net.com Fri Jul 19 22:59:15 2002 From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana) Date: Fri, 19 Jul 2002 22:59:15 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] MACEDONIA: SPECIAL FORCES "ELECTION THREAT" - There arefears that paramilitary police units could be used to keep the government inpower Message-ID: >>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ & DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< --------------------------------------------------------------------- Human Rights Violations in Macedonia http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/ --------------------------------------------------------------------- Balkan Crisis Report No. 351 VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: www.iwpr.net July 19, 2002 MACEDONIA: SPECIAL FORCES "ELECTION THREAT" There are fears that paramilitary police units could be used to keep the government in power By Saso Ordanoski in Skopje The killing of two young people by paramilitary police this week renewed fears that this notoriously brutal force might be thrown into action to sway the coming Macedonian general election. Ostensibly set up to combat terrorists, these units - who along with police reservists are said to have been responsible for provoking a series of violent incidents over the past ten months in which about 30 civilians have died - are under direct control of the governing party, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization - Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity, known as the VMRO-DPMNE. With the election only two months away, the party is faring badly in public opinion polls and there are concerns that the special forces - made up of squads called the Tigers and the Lions - will be let loose to frighten voters and journalists and intimidate opposition politicians. The latest killings came in two separate incidents. On July 14, in Vinica, a small town in eastern Macedonia, Alberto Stojanovski, 21, was knocked unconscious with a bottle and then beaten to death as he lay there. At least 12 others were wounded, three of them seriously. The following day, Aleksandra Ristovska, 20, girlfriend of a paramilitary officer, was killed by careless gunfire in the village of Jegunovce, close to the border with Kosovo. At Vinica, witnesses said that about 20 members of the Tigers unit drove into town wearing civilian clothes and speaking to each other through walkie-talkies. They headed for the Cool and La Costa nightclubs where they launched unprovoked attacks on everyone within reach, according to one witness who was too scared to give his name. More than 200 people watched it all happen. Apparently the attack was in retaliation for a fight the previous night between the Tigers and some bar room thugs. One of the paramilitary unit's training camps is located on nearby Golak Mountain and from time to time they go on wild sprees to Vinica. Outnumbered and ineffective, the local police are unable and unwilling to stop them. The Tigers and the Lions - one of whose units was involved in the Jegunovce shooting - are supposed to represent the most powerful anti-terrorist police forces in Macedonia. However, they rarely get involved in countering terrorism. Even during the ethnic conflict in Macedonia last year, there were only a handful of clashes between these police units and the Albanian Liberation Army. According to unofficial statistics, most of those killed and injured by the former and other members of the police were ethnic Macedonians. Despite charging 14 Tigers involved in the Vinica incident with serious criminal offences, the authorities sought to play down the episode. "Journalists make generalised accusations against all police officers and whole police units," said government spokesman Georgi Trendafilov. Most of the new recruits to the Tigers, and almost all the Lions, are members of VMRO-DPMNE. A significant number have criminal records and they spend most of their time in police compounds or drinking in bars and restaurants. Very often they feature on the crime pages of Macedonian newspapers - sometimes for demolishing a bar in a fight over a girl, sometimes for shooting at waiters for slow service or just killing people through the inept use of firearms. Their overall commander, the notorious interior minister Ljube Boskovski, has already physically threatened journalists. He also figured personally in violent assaults. Most opposition politicians, diplomats and journalists are critical of the special forces, with many calling for them to be disbanded. Radmila Sekerinska, an opposition Social Democratic Alliance deputy, commented, "Incidents in the last couple of weeks reflect a growing misuse of these police units. In the last couple of years, we have frequently warned that they are becoming uncontrollable. Today they represent a Praetorian Guard of the VMRO-DPMNE which is quite prepared to use them for political purposes." Aleksandar Comovski, well-respected political analyst and editor at the independent A1 TV in Skopje, commented, " The special police units are dangerous for Macedonian democracy because their real targets are the free press and political opponents of the government." With the elections due on September 15, public opinion polls make grim reading for parties in the present government coalition. A survey published on July 15 showed VMRO-DPMNE likely to lose to the opposition SDSM by a 3-1 margin. Arben Xhaferi's Democratic Party of Albanians in Macedonia looks like being crushed 2-1 by Ali Ahmeti's Democratic Union for Integration, made up largely of ex-National Liberation Army members. Ethnic Macedonian and Albanian opposition forces and a number of foreign observers warn that the government may be prepared to use the special police units to destabilise the country and jeopardise the reconciliation process in order to stay in power. "I am very concerned about the potential for violence and escalation during the elections in Macedonia," said Edward Joseph of the International Crisis Group. "It is very clear from some recent incidents that special forces are involved in creating incidents - Vinica was more a lack of discipline and control, but that is also of a concern having in mind that they should be specially trained and discipline. The propensity for creating incidents is there and it has already been demonstrated." One senior diplomat, who spoke to IWPR on condition of anonymity, said a number of ambassadors believe Georgievski nurses plans to create some kind of security confusion that would afford him a pretext to proclaim martial law at the end of August. "But it will be extremely difficult for him to do it now," the ambassador said. "Georgievski does have enough popular support. And the international community believe his record on advancing Macedonian democracy is woeful." Saso Ordanoski is IWPR coordinating editor in Macedonia and the editor of the Skopje-based weekly magazine Forum. ______________________________________________________________ If you wish to unsubscribe, send a blank message to: amcc-news-unsubscribe at alb-net.com , or visit AMCC-NEWS's page at: http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jul 27 09:07:00 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 27 Jul 2002 06:07:00 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: How to Think about the Balkans: Culture, Region, Identities Message-ID: <20020727130700.22865.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Denitsa Lozanova wrote:From Denitsa Lozanova Tue Jul 23 04:21:04 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Denitsa Lozanova Date: Tue, 23 Jul 2002 04:21:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [balkans] CfA: How to Think about the Balkans: Culture, Region, Identities CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDY IN SOFIA NEXUS ASSOCIATE FELLOWSHIP PROGRAMME ?HOW TO THINK ABOUT THE BALKANS: CULTURE, REGION, IDENTITIES? CALL FOR APPLICATIONS Academic 2002-2003 Year The Centre for Advanced Study in Sofia (CAS) invites applicants from the Southeast European region for the international NEXUS research project ?HOW TO THINK ABOUT THE BALKANS: CULTURE, REGION, IDENTITIES?, academic 2002-2003 year. NEXUS research group is developed within the framework of the three-year long project "Agenda for Civil Society in SEE" /Blue Bird/. This project is coordinated by CEU Budapest and involves the New Europe College in Bucharest, the Centre for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, Wissenschaftskolleg in Berlin and other institutions. For more information about the Blue Bird project, please visit the following web-site: www.blue-bird.hu - Duration and financial conditions of the research The selected Associate Fellows will join the NEXUS project that was initiated in November 2000. The Associate Fellows Team for the academic 2002-2003 year will consist of six members: four Bulgarian fellows (each for the duration of 10 months) and two non-Bulgarian regional fellows (one for the duration of 10 months and one for 6 months) who will be residing permanently or on a part-time basis in Sofia (negotiable in each individual case). The selected associate fellows will receive a stipend of 400 Euro per month and a total of 1000 Euro for research trips. Accommodation and running costs for the non-Bulgarian fellows will be covered. The Centre for Advanced Study, Sofia is responsible for providing the organizational support of the research. The fellows will be able to use all the technical facilities of the Centre. - Working language and language skills requirements The working language of the research is English. The applicants will work in an international research team, where all discussions, workshops and lectures are in English, as should be the final research paper to be submitted for publication. Therefore the applicants should be fluent in oral and written English, a certificate of which is highly recommended. Knowledge of one or more of the SEE languages is a serious advantage. - Selection procedure The applications will be submitted to an International Selection Committee composed of representatives of other Institutes for Advanced Study in Europe. The final results will be announced on October 1st, 2002 at the following web page: www.cas.bg - Eligibility - Scholars with doctoral degree in the social sciences or in the humanities; - Excellent knowledge of English ? fluent oral and written English (certificate of English language proficiency is highly recommended); - Junior researchers and university professors not older than 40 years of age are the preferred eligible group. The application-package (to be submitted by e-mail or post) consists of: - Research proposal: 1500 ? 2000 words. (Please note, that the research proposal should be in accordance with the following 2 documents, enclosed below): - ?New Guidelines of the Research Project? ; - ?Research Project Format? . - Copies of diplomas and university degree certificates; - CV and list of publications; - Two recommendation letters from distinguished scholars; - Declaration that the applicant is not supported by another research fellowship. Deadline for applications: September 1st, 2002 Information on the Centre for Advanced Study in Sofia and NEXUS can be obtained at the following web-site: http://www.cas.bg For more details, please contact: Denitza Lozanova Project Coordinator Centre for Advanced Study Foundation 4 Alexander Battenberg Str. Sofia 1000, Bulgaria tel.: ++359 2 9803704 fax: ++359 2 9803662 e-mail: d_lozanova at cas-nexus.org ----------------------------------------------------- NEW GUIDELINES OF THE NEXUS PROJECT Part 1 ? Methodological considerations ? The concepts of ?identity?, ?collective identities? and ?acts of identification? Problems to be considered - Differentiation of various types - logical identity, numerical identity, personal identity, collective (political) identity. - The dialectical play between various forms of identity. - Techniques of social and institutional stabilization of identity. - Political uses and misuses of the concept. ? The concept of ?region? Problems to be considered - Who constructs the concept of ?region? and for what purpose - Types of regions - Regions, scales, overlappings - ?Natural? borders and political borders - Regions, mapping and re-mapping - The stigmatized regions Part 2 ? Research guidelines within the self-reflexive policy agenda of the NEXUS-Project ? Current critical interpretations of ?identity politics? as a form of social control and mobilization, repression and marginalisation: intellectual and political objections to it. ? The politics of the NEXUS-project in the contexts of: - current critiques of ?identity politics?; - contemporary variety of politics of self-perception; - politics of perception of the images of the Other and construction of differences in the post-postmodern context of rapid ?globalization? ? Political goal of NEXUS (connections to Blue Bird, the utopian vision of Blue Bird) Mutual heuristic relationships between research perspective and political agenda (the need for positive vision of the ?negative? Balkan region). ? Critical distance of the NEXUS-project from ?easy utopianism? ? is SEE identity a hypothesis, a normative goal of the project or a normative research perspective? ? How should NEXUS avoid regional essentialisation? ? Is it possible to construct and "give reality" to a new positive SEE identity and what are the estimated ?cultural costs? of such projects? The final political implication of NEXUS then would not just amount to acts of deconstruction or rehabilitation (which are ultimately acts of power), but would rather be one of hard work of shifting, negotiating and re-defining identifications accounting for their heavily burdened functional and historical contexts. The NEXUS approach should not be one of a simple mirror reversal of the negative and stigmatized ?Balkan identity? imagery (the ?West? has perceived the region in the negative categories of stigma, isolation and stability; we, on the contrary, will perceive it in positive visions and projects for a regional future). This would be just a ?new? counter-power political strategy in the same ?old? game. Instead, the NEXUS approach will try to step out of the ?negative-positive opposition? and propose cognitive paths to other possible identifications (in the ambivalent context of world?s globalization) that resist isolation and marginalisation as much as they do one-dimensional self-glorifying regionalism, old nationalisms or irrelevant local patriotism. Why do we need didactical and operational re-formulation of the guidelines During our discussions, many important critical remarks have been made, which can be summarized as follows: ? Major concepts (identity, region) need both methodological and political re-formulation; ? The previous guidelines are not clear and ?didactical? enough; ? They are too complex and vague and do not follow clear taxonomy; ? The project is not sufficiently focused; ? There is no clear distinction between similarities (as identified by an external observer) and identities (experienced as ?belonging?, ?self-mirroring? and ?self-denominating? by members of a certain group). In re-formulating the guidelines, the two hinge-members of the Senior team, Alexander Kiossev and Diana Mishkova, have attempted to take into account these remarks and incorporate the main corrections/additions made. The discussions and the critical comments demonstrated clearly that the previous research guidelines had described (sometimes in a vague and not sufficiently self-reflexive way) complex, multilevel and relational phenomena (we and Europe, the problem of stigma and the ?dark Balkans? - the ?we? which is not ?we?, the split between ?anthropological? and ?high? cultures, etc.). Apart from the critical remarks and explications which had been considered, it became clear that the research team needed simple tools for orientation and effective practical instruments. Hence the necessity for abstraction of simple elements from the complex relational phenomena (to the extent that such abstraction was possible) and their classification into relatively simple and logically consistent scheme. It should serve as a rational cartography of the whole problem field, provide individual researches with clear and consensual general concepts and shared analytical tools and locate the individual projects into a well-articulated whole of the collective project. It should thus also facilitate the process and criteria for the selection of future Associate researchers. The leading idea of this new re-articulation/classification is that, as products of the social and cultural existence of various groups, identification acts and stable identities usually have projections in space: they posses (clear or problematic) spatial borders, they are in statics or dynamics, in confrontation, fusions and/or overlapping, projecting conflicts and negotiations onto space. Accordingly, the re-formulation gave the project a new spatial focus, expressed in the instrumental concepts of ?maps?, ?mappings?, borders, overlappings, real or imaginary territories, real or imaginary geographies. The criterion of classification is simply the ?scale? of the map, which is a metonymy for various layers of the complex and multileveled problems. It is well known, that such ?territorialising? is one of the main forms of social control, social mobilization and social identity-building ? and that they are at the same time necessary forms of the social imagination and symbolic economy. >From the point of view of the research ?didactics?, these various ?projections? allow their relatively simple spatial classification, which fulfills operational and didactic criteria. But projections in space are at the same time projections in time, so, the spatial classification will always have a hidden or explicit temporal dimension (history and current stage of ?spatial identities?, appropriation of spatially located pasts, distribution of ?legacies?, space homogenizing politics of ?invented traditions?, political instrumentalisation of space and time as identity signs, etc., utopian and non-utopian identity projects and their territorial projections). Types of social construction, uses and misuses of space (theoretical context of the concept of "space" and "projection onto space") - Modernisation, rationalisation and space; space as a palimpsest of projections ? overlapping of modern, pre-modern and post-modern geographies; - Abstract space in science and space in mental maps. >From "place" to "space" - universe, territory, modern maps, globe. - Social, economic, cultural exchanges and space ? corridors, centres, peripheries. Space and networks, functional structures of space. Traffics and spatial "economy"; - Modern uses, misuses and re-articulation of space - "rationalisation" "neutralization", and " homogenization" as major modern procedures in modern constructions of territory and borders; - Space and nationalism - construction of "homelands", "homeland" and "abroad". Projection of the opposition "we" and "the Others" onto space; - Space and power - teritorialisation, construction and re-construction of borders, utopias, distopias, heterotopias, homotopias. Dialectics between "real" and "imaginary" space in the construction of identities. State and borders - territory as supra-institution. Centre and periphery, metropolis and colony, colonial asymmetries in the modern world; - Social conflicts, conflicting mappings and re-articulations of space; - Liminal, marginal, multicultural and multidimensional projections in space - cities, corridors, "regions", etc. Cultural and ethnic "patchworks?, "mosaics?, etc.; - Phantasmic spaces - utopian, exotic, erotic, etc.; - Space and globalization, transgressing borders, medialisation and the "end of space". Globalization and glocalization, moving elites and ghetoised masses. Re-formulated guidelines in metonymic spatial terms 1. Global (i.e., continental, geopolitical, racial, linguistic, etc.) maps of identities (how ?we? and the significant ?Other?, ?we? and the Bigger Community - Mankind, Europe, America, Slavs, Latin tradition, etc.) are projected on the Globe. - Social actors and/or institutions effecting this projection; - Cultural and ideological codes enabling this projection; - Role of distant trans-regional and transnational real or imaginary alliances and centres of power; - Asymmetric colonial relationships and the construction of metropolises and colonies, ?spheres of influence?, etc; - Various and alternative images of Europe, various and alternative images of ?centres? and ?peripheries?. Intellectual debates on power- and geopolitical images; - West-East mapping ? the shifting border; - Implementation of ?modern? and ?civilized? (?European?) models - territorial distribution. 2. Regional maps of identity (various ?we? and the construction of the ?Balkans? ? past/historical and contemporary processes) - Social actors and/or institutions effecting this projection; - Cultural and ideological codes enabling this projection; - Imaginary borders - geopolitical and cultural images of the Balkans, long-term politics of territorialisation of the ?barbarian? and ?infamous? stigma; construction of the Balkans (?inventing Eastern Europe? - Larry Wolff), ?the dark Balkans?, the Balkans as ?indeterminate internal Other? (Maria Todorova), ?nesting orientalism? (M.Hayden-Bakic and R. Hayden); - Heuristic borders ? the Balkans as ?legacy in process? (M. Todorova); the modernising Balkans - ?backward?, ?small-state?, ?semi-peripheral?, ?catching-up?, ?compressed-history?, etc., maps; - Maps and corridors of Balkan cooperation; - Political and/or utopian projects of SEE unification; - Maps and corridors of Balkan contest, conflicts, wars, etc. Stabilization and destabilization of borders; - Borders, fusions and fissions in the Balkans. 3. National maps of identity - Social actors and/or institutions effecting this projection; - Cultural and ideological codes enabling this projection; - National identity as homogenized cultural capital (Gellner) ? the problem of borders of circulation; - National identity as ?imagined community? (Anderson) ? imaginary geography of the ?native? land vs. the ?alien? one and borders of the symbolic economy; - Maps of cultural institutions and cultural elites ? the borders of communication; - The Neighbouring Nations ? techniques of differentiation and spatial projection of differences, imaginary and/or real borders, discourses of ?ours? and ?theirs?, of love and hatred. 4. Local maps of identity - Social actors and/or institutions effecting this projection; - Cultural and ideological codes enabling this projection; - Pre-modern communities, local traditional identities and the patchwork of local anthropological cultures; - Spatial distribution of everyday practices and the multiple acts of identification; - Maps of ?nationalization?, ?Europeanisation? and ?modernisation? of everyday life; - National identity vs. local identity ? spatial borders, spatial imaginations, aggressions, repressions, homogenization. 5. Transterritorial and non-spatial ?maps? of Identity - Nomads; - Diasporas; - Network identities. The spatial-temporal classification allows to address implicitly or explicitly the following complex/cross-level problems, mentioned in the previous guidelines or in the discussions: ? Framework of social, economic, political processes and their agents, spatial and temporal borders (various maps of ?objective? processes with indirect connection to identity building processes ? they both condition and reflect the latter processes) ? Spatial distribution of cultural forms, ?life styles?, everyday practices, consumer and economic practices and their problematic borders and problematic relation to acts of identification, spatial projections and institutionalized identities ? Real and imaginary spaces: Representations, politics of representation, identity models, emblems. ? Identity-supporting and identity stabilizing social agencies, actors, mediators, elites, techniques and institutions: the processes of implementation of models and their spatial and temporal definitions ? Political use and misuse of identities and borders ? Political and intellectual debates introducing in the public culture spatial-temporal images of identity ? Resistance: conflicting, shifting, alternative identities, alternative mappings, alternative territories and spatial projections. EXEMPLARY COMMON FORMAT FOR THE INDIVIDUAL RESEARCH PROJECTS IN THE FRAMEWORK OF NEXUS 1. PROJECT ABSTRACT ( 150 - 250 words) 2. PROJECT OBJECTIVES (15 - 50 words) 3. MAIN METHODS AND RESEARCH TECHNIQUES (50 - 100 words) 3.1. Disciplinary and scholarly contexts, debates, contemporary trends and development of the discipline(s). 3.2. Reflection over the most important concepts and categories 3.3. Methods 3.4. Techniques 3.5. Possible interdisciplinary connections 4. SOURCES AND RESEARCH FIELD (50 - 100 words) 4.1. Research field, limits and openings 4.2. Comparative perspective 4.3. Research focus - facts and phenomena to be investigated, case studies 5. PROJECT HYPOTHESIS (what the project IS about) (400 - 600 words) 6. HOW DOES THE PROJECT FIT INTO THE GUIDELINES OF NEXUS (50 - 100 words) 7. LINKS TO OTHER INDIVIDUAL PROJECTS developed in the framework of NEXUS (15 - 100 words) 8. ACADEMIC/RESEARCH PARTNERS FROM OTHER SEE COUNTRIES (IF ANY) ENABLING COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE (15 - 50 words) 9. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT (50-100 words) 9.1. What social needs and expectations the project addresses, where, in what circumstances 9.2. What is the link of the project to the Blue Bird agenda 10. TIME TABLE, RESEARCH TRIPS (15 - 50 words) 11. EXPECTED RESULTS (15 - 50 words) ===== __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - Feel better, live better http://health.yahoo.com ------------------------ Yahoo! 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Health - Feel better, live better -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From foticici at yahoo.com Fri Jul 26 19:48:06 2002 From: foticici at yahoo.com (Fatmir Foti Cici) Date: Fri, 26 Jul 2002 16:48:06 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KOMITETI ORTODOKS I EMIGRANTĖVE SHQIPTARĖ NĖ TORONTO Message-ID: <20020726234806.65321.qmail@web9207.mail.yahoo.com> KOMITETI ORTODOKS I EMIGRANT?VE SHQIPTAR? N? TORONTO Adresa postale: 71 Merton st., ap 811, Toronto ON, M4S 3A3 Tel. 416-544-8052; e-mail: KomitetiOrtodoks at yahoo.com NJOFTIM Sot, m? 14 korrik 2002, e kremte e Et?rve t? Shenjt? t? Sinodit IV Ekumenik, u krijua Komiteti Ortodoks i Emigrant?ve Shqiptar? n? Toronto, nj? p?rfaq?si e p?rkoh?shme e emigrant?ve shqiptar? ortodoks? n? Toronto, t? provinc?s Ontario t? Kanadas?. Ky forum, i cili n? thelb ?sht? nj? grup pune, p?rb?het nga kryetari, At Nikolla Kavaja, sekretari, zoti Fatmir Foti Cici, ark?tari, zoti Adrian Keri, dhe an?tar?t, zonja Dorina Shuke e zot?rinjt? Rrapi Bafa, Alban Hobdari, Arben Aleksi e Viktor Tanesi, q? t? gjith? an?tar? t? Kish?s Ortodokse. Synimet e Komitetit Ortodoks jan?: 1. T? vler?soj? situat?n aktuale n? lidhje me gjendjen kishtare t? emigrant?ve shqiptar? ortodoks? n? k?t? qytet. 2. T? b?j? p?r?apjet e duhura tek faktor?t p?rkat?s p?r t? b?r? t? mundur organizimin e nj? kishe ortodokse n? gjuh?n shqipe n? Toronto. 3. T? nd?rmarr? nj? fushat? p?r sigurimin e mjeteve t? domosdoshme p?r ekzistenc?n e k?saj kishe n? trajt? t? p?rjav?shme. Komiteti Ortodoks, duke marr? parasysh faktor?t, paralel?t dhe ngjarjet q? kan? lidhje me synimet e m?sip?rme, konkludoi n? vler?simet e m?poshtme: 1. M? 16 qershor 2002, e kremte e Et?rve t? Shenjt? t? Sinodit I Ekumenik, u celebrua n? Toronto mesha e par? n? gjuh?n shqipe, n? kish?n rumune t? Sh?n Gjergjit, nga I P?rndershmi At Nikolla Kavaja, me nj? pjes?marrjeje t? k?naqshme t? emigrant?ve shqiptar?, kryesisht ortodoks?. Kjo ishte nj? prov? e suksesshme, e cila dha shenj?n p?r t? diskutuar e k?rkuar organizimin e nj? kishe n? gjuh?n shqipe n? Toronto. 2. Organizimi i nj? famullie ortodokse n? gjuh?n shqipe ?sht? nj? domosdoshm?ri shpirt?rore dhe komb?tare p?r emigrant?t dhe, n? t? nj?jt?n koh?, nj? e drejt? legjitime kishtare. Komuniteti shqiptar i Torontos, i cili aktualisht ka nj? xhami dhe nj? kish? katolike n? gjuh?n shqipe, pret tashm? nga ortodoks?t shqiptar? t? nxiten nga shembulli i v?llez?rve t? tyre myslyman? dhe katolik?, dhe t? nd?rmarrin aksionin e duhur p?r t? hapur nj? kish? ortodokse shqiptare n? Toronto, p?r t? p?rmbushur k?sisoj detyrat e tyre t? krishtera, por duke plot?suar nj?koh?sisht edhe tripletin e besimeve tradicionale t? Shqip?ris?. 3. Nisma p?r nj? kish? ortodokse shqiptare n? Toronto ?sht? p?r?uar deri tani nga individ? dhe forume shqiptare t? emigracionit, kryesisht nga Shoqata e Miq?sis? Shqiptaro-Kanadeze. Motivimet e k?tyre p?rpjekjeve kan? qen? t? pastra, por m? tep?r komb?tare dhe m? pak kishtare, gj? q? e ka b?r? edhe m? t? v?shtir? send?rtimin e ides? n? fjal?. 4. N? tetor 2001, prifti yn?, At Nikolla Kavaja, i cili g?zon edhe detyr?n e sekretarit t? Shoqat?s Shqiptaro-Kanadeze, shkoi n? Boston MA, dhe u takua me Kancelarin e Peshkopat?s Shqiptare n? Amerik?, Shum? t? P?rndershmin At Artur Liolin, i cili e priti me interes iden? e themelimit t? nj? kishe shqiptare n? Toronto, por rekomandoi q? kjo lutje t?i p?rcillet p?r aprovim dhe ndihm? Fortlumturis? s? Tij, Kryepeshkopit t? Tiran?s dhe gjith? Shqip?ris?, Prof. Dr. Imzot Anastasios (Janullatos). N? dhjetor 2001 At Nikolla dhe shoqata e sip?rp?rmendur iu drejtua Kryepeshkopit Anastasios me nj? lutje p?r hapjen e nj? kishe shqiptare n? Toronto, por ende nuk ka marr? p?rgjigje. 5. Emigracioni shqiptar ortodoks n? Toronto, si pjes? p?rb?r?se e Kish?s Ortodokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris? (KOASH), d?shmon se kisha m?m? literalisht i ka braktisur bijt? e saj, ashtu si edhe n? shtete t? tjera ku ekziston me shumic? popullsi emigrant?sh shqiptar? ortodoks?, dhe mbajtja e shpresave p?r ndihm? nga Shqip?ria ?sht? nj? alibi p?r mosangazhim t? m?tejsh?m. Megjith?se diaspora e pasdiktatur?s p?rb?n m? shum? se gjysm?n e an?tar?ve t? KOASH-it, p?r sa i p?rket Kanadas?, nuk ekziston asnj? faktor politik a kishtar p?r mosorganizimin e nj? kishe n? gjuh?n shqipe. 6. Prifti mesh?tar, teologu psalt dhe personeli i domosdosh?m p?r mbar?vajtjen e kish?s, jan? q? t? gjith? t? gatsh?m p?r t? ofruar sh?rbimet e tyre falas. Pra, e vetmja penges? p?r t? pasur nj? kish? ortodokse shqiptare n? Toronto ?sht? mungesa e vendit t? adhurimit dhe mospatja e mjeteve t? domosdoshme, liturgjike e prift?rore, p?r t? celebruar sh?rbesat e p?rjav?shme. 7. Mbas faktorit ekonomik ekzistojn? v?shtir?si p?r t? siguruar nxitjen, ndihm?n dhe lejen e nj? peshkopi ortodoks kanonik, i cili t? jet? i gatsh?m t? marr? n?n juridiksionin e tij famullin? ton? t? ardhshme. P?rve? KOASH-it, i cili nuk ?sht? p?rgjigjur, Peshkopata Shqiptare n? Amerik? nuk ka juridiksion kishtar n? Kanada, nd?rsa Dioqeza Shqiptare n? Amerik? ?sht? n?n juridiksionin e Patrikan?s Ekumenike. Gjith?sesi ekzistojn? n? Kanada juridiksione t? tjera kishtare kanonike. Nj?ri prej tyre ?sht? Kisha Ortodokse n? Amerik? (Orthodox Church in America), pjes? e s? cil?s ?sht? Peshkopata Shqiptare n? Amerik?, e cila ka nj? prani t? fuqishme peshkopale n? Kanada dhe ky fakt ?sht? nj? alternativ? qe p?rkon me synimet e Komitetit. 8. Vendi i celebrimit t? sh?rbesave mund t? mos jet? me doemos kish?, p?r arsye se mospatja e nj? peshkopi, me t? gjitha nuancat q? p?rmban pika 7, e ka v?shtir?suar gjetjen e nj? kishe ortodokse, dhe n? qoft? se kjo nuk b?het e mundur as me gjetjen e ndonj? kishe jo ortodokse, e vetmja mund?si ?sht? gjetja e nj? salle ceremonish, e cila do t? sh?rbej? fillimisht si vend i kryerjes se sherbesave. Shum? komunitete ortodokse n? Amerik?n e Veriut i kan? fillimet e tyre n? nj? sall? me pages?, duke vazhduar m? pas n? nj? kish? me qira, dhe vetem me rritjen dhe fuqizimin e komunitetit kane arritur t? ken? nj? kish? t? tyren. 9. Shumica e emigrant?ve shqiptar?, ortodoks? dhe jo, jan? ngulur n? lagjen greke t? Torontos, ku ndodhen disa kisha t? fuqishme t? cilat p?rdorin vet?m greqishten. Sipas konstatimit ton?, famullit? greke kan? nj? prani influencuese n? rajonin ku banojn? emigrant?t shqiptar?, por me p?rpar?si n? aspektin komb?tar e kulturor t? tyre, sesa n? at? shpirt?ror. Nj? vendtakim n? lagjen greke do t?a leht?sonte m? tep?r pjes?marrjen e emigrant?ve ortodoks? shqiptar? n? kish?n e tyre, gj? q? nga ana tjet?r i ngushton mund?sit? p?r p?rzgjedhjen e vendit n? lagje t? tjera. 10. Cilado q? t? jet? p?rzgjedhja e vendit t? sh?rbesave n? shqip - kish? apo sall? - sot p?r sot, nuk ekziston mund?sia p?r t? siguruar nj? vendtakim pa pages?. ?mimi i kish?s a i sall?s, ?sht? rreth $100 (nj? qind dollar? kanadez?) n? jav?. Plus pages?s s? vendit, nevojiten rreth $1000 p?r blerjen e mjeteve (sendet e kungat?s, pajisjet e tryez?s s? shenjt?, kryqi, temjanica dhe disa ikona) p?r t? b?r? t? mundur kryerjen e mesh?s, sipas rregullave t? ritit liturgjik. 11. Me p?rpjekjet q? jan? b?r? gjer m? sot, nuk ekzistojn? t? dh?na se k?to t? holla mund t? sigurohen n? Toronto, por mbas fillimit t? mesh?s s? p?rjav?shme dhe t? organizimit t? kish?s, p?rderisa sh?rbimi i priftit dhe i ekipit t? tij ?sht? vullnetar, nj? pjes? e mir? e t? hollave do t? dal? nga shitja e qirinjve. 12. Pa fillimin e mesh?s s? p?rjav?shme si fakt i kryer, ?sht? e pamundur t? filloj? procedura p?r kanonizimin e kish?s n?n juridiksionin e Kish?s Ortodokse n? Amerik?, dhe sidomos n? bashk?veprim, n? qoft? se b?het e mundur, me Peshkopat?n Shqiptare n? Amerik?. Mas k?tyre vler?simeve t? domosdoshme, n? p?rputhje me synimet e krijimit t? tij, Komiteti Ortodoks mori vendimet e m?poshtme: 1. T? siguroj? vendin ku do t? kryhen sh?rbesat e p?rjav?shme p?r nj? vit: 1 shtator 2002 - 15 gusht 2003. 2. T? k?rkoj? bot?risht ndihm?, duke u adresuar pa dallime, dhe t? siguroj? fondet e duhura p?r pagimin e vendit t? sh?rbesave (rreth $5000 p?r nj? vit) dhe p?r sigurimin e mjeteve liturgjike e prift?rore (rreth $1000). 3. T? njoftoj? n? shtyp sasin? e t? hollave t? siguruara dhe emrat e dhuruesve. 4. T? v?rtetoj? tek dhuruesit, me dokumentacionin p?rkat?s, pagesat e vendit t? adhurimit dhe t? pajisjeve liturgjike. 5. T? k?rkoj? lejen dhe bekimin e Primatit t? Kish?s Ortodokse n? Amerik? p?r fillimin e mesh?s s? p?rjav?shme n? gjuh?n shqipe, duke dh?n? dat?n 1 shtator 2002. 6. T? k?rkoj? s?rish ndihm?n e Kancelarit t? Peshkopat?s Shqiptare n? Amerik?, Shum? t? P?rndershmit At Artur Liolin, p?r t? nd?rmjet?suar tek Fortlumturia e Tij Theodhos dhe tek peshkopi i tij asistent, Hir?sia e Tij Nikon (Liolin), p?r futjen e famullis? shqiptare t? Torontos n? gjirin e Kish?s Ortodokse n? Amerik?, pa pretendime p?r trajt?n kanonike q? do t? ket? vendimi i Kish?s mbi k?t? k?rkes?. 7. T?i parashtroj? si kusht k?rkes?n priftit ton? mesh?tar dhe kujtdo q? mund t? bashk?meshoj? me t?, p?r p?rkujtimin e domosdosh?m n? Mesh? (tek ?P?r Kryepeshkopin ton? aksh...?) t? Fortlumturis? s? Tij Theodhosit, Mitropolitit Kryepeshkop t? Kish?s Ortodokse n? Amerik?, derisa vet? Primati t? p?rgjigjet dhe t? vendos? p?r emrin e peshkopit t? famullis? son?. 8. T?i parashtroj? si kusht k?rkes?n priftit ton? mesh?tar q? t? bashk?meshoj?, si n? kish?n ton? dhe kudo gjetk?, vet?m me klerik? q? i p?rkasin ose jan? n? kungim me Kish?n Ortodokse n? Amerik? dhe peshkop?t e saj. Si rrjedhoj?, n? rast pamund?sie t? priftit aktual, Komiteti duhet t? ftoj? klerik? p?r kryerjen e sh?rbesave vet?m nga ato kisha q? i p?rkasin dhe jan? n? kungim me Kish?n Ortodokse n? Amerik?. 9. T? p?rgatis? mbajtjen e kuvendit t? par? t? komunitetit ortodoks shqiptar t? Torontos n? muajin n?ntor t? k?tij viti, 2002, ku do t? zhvillohen zgjedhjet e pleq?sis? kishtare, si struktur? e vetme udh?heq?se e famullis? son?, e cila do t? ket? t? drejt? t? rishikoj? t? gjitha pikat e k?tij dokumenti. 10. T? raportoj? n? kuvendin e sip?rp?rmendur veprimtarin? e komitetit, t? jap? llogari t? detajuar mbi veprimet financiare t? komitetit, dhe t? dor?zoj? sasin? ekzistuese t? t? hollave, n? qoft? se ekziston, tek pleq?sia e zgjedhur n? kuvend. 11. Mbas zgjedhjes s? pleq?sis? kishtare n? kuvend, t? njoftoj? shperndarjen e Komitetit Ortodoks t? Emigrant?ve Shqiptar? n? Toronto, si akt i p?rmbushjes s? misionit themelues. 12. T? publikoj? p?rmbajtjen e plot? t? k?tij dokumenti. Toronto ON, m? 14 korrik 2002 Ne qofte se deshironi te kontriboni ne hapjen e kishes shqiptare ortodokse te Torontos, kontaktoni ne adresen dhe telefonin e mesiperm; Zoti ju bekofte! At Nikolla Kavaja __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - Feel better, live better http://health.yahoo.com