From kbejko at hotmail.com Fri Feb 1 09:12:05 2002 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Fri, 01 Feb 2002 09:12:05 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Good news for foreign undergrads Message-ID: Foreign Students Find U.S. Colleges To Be More Forthcoming With Aid By DANIEL GOLDEN Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL Until recently, U.S. colleges had this message for high school graduates abroad: only the rich need apply. Of the more than 250,000 foreign undergraduates in this country, only 8% receive financial aid from their college or university, while 81% rely on family money to pay their way. That compares with about one-third of U.S. students getting such aid. But, faced with growing competition for the attractive international market and reluctance among foreign students to venture here after Sept. 11, more U.S. colleges are rethinking the longtime practice of charging them full tuition. These colleges have begun stepping into the breach left by the federal government, which restricts its financial aid to domestic students. Often criticized for allocating seats to foreign students that could be filled by Americans, colleges are starting to hand them merit or need-based scholarships out of institutional funds -- again, arguably at the expense of domestic students. Because foreign students generally achieve higher grades and graduation rates than their domestic counterparts, colleges are turning to these scholarships to boost enrollment without harming academic standards. While this spending is still a small fraction of overall aid, it represents a significant departure from the traditional treatment of foreign students as cash cows. "For any middle-class family in India, it's impossible to afford U.S. fees," says Rashna Patel, an 18-year-old freshman at Trinity University in San Antonio, which began providing aid to foreign students last fall. Ms. Patel, a Bombay resident whose parents are both flight attendants for Air India, was one of four students awarded $10,000-a-year merit scholarships -- almost two-thirds of the school's $16,410 annual tuition. "The [college] fees back home, for all students, amount to less than $10 a year including books," she says. "Because of this scholarship, and the way my family saved up all these years, we were able to squeeze through." Ms. Patel adds that the increased aid brings another benefit: It is diversifying campuses. "You're not just getting spoiled brats from each country anymore," she says. While the general public may be warier of foreign students in the wake of reports that several hijackers attended U.S. flight schools, and the government now tracks the movements of foreign students more closely, colleges fearing an application drop-off are courting them more assiduously than ever. Boston University will offer half-tuition merit scholarships to 90 foreign applicants this fall, expecting about 20 to accept. Foreign students make up 7% of its 15,000 undergraduates, and a higher proportion of tuition income. Paul Greene, director of international admissions at the private university, says the scholarship program was "in the pipeline" anyway but was accelerated after Sept. 11. Even though paying just half of BU's $27,000-plus tuition, the students "still add significantly to revenue," he says. Trinity, a private liberal arts college, is also expanding scholarships in reaction to the terrorist attacks, which imperiled its goal of increasing its foreign-student population to 7% from 3%. The school, which has 2,400 undergraduates, intends to give out six $10,000-a-year scholarships to foreign students this fall and another half-dozen for lesser amounts. "Like most institutions with an active international recruitment program, we were set back this year by the fact that travel was largely canceled," says international admissions coordinator Mark Moody. He says the scholarships, which are intended "to give some incentive to students to consider Trinity over another school they might know more by name," don't affect aid available for domestic students because they were approved separately by the university administration. Some critics don't buy that argument. "As a father who's trying to save money for my older daughter's college education, I can't understand why universities think the public would or should accept that," says Daniel Stein, executive director of the Federation for American Immigration Reform in Washington, D.C., a nonprofit advocacy group that seeks to restrict immigration. "If you're charging U.S. citizens full freight and giving foreign students scarce subsidies, you have a fundamental fairness issue." U.S. universities have long provided fellowships and other aid to foreign graduate students, since competition for these students is greater. Today, about 40% of the country's 240,000 foreign graduate students receive such help. But the impetus for financial aid for foreign undergraduates has been quietly building for several years, as U.S. colleges lost market share in the face of aggressive recruiting by schools in Britain and Australia, and as economic collapses from Asia to Argentina impoverished potential applicants. At Yale University, which last year began admitting international students regardless of need, the proportion receiving aid jumped to 62.1% in the class of 2005 from 24.7% in the class of 2004. Both Emory University, in Atlanta, and Mount Holyoke College, of South Hadley, Mass., initiated merit aid programs for foreign students last fall. Even some taxpayer-funded state universities are aiding foreign students -- though many others are forbidden to do so. Michigan State University offers $1,000 merit discounts off its out-of-state tuition rate to 40 foreign freshmen, up from 10 when the program started in 1994. Write to Daniel Golden at dan.golden at wsj.com1 _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp. From naac at naac.org Fri Feb 1 10:00:06 2002 From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC) Date: Fri, 1 Feb 2002 10:00:06 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NAAC EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY - Development Officer/Office Manager Message-ID: <007201c1ab31$243e89b0$0301010a@sokol> National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001 Brigada e Krajishtes, N. 8, 38000 Prishtina, Kosova Tel: (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Web: www.naac.org Email: naac at naac.org _______________________________________________________________________ For Your Information NAAC EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY Development Officer/Office Manager -- For NYC office of the National Albanian American Council (NAAC). Must have strong interpersonal and sales/marketing skills, computer and financial knowledge. Responsible for operations, fundraising, membership development and interaction, staff development, administrative tasks and coordination of various activities of NAAC and in coordination with the Washington DC Advocacy Office. Need an individual committed to Albanian issues and able to communicate with US government/UN representatives and the ethnic Albanian community. Salary comensurate with experience. Send cover letter and resume with your relevant experience, education and skills via email to: naac at naac.org, note "Development Officer" in the subject line. You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv. If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 1 22:40:09 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 1 Feb 2002 19:40:09 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Xhuvani in "Slogans" - The Guardian Message-ID: <20020202034009.88171.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> The Guardian (London) February 1, 2002 Guardian Friday Pages, Pg. 10 ROCKS AND HARD PLACES: If you wanted to be a good citizen in communist Albania, you spent your days building slogans out of stones. How could this become a comedy? David D'Arcy explains The setting is Enver Hoxha's Albania of the 1970s. Joseph Stalin's picture is on almost every wall. In a poor mountain village, communist officials conscript locals to gather rocks, the only natural resource, to spell out party slogans on the steep barren hillsides. After a long day memorising the sayings of Comrade Hoxha, the paranoid strongman who ruled Albania from 1945 to 1985, schoolchildren are deployed to pick out, stone by stone, phrases like: "Enver Party", "Albania: Rock of Granite", and "The Worst Enemy Is a Forgotten One". If the stones roll down the hill, the children haul them up the slopes again. It is Sisyphus, Albanian-style. Gjergj Xhuvani's Slogans is set in deep Stalinism and even deeper poverty. Peasants are punished for any perceived ideological deviation, even if they can't read the slogans that they're commanded to construct in stone. As officials pursue petty goals with deadpan doggedness, you find yourself sharing the gallows humour of a people who, as the slogan goes, have nothing to lose but their chains. The film began as an idea in 1997 when its French producer Pascal Judelewicz read the autobiographical short story by Ylljet Alicka, Slogans of Stone, well-known in Albania, on which the film is based. First planned as a short project, it was adapted as a feature, always with an Albanian cast in mind. Xhuvani turned out to be the director with the proper approach to the subject, according to Judelewicz. While Xhuvani had not carried stones up hillsides and written slogans, he did remember calling out and applauding on the roadside with other students when Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia made an official visit to Albania. Everyone in Albania remembers doing that kind of thing, Xhuvani says. In Slogans, party officials hope for the day when Hoxha will read their work as his black Mercedes thunders through their village. "We needed someone who could convey the humour of the story," says Judelewicz. "Someone who could work with Albanian actors, who could win the confidence of those actors, and who was not simply using the story to ridicule the kind of regime that Albania had been. "Gjergj understood that I did not want a crude anti- communist film. He understood that it needed to be told without a spirit of revenge." Some of Albania's foremost stars from the communist era's film and stage are in the cast. "These actors are very proud," says Judelewicz. "You have to win their respect. Remember that even the man who plays the peasant who gets into trouble for his outdated slogan 'Vietnam Will Win' - he's the Albanian Depardieu." "I come from a small country without much film history," Xhuvani says. "Even for the people who know Albania, it's just a tiny country that's always been at war. And journalists don't have good information about it, so they speculate." When Xhuvani was a boy, Albania made some 14 films a year, all of them star vehicles for the party which Enver Hoxha led. Now it's down to two per year, with 80% of Slogans's pounds 450,000 budget coming from France. French nouvelle vague movies showed from time to time, as did occasional Italian films, especially those by Vittorio de Sica - "the social ones", says Xhuvani - and Greek war epics with evil Nazis. Like many others, Xhuvani rigged a makeshift antenna, inside a window in his parents' house, to catch the signal of Italian TV. "The police knew all about it. They knew everything," he recalls, "but since I wasn't a dissident, they left me alone." Once the communist regime fell in 1991, movie theatres were converted into bingo halls and churches, or they showed the forbidden fruit, pornography. With Albania's isolation ending, Xhuvani feels new threats from abroad: "There is still a cold war. They say it doesn't exist any more, but it exists, in a very sophisticated manner, in the market economy - speculators, people who have bought concessions, creating a world that, in fact, is artificial, so that they will be able to have a business selling arms." Most Albanian filmgoers aren't rushing to escapist movies either, Xhuvani says. (For that they have get-rich-quick pyramid schemes that have already impoverished many thousands.) Those who are do go tend to see American movies, and Albanians will see them the way they have for a decade now - on bootleg videocassettes. Most Albanians watched Titanic and other hits on tape months before a print ever entered the country. "Albanian people want films that explain their life. They're tired of the films and the culture of propaganda," Xhuvani says. "For me the best thing to do is show how things were, not just to say that communism was bad, but to make films like a mirror. Some film-makers want to show democracy as a miracle - but it's not a dream, it's not a miracle, there are a lot of problems." Two weeks ago Gjergj Xhuvani found himself in the mountains of Park City, Utah, at the Sundance film festival, where Robert Redford skis and Bill Clinton vacations at the chalet of his DreamWorks pal, Jeffrey Katzenberg. It was Xhuvani's first trip to the America stigmatised as "imperialist" whenever the official press of his youth mentioned it. Unlike the army of agents and executives there, he was not stalking the next Blair Witch Project or this year's Brad Pitt, or even showing Slogans. He was picking up a cheque for a movie that he had not yet made: The Bleating of Sheep, a dark comedy set during the second world war. The prize, a screenwriting award from the Sundance Institute, was funded by that agent of international imperialism, the Japanese media giant NHK. Xhuvani's new script is an earthy provincial Albanian twist on the perennial no man's land theme. Characters from all sides in the second world war - an Italian deserter, an Albanian nationalist, a communist partisan, a Jew fleeing the Germans - hide in a cellar, waiting for the shooting to stop and discovering what they have in common. Allusions to neighbouring Yugoslavia won't be lost on anyone. At a party in a Park City art gallery to announce his prize, Xhuvani stood by as Sundance apparatchiks attacked a table covered with sushi. He didn't know Japanese food, although he noted that Tirana, the capital, now had a Chinese restaurant. "I have a friend who works there. He's Chinese, but the food is Albanian. The only Chinese thing in the place is the bicycle my friend rides to work." In Park City's deal-making circus, even Xhuvani was courted by American producers; still, he couldn't recall who had approached him (although his next script is about an American in Albania in the late 1990s). Living abroad wasn't an option, he said, since every Albanian artist who left the country - including the writer Ismail Kadare, now in Paris - ended up producing inferior works. "The real masterpieces were written under censorship during the Hoxha dictatorship," he says. And Xhuvani has heard horror stories of directors who signed on to projects and were then fired or, worse, forced to witness the mutilation of their work: torture, Hollywood-style. A sceptic might say that only an Albanian could be shocked by that prospect. Slogans is released on February 15. Slippery slope . . . in Slogans, the locals spell out the sayings of the communist dictator Enver Hoxha in stone --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From Gazhebo at aol.com Sat Feb 2 07:42:21 2002 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sat, 2 Feb 2002 07:42:21 EST Subject: [ALBSA-Info] In Albania's darkness, the generator is king Message-ID: <113.be20f4f.298d38ad@aol.com> In Albania's darkness, the generator is king By Benet Koleka TIRANA, Jan 31 (Reuters) - They may not quite be music to the ears, but when power generators rev into action in the Albanian capital these days the sound is the sweetest melody. Generators --and candles-- have resurfaced with a vengeance in Tirana as power cuts of up to 20 hours a day throw Albania back into darkness and put its economic development in doubt. Having an espresso, watching your favourite soap, treating a tooth or even just taking a shower can be a serious challenge because of the crippling power shortage in the poor Balkan state. To add to those woes, Prime Minister Ilir Meta resigned on Tuesday after failing to resolve eternal political feuding that has often taken priority over solving practical problems. Despite its location across the Adriatic Sea from balmy Italy, Albania has sharp winters and fierce summers. Electricity is important for home comfort as well as industry and commerce. But last summer, prolonged drought bled dry the Drin river, which generates 90 percent of Albania's power. The problem was compounded when it then froze in the worst frosts in 15 years. So, generators have become a much envied status symbol. "We banish the darkness," advertises one local supplier of generators doing brisk trade. Others are less sanguine. "Albania has entered the millennium with a mobile phone in one hand and a candle in the other," said political analyst Remzi Lani. POTEMKIN VILLAGE For an insight into Albania's predicament, picture the visit of President Rexhep Meidani to provincial Gjirokaster last year. No sooner had his helicopter risen into the air to take him home than the illuminated town was plunged into darkness. "This is just like Potemkin's village," said an astonished American journalist who witnessed the power-saving regimen. Just as Russia's statesman Grigori Alexandrovich Potemkin erected two-dimensional facades to impress Empress Catherine the Great, Tirana's neon glitter goes no further than its main boulevards. In the suburbs and the countryside, darkness reigns. Cynics say the only reason Albania recently enjoyed three days of uninterrupted power was so that politicians could appear on television to accuse each other of exploiting the crisis. NO WATER, NO POWER Water levels in the Drin, whose three hydroelectric plants supply 90 percent of the national grid, are perilously close to the mandatory shut-down limit to protect the turbines. Its once ample tributaries are lost in the winter snows. So, for all of his Harvard-taught economic skills, Energy Minister Dritan Prifti is reduced to praying for a thaw. "If the temperature rises, the snow will melt and the situation will change 100 percent in 48 hours," he said optimistically. Albania's national grid can produce only eight million kilowatts of power (kWh), just a third of its installed capacity, forcing the country to match that with daily imports of six to eight million kWh. That is not enough; winter demand hits 22 million kWh a day. Before his departure, Meta had asked neighbouring Macedonia to let more water flow from the Black Drin river into Albania's river system, and is seeking more Balkan power imports. Bulgaria has put a power station to work especially for Albania, providing 2.4 million kWh a day and Greece is temporarily exporting 2.5 million kWh. To relieve the worst problem areas, Prifti is considering buying mobile generators with a capacity up to 20 megawatts (MW). LONG SUFFERING Albania's power problem is a long-running sore. The decade-long crisis has prompted some deep thinking about the future to stop the power utility Korporata Energjitike Shqiptare (KESH) becoming the black sheep of state firms, able only to ask for more and more money, always straining the budget. But increases in power prices for domestic consumers do not seem to have prompted any immediate fall in demand, and liquid gas, which is also expensive, is not a favoured substitute. Meta said the World Bank had promised to build a power station with installed capacity of 300 MW. Albania would need two like that to meet its needs. The World Bank, warning of a bar to foreign investment, says the only long-term solution is to "manage demand more aggressively." BLEAK ECONOMIC FUTURE, PROTESTS Small businesses were the worst hit by power shortages but big industrial consumers, which the KESH power utility tries to keep supplied, were also forced to shut down. The government recently urged them not to work for 10 days. "All our investment is going to fail if this situation persists," said Edurt Belegu, a representative of the Italian chrome-processing company Darfo. Darfo said it had stopped work altogether after operating for a year at 80 percent capacity because of the shortages. A Turkish steelmaker has also been badly hit. "The power crisis is assuming the dimensions of an economic crisis," says central bank governor Shkelqim Cani. Cani failed to reach the low end of his coveted two to four percent inflation target last year because of higher spending provoked by the shortages. Inflation was at 3.5 percent in 2001. Former Finance Minister Genc Ruli has predicted a fall in the level of investment, higher inflation and less revenue for the budget. Construction and services would shrink, he said. The blackouts have also sparked protests, with Albanians taking to the streets to demand more power, more water and jobs. The low-watt start to 2002 has also dimmed the country's already gloomy prospects of meeting the economic requirements for closer integration with the European Union any time soon. As the conservative opposition leader and former president, Sali Berisha, says: "Europe won't welcome us with a candle in hand." From Gazhebo at aol.com Sat Feb 2 07:43:35 2002 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sat, 2 Feb 2002 07:43:35 EST Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CHRONOLOGY-Albania since downfall of communism Message-ID: <7c.223f22cf.298d38f7@aol.com> CHRONOLOGY-Albania since downfall of communism LONDON, Jan 29 (Reuters) - Albanian Prime Minister Ilir Meta said on Tuesday he had resigned after failing to resolve a party feud that paralysed political life and vital reforms in one of Europe's poorest countries. Following is a chronology of events in Albania during and after its transition from isolationist communism to democracy. 1985 - Communist President Ramiz Alia succeeds Stalinist leader Enver Hoxha who ruled Albania with an iron fist for 40 years. He rules out any change. Jan 1990 - Alia responds to public unrest by proposing limited reforms, including some decentralisation of power. May 1990 - Alia ends a 23-year ban on religion and allows Albanians the right to hold passports for first time. Dec 1990 - Student protests prompt Communists to allow opposition parties. Main opposition Democratic Party founded. Mar 1991 - Communists win two-thirds majority in first multi-party elections since 1944. Thousands continue to flee abroad. May 1991 - Alia confirmed as president. All-Communist government sworn in. Albania crippled by general strike. June 1991 - All-party pact reached to form a coalition, leading to Albania's first non-communist government in 40 years. Communist Party renames itself the Socialist Party. Dec 1991 - Democratic Party quits coalition. Chronic food shortages spark wave of riots. Feb 1992 - Alia dissolves People's Assembly, elections held in March. The Democratic Party wins landslide victory. Apr 1992 - Alia resigns, replaced by Sali Berisha. Jan 1997 - Collapse of corrupt pyramid investment schemes sparks months of riots, brings down government. Mar 1997 - Government resigns. Berisha re-elected as president and forms unity government. Apr 1997 - Italian-led multinational force begins arriving. June 1997 - Ex-communist Socialists and their allies win majority in general elections. July 1997 - Fatos Nano becomes prime minister at head of five-party coalition. Berisha resigns as president, replaced by Rexhep Meidani. Sept 1998 - Democrat MP Azem Hajdari shot dead along with a bodyguard. Party supporters storm prime minister's office in protest. Funeral erupts in violence in Tirana. Government later says it crushed a coup attempt. Sept 28, 1998 - Prime Minister Fatos Nano resigns. Oct 1998 - Pandeli Majko sworn in as prime minister. Oct 21, 1998 - Albania's parliament votes in favour of a draft constitution and agrees to put it to a referendum. Nov 1998 - The new Constitution is endorsed by a national referendum monitored by OSCE observers. Oct 25, 1999 - Albanian Prime Minister Pandeli Majko resigns after losing the leadership of the ruling Socialist Party. Dec 2001 - Finance minister Anastas Angjeli and Privatisation Minister Mustafa Muci resign in a bid to stem a crisis in the ruling Socialist Party. Jan 29, 2002 - Prime Minister Ilir Meta resigns after failing to resolve a party feud. From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Feb 2 09:16:44 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 2 Feb 2002 06:16:44 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Book Review: Gerolymatos, The Balkan Wars. Myth, Reality, and the Eternal Conflict. Reviewed by Srdjan Vucetic Message-ID: <20020202141644.66086.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Mon Jan 28 06:57:08 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Mon, 28 Jan 2002 15:57:08 +0100 Subject: [balkans] Book Review: Gerolymatos, The Balkan Wars. Myth, Reality, and the Eternal Conflict. Reviewed by Srdjan Vucetic Balkan Academic Book Review 3/2002 --------------------------------- Andr? Gerolymatos, The Balkan Wars. Myth, Reality, and the Eternal Conflict. Toronto: Stoddart, 2001. 320 pp., 39.95 CAD, ISBN 077373290x (hardcover). Reviewed by Srdjan Vucetic (Free University of Berlin & York University, Toronto), Email: djine at zedat.fu-berlin.de. --------------------------------- Click here to order book A different version of this book published by Basic Books under the title "The Balkan Wars: Conquest, Revolution and Retribution from the Ottoman Era to the Twentieth Century and Beyond" is available through Amazon.com Click here to order book from Amazon --------------------------------- The main issue that Gerolymatos addresses in his book is the origins and dynamics of the Balkan wars. ?War, more than anything else, has marked the evolution and decline of Balkan empires and societies, and the use of violence as a political, cultural, and economic mechanism has been a key factor in the Balkan powder keg? (p. 88-9). For the author, central to contemporary Balkan conflicts are the past conflicts and mythologies that arose from them. Ethnic wars in the former Yugoslavia can be traced to the fourteenth and fifteenth century, not just to the political schemes of the nationalistic elites in the 1990s. Organized violence can in turn be seen as cyclical or spiral. But this is by no means unique to the peninsula. What the outsiders often see to be endemic is the application of total war, which includes suicide missions, ethnic cleansing, systematic rape, massacres etc. (p.130) To support his thesis, the author provides a sweeping review of the Balkan conflicts from Byzantium to the NATO intervention over Kosovo, organized by themes such as brigandry or nationalism. Much of the material, especially in the later chapters, will be familiar to students of Balkan history. Responsible for the wars are familiar agents: the great powers and, in the last two centuries, the expansionist Balkan nation-states. But the history of organized violence in the region also belongs to local warlords, irregulars as well as to various political conspirators. These agents, Gerolymatos argues convincingly, are important political and social fixtures, particularly in the domain of mythmaking. Indeed, the author authoritatively demystifies various images, which play an important role in some historical memories: the (last) fall of Constantinople, battle of Kosovo, Suliot dance of death, the execution of Euphrosyne of Ioannina, Russia?s pan-Slavism and pan-Orthodoxy, and the birth of the Balkan state (esp. p. 133) are particularly well-assessed. In addition to military and political history, the book offers brilliant insights into sociological phenomena. For example, the discussions of the rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire, of the importance of land, or of the famed Albanian prowess in guerrilla warfare are both penetrating and comprehensive. Gerolymatos raises questions for future research in one intellectually enticing area. The book approaches counterfactual reasoning on a few occasions (pp. 8, 17, 28, 46), but does not pursue it for the reasons of brevity and/or conservatism. Counterfactuals are ?what ifs? and ?might-have beens? of history. They are an important mechanism of evaluation and are extremely useful in tackling the problems of motive and outcome. The Kosovo legend rests on the counterfactual: the Serbs could have defeated the Ottomans only if they had been united (namely, if Vuk Brankovic had not betrayed them). The implication is that Serbia would have been able to remain strong and free and the course of history would have been different. Careful counterfactual experimentation would include considering additional possibilities that might have followed from the Kosovo counterfactual (how would the Ottomans have responded? For one, would they have given up on the conquest of Europe entirely?). The exercise would enable the researcher to determine the viability of alternative outcomes and thus at assess the strength of the historical claims upon which the Kosovo legend rests. That historical assessment is largely based on comparison is a point made often in this book. Perhaps for the reasons of structure, Gerolymatos sometimes insists on ?historical echoes? or points of direct comparison. For example, a 1914 Carnegie commission report on the massacre in the Greek village of Doxato is juxtaposed to the 1994 UN War Crimes Report on the Medak Pocket carnage; Smyrna of 1922 is compared to Srebrenica of 1995, the Greco-Turkish exchange of population is equated with the contemporary phenomenon of ethnic cleansing and so on. From a scholarly point of view this has the virtue of offering a benchmark against which to chart more precisely the continuity and change in the Balkans. But it is precisely the emphasis on the regularity of these historical echoes that implies the stereotypical otherness of the region. Also, because these pairings are illustrative rather than thorough, they leave an impression that there has been no qualitative progress in the social and political life in the peninsula. With respect to international relations, the author confidently asserts that the ?great game? has not changed, save for a change of some of the players; it is now the U.S. and Russia which vie for control of the peninsula (p. 244). The only way out, concludes Gerolymatos, is the integration of Southeastern Europe into the EU. Inevitably in such a sweeping analysis, there is so much that is left out. In keeping with his argument, Gerolymatos has chosen to somewhat sacrifice empirical breath for temporal depth. But not all battles, themes and certainly not all kinds of myths are common to all Balkan communities (pp. xi, 14, 46). Simply regarded though the lenses of national history, the narratives about the Greeks and Serbs predominate against other histories. The book suffers from too great a disregard to what may be seen as ?Balkan periphery.? The themes and myths of the Romance languages-speaking Balkan communities are underrepresented in Gerolymatos?discussions. The Slovenes do not enter the picture at all (because [they] ?never achieved any form of independence [and because they] suffered none of the upheavals that afflicted their fellow Slavs in the southeastern Balkans.? p. 124). The criteria used to discount the Slovenes are not applied to include the Montenegrins. The tiny kingdom no doubt received its share of typical Balkan turmoil and enjoyed centuries of semi-independence. Finally, the author indeed has a soft spot for the ?clinical studies of strategy, tactics, battles and sieges? (p. 237). These would have been enhanced by the use of more detailed maps (one map of the region is no great help). This minor critique notwithstanding, Gerolymatos has entirely succeeded in writing a valuable work on the Balkan wars. Well-written and backed by an impressive command of broad range of literatures, this book should be read both by historians and by a more general audience. --------------------------------- This an earlier book reviews are available at: www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans --------------------------------- ? 2002 Balkan Academic News. This review may be distributed and reproduced electronically, if credit is given to Balkan Academic News and the author.For permission for re-printing, contact Balkan Academic News. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Feb 2 09:32:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 2 Feb 2002 06:32:29 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EBLUL Press Release Message-ID: <20020202143229.55538.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Press Release New EBLUL Member State Committee established in Greece Brussels 28.01.02 ? Last Saturday, the European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages (EBLUL) made the final step towards a new Member State Committee (MSC) in Greece. 16 representatives of linguistic and cultural associations elected the six future members of EBLUL's MSC in Greece and its Chairman, Athanasios Parisis from the Slavomacedonian group as well as his Deputy, Sotiris Bletzas from the Vlach community. After adopting the Bureau?s statute and being accepted by EBLUL's Council, the new established MSC will represent four minorities in Greece: the Slavomacedonians, the Vlachs, the Turks and the Pomaks. ?Hopefully representatives of the Arvanite language - which were not present at the meeting only due to technical reasons - will join the Greek Member State Committee soon', says Bojan Brezigar, President of EBLUL. After the meeting in Thessaloniki, Brezigar expressed his great satisfaction with the establishment of a new MSC in Greece, which could contribute to substantial changes of policies towards regional or minority languages in the country. 'The information exchanged in our meeting showed that within the European Union, Greece is undoubtedly a State, where linguistic diversity has not been considered a wealth so far. It will be the task of the new Committee, with technical and political support of the whole of EBLUL, to promote common EU understanding about this topic also in Greece. Furthermore, the MSC will contribute to assure a relevant level of dignity for minority languages in Greece, and real possibilities to survive and to develop' Brezigar adds. So far, the European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages is made up of 13 committees, which represent the interests of the various communities. The Member State Committees comprise cultural organisations, official institutions and other bodies active in the field of regional or minority languages and cultures. Through their activities and by their very existence, the Member State Committees encourage co-operation between the linguistic communities within a single State. Although the situations differ from one language community to the next, such collaboration has proven to be very valuable as it fosters the development of a concerted strategy at State and European level. EUROPEAN BUREAU FOR LESSER USED LANGUAGES (EBLUL) www.eblul.org Rue Saint Josse 49 B-1210 Bruxelles TEL: 0032/2/ 250 31 64 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Feb 2 09:37:41 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 2 Feb 2002 06:37:41 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Komiteti Shqiptar i Helsinkit Message-ID: <20020202143741.57170.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> DECLARATION ALBANIAN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP DENOUNCES THE BRUSSELS INCIDENT The Albanian Human Rights Group followed with concern the event that occurred on 23 January in the facilities of the Hotel "Renaissance" (Brussels) after midnight, when some individuals attacked and maltreated the Albanian Minister of State for Integration Paskal Milo and some members of the Albanian delegation who were going to meet with Brussels EU parliamentarians. This event is an act that negatively impacts Albania?s image, especially during the days when the debate for Albania was going to be held in the European Parliament and the final steps would be undertaken for the signing of the Association Stabilization Agreement with the EU. AHRG forcefully denounces this act of violence that harmed and encroached the dignity of some senior officials of Albania. Starting from the event in question, the Group asks the Albanian judicial bodies to begin as soon as possible the procedures for the full clarification of this unprecedented act and the perpetrators. Relying upon article 6 of the Penal Code of the Republic of Albania, which stipulates that: ?any Albanian citizen who has committed an offence abroad, can be investigated in Albania as long as there is no decision from another court,? calls upon the Prosecutor?s Office to follow all the necessary legal procedures to pursue this case. Also, the AHRG is of the opinion that it is time that the justice bodies, especially the judicial ones, make a reflection on what happened so that in the future they do not issue judicial decisions that are hasty or legally unfounded. Furthermore, the AHRG, although it concludes that the Brussels event ensued as a consequence of a confused policy pursued by the Albanian politicians, calls upon the political parties that the incident at issue does not become a potential cause of political gain to benefit or harm one side or another, as such a situation of tension would not be to the benefit of Albania and its citizens. Tirana, 25. 01. 2002 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Sun Feb 3 08:15:26 2002 From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church) Date: Sun, 3 Feb 2002 08:15:26 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Attention: Science-oriented High School Students Message-ID: <20020203.081545.-11227.0.albboschurch@juno.com> Memo to: Albanian-American High School Students From: Albanian Orthodox Archdiocese Re: Harvard Program for future biomedical careers The Harvard Medical School Minority Faculty Development Program is accepting applicants to: "Project Success: Opening the Door to Biomedical Careers." Applicants must be HS students in Boston or Cambridge, have maintained a B+ average, and show strong interest in a future in miedicine, research, public health, biotechnology. Focus: students from underrepresented racial or ethnic minorities Program Goals: *To identify, recruit and nurture talented students interested in pursuing biodecial careers. *To link students with scientists and physicians, assess interest and aptitude, engage in hands-on research and enhance technical skills, and be encouraged to become critical thinkers. *To provide continuin support and resources for students in developing academic and professional career paths. [ Note: Application Deadline: March 15, 2002 ] For further information and to obtain application: a.) Call (617) 432-4697 or b.) Email: < faye_holmes at hms.harvard,edu > or c.) Visit website: < www.mfdp.med.harvard.edu > ________________________________________________________________ GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO! Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less! Join Juno today! For your FREE software, visit: http://dl.www.juno.com/get/web/. From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 3 09:34:02 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 3 Feb 2002 06:34:02 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Godo per Kushtetuten - Gazeta TEMA Message-ID: <20020203143402.11760.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> A vazhdoni t? jeni mb?shtet?s i fort? i asaj Kushtetute q? sipas zhvillimeve aktuale duhet t? ndryshohet, apo jan? b?r? sugjerime p?r t?u ndryshuar? Un? mb?shtes Kushtetut?n, por un? kam th?n? q? fill mbas b?rjes s? kushtetut?s disa gj?ra u b?n? jasht? vullnetit tim atje. Nuk ?sht? tani p?r t? lar? duart, por ?sht? nj? fakt q? un? u ngrita dhe dola nga komisioni i Kushtetut?s. Cilat jan? k?to shkaqe? Kryesisht neni mbi zgjedhjen e Presidentit. Nuk ka gj? m? absurde sesa t? shkruash se do t? ?osh dy her? popullin n? zgjedhje t? p?rgjithshme p?r t? zgjedhur nj? President, i cili zgjidhet nga parlamenti duke qen? nj? republik? parlamentare. K?t? p?r t? th?n? t? drejt?n e thuri Gjinushi me ato llogarit? e tij me disa njer?z n? dit?n e fundit t? paraqitjes s? Kushtetut?s n? Kuvend. Ka pasur presione t? jashtme apo faktor? t? jasht?m q? nd?rhyn? p?r t? realizuar k?t?? Jo, kjo ishte thjesht nj? sajes? e socialist?ve. E dini se p?rse? Sepse ata than?, Nes?r ne mund t? humbasim zgjedhjet, t? pakt?n t? kemi nj? President, i cili do t?ua nd?rlikoj? pun?n k?tyre, edhe nj? vit m? pas. Kjo ishte logjika me t? cil?n u b? ky nen (p?r Presidentin) pa menduar se mund t? kthehet n? bumerang, kund?r teje. Kjo ishte nj? nga absurditet e m?dha. Ka pastaj gj?ra t? tjera q? un? i kam pranuar atje, sepse u b?n? l?shime t? m?dha edhe ndaj k?rkesave t? mia. Nuk mund t? mohohet fakti q? un? kam pasur nj? rol me r?nd?si n? b?rjen e Kushtetut?s. Po t? mos merrja pjes? edhe un? atje, socialist?t do t? mbeteshin fillikat t? vet?m, por ishim ne 2-3 parti t? s? djatht?s q? mor?m pjes? n? hartimin e Kushtetut?s dhe k?shtu arrita t? pakt?n t? vihet, n? mos jo n? hyrje t? saj, por n? preambul?n e Kushtetut?s, ??shtja Komb?tare. Ishte nj? nga pikat e forta q? duhet t? mbroja un? si p?rfaq?sues i Partis? Republikane.S? dyti ??shtja e pron?s. Kam ngulur k?mb? edhe p?r pun?n e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Ndoshta aty kam b?r? ndonj? lloj gabimi, sepse ishte nj? luft? personale e imja. Edhe n? komisionin e Venecias kam insistuar p?r dy or? me radh? q? Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m t? mos varej nga Kryeministri, sepse sipas argumenteve q? mbroja un?, ky do t? ishte si nj? lloj kobureje n? dor?n e Kryeministrit p?r t? goditur n? em?r t? korrupsionit ata q? do t? ishin kund?rshtar? t? tij. Tani koha ka nxjerr? dhe do t? nxjerr? lidhur me nevoj?n p?r t? amenduar Kushtetut?n, por n? p?rgjith?si ajo q?ndron. Tani m? flagrante se ?do gj? dhe q? duhet zgjidhur para s? gjithash jan? dispozitat mbi Kodin Elektoral. ?sht? zgjedhja e Presidentit duhet ripar? kapitulli p?r Gjykat?n e Lart?, jan? shum? gj?ra q? duhen rishikuar dhe q? i nxori koha. Disa jan? immediate disa mund t? presin n? nj? koh? t? dyt?. Me k?t? nuk dua t? them q? t?i vihemi nj? rishqyrtimi t? Kushtetut?s nga kapitulli i par? deri n? fund, sepse ?sht? e v?rtet? nj? gj?, q? k?ta q? dhan? mendimin p?rfundimtar p?r Kushtetut?n ton? ishin nga jurist?t m? t? shquar t? Europ?s, madje edhe n? SHBA kishte. Nuk ka Kushtetut? n? bot? q? nuk ka nevoj? p?r p?rmir?sime. Doemos ka nevoj? p?r p?rmir?sime kjo kushtetuta jon?. Dua t?ju them edhe nj? holl?si tjet?r lidhur me k?t?. Un? ndihem gjithashtu disi p?rgjegj?s p?r formulimin e nenit mbi Komisionin Qendror t? Zgjedhjeve. E dini si rash? un? n? k?t? ?kllap??(grack?) q? u vendos k?shtu? Edhe n? k?t? rat do t? duket sikur dua t? shfaj?sohem, por un? nuk jam jurist p?r nga profesioni dhe nuk mund t? pretendoj kurrsesi q? kam haber nga pun?t e Kushtetutave dhe ligjeve. Sigurisht q? lexova shum? Kushtetuta, por ishte nj? pun? prej amatori.Por k?tu ishte nj? specialist amerikan i cili merrej me k?t? pun? me KQZ-t? n? t?r? lindjen. Ishte njeri i respektuar dhe me kultur? q? dukej kompetent n? l?nd?n e vet. Ai m? mbushi mendjen mua q? duhet b?r? k?shtu. Mang?sia ime ishte se n? ballafaqimin e ideve me k?t? zot?ri duhej t?i kisha th?n? se n? Shqip?ri nuk ka ardhur ende kjo koh?. Por Kushtetutat b?hen gjithnj? duke par? n? perspektiv?. Tani duke se ashtu si? u formua ky KQZ krijoi probleme. Krijoi t? tilla probleme sa mund t? thuash se n? nj?far? date ai pothuaj u b? inekzistent, sepse doli p?rkrah tij Gjykata Kushtetuese e cila dha po aq mandate sa edhe ky KQZ. Ka nj? boshll?k atje n? Kushtetut? q? duhet riparuar medoemos. K?to jan? gj?rat q? duhen par?.Por meq? n? fund kemi nj? Kushtetut? dhe kjo ?sht? gj? e mir?. Do t? jet? nj? gj? e mir? gjithashtu q? ne t? vihemi dhe ta p?rmir?sojm? k?t? Kushtetut? me p?lqimin e pal?ve n? miratimin e amendamenteve q? duhet t? b?hen n? Kushtetut?. Un? do t? thosha q? t? kalojm? edhe at? kourumin e 2/3, t? biem t? gjith? dakord, sepse ?sht? nj? lib?r i cili do t? rregulloj? marr?dh?niet e shqiptar?ve me shtetin p?r nj? koh? t? gjat?. ?far? do t?u thoshit t? gjith? atyre q? ju kan? akuzuar gjat? koh?s s? hartimit t? Kushtetut?s apo edhe m? p?rpara se keni bashk?punuar me PS, sepse opozita e v?rtet? nuk mori pjes? n? hartimin e k?saj Kushtetute? Cila do t? ishte p?rgjigja juaj? Njer?zit n? p?rgjith?si mbrohen nga kritikat por puna ?sht? se sa bindje ke kur mbrohesh nga ndonje gj?. Un? hyra atje me ato q?llime t? caktuara dhe mund t? them se ia u dola n? krye gj?rave q? mbrojta un? m? shum?. Dhe jam krenar p?r at? q? ?sht? shkruar n? disa nene n? Kushtetut? lidhur me pron?n private q? un? e quaj problem themelor t? k?tij vendi. Socialist?t k?rkonin mosbashk?punimin me mua. Un? u p?rpoqa t?u imponohesha dhe u imponova n? shum? gj?ra. Doemos diku do t? b?ja edhe ndonj? l?shim, psh., socialist?t kund?rshuan fort pun?n e senatit, mua nuk m? prishte dhe aq pun? dhe u t?rhoqa fjala vjen. Nuk m? duket se ka njeri t? drejt? t? m? b?j? nj? kritik? t? till?. N?se jemi t? mendimit se n? nj? vend n? tranzicion dhe ku ka mbret?ruar rr?muja duhet t? ket? Kushtetut?, at?her? kjo gj? b?het e domosdoshme. Edhe sot shpesh her? opozita i referohet Kushtetut?s, Partia Demokratike ka th?n? se nuk e p?lqej dhe nuk e dua k?t? Kushtetut?, por n? t? nj?jt?n koh? gjen ku t? kapet n? Kushtetut? kur shikon q? forcat q? jan? n? pushtet shkelin Kushtetut?n. Edhe atyre kjo Kushtetut? u jep nj? kart? t? fuqishme n? dor? dhe nga kjo provohet edhe dobia e t? paturit Kushtetut?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 3 09:34:11 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 3 Feb 2002 06:34:11 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Godo per Kushtetuten - Gazeta TEMA Message-ID: <20020203143411.909.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> A vazhdoni t? jeni mb?shtet?s i fort? i asaj Kushtetute q? sipas zhvillimeve aktuale duhet t? ndryshohet, apo jan? b?r? sugjerime p?r t?u ndryshuar? Un? mb?shtes Kushtetut?n, por un? kam th?n? q? fill mbas b?rjes s? kushtetut?s disa gj?ra u b?n? jasht? vullnetit tim atje. Nuk ?sht? tani p?r t? lar? duart, por ?sht? nj? fakt q? un? u ngrita dhe dola nga komisioni i Kushtetut?s. Cilat jan? k?to shkaqe? Kryesisht neni mbi zgjedhjen e Presidentit. Nuk ka gj? m? absurde sesa t? shkruash se do t? ?osh dy her? popullin n? zgjedhje t? p?rgjithshme p?r t? zgjedhur nj? President, i cili zgjidhet nga parlamenti duke qen? nj? republik? parlamentare. K?t? p?r t? th?n? t? drejt?n e thuri Gjinushi me ato llogarit? e tij me disa njer?z n? dit?n e fundit t? paraqitjes s? Kushtetut?s n? Kuvend. Ka pasur presione t? jashtme apo faktor? t? jasht?m q? nd?rhyn? p?r t? realizuar k?t?? Jo, kjo ishte thjesht nj? sajes? e socialist?ve. E dini se p?rse? Sepse ata than?, Nes?r ne mund t? humbasim zgjedhjet, t? pakt?n t? kemi nj? President, i cili do t?ua nd?rlikoj? pun?n k?tyre, edhe nj? vit m? pas. Kjo ishte logjika me t? cil?n u b? ky nen (p?r Presidentin) pa menduar se mund t? kthehet n? bumerang, kund?r teje. Kjo ishte nj? nga absurditet e m?dha. Ka pastaj gj?ra t? tjera q? un? i kam pranuar atje, sepse u b?n? l?shime t? m?dha edhe ndaj k?rkesave t? mia. Nuk mund t? mohohet fakti q? un? kam pasur nj? rol me r?nd?si n? b?rjen e Kushtetut?s. Po t? mos merrja pjes? edhe un? atje, socialist?t do t? mbeteshin fillikat t? vet?m, por ishim ne 2-3 parti t? s? djatht?s q? mor?m pjes? n? hartimin e Kushtetut?s dhe k?shtu arrita t? pakt?n t? vihet, n? mos jo n? hyrje t? saj, por n? preambul?n e Kushtetut?s, ??shtja Komb?tare. Ishte nj? nga pikat e forta q? duhet t? mbroja un? si p?rfaq?sues i Partis? Republikane.S? dyti ??shtja e pron?s. Kam ngulur k?mb? edhe p?r pun?n e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Ndoshta aty kam b?r? ndonj? lloj gabimi, sepse ishte nj? luft? personale e imja. Edhe n? komisionin e Venecias kam insistuar p?r dy or? me radh? q? Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m t? mos varej nga Kryeministri, sepse sipas argumenteve q? mbroja un?, ky do t? ishte si nj? lloj kobureje n? dor?n e Kryeministrit p?r t? goditur n? em?r t? korrupsionit ata q? do t? ishin kund?rshtar? t? tij. Tani koha ka nxjerr? dhe do t? nxjerr? lidhur me nevoj?n p?r t? amenduar Kushtetut?n, por n? p?rgjith?si ajo q?ndron. Tani m? flagrante se ?do gj? dhe q? duhet zgjidhur para s? gjithash jan? dispozitat mbi Kodin Elektoral. ?sht? zgjedhja e Presidentit duhet ripar? kapitulli p?r Gjykat?n e Lart?, jan? shum? gj?ra q? duhen rishikuar dhe q? i nxori koha. Disa jan? immediate disa mund t? presin n? nj? koh? t? dyt?. Me k?t? nuk dua t? them q? t?i vihemi nj? rishqyrtimi t? Kushtetut?s nga kapitulli i par? deri n? fund, sepse ?sht? e v?rtet? nj? gj?, q? k?ta q? dhan? mendimin p?rfundimtar p?r Kushtetut?n ton? ishin nga jurist?t m? t? shquar t? Europ?s, madje edhe n? SHBA kishte. Nuk ka Kushtetut? n? bot? q? nuk ka nevoj? p?r p?rmir?sime. Doemos ka nevoj? p?r p?rmir?sime kjo kushtetuta jon?. Dua t?ju them edhe nj? holl?si tjet?r lidhur me k?t?. Un? ndihem gjithashtu disi p?rgjegj?s p?r formulimin e nenit mbi Komisionin Qendror t? Zgjedhjeve. E dini si rash? un? n? k?t? ?kllap??(grack?) q? u vendos k?shtu? Edhe n? k?t? rat do t? duket sikur dua t? shfaj?sohem, por un? nuk jam jurist p?r nga profesioni dhe nuk mund t? pretendoj kurrsesi q? kam haber nga pun?t e Kushtetutave dhe ligjeve. Sigurisht q? lexova shum? Kushtetuta, por ishte nj? pun? prej amatori.Por k?tu ishte nj? specialist amerikan i cili merrej me k?t? pun? me KQZ-t? n? t?r? lindjen. Ishte njeri i respektuar dhe me kultur? q? dukej kompetent n? l?nd?n e vet. Ai m? mbushi mendjen mua q? duhet b?r? k?shtu. Mang?sia ime ishte se n? ballafaqimin e ideve me k?t? zot?ri duhej t?i kisha th?n? se n? Shqip?ri nuk ka ardhur ende kjo koh?. Por Kushtetutat b?hen gjithnj? duke par? n? perspektiv?. Tani duke se ashtu si? u formua ky KQZ krijoi probleme. Krijoi t? tilla probleme sa mund t? thuash se n? nj?far? date ai pothuaj u b? inekzistent, sepse doli p?rkrah tij Gjykata Kushtetuese e cila dha po aq mandate sa edhe ky KQZ. Ka nj? boshll?k atje n? Kushtetut? q? duhet riparuar medoemos. K?to jan? gj?rat q? duhen par?.Por meq? n? fund kemi nj? Kushtetut? dhe kjo ?sht? gj? e mir?. Do t? jet? nj? gj? e mir? gjithashtu q? ne t? vihemi dhe ta p?rmir?sojm? k?t? Kushtetut? me p?lqimin e pal?ve n? miratimin e amendamenteve q? duhet t? b?hen n? Kushtetut?. Un? do t? thosha q? t? kalojm? edhe at? kourumin e 2/3, t? biem t? gjith? dakord, sepse ?sht? nj? lib?r i cili do t? rregulloj? marr?dh?niet e shqiptar?ve me shtetin p?r nj? koh? t? gjat?. ?far? do t?u thoshit t? gjith? atyre q? ju kan? akuzuar gjat? koh?s s? hartimit t? Kushtetut?s apo edhe m? p?rpara se keni bashk?punuar me PS, sepse opozita e v?rtet? nuk mori pjes? n? hartimin e k?saj Kushtetute? Cila do t? ishte p?rgjigja juaj? Njer?zit n? p?rgjith?si mbrohen nga kritikat por puna ?sht? se sa bindje ke kur mbrohesh nga ndonje gj?. Un? hyra atje me ato q?llime t? caktuara dhe mund t? them se ia u dola n? krye gj?rave q? mbrojta un? m? shum?. Dhe jam krenar p?r at? q? ?sht? shkruar n? disa nene n? Kushtetut? lidhur me pron?n private q? un? e quaj problem themelor t? k?tij vendi. Socialist?t k?rkonin mosbashk?punimin me mua. Un? u p?rpoqa t?u imponohesha dhe u imponova n? shum? gj?ra. Doemos diku do t? b?ja edhe ndonj? l?shim, psh., socialist?t kund?rshuan fort pun?n e senatit, mua nuk m? prishte dhe aq pun? dhe u t?rhoqa fjala vjen. Nuk m? duket se ka njeri t? drejt? t? m? b?j? nj? kritik? t? till?. N?se jemi t? mendimit se n? nj? vend n? tranzicion dhe ku ka mbret?ruar rr?muja duhet t? ket? Kushtetut?, at?her? kjo gj? b?het e domosdoshme. Edhe sot shpesh her? opozita i referohet Kushtetut?s, Partia Demokratike ka th?n? se nuk e p?lqej dhe nuk e dua k?t? Kushtetut?, por n? t? nj?jt?n koh? gjen ku t? kapet n? Kushtetut? kur shikon q? forcat q? jan? n? pushtet shkelin Kushtetut?n. Edhe atyre kjo Kushtetut? u jep nj? kart? t? fuqishme n? dor? dhe nga kjo provohet edhe dobia e t? paturit Kushtetut?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 3 15:02:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 3 Feb 2002 12:02:04 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Another unspeakable tragedy - Newsday Message-ID: <20020203200204.92261.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Newsday (New York, NY) February 3, 2002 Sunday ALL EDITIONS FANFARE, Pg. D27 Life During Wartime; Matthew McAllester tracks a family's ordeal among the ruins of Kosovo By Scott McLemee; Scott McLemee writes about politics and culture for a variety of publications BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS OF THE DAMNED: The War Inside Kosovo, by Matthew McAllester. New York University Press, 227 pp., $24.95. IN THE SPRING of 1999, Matthew McAllester, a reporter for Newsday, traveled to the Yugoslavian province of Kosovo during a period when the conflict there had reached an especially tense phase. Earlier, the world's television screens had been filled with images of refugees. The mass exodus of ethnic Albanians was, for Slobodan Milosovic and company, a lucky byproduct of the crackdown by the (Serbian) military against the (Albanian) Kosovo Liberation Army. But that flood had become a trickle. Before, emigration was encouraged. Suddenly it was forbidden. Nobody seemed to know what was going on inside Kosovo anymore. That was, of course, exactly how the authorities in Belgrade preferred it. (Responding to media coverage makes it hard to concentrate on committing fresh atrocities.) Along with another reporter and a photographer, McAllester made his way to the Kosovar town of Pec. By the time they got there, NATO bombing had driven out the Serbian paramilitary squads. Survivors were in a daze. A few doctors worked to stitch together bodies torn open by bullets during the final efforts (quick, dirty, hence sometimes unsuccessful) at "ethnic cleansing." Whatever buildings remained stood amid ruins. "Each side wanted to wipe out all traces of the other," writes McAllester, "to make sure they had no homes to come back to." "Beyond the Mountains of the Damned" is a gripping, if depressing, account of what McAllester found among the ruins. He listened to Kosovar Albanians who had been in Pec throughout the ordeal; then, a few months later, he interviewed members of the Serbian units that had, in effect, held the town hostage. Combined with the story of the author's trek into "the mountains of the damned" (a folkloric nickname for the region in which Pec is located), this reporting yields an intimate chronicle of events that have already faded from most Americans' recollection of the period. "At the time, the war genuinely fascinated many people" in the West, as McAllester puts it - adding, "for about two weeks." In a manner somewhat reminiscent of what used to be called "the New Journalism," McAllester narrates much of the story from the vantage point of Isa Bala, an ethnic Albanian who, like his father and grandfather before him, ran a neighborhood butcher shop. For reasons that never quite become clear, he and his family remained in Pec as friends and neighbors fled. From McAllester's account, Isa is an apolitical man, someone for whom the KLA's call for regional autonomy would not have been much of an inspiration to stay behind. Perhaps it was as simple as an inability to imagine the unimaginable. During the final stages of the siege - as Serbs were spraypainting crude caricatures of Monica Lewinsky in public places, to be seen by the NATO troops whose arrival they knew to be a matter of time - a paramilitary squad occupied Isa's home. Four of his children, his niece and his sister-in-law were executed. The bodies were dug up later by pathologists for the International Criminal Tribunal from The Hague. Even some of the Serbian fighters later found the violence inexplicable. "A guy I knew in the war killed a kid," one of them tells the author. "I asked him how he could do that. His answer was, 'You just aim your gun a little lower.' It's no use talking to someone like that. Maybe you appear strange to him, as he appears strange to you." There are conspicuous gaps in the reporting. While the book provides a bibliography of readings on the history of Yugoslavia, McAllester spends far more time describing the landscape and culture than sketching political context. He offers vivid thumbnail sketches of Kosovar warriors in the field: "With pistols stuck down the back of their black knock-off Calvin Klein and Versace pants and chickens running around their feet, the special forces men looked like Mussolini's blackshirts lost on the set of 'The Sound of Music.'" But the lack of any substantial account of the KLA's history and activity is an inexplicable oversight. Very much to his credit, though, the reporter treats his expedition into the battle zone with a wholly creditable modesty. There is no bravado. His traipse across the landscape involves getting lost a certain number of times. The danger of violating the Yugoslavian government's ban on journalists proves almost a minor factor, given the more intractable problem of dealing with Kosovar Albanian guerrillas - who aren't expecting journalists, sympathetic or otherwise, and never remember to use their walkie-talkies to inform one another that visitors are coming. Chronic low-grade befuddlement, then, is the rule and not the exception. The slightly comic absurdities faced while reporting the events find a more horrific parallel within the story itself. Not knowing what else to do during the prolonged conflict, Isa tries to carry on everyday tasks amid a situation that grows ever less capable of supporting normal life. Even when the paramilitaries take over his house, he tries to observe the traditional Balkan rules of hospitality - as though the men were "guests," who might be placated, even honored, by offerings of sweet tea and cheese pie. He could not imagine - even when it was too late - just how completely the world had fallen apart. In the final pages, we learn that the man in charge of the unit that killed Isa's children is now a wealthy businessman. He owns a Mercedes and an Audi. McAllester, being a good reporter, knows better than to seek "closure." The story ends; it does not make sense. But maybe that is for the best. We should never believe a war story we fully understand. GRAPHIC: Photo by Enver Doda - Matthew McAllester in Pec --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 3 18:12:11 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 3 Feb 2002 15:12:11 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kathimerini - 2/2/2002 Message-ID: <20020203231211.912.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Cocaine shipment sentences Two men were sentenced to life imprisonment yesterday for organizing the shipment of 245 kilos of cocaine through Greece to Albania two years ago. An Athens court found Tryphon Karahalios, 36, and Dimitrios Papadogeorgakis, 40, guilty of buying the consignment in Peru and trying to ship it, through a Peru-based company called Food International that they had set up, to Albania. The cocaine was seized by Peruvian customs officials in a ship?s container in the port of Galao on January 27, 2000. Karahalios received another life sentence last year for his involvement ? along with his father and brother who are believed to be hiding in South America ? in the Easter 1990 burglary of the Corinth archaeological museum. It was Greece?s biggest ever museum heist, with 285 artifacts stolen, out of which 274 were recovered in the USA in 1999. They are now back in the Corinth museum. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 4 11:18:18 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 4 Feb 2002 08:18:18 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Conference: General Assembly of the "Courrier des Balkans", Paris, 2.2.2002 Message-ID: <20020204161818.10279.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu Jan 31 00:19:50 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Thu, 31 Jan 2002 09:19:50 +0100 Subject: [balkans] Conference: General Assembly of the "Courrier des Balkans", Paris, 2.2.2002 From: "Le Courrier des Balkans" Ch?res lectrices, chers lecteurs, ? quelques jours de l'Assembl?e g?n?rale et du forum public du Courrier des Balkans, un petit rappel et quelques pr?cisions ? propos des activit?s de cette journ?e fort charg?e qui aura lieu ce samedi, 2 f?vrier. D'abord, pour faire suite aux courriels de nombreux lecteurs, il n'y a pas de pr?inscription n?cessaire pour assister au forum public : l'entr?e et libre et gratuite ! Le forum d?butera vers 17h30, mais d?s 16h30 des librairies, ?diteurs et associations li?s aux Balkans pr?senteront leurs ouvrages dans le hall am?nag? ? cet effet. Ce forum marquera en fait le troisi?me ?v?nement de la journ?e : nous tiendrons en matin?e trois commissions diff?rentes, l'une traitant d'un projet de suppl?ment ?conomique du Courrier des Balkans, une seconde d'un projet sp?cifique ? la Mac?doine, la Bulgarie et la Moldavie, tandis que la derni?re sera consacr?e aux relations du Courrier des Balkans avec le monde universitaire et celui de la recherche. Ces commissions, qui auront lieu ? 11 heures, seront suivies de l'Assembl?e g?n?rale de l'Association ? 14 heures, au cours de laquelle sera dress? le bilan de l'ann?e 2001, la pr?sentation des projets en cours et l'?lection du Conseil d'administration. Seuls les membres en r?gle de l'Association pourront participer aux commissions et ? l'Assembl?e g?n?rale! Cependant, ceux et celles qui souhaitent adh?rer ? l'Association ce samedi pourront le faire : un pr?pos? sera dans le hall pour enregistrer les adh?sions de derni?re minute. L'adh?sion est au co?t de 30 ? (15 ? pour les adh?rants ? faible revenu). Nous vous donnons donc toutes et tous rendez-vous le 2 f?vrier prochain ! L'?quipe du Courrier des Balkans. Forum public Les Balkans et l Europe, 2002 Le samedi 2 f?vrier 2002 ? 17 h 30 Dans la grande salle du CEDETIM 21ter, rue Voltaire 75011 Paris M? Rue des Boulets ou RER Nation Avec la participation de : Nikola PETROVIC NJEGOS, Prince de Mont?n?gro Stanko CEROVIC, r?dacteur en chef de RFI langues sud-slaves Christophe CHICLET, historien et journaliste, Confluences M?diterran?e, sp?cialiste de la Mac?doine Kol? GJELOSHAJ, de l Universit? libre de Bruxelles Ilda MARA, r?dactrice au Courrier international et au Courrier des Balkans Dragica MUGOSA, r?dactrice en chef d'AIM Press Nad?ge RAGARU, chercheuse ? l IRIS, sp?cialiste de la Bulgarie Catherine SAMARY, enseignante ? Paris-Dauphine, ?conomiste Marc SEMO, journaliste, Lib?ration Et un repr?sentant de l Union europ?enne. Le d?bat sera anim? par Jean-Arnault D?RENS, du Courrier des Balkans; Les auteurs de livres consacr?s aux Balkans d?dicaceront leurs ouvrages; Le forum sera suivi d un ap?ritif convivial offert par le Courrier des Balkans. Pour tous renseignements : cdb at bok.net ou www.bok.net/balkans/ag2002.html Le Courrier des Balkans @ www.bok.net/balkans Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions Great stuff seeking new owners! Bid now! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Tue Feb 5 15:07:58 2002 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Tue, 5 Feb 2002 15:07:58 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Vini Re: Ndihme Per familine tuaj Message-ID: <20020205.154818.-264947.1.albboschurch@juno.com> Ndihme falas per familite me femije gjer moshen pese vjec dhe per femer shtatzene. Konsulltoni prane zyres WIC ne South Boston Community Health Center. Keshilltare qe flasin edhe shqip. -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: HEALTHY.doc Type: application/msword Size: 25600 bytes Desc: not available URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 5 22:05:14 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 5 Feb 2002 19:05:14 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: NYTimes.com Article: America and Anti-Americans Message-ID: <20020206030514.35603.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> > > > >America and Anti-Americans > > > >February 4, 2002 > > > >By SALMAN RUSHDIE > > > > > > > > > >LONDON -- They told us it would be a long, ugly > struggle, > >and so it is. America's war against terror has > entered its > >second phase, a phase characterized by the storm > over the > >status and human rights of the prisoners held at > Camp X-Ray > >and by the frustrating failure of the United States > to find > >Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar. Additionally, if > America > >now attacks other countries suspected of harboring > >terrorists it will almost certainly do so alone. In > spite > >of the military successes, America finds itself > facing a > >broader ideological adversary that may turn out to > be as > >hard to defeat as militant Islam: anti-Americanism, > which > >is presently becoming more evident everywhere. > > > >The good news is that these post- Taliban days are > bad > >times for Islamist fanatics. Dead or alive, Osama > bin Laden > >and Mullah Omar look like yesterday's men, unholy > warriors > >who forced martyrdom on others while running for > the hills > >themselves. Also, if the persistent rumors are to > be > >believed, the fall of the terrorist axis in > Afghanistan may > >well have prevented an Islamist coup against > President > >Pervez Musharraf in Pakistan, led by the more > Taliban-like > >elements in the armed forces and intelligence > services - > >people like the terrifying General Hamid Gul. And > President > >Musharraf, no angel himself, has been pushed into > arresting > >the leaders of the Kashmiri terrorist groups he > used to > >encourage. > > > >Around the world, the lessons of the American > action in > >Afghanistan are being learned. Jihad is no longer > quite as > >cool an idea as it was last fall. > > > >States under suspicion of giving succor to > terrorism have > >suddenly been trying to make nice, even going so > far as to > >round up a few bad guys. Iran has accepted the > legitimacy > >of the new Afghan government. Even Britain, a state > which > >has been more tolerant of Islamist fanaticism than > most, is > >beginning to distinguish between resisting > "Islamophobia" > >and providing a safe haven for some of the worst > people in > >the world. > > > >America did, in Afghanistan, what had to be done, > and did > >it well. The bad news, however, is that these > successes > >have not won new friends for the United States > outside > >Afghanistan. In fact, the effectiveness of the > American > >campaign may have made some parts of the world hate > America > >more than they did before. Critics of the Afghan > campaign > >in the West are enraged because they have been > shown to be > >wrong at every step: no, American forces weren't > humiliated > >the way the Russians had been; and yes, the air > strikes did > >work; and no, the Northern Alliance didn't massacre > people > >in Kabul; and yes, the Taliban did crumble away > like the > >hated tyrants they were, even in their southern > >strongholds; and no, it wasn't that difficult to > get the > >militants out of their cave fortresses; and yes, > the > >various factions succeeded in putting together a > new > >government that seems to have broad support among > the > >people. > > > >Meanwhile, those elements in the Arab and Muslim > world who > >blame America for their own feelings of political > impotence > >are feeling more impotent than ever. As always, > anti- > >American radicalism feeds off widespread anger over > the > >plight of the Palestinians, and it remains true > that > >nothing would undermine the fanatics' propaganda > more > >completely than an acceptable settlement in the > Middle > >East. > > > >However, even if that settlement were arrived at > tomorrow, > >anti- Americanism would probably not abate. It has > become > >too useful a smokescreen for Muslim nations' many > defects - > >their corruption, their incompetence, their > oppression of > >their citizens, their economic, scientific and > cultural > >stagnation. America-hating has become a badge of > identity, > >making possible a chest- beating, flag-burning > rhetoric of > >word and deed that makes men feel good. It contains > a > >strong streak of hypocrisy, hating most what it > desires > >most, and elements of self- loathing. ("We hate > America > >because it has made of itself what we cannot make > of > >ourselves.") What America is accused of - closed- > >mindedness, stereotyping, ignorance - is also what > its > >accusers would see if they looked into a mirror. > > > >These days there seem to be as many of these > accusers > >outside the Muslim world as inside it. Anybody who > has > >visited Britain and Europe, or followed the public > >conversation there during the past five months, > will have > >been struck, even shocked, by the depth of > anti-American > >feeling among large segments of the population. > Western > >anti-Americanism is an altogether more petulant > phenomenon > >than its Islamic counterpart and far more > personalized. > >Muslim countries don't like America's power, its > >"arrogance," its success; but in the non-American > West, the > >main objection seems to be to American people. > Night after > >night, I have found myself listening to Londoners' > >diatribes against the sheer weirdness of the > American > >citizenry. The attacks on America are routinely > discounted. > >("Americans only care about their own dead.") > American > >patriotism, obesity, emotionality, > self-centeredness: these > >are the crucial issues. > > > >It would be easy for America, in the present > climate of > >hostility, to fail to respond to constructive > criticism, or > >worse: to start acting like the overwhelming > superpower it > >is, making decisions and throwing its weight around > without > >regard for the concerns of what it perceives as an > already > >hostile world. The treatment of the Camp X-Ray > detainees is > >a worrying sign. Secretary of State Colin Powell's > reported > >desire to determine whether, under the Geneva > Convention, > >these persons should be considered prisoners of war > was a > >statesmanlike response to global pressure - but Mr. > Powell > >has apparently failed to persuade President Bush > and Donald > >Rumsfeld. > > > >The Bush administration has come a long way from > its > >treaty-smashing beginnings. It should not abandon > >consensus-building now. Great power and great > wealth are > >perhaps never popular, yet, more than ever, we need > the > >United States to exercise its power and economic > might > >responsibly. This is not the time to ignore the > rest of the > >world and decide to go it alone. To do so would be > to risk > >losing after you've won. > > > > > >Salman Rushdie is the author of ``Fury: A Novel'' > and the > >forthcoming essay collection ``Step Across This > Line.'' > > > >http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/04/opinion/04RUSH.html?ex=1013939574&ei=1&en=8fb1399d3a29e153 > > > > > > > >HOW TO ADVERTISE > >--------------------------------- > >For information on advertising in e-mail > newsletters > >or other creative advertising opportunities with > The > >New York Times on the Web, please contact Alyson > >Racer at alyson at nytimes.com or visit our online > media > >kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo > > > >For general information about NYTimes.com, write to > >help at nytimes.com. > > > >Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company > > > > > _________________________________________________________________ > Send and receive Hotmail on your mobile device: > http://mobile.msn.com > __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! http://greetings.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 5 23:09:56 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 5 Feb 2002 20:09:56 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Enron Explained Message-ID: <20020206040956.45374.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Enron explained Under feudalism, you have two cows. Your lord takes some of the milk. Under fascism, you have two cows. The government seizes both, hires you to take care of them and sells you the milk. Under communism, you have two cows. You must take care of them, but the government owns all the milk. Under capitalism, you have two cows. You sell one and buy a bull. Your herd multiplies; you sell out, invest the money and retire on the income. With Enron, you have two cows. You borrow 80% of the forward value of the two cows from your bank, then buy another cow with 5% down and the rest financed by the seller on a note, bearing interest at twice the prime, callable if the market cap of your publicly listed company, whose stock you put up as collateral, goes below $20 billion. You sell the three cows to your publicly listed company, using letters of credit opened by your brother-in-law at a second bank, then execute a debt/equity swap with an associated unit, so that you get four cows back, plus a tax exemption for five cows. To continue: The milk rights of six cows are transferred via an intermediary to a Cayman Islands firm secretly owned by a majority shareholder, who sells the rights to seven cows back to your listed company. The annual report trumpets that the company owns eight cows, with an option on one more. All of the above transactions are cheerfully blessed by your independent auditors, who, of course, served as consultants on said transactions, but only after the fact. You're all set now to disclose, via press release and conference call with analysts, that Enron, a major owner of cows, will begin trading cows over the Web. Analysts proclaim Enron the prototypical New Economy company, bull the shares to the moon, enabling you to sell huge gobs of the stock and use the proceeds to buy a top-of-the-line shredding machine. Barron's 28th January 2002 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 5 23:31:56 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 5 Feb 2002 20:31:56 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Interviste e Meksit ne Gazeten Shqiptare Message-ID: <20020206043156.48035.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Meksi: N? rast kontestimi dhe votimi jotransparent dhe jostatutor, m? lind e drejta n? p?rputhje me integritetin tim moral t? refuzoj kandidimin.Do t? ishte aventur? po t? p?rballohej kjo situate me kontestime apo munges? transparence Interviste/ Flet kandidatja p?r kryeministre: Un? nuk mund t? jem as kukull dhe as fasad? Meksi: Pse pranova t? kandidoj"P?r mua kjo ?sht? nj? sakrific? prej martiri" --------------------------------- TIRANE Ermelinda Meksi tregon se pse pranoi q? t? kandidonte p?r Kryeministre. Ajo shpjegon t? gjitha arsyet q? e detyruan t? merrte k?t? vendim p?r nj? detyr? q? nuk e cil?son aspak privilegj. "Propozimi ?sht? nj? sakrific? prej martiri p?r mua", thot? ajo n? intervist?n p?r Gazet?n. A mund t? quhet Ermelinda Meksi nj? kandidatur? preferenciale e kryetarit t? PS-s?, Fatos Nano? P?r hir t? transparenc?s dhe informimit t? opinionit publik, i cili m? shum? se sa me zhvillimet brenda Partis? son?, ?sht? ushqyer s? fundi me informacione spekulative lidhur me kandidimin tim, d?shiroj t? sqaroj se, t? m?rkur?n e kaluar kryetari i Partis? Socialiste, z. Fatos Nano m? thirri p?r t? m? propozuar detyr?n e v?shtir? t? kandidates p?r kryeminist?r. N? impulsin e par?, e refuzova propozimin, pasi e gjykova disi t? vonuar n? koh? dhe t? v?shtir? p?r t'u pranuar n? gjendjen ku ndodhej e ndodhet PS dhe n? gjendjen e kriz?s energjetike t? vendit. Gjith?sesi, i k?rkova Kryetarit t? Partis? t? mos e komentonte propozimin e b?r? dhe kjo ?sht? arsyeja q? kandidatura ime nuk ?sht? lan?uar instituci-onalisht,(n? konferenca p?r shtyp,gazeta, televizione) dhe kjo ka sjelljet p?rkat?se n? media. T? nes?rmen, Nano, n? prani t? grupit moderator q? po punonte p?r zgjidhjen e kriz?s, ka k?mb?ngulur n? k?t? propozim duke dh?n? argumente bind?se n? favor t? tij E konsiderova detyr? dhe fort t? r?nd?sishme madje, e megjithese akoma hezituese, vendosa ta pranoj. Ne rast se kontributi im modest do t'i sh?rbente sadopak evitimit t? kriz?s nuk mund t? shmangesha, por ama do t? vendosja nj? kusht.. ?far? kushti zonja Meksi?. Q? t? luftoj p?r t? zgjidhur kriz?n e vendit dhe kriz?n e P.S, p?r ta pranuar pra detyr?n e kryetarit t? qeveris?, m? nevojitet me prioritet konsensusi i t? gjith?v? brenda nesh. Sa p?r kandidatur?n preferenciale t? z. Nano, mjafton t'ju kujtoj q? pas kongresit t? fundit t? Partis? Socialiste kur z. Nano u rizgjodh kryetar kandidatura e tij preferenciale ju e dini ishte z. Meta ashtu sikurse n? list?n e tij p?r Kryesin? e partis? ishin t? tjer? njer?z, midis tyre edhe z. Meta nd?rsa un? jo. Un? u zgjodha nga nj? grup tjet?r mb?shtet?sish n? PS dhe kjo munges? preference ndodhte n? kushtet kur un? isha kandidatja m? e votuar e kongresit. At?her? si e shpjegoni q? Ju, e mbiquajtura nga t? huajt "Zonja e pathyeshme", propozoheni nga Kryetari i Partis?? Ndoshta se jam v?rtet e "pathyeshme" (Qesh). Ndoshta se nuk mund t? jem "kukull" apo fasad?. Porse, jam e bindur n? fakt se nuk mund t'ia dal?sh dot politik?s po t? mos jesh "e pathyeshme", nuk mund t? shkosh n? ?do cep t? Shqip?ris? po t? mos jesh e till?, nuk mund t? zgjidhesh deputete n? m?nyr? t? p?rsitur n? Tiran? ku nuk kan? pranuar t? kandidojn? as disa burra,, t? cil?t, edhe sot, p?r hir t? karakterit t? tyre maskilist nuk e honepsin dot dhe nuk e pranojn? kandidimin e nj? gruaje p?r Kryeministre. Nuk qe e leht? t? pranonit propozimin, sigurisht. Si evoluan t?r? k?to gjendje te Ermelinda Meksi, m?dyshje, refuzim k?mb?ngul?s dhe m? n? fund pranim? T? tri gjendjet q? ju p?rmendni jan? rrjedhoj? dhe reflektim Inj? p?rgjegj?shm?rie politike, e cila m? karakterizon q? dit?n e par? t? pjesmarrjes sime n? politik?. Q? nga e merkura e kaluar e deri me sot, njer?z t? thjesht? m? kan? b?r? t? ndjej? jo vet?m p?rgjegj?si t? madhe p?r at? ?ka m? propozohej, porse edhe nj? besim q? sa vinte e rritej brenda meje se, ekzistonte tek un? nj? force dhe energji, t? cilen, n? shum? raste kur ma p?rmendnin sidomos partner?t tan? t? huaj, nuk e kam konsideruar por qe do t? m? ndihmonte ta p?rmbushja detyr?n. Nuk e ekzagjeroj po t? them se n? ?astet e para e kam konsideruar propozimin si nj? sakrific? martiri p?r mua. A nuk ekzagjeroni kur flisni p?r nj? sakrific? martiri? Aspak. Nuk dua t? flas k?tu as p?r gjendjen e r?nd? t? kriz?s energjitike, as p?r gjendjen n? t? cil?n ndodhet P.S, por p?r di?ka njer?zore dhe, ju lutem, t? m? kuptoni se ky dimension ?sht? tejet i r?nd?sish?m p?r njeriun. Do t? m? duhet ta braktis n? nj? far? m?nyre,me shume se deri me sot, djalin tim te shtrenjt? per te permbushur at? q? m? k?rkojn? njer?zit e thjesht?: Prano detyr?n dhe na b?j, t? shpresojm?. Nga ana tjet?r, d?sh?roj t? jem e sinqert? me njer?zit dhe t'ju tregoj se ishte edhe di?ka tjet?r q? ndihmoi n? vendimin q? mora. Ishte konferenca e shtypit e z. Meta,gjate propozimit te Majkos, i cili na kujtoi se ?sht? vler?, natyrisht, mosshmangjia ndaj p?rgjegj?sive, se ?sht? nj? karakteristik? shum? e vyer kjo dhe q? trokiti fort n? nd?rgjegjen time prej politikaneje, e cila hyri n? radh?t e P.S n? dit?t e saj m? t? v?shtira. M? falni zonja Meksi, a mund t? konsiderohet privilegj nj? detyr? e till?? Fol?t p?r mb?shtetjen apo nxitjen, q? ju erdhi nga njer?zit e thjesht?, po koleg?t tuaj, ?'q?ndrim mbajt?n ata? P?r fat t? keq, ndodhi q? disa koleg? a shok? t? mi nd?rpren? rrug?t e komunikimit me mua, pasi mendoj se , ndoshta, e konceptuan propozimin e b?r? nga zoti Nano si privilegj p?r mua apo thjesht? si nj? preferenc? t? tij, gj? q? as ata vete nuk e besojne si te tille, por q? ka ardhur natyrshem si shprehje e mosmarrveshjeve qe ka sot ne PS. Nuk mund t? jet? privilegj t? marr?sh p?rgjegj?si kaq t? r?nda n? dit? si k?to t? sotmet kur kemi kriz? energjitike, kur opozita vjen n? Kuvend shum? e motivuar, kur sindikatat kan? dal? n? rrug?, kur raportet me institucionet nd?rkomb?tare tronditen p?r shkak se vendi eshte pa Qeveri dhe kur raporti q? vjen nga BE ?sht? tep?r kritik p?r rrug?n e reformave dhe kur imazhi i vendit, p?r t? gjitha arsyet e sip?rp?rmendura, ka r?n? ndjesh?m. Megjithat?, fola p?r motivimet q? kam p?r ta pranuar detyr?n dhe q? u shtohet edhe aspirata e opinionit intelektual, nxitja p?r t'i dh?n? vlera shoq?ris? shqiptare. Do t? desha znj. Meksi t'ju b?ja nj? pyetje indiskrete. Sa e pasur jeni? Shum?, n?se b?het fjal? p?r pasuri shpirt?rore. (Qesh) E di se ?'p?rgjigje k?rkoni. E kam t? deklaruar me koh? pasurin? time si politkane q? jam. Esht? nga aktivitetet e ligjshme, qe m? lejojne luksin e t? qenit vetja ime, e mbrojtjes s? parimeve t? mia, e p?rmbushjes me ndershm?ri t? detyr?s, e shmangies s? rrezikut t? shitjes apo te tundimit nga materialja. P?rmend?t m? sip?r maskilizmin. Sa mund t? ndikoj? kjo n? konkurimin e sot?m n? KPD? N? shoq?rin? shqiptare p?r fat t? keq vazhdon t? ket? shum? politikan? q? i karakterizon maskilizmi por un? mendoj se kjo ?sht? nj? faz? e kap?rcyer tashm?. Kam qene p?r konsesus real n? zgjedhjen e kandidatit, sepse eksperienca e zgjedhjes s? kryeministrit me votim deri me sot ka krijuar debate shterpe dhe ndarje brenda PS n? raport me vlerat e kandidat?ve. Prandaj ne sot m? shum? se kurr? kemi nevoj? p?r kandidatura konsensuale q? bashkojn? gjith? vlerat e shoq?ris? shqiptare gje qe e vertetoi mbledhja e fundit e Kryesise ku te tre kandidaturat tashme publike dolen me consensus. Un? vleresoj dhe kam besim se ky vend behet dhe do te behet patjeter vetem nga ne shqiptaret.. Ne media fitet se edhe Ju mund te terhiqeni zonja Meksi. Cili eshte komenti juaj? Gjith?ka varet nga m?nyra se si do t? procedohet n? K.P.D. N? rast kontestimi dhe votimi jotransparent dhe jostatutor, m? lind e drejta n? p?rputhje me integritetin tim moral t? refuzoj kandidimin.Do t? ishte aventur? po t? p?rballohej kjo situate me kontestime apo munges? transparence ende pa filluar gara. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Feb 6 01:25:30 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 5 Feb 2002 22:25:30 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Tema - 6.2.2002 Message-ID: <20020206062530.44558.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Politika shqiptare drejt precedent?ve antiligjor? PBDNJ drejt nj? partie etnike Thoma Mi?o zyrtar i lart? i qeveris? shqiptare, shkon n? takim me makin? t? ambasad?s greke CD 46 09 Partia Bashkimi i t? Drejtave t? Njeriut, po shkon drejt nj? partie etnike, e cila mund ta konfrontoj? at? me ligjet shqiptare. Pas t?rheqjes s? kryetarit t? k?saj partie, Vasil Melo, i cili arriti ta mbaj? p?r 8 vite k?t? parti n? shinat e nj? partie t? qendr?s s? majt? me tendenca liberale dhe p?rfshirje n? t?, t? shum? komuniteteve t? tjera q? ndjejn? nevoj?n e grupimit p?r kornizat e liris? s? tyre politike, fetare, etnike apo historike, tashm? PBDNJ, po kthehet n? nj? parti t? pakic?s greke dhe t? nj? pjese t? atyre q? konsiderohen arumun? progrek? n? Shqip?ri. ?Fraksioni i drejtuar nga Vangjel Dule dhe Thoma Mi?o po b?jn? p?rjekje t? qarta p?r t? greqizuar t?r?sisht k?t? parti dhe p?r ta organizuar at? mbi baza etnike?, tha nj? zyrtar i PBDNJ p?r gazet?n ?TemA?. Zyrtari tha se zoti Mi?o, megjith?se ?sht? pjes?tar i kabinetit t? kryeministrit Ilir Meta, shkon n? takime me makin?n e ambasad?s greke me targ? CD 46 09?. Akzuat n? drejtim t? Mi?os vazhdojn? dhe me faktin se ai ka lidhje direkte me krer?t nacionalist? t? grek?ve t? SHBA, t? cil?t kan? financuar deri akte terroriste kund?r Shqip?ris? me disa sillogje t? Greqis? s? Veriut.Nd?rkoh? n? k?t? histori duket se po p?rzihet dita-dit?s dhe ambasada greke n? Tiran?, e cila po riaktivizon politik?n e korruptimit me viza greke. K?shtu p?r gjith? zon?n e Jugut tashm? konsullata n? Gjirokast?r ka filluar t? vler?soj? rekomandimet p?r viza q? vijn? nga krahu i Vangjel Dules dhe Thoma Mi?os duke u kthyer k?shtu n? nj? mjet financues p?r mb?shtet?sit e tyre politik?. ?Tani nuk ka delegat?, por njer?z q? u premtohet pasaporta me viz? n? fund t? Konferenc?s? - tha zyrtari i PBDNJ n? Tiran?, i cili nuk d?shiron t? identifikohet. ?Vizat jan? tani i vetmi mjet komprometimi p?r delegat?t? tha ai. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Wed Feb 6 05:43:27 2002 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Wed, 6 Feb 2002 05:43:27 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kosova Investment Website Message-ID: <20020206.054550.-430113.15.albboschurch@juno.com> Attention: Investors and Business-related students. Be apprised of an important initiative regarding a very useful web site for all interested to invest in Kosova. It will be very useful to distribute this web address among those interested in Kosovar economy. KBS is a program funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). KBS provides management consulting assistance to 100 % privately owned companies in Kosovo, mainly in manufacturing and service activities. KBS also provide trade and investment promotion services to foreign investors to establish business operations in Kosovo, and to identify local business partners for sub-contracting and trading relationships. KBS offers services to more than 350 companies who also have access to our web [ Courtesy of Mimosa Kusari - Carnegie Mellon University ] -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Feb 6 07:55:59 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 6 Feb 2002 04:55:59 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: 15 dissertation fellowships at the U of Bremen Message-ID: <20020206125559.33450.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Fri Feb 1 06:41:59 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Fri, 01 Feb 2002 15:41:59 +0100 Subject: [balkans] CfA: 15 dissertation fellowships at the U of Bremen The Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) at the University of Bremen is announcing 15 3-year dissertation fellowships to commence in the fall of 2002. The GSSS, funded by the Volkswagen Foundation, is part of an international network of graduate education. The network includes Duke University, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the Center for European Studies at Harvard University, Cornell University, Northwestern University and the University of Washington in Seattle, WA. In Europe, cooperation encompasses a broad range of universities from Oslo to Florence. The curriculum of the GSSS will be supplemented by an international summer school programme. For further information see www.gsss.uni-bremen.de. The GSSS will grant 5 fellowships respectively for each of its thematic fields: - Welfare state transformation, - National societies and the international community of states, and - Life course regimes in state and society. The fellowships are for EUR 900/month for 36 months. Additional funding is available for empirical research and travel. Foreign students are expressly encouraged to apply. The University of Bremen strives to increase the share of women in the university and hence expressly encourages women to apply. Applicants with disabilities who are equally qualified will be favoured. Interested individuals with an excellent undergraduate record are invited to send their application, together with the typical accompanying material (curriculum vitae, recommendations, undergraduate thesis and two references) and a 5-10 page dissertation proposal by 15 March 2002 to the following address: University of Bremen Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) Prof. Dr. Ansgar Weymann FVG Postfach 330440 Bremen 28334 Germany Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From vanchristo at frosina.org Wed Feb 6 10:57:26 2002 From: vanchristo at frosina.org (vanchristo at frosina.org) Date: Wed, 6 Feb 2002 15:57:26 UT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Human Rights Group Denounces Brussels Incident Message-ID: <200202061557.KAA07607@otis.ziplink.net> An embedded and charset-unspecified text was scrubbed... Name: not available URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Feb 6 15:04:40 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 6 Feb 2002 12:04:40 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic's accounts Message-ID: <20020206200440.46405.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Macedonian Press Agency[01] MILOSEVIC GREEK BANK ACCOUNTS OPENEDAthens, 6 February 2002 (13:33 UTC+2) The opening of all bank accounts of Slobodan Milosevic, was decided upon by Greek Justice, lifting banking confidentiality privileges, and turning over all information to the Prosecutor of the International Court of Justice. According to today's Vima article, Milosevic and five members of his family, had bank accounts behind cover companies or unknown natural entities- which will now be obligatorily be opened, and revealing evidence will be turned over to the International Court of Justice. The opening of the accounts and the information to be turned over to Prosecutor Carla del Ponte, will, as judicial sources in Greece appreciate, substantially contribute to the building of a case against Milosevic, and will prove extremely useful to the Prosecutor of the International Court of Justice. The decision of Greek Justice, with its self-evident importance and consequences for Greece's international relations, facilitates developments in the enlargement of the criminal case against Milosevic. The opening of the powerful former Yugoslavian leader's bank accounts, reveals evidence and moves which are important and hold criminal interest. The historical decision of Greek Justice made by the Athens Magistrates Court Committee would not have been made, if the Prosecutor of the International Justice Court, Carla del Ponte, had not had specific evidence, and had not asked, in writing, for Greece's contribution in shedding light on Milosevic's bank accounts, which had been traced to Greek Banks. Del Ponte's request arrived on August 13. The Prosecutor asked that Greece contribute to the international effort of the court to solidify the charges against Milosevic, he has been indicted as a criminal against humanity and for many violations of war law by allowing dozens of bank accounts to be opened. The dozens of bank accounts that were opened, belong to companies and other natural entities (unknown to the broader public). Milosevic's accounts were traced to five banks in Greece, and the order was given for their immediate accessing. The banks, according to the court order, must lift the banking confidentiality privilege, and turn over all evidence on transactions to a Greek prosecutor, right now. The Greek prosecutor is the Judge in charge of the 11th Standing Interrogatory --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From mehollim at hotmail.com Thu Feb 7 12:23:10 2002 From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli) Date: Thu, 07 Feb 2002 12:23:10 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Albania, Albania... Message-ID: >From: "Jim Satterwhite" >Enver Hoxha, dictator of Albania, dies and due to a bureaucratic mixup >is sent to socialist heaven. Of course, once there he has to stand in >line as St.Peter is interviewing the candidates for socialist heaven >ahead of him. >Ludwig von Beethoven is first. >St.Peter says: "Who are you?" >Beethoven says: "Eh ?" >St.Peter waves his arms and cures Beethoven and says : "Who are you ?" >Beethoven says: "Ludwig von Beethoven" >St.Peter says: "Do you have any papers?" >Beethoven says: "No." >St.Peter says: "Then you will have to prove it." >Beethoven says: "Give me a choir of angels." > >St.Peter calls the angels forward and watches Beethoven conduct the Ninth. >St.Peter smiles and says: "Wonderful. Welcome, Ludwig." >Beethoven goes in. > >Shakespeare is next. >St.Peter says: "Who are you ?" >Shakespeare says: "William Shakespeare" >St.Peter says: "Do you have any papers ? >Shakespeare says: "No." >St.Peter says: "Then you will have to prove it." >Shakespeare says: "Give me a pen and paper." > >St.Peter does and watches Shakespeare write a new sonnet. >St.Peter smiles and says: "Wonderful. Welcome, William." >Shakespeare goes in. > >Finally it is Hoxha's turn. >St.Peter says: "Who are you ?" >Hoxha says: "Enver Hoxha, General Secretary of the Communist Party of > Albania" >St.Peter says: "Do you have any papers ? >Hoxha says: "No." >St.Peter says: "Then you will have to prove it, > just like Beethoven and Shakespeare." >Hoxha says: "Beethoven... Shakespeare ? Who are they ?" >St.Peter says: "Wonderful. Welcome, General Secretary." >Hoxha goes in. > _________________________________________________________________ Join the world?s largest e-mail service with MSN Hotmail. http://www.hotmail.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Feb 7 07:15:43 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 7 Feb 2002 04:15:43 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Youth Exchange in Skopje FYROM (Macedonia), 20-26.5.2002 Message-ID: <20020207121543.44062.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Fri Feb 1 07:03:34 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Fri, 01 Feb 2002 16:03:34 +0100 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Youth Exchange in Skopje FYROM (Macedonia), 20-26.5.2002 Please Forward this to any and all people you have on your mailing list that would be interested in this unique opportunity For more detailed information please log onto www.eyenetwork.org European Youth Exchange Seminar SITUATION AND PERSPECTIVES OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MINORITY BACKGROUND IN MACEDONIA 20th May 26th May 2002 Call for participants Hereby we would like to invite you to apply for participation in the European Youth Exchange seminar. The main objectives of the project are as follows: minorities and the majority; tolerance and democratic citizenship; work together towards a common objective. We will be working in this project from the basic of difference: seeing different viewpoints, ideas, values and behavior as the starting points from which we will work towards a common ground. Through the interaction of differences it is possible to reach new solutions, to arrive at new principles for action. They are based on the equality of dignity and rights for all. Such issue may appear clearer whenever we think about people from other societies or countries, but we also need to talk about what happens within our own geographical frontiers. We feel different those born and living in our country but whose cultures and ways of life differ somewhat from ours. Our big challenge is to discover how to live and interact with difference creatively and with the idea to define the priorities and principles in this field, we propose to organise a seminar aimed to consider the question of situation and perspectives for young people from minority backgrounds. SITUATION AND PERSPECTIVES OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MINORITY BACKGROUND IN MACEDONIA SEMINAR The context and the motivation Since 1998, our international coordination body (EYE Network) is organizing seminars to educate youth leaders to work with youngsters and children, at a local level, before running international exchanges. Some of the member organizations started to offer to young people in their country youth camps, leisure activities, etc. During the last statutory assembly (2000) several youth leaders from the involved partner organizations, met and offered to the governing bodies to organize a pilot project learning by doing , because after the training seminars there was no common work at the European level. This idea was accepted with the condition that one of the involved organizations had to coordinate the project. EYE Network - Austria was chosen. The majority of the partner organizations are the member sections of the European Youth Exchange Network and they maintain close working relations. The multicultural nature in Macedonia is deeply rooted in the history of her roots. National, ethnic, cultural and religious minorities are evidence of the often-turbulent past of Macedonia. They represent also the legacy of the coming together of different national and cultural upheavals, of political and of economical developments. All people in Macedonia are different in many ways and can be identified according to many criteria: a gender, age, and physical characteristics, personality, hobby, standard of living, believes In this pack we will focus on cultural, social and ethnical differences. We will be looking at the interaction between all nationalities in Macedonia and participants from other countries that are different, their live styles, values and cultures and relationships between majorities and minorities in our society. We will also need to talk about what will happen within our geographical frontiers. The preparation Each organization is asked to bring to Macedonia several materials from their country: information about their multicultural and intercultural societies (different cultures, national, ethnic, religious groups). We also ask for particular work about the other involved countries: what is each one thinking about them (written list) before and after the exchange? What are the prejudices, ethnocentrism, discrimination, intolerance and racism? What form of anti-Semitism exists nowadays? A lot of questions are actually being collected by each organization. The team will make a selection and all will be published in our web site and like this each partner can find immediately not only the Guide but also answers and opinions from the others. We also plan to interview (video) some politicians and university professors with a questionnaire that is elaborated by the partner organizations. The involvement of young people The easier thing is Young. We know that it has something to do with age. Someone born many years ago can be obviously young while somebody else in his or her early 20 years looks as a big oaktree. In any case people who we are speaking about want to know more about each other, they keep an open mind, are willing to listen and accept new ideas, they like to dream and tire to realize their dreams, they like good music, dancing, some like beer, some like chocolate, they fall in love, plan the future... we call them Young. But the problems are minority, majority, nationalism, racism, discrimination and intolerance this is something that would be difficult to define, and minority and intolerance are the main content, the keyword of this project. Minority and tolerance these are the things, which should go always together. But do they? However we notice certain problems in terms of young peoples demand for living in a multicultural and multiethnic Macedonia and theyre mutual involvement in the society in which they live. With this project we will try to solve this problem and to make better future for each and every citizen living in Macedonia. The beneficiaries > > 8-10 young people from each participating country (18-25 years old). They are members of the 6 partner organizations. Several participants belong to minorities. Albanians, Serbians and Gypsies will constitute for instance in Macedonia the national group. We ask that each national group try to do the same. The follow-up and evaluation The general educational approach of this seminar is built upon the experiences of the different training courses and study sessions organized in the EYE Network. This approach, which takes intercultural learning as one of the fundamental principles, implies: - A good level of active participation in the course, participants are not only consumers, they must be also actors and contribute to the daily program (in working groups and workshops, trough regular evaluations, by taking on task, etc.). - Promoting critical awareness about themes of the course and about the course itself. This is also a way to assure commitment to the learning process and motivate further learning. On another level, the course being experience in informal education, the participants ought to be able to draw conclusions which best suit the reality in their countries and especially in Macedonia and organizations rather than taking the course as a ready-made recipe which could be reproduced any way in the same form. - The use of active methods which suit the different ways of learning and go beyond the natural communication and language barriers of an international group. These methods are also best to stimulate learning by doing and understanding rather that simple transmission of information. The Team Leaders will be asking the participants: - What happened during activity and how they felt? - What is development and who sets the criteria about that? - What is the different between a migrant, a refugee and a displaced person? - What types of rights could/should minorities have? - What is multicultural and intercultural society and what is the difference between them? - If there is a different culture in one country; does this mean that someone is better then the other? - What are the most important things, which make up your identity? - Is a nation a culture? - When do you think that it is the right to be intolerant? - What form of anti-Semitism exist nowadays? - Have you ever heard about these phenomena: Discrimination, Xenophobia, Intolerance, Anti-Semitism and Racism? - How can you more forward and use what you have learned? CONTENTS OF THE PRACTICAL WORKSHOPS: The program reflected this general approach and objectives. The methodology will be as follows: 1. Knowing each other - Pre-condition for working together and build the basic for cooperation and communication. Exchange about being a minority in Macedonia. Understand how power relations influence the self-perception and social identity of minorities. 2. Intercultural learning - Understanding the difference, the different notions of minority and majority working about the origins of racism, intolerance and discrimination. 3. Case study - Confront what we know and what we learn with a concrete multicultural reality Macedonia where different minorities coexist. Accepting that the social environment in which it takes place also shapes the course. 4. Macedonia and nationalism - Perceptions of hopes and fears of Macedonia. Understanding and knowing the institutions and structures of Macedonian Youth campaign against terrorism, work for tolerance and respect of minorities. 5. Workshops - The workshops provide basic skills, training necessary for minority youth leaders. They provide self confidence and knowledge for youth work beyond the local level. 6. Project and networks - Participants shape now their future actions and will try to integrate what they have learned with their common aspirations and needs for follow up. Starting of the multiplying effect. 7. Evaluation - Consolidation and validation of the learning experience. Bring feedback to the trainers about the course. Checking what has been achieved and what was missing and why. PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS Applicants for the seminar ideally would fulfill the following criteria: and about European institutions (Council of Europe, European Union). in the seminar. TECHNICAL INFORMATION Venue of the Seminar: Hotel Vergina Skupi b.b., 1000 SKOPjE Macedonia Dates of Seminar: 20th may 26th may 2002 Preparatory team: Damon Bock President of (Verien f Exchange Network) ABIGAIL SiGUENZA EVS/Volunteer (European Youth Exchange Network - EYE Network) Maja Stojanovska Vice/President (Zdrava l Kreativna Mladina CHY) Participation Fee: The participation fee is free for every member of EYE Network or our partner organisations. Travel: Travel expenses will be reimbursed according to the grant (Most Likely 50%). CLOSING DATE FOR APPLICATIONS Only complete applications received by April 31st (24:00 CET) will be taken into account. Applications should be preferably sent in electronic version from this site: Application form, or faxed (find attached the application form). Or log onto to www.eyenetwork.org and use the Online Application Forms link to the left side of the start page. (Please note that the online version of this form should be working from the 1st February, please wait till then to apply) Receipt of applications will be confirmed. SELECTION OF PARTICIPANTS Participants will be selected by the preparatory team; the selection process will be based on the range of countries nominated to participate in this project (Austria, Greece, Poland, Albania, ex-Yugoslavia, Macedonia) and according to the criteria as described above (see: profile of participants). All applicants shall be informed of the results of the selection by 7th of May 2001. A maximum of 10 participants per country will be selected. FURTHER INFORMATION For further information please contact Damon Bock, Project Manager for EYE Network: Email: eye at eyenetwork.org --------------------------------------------------------------- La poiana daca vrei, aduna prieteni trei si mergeti gratis, ok? http://www.mymail.ro/oferta.htm Please Forward this to any and all people you have on your mailing list that would be interested in this unique opportunity For more detailed information please log onto www.eyenetwork.org European Youth Exchange Seminar SITUATION AND PERSPECTIVES OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MINORITY BACKGROUND IN MACEDONIA 20th May ? 26th May 2002 Call for participants Hereby we would like to invite you to apply for participation in the European Youth Exchange seminar. The main objectives of the project are as follows: ? To foster relations between majority and minority groups >; ? To promote mutual acquaintance and peaceful co-existence between minorities and the majority; ? To facilitate intercultural learning, education for human rights, tolerance and democratic citizenship; ? To provide opportunities for people from different communities to work together towards a common objective. We will be working in this project from the basic of difference: seeing different viewpoints, ideas, values and behavior as the starting points from which we will work towards a common ground. Through the interaction of differences it is possible to reach new solutions, to arrive at new principles for action. They are based on the equality of dignity and rights for all. Such issue may appear clearer whenever we think about people from other societies or countries, but we also need to talk about what happens within our own geographical frontiers. We feel different those born and living in our country but whose cultures and ways of life differ somewhat from ours. Our big challenge is to discover how to live and interact with difference creatively and with the idea to define the priorities and principles in this field, we propose to organise a seminar aimed to consider the question of situation and perspectives for young people from minority backgrounds. ?SITUATION AND PERSPECTIVES OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MINORITY BACKGROUND IN MACEDONIA? SEMINAR The context and the motivation Since 1998, our international coordination body (EYE Network) is organizing seminars to educate youth leaders to work with youngsters and children, at a local level, before running international exchanges. Some of the member organizations started to offer to young people in their country youth camps, leisure activities, etc. During the last statutory assembly (2000) several youth leaders from the involved partner organizations, met and offered to the governing bodies to organize a pilot project ? learning by doing ?, because after the training seminars there was no common work at the European level. This idea was accepted with the condition that one of the involved organizations had to coordinate the project. EYE Network - Austria was chosen. The majority of the partner organizations are the member sections of the European Youth Exchange Network and they maintain close working relations. The multicultural nature in Macedonia is deeply rooted in the history of her roots. National, ethnic, cultural and religious minorities are evidence of the often-turbulent past of Macedonia. They represent also the legacy of the coming together of different national and cultural upheavals, of political and of economical developments. All people in Macedonia are different in many ways and can be identified according to many criteria: a gender, age, and physical characteristics, personality, hobby, standard of living, believes? In this pack we will focus on cultural, social and ethnical differences. We will be looking at the interaction between all nationalities in Macedonia and participants from other countries that are different, their live styles, values and cultures and relationships between majorities and minorities in our society. We will also need to talk about what will happen within our geographical frontiers. The preparation Each organization is asked to bring to Macedonia several materials from their country: information about their multicultural and intercultural societies (different cultures, national, ethnic, religious groups). We also ask for particular work about the other involved countries: what is each one thinking about them (written list) before and after the exchange? What are the prejudices, ethnocentrism, discrimination, intolerance and racism? What form of anti-Semitism exists nowadays? A lot of questions are actually being collected by each organization. The team will make a selection and all will be published in our web site and like this each partner can find immediately not only the ? Guide ? but also answers and opinions from the others. We also plan to interview (video) some politicians and university professors with a questionnaire that is elaborated by the partner organizations. The involvement of young people The easier thing is ?Young?. We know that it has something to do with age. Someone born many years ago can be obviously young while somebody else in his or her early 20 years looks as a big oak?tree. In any case people who we are speaking about want to know more about each other, they keep an open mind, are willing to listen and accept new ideas, they like to dream and tire to realize their dreams, they like good music, dancing, some like beer, some like chocolate, they fall in love, plan the future... we call them Young. But the problems are minority, majority, nationalism, racism, discrimination and intolerance ? this is something that would be difficult to define, and minority and intolerance are the main content, the keyword of this project. Minority and tolerance ? these are the things, which should go always together. But do they? However we notice certain problems in terms of young people?s demand for living in a multicultural and multiethnic Macedonia and they?re mutual involvement in the society in which they live. With this project we will try to solve this problem and to make better future for each and every citizen living in Macedonia. The beneficiaries > > 8-10 young people from each participating country (18-25 years old). They are members of the 6 partner organizations. Several participants belong to minorities. Albanians, Serbians and Gypsies will constitute for instance in Macedonia the ?national? group. We ask that each ?national? group try to do the same. The follow-up and evaluation The general educational approach of this seminar is built upon the experiences of the different training courses and study sessions organized in the EYE Network. This approach, which takes intercultural learning as one of the fundamental principles, implies: - A good level of active participation in the course, participants are not only consumers, they must be also actors and contribute to the daily program (in working groups and workshops, trough regular evaluations, by taking on task, etc.). - Promoting critical awareness about themes of the course and about the course itself. This is also a way to assure commitment to the learning process and motivate further learning. On another level, the course being experience in informal education, the participants ought to be able to draw conclusions which best suit the reality in their countries and especially in Macedonia and organizations rather than taking the course as a ready-made recipe which could be reproduced any way in the same form. - The use of active methods which suit the different ways of learning and go beyond the natural communication and language barriers of an international group. These methods are also best to stimulate learning by doing and understanding rather that simple transmission of information. The Team Leaders will be asking the participants: - What happened during activity and how they felt? - What is ?development? and who sets the criteria about that? - What is the different between ?a migrant?, ?a refugee? and ?a displaced person?? - What types of rights could/should minorities have? - What is multicultural and intercultural society and what is the difference between them? - If there is a different culture in one country; does this mean that someone is better then the other? - What are the most important things, which make up your identity? - Is a nation a culture? - When do you think that it is the right to be intolerant? - What form of anti-Semitism exist nowadays? - Have you ever heard about these phenomena: Discrimination, Xenophobia, Intolerance, Anti-Semitism and Racism? - How can you more forward and use what you have learned? CONTENTS OF THE PRACTICAL WORKSHOPS: The program reflected this general approach and objectives. The methodology will be as follows: 1. Knowing each other - Pre-condition for working together and build the basic for cooperation and communication. Exchange about being a minority in Macedonia. Understand how power relations influence the self-perception and social identity of minorities. 2. Intercultural learning - Understanding the difference, the different notions of minority and majority working about the origins of racism, intolerance and discrimination. 3. Case study - Confront what we know and what we learn with a concrete multicultural reality ? Macedonia ? where different minorities coexist. Accepting that the social environment in which it takes place also shapes the course. 4. Macedonia and nationalism - Perceptions of hopes and fears of Macedonia. Understanding and knowing the institutions and structures of Macedonian Youth campaign against terrorism, work for tolerance and respect of minorities. 5. Workshops - The workshops provide basic skills, training necessary for minority youth leaders. They provide self ? confidence and knowledge for youth work beyond the local level. 6. Project and networks - Participants shape now their future actions and will try to integrate what they have learned with their common aspirations and needs for follow ? up. Starting of the multiplying effect. 7. Evaluation - Consolidation and validation of the learning experience. Bring feedback to the trainers about the course. Checking what has been achieved and what was missing and why. PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS Applicants for the seminar ideally would fulfill the following criteria: ? Be active ? Have a background in formal and/or non-formal education. ? Have at least basic knowledge about the youth exchanges in your town and about European institutions (Council of Europe, European Union). ? Be willing and capable to pass on knowledge and experience acquired in the seminar. ? Be able to fully participate in the entire seminar. ? Be able to work in English this is a must. ? Be less than 25 years of age and older than 17. TECHNICAL INFORMATION Venue of the Seminar: Hotel Vergina Skupi b.b., 1000 SKOPjE Macedonia Dates of Seminar: 20th may ? 26th may 2002 Preparatory team: Damon Bock President of (Verien f?r Jugendaustausch EYE Network ? European Youth Exchange Network) ABIGAIL SiGUENZA EVS/Volunteer (European Youth Exchange Network - EYE Network) Maja Stojanovska Vice/President (Zdrava l Kreativna Mladina ? CHY) Participation Fee: The participation fee is free for every member of EYE Network or our partner organisations. Travel: Travel expenses will be reimbursed according to the grant (Most Likely 50%). CLOSING DATE FOR APPLICATIONS Only complete applications received by April 31st (24:00 CET) will be taken into account. Applications should be preferably sent in electronic version from this site: Application form, or faxed (find attached the application form). Or log onto to www.eyenetwork.org and use the Online Application Forms link to the left side of the start page. (Please note that the online version of this form should be working from the 1st February, please wait till then to apply) Receipt of applications will be confirmed. SELECTION OF PARTICIPANTS Participants will be selected by the preparatory team; the selection process will be based on the range of countries nominated to participate in this project (Austria, Greece, Poland, Albania, ex-Yugoslavia, Macedonia) and according to the criteria as described above (see: ?profile of participants?). All applicants shall be informed of the results of the selection by 7th of May 2001. A maximum of 10 participants per country will be selected. FURTHER INFORMATION For further information please contact Damon Bock, Project Manager for EYE Network: Email: eye at eyenetwork.org Phone: +43 1 91 43 671 Yahoo! 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Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From naac at naac.org Thu Feb 7 15:40:04 2002 From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC) Date: Thu, 7 Feb 2002 15:40:04 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NAAC Statement on Political Situation in Albania Message-ID: <007901c1b017$b5483830$0301010a@sokol> National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001 Brigada e Krajishtes, No. 8, 38000 Prishtina, Kosova Telephone: (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Web: www.naac.org Email: naac at naac.org ________________________________________________________________________ For Immediate Release: February 7, 2002 Contact: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900 PRESS RELEASE NAAC Commends the Democratic Party for Joining the Parliament; Urges All Politicians to Work Together in Country's Interest Washington, DC, February 7, 2002: The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) issued the following statement applauding the DPA's return to the Albanian parliament. National Albanian American Council (NAAC) commends the Democratic Party of Albania (DPA) and other parties of the Union for Victory coalition for joining the Parliament on Thursday, January 31, 2002. It is NAAC's view that boycott has not and cannot be a constructive means of political engagement and only serves to cultivate a contentious political environment which is a prelude to and contributes in the occurrence of greater crisis. This pattern has clearly been demonstrated during Albania's not so past history, be that in 1996-1997 when the Socialist Party and its allies decided to boycott the parliament which was followed by the 1997 crisis, or more recent boycotts of the DPA which were followed by the deplorable Brussels incident. Thus, whereas the political situation in Albania remains volatile, NAAC would like to see DPA's decision as a sign of political maturity and will hope that through participation in the Parliament, the elected representatives of the various parties will engage in a mature debate and start working together to help Albania move forward in its economic, social, and institutional development. There are many problems that the now all-inclusive Albanian Parliament can tackle and seek to resolve through bipartisan agreement or consensus. Drawing lessons from the most recent institutional and political crisis, the people's representatives can find the political will to amend all those problematic Constitutional provisions that have not resisted time and have contributed to the prolongation of the current crisis. The parliamentarians can work together in making all necessary changes and improvements to the current Electoral Code, in accordance with the needs of Albania's democratic system and the recommendations of international observers. Furthermore, considering the universal aspiration of the people of Albania for Euro-Atlantic integration and the recently faded prospects for the signing of the Association and Stabilization Agreement with the European Union, the Albanian parliament should prepare a joint strategy for Albania's institutional and economic development to present before the EU institutions. The Stability Pact (an initiative that has already slowed down because of the EU's internal bureaucracy) as well as other projects and initiatives driven by the international community will not be revived in any way by the continuous political squabbling over narrow interests. The international community's attention has already shifted in more troublesome areas of the world and Albania and the Albanians in the region cannot afford to loose its support. While we are pleased to see that the DPA has joined the Parliament, we have followed with concern the developments within the Socialist Party of Albania (SPA). Whereas the SPA can handle its internal problems in any manner it deems appropriate, it is its responsibility as the majority party and leader of the governing coalition to guarantee the continued governance of the country and not effectively become the cause of an institutional paralysis. We understand that the SPA is in the process of forming a new government. NAAC calls that all efforts are made that the new government, regardless of who embraces this responsibility, enjoys a broad support from Albanians across the Albanian political spectrum. Whether this is achieved through a political agreement among the major political actors in Albania and the President of the Republic or through some other negotiation mechanism, it is important to look forward into avoiding another potential crisis in the forthcoming presidential elections. NAAC believes that expresses the feelings of many Albanians everywhere who are tired of inaction and would like to see its elected representatives to behave as nation's servants, and with the responsibility and patriotism that these historical times demand. The new government, when formed will face many challenges ahead. Building on the results already achieved by previous governments, this government must immediately and effectively address Albania's unprecedented energy crisis. The government must prepare and implement a long-term strategy in its energy policies in conjunction with the opposition and under the advice of Albania's leading energy experts, considering different alternatives such as an Electro-Energy Corridor across the Adriatic Sea between Vlor? and Bari, Italy which would solidly link Albania and the Balkans with the Western European markets. The ongoing energy crisis as well as Albania's instability has already greatly impeded Albania's economic growth, has increased its unemployment rate, and it has severely damaged Albania's attractiveness for the so much needed foreign investment. In this regard, NAAC also believes that in light of the instability created because of the recent events as well as because of the unfavorable climate in the current world markets, the Albanian government should consider postponing the privatization of its national assets such as Albtelecom until it can reap the real value of these important segments of the Albanian economy from serious and reputable buyers. The Albanian government must combat all monopolistic phenomena in Albania's economy, which jeopardize Albania's consumer interests, its business climate, as well as her integration aspirations in the competitive markets of the European Community. The new Albanian government must also capitalize on the current political climate of enhanced transparency, public debate and bipartisan desire to effectively fight corruption and crime. Corruption in Albania is a suffocating phenomenon and NAAC supports every meaningful effort to minimize and ultimately eradicate it from the public administration. However, in the past, anti-corruption initiatives have often been only part of electoral campaign mantras or have been used as political storms for power struggles which have tamed as soon as a particular goal was achieved. Therefore, NAAC urges the Albanian government and all the Albanian political factors to provide all the necessary support and assistance to the Albanian judiciary and other law enforcement agencies in the investigation, prosecution, and adjudication of all organized crime, trafficking, white collar crime, abuse of power, embezzlement and other negative phenomena of the Albanian society. Time has long passed that declarations of "new wars" against crime and corruption are followed with credible actions which in turn would contribute to the establishment of the rule of law as well as would help create a favorable climate for economic development. The new Albanian government also has an uphill battle to repair the damaged image of Albania and Albanians across the borders. NAAC forcefully condemns the Brussels incident, which was partly a result of the hostile Albanian political climate and partly due to the inefficiencies of the Albanian judiciary. This shameful incident did not injure only the individuals who were present and against whom the brutal rage was directed. This incident and its implications belittled the image of Albania's institutions, such as the Institution of the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Albania, the Institution of the former President of Albania, the Institution of the former Prime Minister of Albania, as well as the institutions of the Albanian political majority and opposition. Albania's institutions are held by individuals but they do not belong to individuals. As long as they are elected by Albanians through a democratic process, the institutions belong to all Albanians and as such should be given the institutional respect they deserve and should be protected by all Albanians. As the image of our nation has already been severely damaged in this past decade be that through our own actions or through malevolent propaganda, the new Albanian government must take a much more proactive stance in protecting Albania's institutions, Albania's image, and our nation's values. As Albanian-Americans, we urge all parties to sacrifice their individual struggles for political gains and contribute to the common goal of achieving faster and greater progress for Albania. It is only through hard work and compromise that the country will move forward and become a dignified member of the Euro-Atlantic community. The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs. For more information on the National Albanian American Council please visit us on the web at: www.naac.org ### You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv. If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From naac at naac.org Thu Feb 7 15:51:33 2002 From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC) Date: Thu, 7 Feb 2002 15:51:33 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Deklarate e KKShA mbi Gjendjen Politike ne Shqiperi Message-ID: <010401c1b019$3cb3c590$0301010a@sokol> National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001 Brigada e Krajishtes, No. 8, 38000 Prishtina, Kosova Telephone: (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Web: www.naac.org Email: naac at naac.org ________________________________________________________________________ Per Shperndarje te Menjehershme: February 7, 2002 Kontakt: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900 DEKLARATE PER SHTYP KKShA Pergezon Partine Demokratike per Hyrjen ne Parlament; Shtyn te Gjithe Politikanet te Punojne se Bashku ne Interes te Vendit Washington, DC, 7 Shkurt, 2002: Keshilli Kombetar Shqiptaro Amerikan (KKShA) leshoi deklaraten qe vijon ne lidhje me hyrjen e Partise Demokratike ne parlament. Keshilli Kombetar Shqiptaro Amerikan (KKSHA) p?rsh?ndet hyrjen n? parlament te Partise Demokratike (PD) si dhe partive te tjera te kualicionit Bashkimi per Fitoren, te enjten, me 31 Janar. KKSHA mendon se bojkoti nuk ka qene dhe nuk mund te jete nje mjet konstruktiv I angazhimit politik. Bojkoti ka sherbyer vetem per te kultivuar nje klime politike konfliktuale e cila eshte prelud si dhe kontribuon ne precipitimin e krizave te tjera me te medha. Kjo eshte demostruar qarte gjate historise shqiptare te viteve te fundit, qofte ne 1996-1997 kur Partia Socialiste (PS) the aleatet e saj vendosen te bojktojne parlamentin gje qe u pasua nga kriza shqiptare e vitit 1997, qofte nga bojkotet e koheve me te fundit te PDs qe u pasuan nga incidente te turpshme si ai i Brukselit. Ndaj, megjithese situata politike ne Shqiperi vazhdon te jete e paqendrueshme, KKSHA desheron ta shikoje hyrjen e PDs ne parlament si nje shenje e nje pjekurie poltike. KKSHA shpreson se perfaqesuesit e zgjedhur te partive te ndryshme, nepermjet pjesmarrjes ne parlament do te angazhohen ne nje debat te pjekur dhe do te fillojne te punojne se bashku per te cuar Shqiperine perpara ne zhvillimin e saj ekonomik, shoqeror, dhe institucional. Parlamenti i sapo plotesuar ka shume probleme te cilat duhet dhe mund ti zgjidhe nepermjet marreveshjes e bashkepunimit. Duke nxjerre mesime nga kriza me e fundit politike dhe institucionale, parlamentaret mund te gjejne vullnetin politik te plotesojne e rregullojne te gjitha ato nene problematike te Kushtetutes qe nuk i kane rezistuar kohes dhe kane kontribuar ne perzgjatjen e krizes aktuale. Perfaqesuesit e popullit mund te punojne se bashku ne ndryshimin dhe permiresimin e Kodit Zgjedhor ne perputhje me nevojat e Shqiperise per nje sistem demokratik si dhe rekomandimet e vezhguesve nderkombetare. Per me teper, duke pasur parasysh aspiraten universale te popullit shqiptar per integrimin Euro-Antlantik si dhe duke u kujtuar dhe nje here per perspectiven tashme te larguar te nenshkrimit te Marreveshjes se Asocim Stabilizimit me Bashkimin Europian, Parlamenti Shqiptar duhet te pregatise nje strategji te perbashket per perparimin institucional dhe ekonomik te Shqiperise qe ta paraqese para organizmave te Bashkimit Europian. Pakti i Stabilitetit (nje nisme qe eshte ngadalsuar tashme edhe per arsye te brendshme burokratike te Bashkimit Europian) si dhe projekte dhe nisma te tjera te mbeshtetura nga komuniteti nderkombetar nuk mund te rigjallerohen ne asnje menyre nepermjet grindjeve politike per interesa te ngushta. Vemendja e komunitetit nderkombetar eshte zhvendosur tashme ne vende me problematike te botes dhe Shqiperia dhe shqipetaret ne rajon nuk mund ti lejone vetes lluksin e humbjes se mbeshtetjes nderkombetare. Nderkohe qe ne jemi te kenaqur qe PD eshte futur ne parlament, kemi vezhguar me shqetesim zhvillimet brenda forumeve te Partise Socialiste te Shqiperise. PS mund ti zgjidhe problemet e veta te brendshme ne cdo lloj menyre qe e shikon te pershtatshme. Gjithsesi, duke qene se eshte partia e shumices qeverisese ka pergjegjesine e madhe qe te garantoje qeverisje te vazhdueshme dhe te mos behet efektivisht shkaktarja e nje paralize insitucionale. Momentalisht PS eshte ne procesin e formimit te nje qeverie te re. KKSHA ben thirrje qe te behen te gjitha perpjekjet qe qeveria e re, pavaresisht se kush merr persiper ta mbaje mbi shpatulla kete pergjegjesi, te gezoje nje mbeshtetje te gjere nga shqiptaret e te gjithe spektrit politik. Ne se kjo arrihet nepermjet nje marreveshje politike midis faktoreve me te rendesishme politike ne Shqiperi dhe Presidentit te Shqiperise apo nepermjet nje mekanizmi tjeter negociues, eshte e rendesishme qe te shihet me largpamesi dhe te shmanget nje krize tjeter e mundshme ne zgjedhjet e aferme presidenciale. KKSHA mendon se shpreh mendimin e gjithe shqiptareve qe jane lodhur nga mungesa e veprimit politik kur u kerkon perfaqsuesve te zgjedhur te popullit te sillen si sherbetore te kombit, me pergjegjesine dhe patriotizmin qe kerkohet ne keto kohe historike Qeveria e re, kur te formohet, do te perballohet me shume sfida te rendesishme. Kjo qeveri duhet angazhohet menjehere ne zgjidhjen e krizes energjitike te Shqiperise duke ndertuar mbi ato c'ka eshte bere nga qeverite e meperparshme. Kabineti i ri duhet te pergatise dhe te zbatoje nje strategji afatgjate per politikat e saj energjitike ne bashkepunim me opoziten e duke u keshilluar me ekspertet me te shquar shqiptare gjithashtu duke marre ne konsiderate alternative te ndryshme si ajo e nje Korridori Energjitik nga Vlora ne Bari, Itali i cili do te lidhte nje here e pergjithmone Shqiperine dhe Ballkanin me tregjet e Europes Perendimore. Kriza e vazhdueshme energjitike si dhe mungesa e stabiliteti ne Shqiperi ka penguar tashme rritjen me hapa me te larta te ekonomise shqiptare, ka rritur nivelin e papunesise, si dhe ka demtuar shume potencialin e Shqiperise per te terhequr investimet te huaja aq te nevojshme per ekonomine tone. Ne lidhje me kete te fundit, KKSHA mendon se, duke pasur parasysh jostabilitetin e krijuar nga ngjarjet e fundit ne Shqiperi si dhe situaten e pafavorshme te tregjeve nderkombetare, qeveria e re shqiptare duhet te rishikoje vendimin e saj per privatizimin e pasurive kombetare si Albtelekom, te pakten deri sa mund te nxjerre nga ky privatizim vleren reale te ketyre segmenteve duke terhequr ne kete proces investitore serioze. Qeveria shqiptare duhet te luftoje te gjitha tendencat monopolizuese ne ekonomine shqiptare te cilat demtojne interesin e konsumatorit shqiptar, klimen e biznesit, si dhe perpjekjet dhe endrrat e Shqiperise per integrimin ne tregjet konkurruese te Komunitetit Europian. Qeveria e re shqiptare duhet gjithashtu te shfrytezoje momentin e tanishem politik te nje transparance me te mire, te nje debati publik dhe nje deshire gjithpartiake per te luftuar efektivisht krimin dhe korrupsionin. Korrupsioni ne Shqiperi eshte nje fenomen mbytes dhe KKSHA mbeshtet cdo perpjekje reale per ta mininimizuar dhe se fundmi zhdukur korrupsionin nga administrata shqiptare. Sidoqofte, ne te shkuaren nismat antikorrupsion kane qene shpesh pjese e premtimeve elektorale ose jane perdorur si stuhi politike per lufte per pushtet qe jane mefshtesuar sapo qellimi i synuar politik eshte arritur. Ndaj, KKSHA i kerkon qeverise shqiptare dhe gjithe faktoreve politike shqiptare ti japin gjithe mbeshtetjen e nevojshme gjykatave shqiptare si dhe institucioneve te tjera te zbatimit te se drejtes ligjore, ne investigimin, hetimin arrestimin, dhe gjykimin e te gjitha fenomeneve negative te shoqerise shqiptare si krimi i organizuar, trafiqet e ndryshme, krimet ekonomike, abuzimet me pushtetin, pervetesimi i pasurive shteterore etj. Ka shume qe ka ardhur koha qe deklaratat e "lufterave te reja" kundra krimit dhe korrupsionit te pasohen me vepra te besueshme te cilat do te kontribuonin ne krijimin e shtetit ligjor ne Shqiperi dhe do te ndihmonin krijimin e nje klime te favorshme per zhvillim ekonomik. Qeveria e re shqiptare gjithashtu ka nje beteje shume te madhe perpara per permiresimin e imazhit te demtuar te Shqiperise dhe shqiptareve ne te gjitha anet e kufirit. KKSHA denon me force incidentin e turpshem te Brukselit i cili ndodhi pjeserisht si rezultat i klimes antagoniste politike shqiptare dhe pjeserisht si rezultat i mungeses se efikasitetit te sistemit gjyqesor ne Shqiperi. Ky incident i turpshem nuk demtoi vetem individed qe ishin te pranishem apo ndaj te cileve u drejtua furia brutale. Ky incident dhe implikimet qe krijoi kane zvjerdhur imazhin e institucioneve te Shqiperise, si ai i Institucionit te Ministrit te Jashtem te Republikes, Institucionin e ish Presidentit te Shqiperise, Institucionin e ish Kryeministrit te Shqiperise, si dhe institucionet e shumices dhe opozites politike shqiptare. Instucionet e Shqiperise vertet drejtohen a mbahen nga individe po ato nuk i perkasin e nuk jane pronesi e individeve. Per sa kohe ato jane zgjedhur nga populli shqiptar nepermjet nje sistemi demokratik, keto insitucione i perkasin te gjithe shqiptareve dhe si te tilla duhet te trajtohen me respektin institucional qe u takon dhe duhet te mbrohen nga te gjithe shqiptaret. Duke qene se imazhi i kombit tone eshte demtuar shume kete dekaden e fundit, qofte nga veprimet tona qofte nga propogandat dashakeqe, qeveria e re shqiptare duhet te jete shume me parandaluese dhe aktive ne mbrojten e institucioneve te Shqiperise si dhe vlerave te kombit tone. Si Shqiptaro-Amerikane, ne u kerkojme te gjitha paleve te sakrifikojne perpjekjet individuale per perfitime politike dhe te kontribuojne ne qellimin e perbashket te arritjes se nje progresi sa me te shpejte e te madh per Shqiperine. Vetem nepermjet punes dhe marreveshjes vendi yne do te ece perpara dhe do behet nje anetar I denje I komunitetit Euro-Atlantik. ### You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv. If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From mehollim at hotmail.com Fri Feb 8 08:56:30 2002 From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli) Date: Fri, 08 Feb 2002 08:56:30 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [nisjobs] Apply now to teach at the Pristina Summer University 2002 Message-ID: >From: "Academic Training Association" > > Pristina Summer University 2002 - Apply Now to Teach ! >From Monday 15 July to Friday 2 August, the University of Pristina (UP) and >the Academic Training Association (ATA) will organise the 2nd Pristina >Summer University in Pristina, Kosovo. Apply now to teach at this event! >Visit www.academictraining.org > > >The courses > >The University of Pristina provided more than 60 course suggestions in >various fields. Eventually, 30 courses will be selected into the PSU >programme. Generally, all courses should be instructed in English or >Albanian. Highly interactive teaching methods, which stimulate critical >thinking and promote discussion, have priority. Each course will be >co-taught by the visiting professor and a local teaching staff member. >Recent innovations in academic methods and skills will thus be transferred >directly to local teaching staff. This will enable them to pass on new >techniques and knowledge to their own students during the regular academic >year. About 20 students from Kosovo and other countries will be selected >for each course. To encourage compatibility between the PSU programme and >the regular UP curriculum, each PSU course equals preferably 6 ECTS >credits. > > >List of course suggestions available on www.academictraining.org > > >The programme > >The programme will bring together regional & international professors and >lecturers for a period of three weeks and will provide about 30 courses in >the humanities, social sciences and natural sciences. In addition, public >discussions, lectures, recreational events and excursions will be >organised. The programme intensively trains local students and regional >young academic staff. The project aims to address the needs of higher >education in Kosovo as well as to encourage reconciliation and cooperation >between academic and other communities in the region. > >More information on www.academictraining.org > > >Remuneration > >Visiting professors are kindly requested to inquire at their home >institutions about funds to cover their own travel expenses. If you have >not been able to raise funds for travelling to Pristina at your own >institution, ATA will partially or completely reimburse expenses incurred >travelling to the PSU. ATA and the University of Pristina will provide >housing. Visiting professors will teach pro bono, but will be paid a daily >allowance, or per diem of 15 Euro per teaching day. > > >How to apply > >You can apply for one of the courses as suggested at the ATA website >www.academictraining.org, or submit your own course suggestion. To apply >now, please send an email to: PSU at academictraining.org and attach your CV >and mention the title(s) of the course(s) you wish to teach in the body. > > >Academic Training Association (ATA) > >Vendelstraat 2 >1012 XX Amsterdam >The Netherlands >Phone/ fax: +31.20.5252495 >Email: ata at academictraining.org >www.academictraining.org > > > > >[Non-text portions of this message have been removed] > > _________________________________________________________________ MSN Photos is the easiest way to share and print your photos: http://photos.msn.com/support/worldwide.aspx From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 08:26:26 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 05:26:26 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Post-Doctoral Fellowship 2002-2003 (experts on the Balkans and/or Cyrprus) Message-ID: <20020208132626.24549.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Sun Feb 3 02:04:08 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Sun, 03 Feb 2002 11:04:08 +0100 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Post-Doctoral Fellowship 2002-2003 (experts on the Balkans and/or Cyrprus) The Institute for the Study of Europe at Columbia University invites applications for a postdoctoral fellowship for the 2002/3 academic year. We are looking for a social scientist with an expertise in the Balkans and/or Cyprus. He/she will be involved in developing a research project that focuses on ethnically divided communities in comparative perspective and the role of the EU in southeastern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean. He/she will also be expected to teach a graduate-level course in this field in the spring of 2003. Applications must include: a c.v., statement of research interests, a detailed budget of all funding that the applicant would need to receive from the Institute, and three letters of recommendation. To be forwarded by March 15, 2002, to: Professor John Micgiel, Executive Director, Institute for the Study of Europe, Columbia University, email: jsm6 at columbia.edu. Note: Postdoctoral fellows are not eligible for Columbia University's medical plans. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 08:42:36 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 05:42:36 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Trajkovski in the US Message-ID: <20020208134236.26969.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> BETA: MACEDONIAN PRESIDENT SEEKS U.S. LOBBY ADVERTISEMENT BETA DAILY NEWS February 6 MACEDONIAN PRESIDENT SEEKS U.S. LOBBY. Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski asked U.S. President George Bush to lobby for Macedonia's recognition with its constitutional name, Skopje TV station A1 reports. During talks with U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell on Feb. 4, Trajkovski handed him a letter for Bush in which he asks him to recognize Macedonia with its constitutional name. Trajkovski called Bush and Powell to advocate that the proposal of the International Crisis Group (ICG), which is mediating in Greek-Macedonian negotiations on the name issue, be an official proposal to the U.N.. ICG proposes that the international community recognize Macedonia under this name and that Greece refer to the country as Upper Macedonia, or that the two states make an agreement. The Macedonian government decided on Feb. 5, to ask NATO for an extension of its mandate in the country for another three months with the possibility that it be extended again afterwards. The reason for the request is that police have not yet completed their return to villages that were besieged by the so-called National Liberation Army, Macedonian government spokesman Djordji Trendafilov said. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 08:52:08 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 05:52:08 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Article by Natasa Kandic Message-ID: <20020208135208.77198.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> THE HAGUE: BEFORE AND AFTER Natasa Kandic, 4 February 2002 For a time following the change of government in Serbia and Yugoslavia, the new leaders were not inconvenienced by The Hague. The international community had understanding for their explanation that The Hague was not a priority, and there can be no doubt that the reintegration of the country in the international community, it's readmission to the United Nations and Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, took precedence. But, once this was achieved, the question arose of Yugoslavia's compliance with the obligations that come with membership of these organizations, and the requirements of others. At the international level, The Hague is an obligation that has to be fulfilled if the Serbian and Yugoslav authorities are to prove their commitment to democratic government, the rule of law, and human rights. Internally, it is perceived as a coercion, a precondition for economic aid or joining some intergovernmental organization. None of the Serbian, Montenegrin or Yugoslav leaders has told the nation why The Hague is an issue, what it was that the previous authorities did to warrant the indictments against top Serbian and Yugoslav leaders, why Slobodan Milo?evi? was surrendered to The Hague, why The Hague continues making demands. Disclosure of mass graves and the surrender of the former Yugoslav President In such circumstances, the public was shaken by the Serbian government's disclosure of the existence of secret mass graves containing the remains of Kosovo Albanians killed during the NATO bombing. For the first time, people were able to see for themselves the evidence of crimes committed by the Serbian forces, and refrigerated trucks full of bodies of women and children became a leading topic. The authorities' admission that graves at locations known to them contained the remains of about 800 Kosovo Albanians appeared to denote an acceptance of responsibility. In its turn, the surrender of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milo?evi? seemed to confirm the readiness of the new government to make a clean break with the policies and practice of its predecessor. Regrettably, however, it proved to be only pragmatism at work. The Serbian government told the nation that surrendering Milo?evi? was a prerequisite for the holding of the Donors' Conference and for financial assistance for the state budget and social welfare, and the mass graves slipped into the background, forgotten by both the authorities and the public. The exhumations were carried out behind a wall of reticence and, eight months after the unearthing of 350 bodies of Kosovo Albanians at a police training ground in Batajnica just outside Belgrade, the results of the investigations have not been made public. No more questions are asked in Serbia about mass graves, the people whose remains are buried in them, their names, how they died, who gave the orders, who carried them out, and who covered up the evidence. Authorities and media solicitous toward indicted Serbian President With the announcement of the date of Slobodan Milo?evi?'s trial, The Hague came to the forefront again. Serbian government members openly, as if it was some kind of business arrangement, said the international community, in particular the United States, was putting pressure to bear on them to hand over another three or four indictees, after which approval would be given to try others before courts in this country. The Serbian Premier publicly called on Mladi?, Karad?i? and other accused to surrender voluntarily to The Hague and thereby help the Serbs to shed the burden of collective guilt. He spoke as if this was something technical, without going into the essence. Neither he nor other politicians are willing to say anything about the practices of the previous regime, from Croatia to Kosovo. The Hague indictments hold Milo?evi? and others responsible for a "joint criminal enterprise." Instead of launching a public debate and bringing to justice other known participants in numerous joint criminal enterprises, the Serbian and federal authorities, citing supposedly reliable sources, maintain that The Hague is not really interested in some of the people it had indicted, in particular Milan Milutinovi?, who is still the Serbian President, and claim that he was indicted by mistake. Owing to this solicitous attitude on the part of both politicians and the media, Milutinovi? is still taking an active part in Serbia's public affairs. No one recalls Rambouillet and his contribution to the NATO air campaign, his facile statement that Yugoslavia would rather be bombed than sign the proposed agreement. Evidence of Kosovo crimes doubted The decision of the Appeals Chamber to join the three indictments against Milo?evi? was received by the Serbian and federal authorities as an indication that The Hague was not prepared for Milo?evi?'s trial and had no evidence on the Kosovo crimes. Even some non-governmental organizations shared this view. Dragoljub Mi?unovi?, Speaker of the Federal Parliament's Chamber of Citizens, and a long-standing advocate of democracy, sounded the alarm, saying it was the highest-priority national task to defend the former Yugoslav president as well as the state itself from The Hague's unfounded accusations. Saying that Milo?evi? had not been a lone hand and had held high office and acted in the name of Yugoslavia, Mi?unovi? explained that the former president's conviction of genocide could not be allowed as that would have consequences on the state and its citizens. Several non-governmental organizations expressed concern over the war reparations Yugoslavia might have to pay if the Bosnian and Croatian submissions to the International Court of Justice ended with the Court ruling that genocide was involved. No one found it necessary to explain that reparations would in fact mean paying for the crimes committed against others, that Germany for years paid reparations to Yugoslavia and other countries, and that the Bosnian and Croatian government have openly said they have no intention of withdrawing their accusations of genocide because the Serbian authorities are shielding war criminals from being called to account. So, instead of making public the facts about the crimes and the responsibility for them, Serbia is forming a team to defend both the accused and the state, and to observe the trials at The Hague. Defense - denying or admitting the facts The accused, the state and its citizens cannot be defended by passing over in silence the victims exhumed from the mass graves, the existence of other graves, or protecting many known war criminals in Serbia and Montenegro from being brought to justice. On the contrary, it is in the interests of the people of Serbia and Montenegro to know what happened in Kosovo, in Bosnia and in Croatia. It is in the national interest of Serbia that its people know about the grave human rights violations in the past, and their right to know should be ensured by the new government, which promised democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights. Milo?evi?'s trial on 12 February, or perhaps at some later date, will begin with Kosovo. He does not recognize the Tribunal, refuses to answer its questions but still defends himself with his speeches. The trial will not be a fair one if the others indicted along with him and accused of complicity in the "joint criminal enterprise" are not tried too. Milo?evi? could not have planned and carried out everything that was done in Kosovo without Nikola ?ainovi?, the former Yugoslav Deputy Prime Minister, Milan Milutunovi?, still the Serbian President, Vlajko Stoiljkovi?, the former Serbian Minister of Internal Affairs, and Dragoljub Ojdani?, the former Yugoslav Army Chief of General Staff, and many others, known and unknown. He needs help not to be the only one to be held responsible and bear the burden of guilt. This is something that the hundreds of thousands who gave him their votes and supported his policies should ponder, as well as the present Serbian government, which did not overthrow him because of the crimes and ten years of war but because he was losing those wars and territory, and had brought the country to the brink of economic collapse. After The Hague Only the architects of the criminal policies and practices will be tried at The Hague, not those at middle and lower levels of command responsibility, commanders of groups set up specifically for criminal purposes, or individuals against whom evidence was gathered in the course of different investigations. A new kind of cooperation will then begin, with The Hague delivering tons of accusatory material. National courts will receive thousands upon thousand of pages of documentation on the criminal responsibility of thousands of people implicated in the crimes. What then? Who will find the courage and strength to look into the files on the commanding officers and members of the "Red Berets," Special Police Units, Yugoslav Army Special Forces, a variety of criminal groups, and numerous individuals for whom looting and killing was a part-time job? That is why The Hague is important and in our interest, in Serbia's interest. The Hague has put an end to impunity for war crimes committed in the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia, and is still irreplaceable. But whether or not war crimes trials will be held before courts in Serbia and Montenegro will not be decided by The Hague. That is a political decision which has to be made by the national authorities. Milo?evi? is no longer on the political scene, but his legacy is a world of darkness inhabited by many who are in the present political elite. It is up to the Serbian, Montenegrin and federal authorities to decide to act, with The Hague affording the greatest measure of protection against the falsification of history. The public must know It is common knowledge that all the state institutions during the Milo?evi? era were harnessed into keeping him in power, that the real power was in his hands alone irrespective of his official position at any particular moment, and that he was supported and helped by an informal group whose composition changed in dependence on how effectively and obediently it achieved the goals he set and the plans he made. General Aleksandar Vasiljevi? was a member of this group, of closely associated with it, when the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia broke out in 1991. He is the only one to resurface eight years later, this time in the group of those named in the Kosovo indictment who, like those in the Croatia and Bosnia indictments, are accused of planning, preparing and participating in the joint criminal enterprise aimed at the creation of territories under their (Serbian) control. During the Kosovo conflict, Milo?evi? was the president of Yugoslavia and commander-in-chief of its armed forces and, under the law, also had command authority over the police and all armed units that are subordinate to the Yugoslav Army during a state of war. The Kosovo indictment against Milo?evi? states that the identification papers of at least five Albanians murdered in a cafe in Suva Reka on 26 March 1999 were found on remains exhumed from one of the two mass graves on the Special Anti-Terrorist Units training ground in Batajnica. In spite of reliable indications that the remains of the Berisha family were recovered from the other mass grave, the Serbian Public Prosecutor's Office took no steps to determine who murdered over 40 members of this extended family, mainly women and children, and who ordered the crime to be covered up by transferring the bodies to Serbia. An investigation was necessary, among other things, because survivors of the massacre allege they recognized a State Security Service inspector from Suva Reka among the perpetrators. The inspector now lives in Kragujevac, central Serbia, a free man. According to the Kosovo indictment, the papers of at least seven men who were last seen in the Kosovo village of Meje on 27 April 1999 were found in the Batajnica mass graves. In this case too, the Prosecutor's Office failed to take action to establish who was responsible for killing some 300 men at Meje near Djakovica. These men were taken out of a column of people from 20 Albanian villages who were driven from their homes by Serbian security forces and forced to flee to Albania. Serbian government agencies know the identity of the police officers who killed Fehmi Agani, a distinguished Kosovo Albanian politician, during the NATO bombing. It is known that Investigating Judge Danica Marinkovi? conducted investigations into three Kosovo Polje police officers and then ordered them to be released. Agani was killed in the presence of the Kosovo Polje police chief. The Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs has information on persons who ordered and carried out the liquidation of three Albanians, the Bitiqi brothers, on 8 July 1999, after they were taken from the Prokuplje prison in Serbia. The remains of the Bitiqis were exhumed from a mass grave located on the training ground of the Special Anti-terrorist Units at Petrovo Selo, eastern Serbia. An investigation into these persons has not been instituted to this day. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 08:56:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 05:56:29 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] New Law on Local Government in Macedonia Message-ID: <20020208135629.25581.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> ADVERTISEMENT RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC ___________________________________________________________ RFE/RL Balkan Report Vol. 6, No. 7, 1 February 2002 MACEDONIA HAS A NEW LAW ON LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT, BUT... After months of intensive discussions, the Macedonian parliament approved a new law on local self-government on 24 January (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22, 24, and 25 January 2002). The breakthrough came after the leaders of the four main political parties agreed -- at the urging of President Boris Trajkovski -- to pass the law in parliament. The major points at issue included the possibility that neighboring municipalities could form a common administration under the provisions of the draft law. Ethnic Macedonians feared that this could ultimately lead to a federalization and partition of the country. The provision in question has now been replaced by one saying that municipalities are allowed to form joint administrations only in certain branches, such as education or health. Other controversial points included the status and financing of local health care. Here, a compromise was found leaving basic health care to the municipalities, while control over health-insurance remains with the central state administration. Most Western diplomats like the European Union's Javier Solana or German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer hailed the adoption of the law as a major step toward a lasting peace in Macedonia. Some other Western observers suggested that the most important thing about the adoption of the new law is that it shows that the peace process is still alive and well. Domestic politicians were less enthusiastic. While the reform went too far for many ethnic Macedonian politicians, some Albanian politicians wanted to grant even more rights to the local authorities. "There is no ideal law, but the one agreed upon represents a new willingness to decentralize the country," the spokesman for the ethnic Albanian Party for Democratic Prosperity (PPD), Zahir Bekteshi, told AP. The so-called Block of Macedonian Parties from Tetovo asked the Constitutional Court to examine the autonomy law. Macedonian politicians from that chiefly Albanian town fear that the minority rights of Macedonians there are not protected by the new law. Elsewhere, the Association of the Units of Local Self- Government -- the umbrella organization of the municipalities -- welcomed the legislation. But at the same time it added: "The law on local self-government is only the first in a whole set of laws that will follow,... especially the law on financing the municipalities." Together with the above-mentioned law, there are about 30 laws slated to be adopted by the parliament in the near future. Many of them have to be modified as a consequence of the Ohrid peace agreement, and it is unlikely that legislators will pass all of them before the parliamentary elections, expected later this year. The most important of these laws is the amnesty law. Many Albanians believe that the current amnesty decree issued by Trajkovski is not enough. During Solana's last visit, Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski promised that there will be an amnesty law. The question is when and how it will come into effect. (Ulrich Buechsenschuetz, ub at i...) ETHNIC ALBANIAN PARTIES IN MACEDONIA FORM COOPERATION COUNCIL. Iso Rusi, the editor in chief of the Albanian-language weekly "Lobi," published an article at the beginning of January calling for cooperation between the various ethnic Albanian political parties in Macedonia. Shortly after the article appeared, Rusi's vision materialized with the launch of the Coordination Council of the Albanians. For many observers, this came as a surprise. Before the outbreak of violence in February 2001, the main ethnic Albanian political parties in Macedonia -- the Party for Democratic Prosperity (PPD) and the Democratic Party of the Albanians (PDSH) -- hardly spoke to each other. As was the case among their ethnic Macedonian counterparts, the parties were divided along ideological lines. While the PPD cooperated with the former communists of the Social Democratic Union (SDSM), the more radical and anticommunist PDSH formed a coalition with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization-Democratic Party of Macedonian National Unity (VMRO- DPMNE) of nationalist Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski. The insurgency of the ethnic Albanian rebels of the National Liberation Army (UCK) led to a reshaping of the Albanian political landscape. A new political party was formed: the National Democratic Party (NDP) of Kastriot Haxhirexha. For some weeks, Macedonian media treated the NDP as though it were the legal arm of the UCK -- similar to Sinn Fein in Northern Ireland. At the same time, both the PPD and the PDSH tried to take credit for the international community's pressure on the ethnic Macedonian politicians to end the crisis by granting more rights to the Albanian minority. In August 2001, U.S. and EU mediators brokered a peace accord aimed at ending the armed insurgency. During the following weeks, NATO soldiers collected arms from the rebels. The UCK, for its part, declared its dissolution as of the end of September. Very soon after the UCK disbanded, its political leader, Ali Ahmeti, announced that he was willing to take over an important role in politics. Opinion polls showed that he had the backing of large parts of the Albanian minority. But the polls also showed that Haxhirexha's party had replaced the PPD in second place after the PDSH, which is led by the charismatic but ailing Arben Xhaferi. Ahmeti's plan to become a politician has so far been thwarted by the government's failure to pass an amnesty law. Such legislation would certainly enable him and other former UCK members to enter public life with greater confidence. But the Albanian parties still feel Ahmeti's political presence. And it was Ahmeti who invited the party leaders to his stronghold, the village of Sipkovica, to form the Coordination Council. Whether the main aim of the council -- the coordination of all political activities of the Albanian parties -- can be achieved depends on whether the party leaders can put aside other political agendas. As Rusi pointed out in his article: "If [UCK] structures take over organizational matters, there is room for optimism -- if for no other reason than because at first nobody believed that the [UCK] would ever become a political and military winner." (Ulrich Buechsenschuetz, ub at i...) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 09:01:10 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 06:01:10 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: NY Post article on Milosevic Message-ID: <20020208140110.30135.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> BILL COZIES UP TO SLOBBO IN SECRET TAPES By BILL HOFFMANN --------------------------------- February 7, 2002 -- In a major embarrassment for Bill Clinton, newly released tapes reveal the former president in a friendly chat with Slobodan Milosevic, treating the Butcher of Belgrade like a good ol' boy. "It's nice to hear your voice!" Clinton gushes to Milosevic in a call from Air Force One after visiting U.S. troops in Bosnia in January 1996. Later, in another chat, Clinton schmoozes with Slobbo, telling the then-Yugoslav president he's absolutely essential to Bosnia's future. "We support normalization of relations and I know it cannot go ahead without you," Clinton stresses about the Dayton peace accord, which Milosevic helped clinch to end the war in Bosnia. The leaked transcripts, published by the Croatian weekly Globus, are from wiretapped calls secretly recorded by Croatian military intelligence. Milosevic is due to go on trial next week before the U.N. tribunal in the Netherlands. He's charged with crimes against humanity and genocide in the coldblooded killing of thousands. On other tapes, Milosevic even tells his aides that he enjoyed his conversations with the amiable Clinton. "He spoke really nicely," the Serbian mass killer tells his sidekick Milan Milutinovic, an indicted co-conspirator who is still at large - and is, in fact, president of Serbia. Milutinovic, nicknamed "Tunafish" for his terrible breath, quips that Clinton must have hid in Air Force One's toilet to make phone calls. With Post Wire Services Home NEW YORK POST is a registered trademark of NYP Holdings, Inc. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 22:38:17 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 19:38:17 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] BBC on Greece's foreign policy changes Message-ID: <20020209033817.5748.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Thursday, 7 February, 2002, 19:09 GMT Analysis: Greece abandons Milosevic http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/newsid_1807000/1807427.stm Greeks sided with Milosevic during the Nato bombing By Daniel Howden in Athens Greece's decision to open bank accounts believed to be connected to Slobodan Milosevic shows that the country's foreign policy has been growing ever closer to that of its Nato and European Union partners in the past few years. At the height of the Nato bombing campaign against Milosevic's regime in Belgrade in 1999, the US embassy in Athens was practically besieged by daily demonstrations in support of the Serbian leader. The sooner things come out in the open the better Greek Foreign Ministry official Thousands marched in the capital and the northern port city of Thessaloniki to show their solidarity for their fellow Orthodox Christians. Football team AEK Athens even played a friendly with Partizan Belgrade wearing mock targets on their backs. The Greek Government was consistently attacked on the domestic front for its decision to give logistical support to its allies in the campaign, despite a refusal to play any direct military role. The Greek daily, To Vima, was the first to report the opening of the accounts on Wednesday. A leader article on Thursday attacked the "so-called ideologists" of the time in Greece who mustered support for a "Stalinist regime" under the simplified banner: "We are Orthodox, as they are, and therefore we are brothers, especially when under attack." Far from attracting public criticism, the Justice Ministry's decision to offer full co-operation to the international war crimes tribunal has been broadly welcomed in Greece as an opportunity to wash some dirty linen in public. "It is a strong, tangible indicator of the type of changes underway in Greek policy," a senior Greek Foreign Ministry source told the BBC. "If links do emerge then they should be clarified and the sooner things come out in the open the better, so that this can be put behind us." Dirty money Greek bank accounts are alleged to contain millions of dollars illegally obtained during Milosevic's term as Yugoslav president. The decision to open them - at the tribunal's request - could have serious implications for many Greek citizens and companies with links to the former Belgrade regime. "This is part of an ongoing clean-up of... the presence in or use of Greece by Milosevic and his cronies as a place to deposit or launder their money," said the source. While a strong current of anti-Americanism re-surfaced in the wake of the 11 September terror attacks, there is growing support for a flexible and progressive approach to foreign relations. Milosevic is believed to have laundered money in Greek banks "We are pushing on an open door," the Foreign Ministry source insisted. "There is an increasingly pragmatic population in Greece who recognise that the time has come to move on." One of the clearest indicators of Greek public support for pro-Western positions is the current popularity of reformist Foreign Minister George Papandreou, who has consistently topped polls as favourite to take over from current Prime Minister Costas Simitis. Mr Papandreou is about to enter talks with Turkish counterpart Ismael Cem, which many observers are optimistic could deliver real progress on a number of historic differences between the two countries including Cyprus and territorial claims in the Aegean. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 22:50:20 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 19:50:20 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare Message-ID: <20020209035020.38101.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Sot japin konferenc? shtypi. Avokat?t do rr?fejn? pazaret e hetimit Avokat grek dhe italian n? Shqip?ri p?r Kokain?n --------------------------------- su.ge TIRANE Dosja "Kokaina" rikthen n? Shqip?ri, avokat?t e huaj t? t? akuzuarve kryesor, Frederik Durda dhe Arben B?rballa. Avokati italian Pantaleo Canoleta dhe avokati grek Asimaq, kan? tentuar t? takojn? dje klient?t e tyre n? dhomat e paraburgimit t? Repartit t? 313 n? Tiran?. Burime t? sigurta b?jn? t? ditur se avokati italian Canoleti, i cili mbron Frederik Durd?n, nuk ka mundur t? takoj? klientin e tij dhe ?sht? larguar po dje nga Shqip?ria. Nd?rsa ka q?ndruar n? Shqip?ri kolegu i tij avokati grek, i cili pritet t? dal? sot paradite p?rpara gazetar?ve n? nj? konferenc? p?r shtyp. Pazaret e kryeprokurorit shqiptar Arben Rakipi dhe zv/prokurorit t? Antimafias Italiane, Francesko Mandoi; arrestimi i Frederik Durd?s n? t? nj?jt?n dit? ku do t? takohej me avokatin grek; d?mi ekonomik i shkaktuar; reagimet e shtypit italian dhe spanjoll n? momentin e ndalimit t? anijes "Privilegj" n? Spanj?; p?r ?far? ishin 1 milion? dollar?t q? u gjet?n n? sht?pin? e Durd?s n? momentin e arrestimit; si dhe shum? mistere t? tjera t? hetimit t? k?saj ??shtjeje do t? b?hen publike t? dokumnetuara sot nga avokati grek Asimaq. Ver?n e kaluar juristi nga toka Helene, erdhi n? Shqip?ri p?r t? takuar p?r her? t? par? Frederik Durd?n n? qelin? e burgut. Dosja me t? akuzuarit si pjes?tar? t? kartelit shqiptar t? kokain?s, Frederik Durda, Arben B?rballa, Mentor Had?rgjonaj, Vehbi Hysi dhe Alfred Nanaj, tashm? ka mb?rritur n? Gjykat?n e shkall?s s? par? t? Tiran?s dhe do t? gjykohet nga trupi gjykues i kryesuar nga Martin Deda. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu Fri Feb 8 23:07:20 2002 From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 21:07:20 -0700 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: <000a01c1b11f$463e38f0$6628a8c0@sjcsf.edu> February 7, 2002 "Howdee, Dick..." The Call from Cheyenne Mountain By John Chuckman On the U.S. President's desk in the Oval Office, a phone's red light urgently flashes. It's the signal for an incoming call. Only calls from deep inside the vast command-center redoubt known as Cheyenne Mountain come in on this line. Constructed during the Cold War, this hollowed-out mountain contains a virtual Pentagon satellite-city built to survive a hundred years behind million-ton blast-proof doors. The president gleefully picks up the receiver. He just loves getting important calls. "Howdee!" "Mr. President, this is a secure line, so we may speak freely." "Dick, you old son of a gun, how's it goin' out there, livin' under the mountain an' all? T'aint getting' to ya none?" "I'm just fine, Mr. President, don't concern yourself. You know, I spent a lot of time as a congressman with folks who live in abandoned missile silos and mine shafts. "Anyway, compared to some of those places, this is just damn luxurious. The mountain's totally climate-controlled, and we have an artificial beach under sun lamps on the distilled-water reservoir." "A goddam climate-controlled mountain! Jeez, Dick, I jus' gotta get on out there one of these days an' see that." "Good idea, Mr. President, uh, er, of course, once the crisis is over." "Crisis? Oh, y'all mean that there Osama guy? Don't worry none 'bout him. He ain't goin' nowheres, an', I'll tell ya, the only damn climate-control his damn mountains got is two-thousand pound bombs re-arrangin' the lan'scape...(guffaw, guffaw)" "No, Mr. President, the crisis I'm talking about is the next election. We have to get you through that looking the part of commander-in-chief." "Oh, I get your meanin', Dick. Well, I'm a working on that, real hard. Ain't even thinkin' of another month at the ranch. An' I'm doin' jus' what ya said for me to do. "After dinner, I come back here an' jus' sit by the window for a while, wearin' my glasses, turnin' pages on one them big reports. Once or twice, Laura comes in with a cup of hot cocoa to keep me goin', an' puts her arm on my shoulder jus' like ya showed us. "Don dropped by on the way home from the Pentagon t'other night an' checked me out. He said I looked good, real presidenshul, in the window. He said the T.V. guys'd be eatin' it up." "Wonderful to hear, Mr. President. Remember, nothing but liberal scum is going to vote against a seated president in wartime. I'll keep the war going here. You just keep sitting." "Righto, Dick. Say, how they all feedin' ya down there?" "I've got to say, Mr. President, the food could be better. It's freeze-dried rations. A lot of my survivalist friends swear by them and eat nothing but. They're okay for a couple of days." "Dick, y'all want me to have some nice big juicy steaks flown on up from the ranch?" "No, thank you very much, Mr. President, I'll stick to what the boys in uniform are having. Good mess-hall photos, sets a fine example. Anyway, they went and sealed the blast-proof doors, and it's a major operation getting them open again. Nothing gets in or out of here with those damn doors sealed. "Well, you know, Mr. President, (chuckle, chuckle) it does have its advantages. They can't exactly serve any subpoenas for Enron, now can they?" The President enjoys a hearty laugh. "Tarnation, that's right, Dick. I almos' forgot about that shit, sittin' here by the window an' all. "Don't worry none, 'cause I jus' keep tellin' 'em we got ya outta harm's way with all them damn terrorists flyin' 'roun' the country. An' I tol' 'em how all the head guys in them big oil companies never fly on the same plane or even take the same elevator." "Now, George, I mean Mr. President, you're not saying anything off the script, are you? Especially nothing about a certain company?" "Oh, shucks, no, Dick, I know better'n that." "Good, Mr. President, just call Ari to check on any little thing you're thinking of adding. He can always pass it by Don. Mark my words, Mr. President, sticking to the script's going to get us through this." "Okay, Dick. So what else y'all up to down there, you ol' rascal?" "The officers have an underground driving range and putting green, Mr. President, so the golf score won't suffer too badly. "We get satellite feed right from the B-52s, so we're watching the boys give all those damn turban-heads what they deserve. You can freeze the action, do re-plays, or move in for close-ups." "Anything else, you ol' rascal? I know ya can't stick to serious stuff long." "Well, Mr. President, we do have a couple of those special channels, if you know what I mean?" "Shucks, Dick, I know egzac'ly what y'all mean. An' ya ain't got Lynne down there, sniffin' out your trail. "Mr. President, just between you and me, that is the part that's just like a real vacation." "I tell ya, Dick, she's havin' the time a her life out here, scowlin' an' spoutin' them goddam librarian pamphlets a hers at anyone that says things is less than hunky-dory!" " 'Libertarian,' Mr. President, they're 'libertarian pamphlets.' " "Well, still, don't ya go worrin' none 'bout what she's up to. She's doin' a hell of a job goin' after them no-good fifth wheels!" " 'Fifth columnists', Mr. President, I think you mean 'fifth columnists.' " "Shucks, Dick, I think I gotta go. I jus' seen the docs pullin' up out front. I reckon they're a comin' to change the bandage." "Excellent, Mr. President, that bandage locks-in the sympathy vote. America has already forgotten all about your pretzel caper. Joe Six-pack never thought it was anything unusual anyway. But just the sight of a wounded President in time of war gives us an 80% floor-rating. "Do you think you could ask them to just put the new one on a little higher up? I noticed it's not showing up on some of the news shots." "Okay, Dick, what ya figure, 'bout half an inch?" "That'd be just about right, Mr. President. And try not to spill any more gravy on it. That's a real turn-off for some of the women." "Gotchya, Dick. Be talkin' to ya soon." "Thank you, Mr. President." John Chuckman, a columnist for YellowTimes, lives near Lake Erie in Ontario. He encourages your comments: jchuckman at YellowTimes.ORG -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 23:12:16 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 20:12:16 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare - Avokate te huaj ne Shqiperi Message-ID: <20020209041216.10292.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Sot japin konferenc? shtypi. Avokat?t do rr?fejn? pazaret e hetimit Avokat grek dhe italian n? Shqip?ri p?r Kokain?n --------------------------------- su.ge TIRANE Dosja "Kokaina" rikthen n? Shqip?ri, avokat?t e huaj t? t? akuzuarve kryesor, Frederik Durda dhe Arben B?rballa. Avokati italian Pantaleo Canoleta dhe avokati grek Asimaq, kan? tentuar t? takojn? dje klient?t e tyre n? dhomat e paraburgimit t? Repartit t? 313 n? Tiran?. Burime t? sigurta b?jn? t? ditur se avokati italian Canoleti, i cili mbron Frederik Durd?n, nuk ka mundur t? takoj? klientin e tij dhe ?sht? larguar po dje nga Shqip?ria. Nd?rsa ka q?ndruar n? Shqip?ri kolegu i tij avokati grek, i cili pritet t? dal? sot paradite p?rpara gazetar?ve n? nj? konferenc? p?r shtyp. Pazaret e kryeprokurorit shqiptar Arben Rakipi dhe zv/prokurorit t? Antimafias Italiane, Francesko Mandoi; arrestimi i Frederik Durd?s n? t? nj?jt?n dit? ku do t? takohej me avokatin grek; d?mi ekonomik i shkaktuar; reagimet e shtypit italian dhe spanjoll n? momentin e ndalimit t? anijes "Privilegj" n? Spanj?; p?r ?far? ishin 1 milion? dollar?t q? u gjet?n n? sht?pin? e Durd?s n? momentin e arrestimit; si dhe shum? mistere t? tjera t? hetimit t? k?saj ??shtjeje do t? b?hen publike t? dokumnetuara sot nga avokati grek Asimaq. Ver?n e kaluar juristi nga toka Helene, erdhi n? Shqip?ri p?r t? takuar p?r her? t? par? Frederik Durd?n n? qelin? e burgut. Dosja me t? akuzuarit si pjes?tar? t? kartelit shqiptar t? kokain?s, Frederik Durda, Arben B?rballa, Mentor Had?rgjonaj, Vehbi Hysi dhe Alfred Nanaj, tashm? ka mb?rritur n? Gjykat?n e shkall?s s? par? t? Tiran?s dhe do t? gjykohet nga trupi gjykues i kryesuar nga Martin Deda. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu Fri Feb 8 23:13:56 2002 From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 21:13:56 -0700 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: <001501c1b120$31e55ef0$6628a8c0@sjcsf.edu> February 6, 2002 Sentenced to Rape By Vivian Berger While male custodians' exploitation of female inmates has garnered publicity over the years, prisoners' sexual abuse of other prisoners has generally been a taboo subject. But it attained a higher profile when Human Rights Watch issued a report last year: "No Escape: Male Rape in U.S. Prisons." Thanks in part to "No Escape," the climate of indifference may eventually change enough to refute an inmate's comment that nobody cares what happens to a prisoner. At least these expos?s might shame the people in charge into taking more effective remedial action. Filled with horrifying letters from victims, the report describes in chilling detail Darwinian correctional institutions, where the strong prey on the weak and officials look the other way or, worse, facilitate oppression. Typically, predators check out the new arrivals and target those who appear vulnerable: the young, the small, first-time offenders, homosexuals or Caucasians. Once raped, the newcomer (dubbed a "turn out" or "punk") becomes fair game for future assaults by the original assailant or others. Sometimes, he will be "sold" or "rented" to different inmates for sexual services; he may also be forced to perform a variety of menial tasks for his "owners." A LITANY OF HARMS Psychic harms include great loss of self-esteem and serious depression: Raped prisoners are 17 times more likely to attempt suicide than inmates generally. In the words of a 16-year old inmate: "I don't feel like a human being anymore. I'm a sexually abused animal." "Punks" also frequently suffer physical injuries from sexual assaults. Finally, rape propagates sexually transmitted diseases. In the worst-case scenario, the target may become infected with HIV. Kendell Spruce was raped by more than 20 assailants in one year while imprisoned in Arkansas on a fraudulent-check conviction; he ended up contracting AIDS. A misdemeanant, he got, as he noted, a sentence of death. What is the incidence of these atrocities? Nobody really knows. Many states do not compile specific data on prison rape. Those that do publicize numbers so low that knowledgeable people give them no credit. Recent studies have found that, of 2 million inmates, more than one in five have suffered unwanted sexual conduct; one in 15, an estimated 140,000 according to Human Rights Watch, have been raped. And these shocking statistics may actually understate the problem. Prison officials, fearing lawsuits, have no desire to air their dirty linen in public. Victims remain quiet out of shame or fear of retaliation. History gives prisoners no reason to believe that complaints will help. Many officials expect them to protect themselves. Investigations are largely perfunctory or nonexistent, with few charges referred for prosecution. Wardens tend to impose slap-on-the-wrist sanctions on perpetrators and often do not even transfer them away from their victims or place them in protective custody. Most prisons furnish scant medical care or counseling. Guards may use sexual assault or its threat as a means of keeping inmates in line or retaliating against them. A form for a civil rights complaint quotes a unit sergeant as saying: "In a man's prison, little boys get their asses busted, and your [sic] a fresh 16 and I know your going to get it good. Cause I'm going to help. I know who to put in the cell with you." Legal remedies provide too little, too late. Eighth Amendment damages actions compel plaintiffs to surmount the high hurdle of proving that prison administrators were "deliberately indifferent" to their plight. Injunctive suits to remedy prison conditions prospectively now confront new barriers imposed by the Prison Litigation Reform Act of 1996. As pointed out by Stephen Donaldson, the late president of Stop Rape Now, we cannot afford to return to the community brutalized and enraged prisoners -- for "today's victim is tomorrow's predator." If not for reasons of simple humanity and legality, then on grounds of self-protection, society must commit to ending the present appalling situation. Vivian Berger is professor emerita at Columbia Law School. This article originally appeared in The National Law Journal. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 8 23:22:56 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 8 Feb 2002 20:22:56 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Electricity in the Balkans Message-ID: <20020209042256.69266.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> THE ELECTRICITY DAILY February 11, 2002, Monday Vol. 18, No. 28 It's Bad Times in The Balkans for Electricity When it comes to electricity, it's bad times in the Balkans this winter. Albanians are left without any power or domestic heat for up to 16 hours a day. The situation is similar in Kosovo and Montenegro. The exception is Serbia, where, thanks to foreign donations and fairly well executed reconstructions of power plants, for the first time in this past decade the country is pulling through this winter without major blackouts. Albania is about 95 percent dependant on hydro plants. Because of last year's drought, they have been without sufficient water. Also, poor maintenance has left the entire power system of in a catastrophic condition. Most of the former Yugoslavia is in similar position. In the days of socialism, people learned to expect cheap electricity, and had become accustomed to illegally hooking into the power system. On the streets of Kosovo's cities, numerous cables facilitating power theft are easily visible. Only about a third of Kosovo's population is paying for electricity and, added to an inefficient distribution grid, loses are as high as 50 percent. Meanwhile, experts have been trying for two years to raise the capacity factors of Kosovo's thermal plants near Pristina to 50 percent. The plants supply both Kosovo and Macedonia. In Serbia, where a new reform government raised electricity prices 120 percent last year, the power industry -- once the greatest exporter in the region -- finally started moving forward. But prices turned out to be too high for average Serbian families. Many Serbian households that use electricity for heating had gotten bills higher than their average monthly income of 7,500 dinars (one U.S. dollar equals about 68 dinars). Within next five years, Serbia will need around $5 billion to upgrade and rebuilt its electric system capacity. Due to decreased domestic consumption and its great production capacity, Bulgaria has become the main power exporter in the Balkans. Unfortunately, Bulgaria is also dealing with problems caused by old technology and low-capacity transmission lines. [ML] --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 10 22:47:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 10 Feb 2002 19:47:25 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare Message-ID: <20020211034725.97311.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> KOKAINA/ Avokati grek: Nj? milion? dollar?t e gjetura n? sht?pin? e Durd?s ishin t? taksave greke Tiran?, misioni i avokatit t? Durd?s Assimakis: M? k?rkoi ndihm? n?na e Frederikut Suela Gera TIRAN? Kam ardhur p?r t? mbrojtur klientin tim shqiptar", shpjegoi arsyen e konferenc?s s? djeshme p?r shtyp, m? shum? se nj?or?she, avokati grek Philocles D. Assimakis. Me k?rkes? t? n?n?s s? Frederik Durd?s, avokati i tok?s Helene, ka udh?tuar po dje drejt Shqip?ris?, p?r t? mbrojtur juridikisht p?rpara gazetar?ve klientin e tij, t? akuzuar si organizator i kartelit nd?rkomb?tar t? kokain?s me qend?r n? Kolumbi. Ligji shqiptar nuk i jep t? drejt?n Z. Assimakis t? ulet n? krah t? Gazmend Zenelit dhe Mark P?llumbit; dy avokat?t q? do t? mbrojn? Nikolla Papa, (emri i v?rtet? i Durd?s, sipas avokatit) n? Gjykat?n e shkall?s s? par? t? Tiran?s. Ai mund t? ndjek? procesin si nj? shikues i thjesht? dhe t? sugjeroj? apo bashk?punoj? me koleg?t shqiptar? vet?m jasht? sall?s s? gjyqit. Pyetjes s? gazetar?ve n?se do t? ndiqte procesin gjyq?sor nga salla e gjyqit, avokati grek i ?sht? p?rgjigjur: "Do t? vij n?se ma k?rkon n?na e Durd?s". Z. Philocles D. Assimakis, s? bashku me tre koleg? t? tjer? jurist, vazhdojn? t? ndjekin ??shtjen e anijes "Privilegj", bashk?pron?si e Frederik Durd?s dhe Arben B?rball?s. Q? prej nj? viti autoritet spanjolle kan? bllokuar anijen luksoze n? portin "La Spalmas" t? Spanj?s. Durda i pafajsh?m Avokati grek Assimakis ka dh?n? alibit? e tij t? s? v?rtet?s n? lidhje me anijen "Privilegj" dhe 1 milion? dollar?t e gjetura nga policia shqiptare n? sht?pin? e Durd?s nat?n e arrestimit m? 2 shkurt t? vitit t? kaluar. K?to jan? dhe dy provat kryesore mbi t? cilat Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme mb?shtet akuz?n p?r "organizim dhe drejtim i organizatave kriminale me q?llim trafikimin e paligjsh?m t? l?nd?ve narkotike". Sipas prokuroris? anija "Privilegj" do t? b?nte transportimin e ngarkes?s s? l?nd?s narkotike e destinuar p?r Shqip?ri. Por sipas avokatit grek, n? momentin e sekuestrimit anija "Privilegj" nuk ka pasur asnj? ngarkes? t? paligjshme. N? k?t? moment ??shtja e anijes ?sht? pezulluar, por n?se Frederik Durda s? bashku me 5 t? pandehurit e tjer? t? ??shtjes do t? d?nohen, at?her? anija "Privilegj", do sekuestrohet nga shteti. P?r 1 milion? dollar?t t? cilat sipas prokuroris? ishin prejardhje e trafikut t? l?nd?ve narkotike avokati i ka justifikuar si nj? manovrim i Frederik Durd?s p?r t'iu shmangur taksave n? Greqi. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 10 23:21:14 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 10 Feb 2002 20:21:14 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shkrim nga F. Lubonja Message-ID: <20020211042114.45603.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> K?RPURDHAT E HELMUARA DHE BALLKANI N? 2030 Nga Fatos Lubonja Sh?nim: Kjo ese ?sht? botuar n? numrin special t? revist?s "S?dosteuropa Mitteilungen" (Kumtime nga Evropa Juglindore) me titull: Europa 2030: Eine futuristiche Spurensuche in 14 L?ndern S?dosteuropas (Europa 2030: nj? gjurm?k?rkim futuristik n? 14 vende t? Evrop?s Juglindore) me rastin e 50 vjetorit t? shoqat?s gjermane t? Evrop?s Juglindore (S?dosteuropa - Gesellshaft), me qend?r n? M?nchen, ku Fatos Lubonja ishte autori shqiptar nd?r 14 autor? t? zgjedhur nga k?to vende. N? vizit?n time t? par? n? Kosov?, afro nj? muaj pasi shqiptar?t e d?buar nga serb?t ishin kthyer aty n?n mbrojtjen e trupave t? KFORit dhe kishin filluar edhe akte hakmarrjeje, n? nj? kafe n? qend?r t? Prishtin?s, disa shqiptar? m? treguan nj? humor t? zi q? qarkullonte n? qytet e q? ata e tregonin pa e mbajtur aspak gazin: Trupat e KFORit, t? shoq?ruar nga disa shqiptar?, gjejn? duke shkuar p?r n? nj? fshat, trupin e vdekur t? nj? serbi. Mir?po ven? re se nuk ka asnj? shenj? q? t? jet? i vrar? me ndonj? arm?. ?far? ka ndodhur me k?t? njeri? - i pyesin shqiptar?t. Ata ngren? supet si me habi. "Nuk dim? gj? - p?rgjigjen - ndoshta ka ngr?n? ndonj? k?rpurdh? t? helmuar." Pasi b?jn? nj? cop? rrug? gjejn? nj? trup t? dyt? serbi t? vdekur, edhe ky pa asnj? shenj? t? dukshme. P?rs?ri drejtohen nga shqiptar?t dhe p?rs?ri ata ngren? supet dhe japin t? nj?jt?n p?rgjigje: "Ndoshta ka ngr?n? ndonj? k?rpurdh? t? helmuar." Ndonja dyqind metra m? p?rtej gjejn? nj? trup t? tret?, por k?saj here koka e tij ?sht? e ?ar? me nj? s?pat?. "Po ky, - pyesin t? zem?ruar njer?zit e KFOR-it." "Ky ndoshta nuk ka dashur t? haj? k?rpurdh?n e helmuar." Kur, n? t? nj?t?n dit? q? e d?gjova, ia tregova k?t? histori nj? gazetareje polake q? ishte n? Prishtin?, mbeta i ?meritur kur ajo m? tha se kjo anekdod? nuk ishte nj? krijim i ri; ajo kishte qarkulluar, n? koh? t? tjera, p?r polak?t dhe ukrainasit. Duke tentuar t? hedh?sh v?shtrimin n? nj? Ballkan pas tre dekadash, vetvetiu pyetjet q? dalin m? natyrsh?m jan? pyetje q? lidhen me at? se sa dhe si do t? ket? ndryshuar loja e tre aktor?ve t? k?saj anekdode n? sken?n ballkanike e cila, aktualisht, ka mbetur n? trajt?n q? tregon anakdoda: dy popuj q? urrehen p?r vdekje dhe nj? forc? e tret?, e fuqishme, q? k?rkon t'u imponoj? pajtimin e ndaj s? cil?s t? dy pal?t sillen me dinak?ri dhe loj? t? dyfisht?. Cil?t do t? ishin kombinimet e mund?shme, t? ndryshme nga ky aktuali? Jan? t? ndryshme hamendjet e ngritura nga analist?t apo ato q? d?gjon n?p?r kafe bare. Pyetjet q? ngrihen jan? t? tilla si: A do t? jet? kryer ndonj? divorc q? ka rezultuar me nj? Kosov? t? pavarur ndoshta me nj? konfederat? me Shqip?rin? dhe a kan? filluar t? nd?rtohen mar?dh?nie miq?sore midis serb?ve dhe shqiptar?ve pas k?saj - me nd?rkomb?tar?t si aleat? t? t? dy pal?ve? Apo, arbitrit nd?rkomb?tar? do t? jen? ende aty duke vazhduar t? imponojn? nj? shoq?ri multietnike, por tashm? jo me iden? e p?rkohshm?ris?, por kan? filluar t? nd?rtojn? sht?pit? e tyre, duke u ndjer? gjithnj? e m? shum? si n? vendin e tyre (?ka ka b?r? t? lind? edhe nj? ndjenj? antiper?ndimore) - nd?rkoh? q? ambicia e madhe e shqiptar?ve p?r tu b?r? zot t? fateve t? tyre duke mbaruaar s? nd?rtuari shtetin e tyre etnik dhe ajo e serbve p?r djepin historik duket se kan? metur t? frustruara ose t? ngrira si? ishin n? koh?n komuniste? Apo ndoshta me ndihm?n e k?tyre nd?rkomb?tar?ve ata kan? vazhduar integrimin n? Evrop?, si nj? form? e re dhe m? e but? e mbarimit t? procesit t? pambaruar t? nd?rtimit t? shtetit t? tyre etnik? Apo mos ndoshta me ikjen e nd?rkomb?tar?ve t? d?shtuar serb?t jan? kthyer me ushtrin? e tyre dhe i kan? pastruar shqiptar?t t? cil?t, k?saj here, kan? mbetur t? pambrojtur p?r shkak t? aleancave t? reja t? t? krishter?ve kund?r musliman?ve? M? thjesht? k?to pyetje mund t? shtrohen n? forma t? tilla si: A do t? shohim pas tre dekadash n? Beograd m? shum? Shqiptar? nga ?'kemi par? n? Jugosllavin? e Titos (nd?rkoh? q? p?r momentin edhe shqiptar?t e Shqip?ris? i evitojn? udh?timet p?r n? Beograd)? Po serb? a do t? ket? n? Prishtitn? (kur ke paraasysh se sot sllavofol?sit kan? frik? t? flasin serbisht n? rrug?t e Prishtin?s, qofshin edhe bullgar?)? A jan? larguar forcat e KFORit nga kisha e Prizrenit dhe a shkojn? aty serb?t lirsh?m pa u ndjer? t? k?rc?nuar nga shqiptar?t q? shkojn? n? xhamin? e tyre t? famshme t? XVII, nj?qind metra m? p?rtej? Tek e fundit t? gjitha k?to pyetje hamend?suese - e t? tjera - mund t? sintetizohen n? nj? pyetje t? vetme ham?ndesuese: a do t? jen? n? Ballkanin e vitit 2030 t? pajtuar serb?t me shqiptar?t, dhe m? gjer?: bosnjak?t me serb?t dhe krotat?t, serb?t me kroat?t, shqiptar?t me maqedonasit? Teksa p?rpiqem t'i jap p?rgjigje k?saj pyetjeje, pasi rrekem t? kap ca tendenca dhe t'i zgjatoj deri n? vitin '30 ndjej gjithnj? e m? shum? nj? v?shtir?si. P?rse kapa k?t? fill dhe jo at? fill p?r ta zgjatur e ?uar deri n? vitin 2030? P?rse disa argumenta t? forta nuk dua t'i d?gjoj ashtu edhe aq fort dhe p?rse p?rkundrazi disa argumenta dhe fakte m? t? dob?ta prirem t'i amplifikoj? P?rse pyetjen kam d?shir? ta shtroj "a do t? jetojn? t? pajtuar shqiptar?t me serb?t?" dhe jo ashtu si? mund ta shtronin shum? shqiptar? t? Kosov?s sot: "a do t? vij? m? n? fund nj? dit? kur t? mos kemi pun? fare me serb?t?" Tek e fundit nuk duhet shum? p?r t? kuptuar se kjo ndodh p?r shkak se parashikimi m? mplekset me vizionin tim p?r bot?n dhe akoma m? shum? me vullnetin p?r ta plazmuar bot?n sipas k?tij vizioni. A a kuptim t? rrekesh t? parashikosh n? m?nyr? objektive se ?far? do t? ndodh? n? t? ardhmen? A ka kuptim thjesht? t? shtrosh pyetjen n?se do t? ket? pajtim ose urrejtje midis shqitpar?ve dhe serb?ve? Ai q? tenton t'i jap? p?rgjigje k?saj pyetjeje pa dyshim fut n? t? vizionin e vet p?r bot?n edhe vullnetin e tij p?r ta ndryshuar at?. N? fakt ashtu sikurse historia p?r vet? natyr?n e saj nuk mund t? shkruhet objektivisht ashtu edhe e ardhmja nuk mund t? parashikohet objektivisht. N? thelb, pas 11 shtatorit, Ballkani po m? duket gjithnj? e m? shum? si nj? miniatur? e bot?s ku duket se po ndeshen dy tendenca ose m? sakt? dy vizione p?r bot?n: ai i hapjes dhe nd?rthurjes s? qytet?rimeve dhe ai i ndeshjes s? qytet?rimeve. ?far? do t? ndodh? me Ballkanin, vendin ku kryq?zohen - sipas ndarjes s? Huntingtonit - kurbat e tre qytet?rimeve: ajo katolike veriper?ndimore, (kroat?, slloven?, hungarez?), kurba ortodokse juglindore (serb?, bullgar?, rumun?, maqedonas dhe malazez?) dhe transversalja (e re) q? lidh mysliman?t e Bosnjes, Sanxhakut, Kosov?s, Shqip?ris? dhe Turqis?? Kur shprehem p?r at? n?se do t? ket? paqe dhe pajtim apo ndeshje qytet?rimesh n? Ballkan nuk mund t? shprehem jasht? vullnetit dhe p?rpjekjes sime p?r t? futur n? kultur?n e rajonit ku jetoj vlerat e paqes, pajtimit, toleranc?s dhe bashkjetes?s s? diversiteteve. E kam t? v?shtir? t? ndahem nga fakti se b?j pjes? nd?r ata q? mendojn? se sfida jon? e s? ardhmes ?sht? pik?risht p?rpjekja q? t? mos realizohet profecia e Huntingtonit e ndeshjes s? qytet?rimeve, se, n?se 2030-ta do t? jet? koh? paqeje apo lufte, n?se do t? ket? ndeshje qytet?rimesh apo integrim n? paqe t? diversiteteve, kjo nuk ?sht? nj? pun? q? ka t? b?j? me parashkimet, por me vullnetin ton? p?r t'i dh?n? bot?s nj? drejtim apo nj? tjet?r. * * *Kur flitet p?r pajtimin dhe p?r paqen p?rfundimtare n? Ballkan tashm? ?sht? b?r? e qart? se mendimi i mendjeve m? t? urta rekomandon disa procese nd?r t? cilat m? evidentet duket se jan?: - Rishkrimi i historis? - Nd?rshk?mbimi i kulturave. - Nd?rshk?mbimet ekonomike - FALJA do t? shtonte Paul Riceur. - Edhe DREJT?SIA ngulmojn? t? tjer?, - Por edhe nj? lloj aft?sie p?r t? HARRUAR Kur tentohet t? p?rfytyrohet se si mund t? jet? nj? Ballkan n? vitet '30 ata q? mendojn? si un?, pra se k?to procese duhen nxitur dhe inkurajuar (s?bashku me nj? proces integrimi n? Evrop?, q? do t? mund t? zbuste dhe kap?rcente problemin e mosmbarimit t? nd?rtimit t? shtetit komb) shtrojn? pyetjen se n? ?'pik? do t? kemi mundur t'i ?ojm? k?to procese n? at? vit. Jan? procese paralele q? v?shtir? se mund t? ecin pa nj?ri tjetrin. Ideja ime ?sht? se k?to procese v?shtir? se do t? mund t? konvergojn? n? pajtim pa pasur t?rheqjen gravitacionale t? nj? vizioni t? p?rbashk?t p?r t? ardhmen dhe se, nga ana tjet?r, ne nuk jemi aspak t? sigurt n?se e kemi k?t? vizion. P?r ta ilustrua k?t? ide dua t? b?j disa hamendje mbi problematik?n e nj?rit nga k?ta procese, at? t? rishkrimit t? historis? - jo thjesht? n? tekstet tona m?simore, por edhe n? memorien ton? t? gjall? kolektive. Pajtimi dhe rishkrimi i historis? Nj? nga librat m? t? njohur t? shkrimtarit shqiptar Ismail Kadare ?sht? Dosja H, botuar m? 1990. Historia e librit me dy fjal? ?sht? ajo e dy dijetar?ve irlandezo-amerikan? q? vijn? n? Shqip?ri n? vitet '20-'30. Q?llimi i tyre, sipas autorit, ?sht? zgjidhja e "enigm?s homerike" n? "laboratorin e fundit t? poezis? gojore q? ka mbetur n? bot?" n?p?rmjet studimit t? Eposit t? Kreshknik?ve, nj? poem? epike orale q? k?ndohet n? malet e Shqip?ris? s? veriut. ??shtja e origjin?s s? k?tij eposi ?sht? mjaft e mpreht? p?r nacionalizmin shqiptar pasi ky epos ?sht? dygjuh?sh, at? e recitojn? edhe rapsod? q? flasin nj? gjuh? tjet?r, at? t? armiqve t? shqiptar?ve, sllav?t. Kjo shtron nj? problem t? r?nd?sish?m p?r serb?t dhe p?r shqiptar?t - duke patur parasysh rivalitetet e tyre mbi hap?sirat gjeografike dhe kohore lidhur me "territorin komb?tar": kush e ka krijuar i pari eposin dhe kush ia ka marr? apo grabitur tjetrit, dmth kush ka qen? i pari n? k?to troje? Pas nj? k?rkimi t? kujdessh?m dy dijetar?t p?rcaktojn? "vendin origjinal" t? k?tij prodhimi epik, tep?r t? ngjash?m me at? homerik, malet e Shqip?ris? Veriore. Pas shum? ngjarjesh, takimesh dhe bisedash me shqiptar?t, ata vendosen n? qend?r t? vendit t? k?rkuar, n? nj? bujtin? t? vjet?r pran? nj? udh?kryqi, ku takojn? rregullisht rapsod?t e zon?s dhe regjistrojn? k?ng?t e tyre n? shirita. Puna e tyre ec?n dhe hipotezat bashkohen n? nj? teori origjinale rreth k?saj epike dhe tradite gojore, q? v?rteton nj? nga mitet e nacionalizmit shqiptar sipas t? cilit paraardh?sit e shqiptar?ve, ilir?t, kan? jetuar ngjitur me grek?t, pra kan? qen? autokton? dhe po ashtu kan? qen? ashtu dhe aq t? qytet?ruar sa kan? dh?n? e kan? marr? me grek?t e famsh?m. Mir?po nj? ngjarje e tmerrshme e p?rfundon vrazhd?sisht t? gjith? nd?rmarrjen e tyre: me nxitjen e nj? murgu serb, me emrin dometh?n?s Dushan, njer?z injorant? t? zon?s sulmojn? bujtin?n dhe shkat?rojn? manjetofonin me shiritat e in?izuar. Edhe sot e k?saj dite historia e k?tij eposi m?sohet k?shtu n? shkollat shqipe dhe njihet k?shtu n? kujtes?n kolektive t? shqiptar?ve. Vet?m nj? elit? tep?r e ngusht? ka arritur t? m?soj?, lidhur me historin? e k?tij eposi, se kan? ekzistuar v?rtet dy studiues t? huaj: Milman Parry, i diplomuar n? Harward dhe dishepulli i tij Albert Lord q? k?rkuan t? provoj? karakterin oral t? poemave homerike, dhe q? m? 1932 shkuan n? terren n? Jugosllavi, ku gjet?n "k?ng?tar? t? k?ng?ve epike", artist? analfabet? t? poezis? orale, sllav? t? jugut musliman?, kapaciteti i t? cil?ve p?r t? memorizuar dhe riprodhuar mij?ra vargje, paralelizon ngusht?sisht me idet? e Parry-t rreth Homerit. Mes t? tjerash ata kan? arritur n? kokluzionin se dygjuh?sia e k?tij eposi i dedikohet q?nies s? shqiptar?ve dhe sllav?ve t? jugut n? ushtrin? otomane. Duket qart? se tek libri i Kadares? kemi t? b?jm? me nj? fenomen t? shekullit t? XIX-t?: at? t? nacionalizimit t? nj? fenomeni paranacional duke i v?n? atij nj? etiket? etnike, fenomen p?r t? cilin Lord shkruan n? fund t? viteve 50 duke paralajm?ruar: "Ethja e nacionalizmit n? shekullin e n?nt?mb?dhjet? ?oi n? p?rdorimin e epik?s orale p?r propagand? nacionaliste. [...] K?shtu heroi lindte si nj? hero "komb?tar", dhe vet? poemat etiketoheshin si epika "komb?tare". [...] T? p?rcaktosh epik?n gojore si "komb?tare" ?sht? mjerisht sa e pav?rtet?, aq edhe nj? mashtrim djall?zor".1 Pas viteve 90 mbeti tejet e v?shtir? p?r k?t? elit? ta p?rhap? t? v?rtet?n mbi eposin shqiptar. N? fakt, n? t? gjith? Ballkanin n? vitet 90 tekstet e hitoris? u rishkruan me synimin e mb?shtetjes s? politikave nacionaliste t? partive n? pushtet n?p?rmjet metodash "interpretative" t? ndryshme. N? Bosnje ka tre tekste t? historis? - nj?ri q? ?sht? hartuar nga Federata e Bosnje Hercegovn?s, nj? q? m?sohet n? Republika Serbska e q? ?sht? teksti i Republik?s Federale t? Jugosllavis? dhe tjetri, teksti kroat, q? mosohet n? zonat e banuara nga kroat?. Edhe p?rmbajtja e tekstit t? ri t? historis? s? Shqip?ris?, i hartuar n? 1994, ndryshoi - ?ka duket q? nga titulli: ai i koh?s komuniste kishte titullin Historia e Shqip?ris? dhe trajtonte historin? e shtetit shqiptar t? lindur m? 1912, kurse ai i paskomunizmit u titullua: "Historia e popullit shqiptar", ku hap?siara gjeopolitike q? analizohet n? k?t? manual p?rfshin t? gjitha tokat e Shqip?ris? etnike dhe jan? p?rfshir? edhe autor? kosovar?.2 Rrethi vicioz A do t? mund t? rishkruhet historia n? vendet e ndryshme t? Ballkanit, ndryshe nga ?'u rishkrua, - dhe, ?ka ?sht? m? e r?nd?sishme, a do t? mund t? b?het kjo histori e rishkruar pjes? e nd?rgjegjes s? gjall? kolektive? A do t? mund t? dilet nga metodat egocentrike, glorifikuese apo viktimizuese e t? shkruhet n? historin? e let?rsis? shqipe se historia e eposit ?sht? krejt ndryshe; se origjina e saj lidhet me koh?n otomane kur si sllav?t e jugut dhe shqiptar?t q? recitojn? k?t? epos kan? jetuar s? bashku dhe n? harmoni duke i dh?n? e marr? nj?ri tjetrit - p?rndryshe eposi nuk do t? kishte qen? dygjuh?sh? Duket se t? gjitha procest e rekomanduara p?r paq?timin e Ballkanit, duke p?rfshir? edhe faljen edhe rishkrimin e historis?, v?shtir? se do t? mund kryhen pa shpres?n e nj? t? ardhmje m? t? mir?. Njer?zit e kan? v?shtir? t? falin kur nuk e kan? k?t? shpres?. Por, nga ana tjet?r, shpresa p?r nj? t? ardhme m? t? mir? ?sht? e lidhur me realizimin e nj? shprese/vizioni q? ata kan? p?r t? ardhmen. Sot flitet aq shum? p?r mosp?rcaktimin e statusit t? Kosov?s si nj? nga shkaqet kryesore pse pun?t nuk shkojn? mir? n? at? rajon. Por ?far? do t? thot? n? thelb t? p?rcaktohet statusi i Kosov?s: n? thelb do t? thot? t? p?rcaktohet n? nj? far? mase shpresa/vizioni q? do t? ken? p?r t? ardhmen e tyre shqiptar?t e Kosov?s. N? fakt? ata e kan? nj? shpes?/vizion: at? etno nacionalist t? pavar?sis?. P?r ta nj? e ardhme m? e mir? do t? thot? nj? Kosov? jasht? Serbis?, mund?sisht edhe pa serb?. Vet?m ky vizion mund t'i motivoj? energjit? e tyre, aq t? nevojshme p?r mbar?vajtjen e pun?ve aty. Dhe ja si bijem n? nj? reth vicon edhe p?rsa i p?rket rishkrimit t? historis?. N?se aspiratat e s? ardhmes jan? realizimi i ?nd?rr?s nacionaliste, (si p?r shqiptar?t ashtu edhe p?r serb?t), at?here historia do t? lexohet e shkruhet p?rs?ri ashtu si? ?sht? shkruar e lexuar: duke evokuar luftrat, ndarjet, diskriminimet, viktimizimin dhe kjo histori do t? gjeneroj? armiq?si dhe mitet q? nes?r p?rs?ri mund t? gjenerojn? konflikt. Me k?t? vizion as nuk mund t? mendohet q? serb?t ta rishohin historin? nj?shekullore t? pastrimit etnik ndaj shqiptar?ve; edhe p?r masakr?n e vitit 1999 do t? vazhdojn? t? faj?sojn? vet?m Naton, e po ashtu shqiptar?t do ta shkruajn? historin? e vitit 1999 ashtu si? kan? filluar ta shkruajn?, jo si nj? fitore t? Natos dhe t? t? drejtave t? njeriut, por si nj? fitore nacionaliste e U?K-s?. Sot mar?dh?niet midis etnive t? ndryshme n? ballkan t? kujtojn? Fabul?n e La Fontenit me Dhelpr?n dhe Lejlekun t? cil?t i japin nj?ri tjetrit p?r t? ngr?n? n? nj? en? n? t? cil?n mund t? haj? vet?m i zoti i en?s. Pa dyshim n? dh?nien form? t? k?tyre en?ve ka ndikuar edhe historia e shkruar si pjes? e nd?rmarrjes s? grupet t? ndryshme etnike p?r nd?rtimin e shtetit t? tyre etnik. Me presionin e lojtarit t? tret?, arbitrit nd?rkomb?tar, mundet q? t? ngrihet edhe n? Kosov?, si n? Bosnje, nj? grup ekspert?sh me synim rishikimin i programeve shkollore t? historis? me objektiv individuimin dhe eliminimin e pjes?ve q? nxisin urrejtjen dhe konfliktet nacionale. Por, si? thot? edhe Nietzche duke cituar G?ten n? esen? e tij Mbi dobin? dhe disavantazhin e historis? p?r jet?n: "Urrej ?do gj? q? vet?m m? m?son, pa ma shtuar aktivitetin apo pa ma gjall?ruar at? menj?her?". Historia na lipset p?r aq sa i sh?rben jet?s3. Kjo do t? thot? se ne jemi t? aft? t? kujtojm? dhe t? harrojm? nj?her?sh dhe se k?t? proces e dikton jeta. Shqiptar?ve zor se do t'u ngjall? ndonj? d?shir? m? shum? p?r jet?n nj? histori q? nuk ushqen pasionet e tyre nacionaliste. Arbitri nd?rkomb?tar mund t'u imponoj? atyre ta harrojn? historin? e tyre nacionaliste, n? em?r t? jet?s s? p?rditshme, (?ka mund t? shkaktoj? edhe nj? frustrim t? rreziksh?m), por jo t? m?sojn? nj? tjet?r lloj historie sa koh q? kjo nuk u "gjall?ron" shpirtin. Prandaj problemi nuk ?sht? thjesht? t? rishkruhet historia, por t? ndryshoj? "frym?zimi" q? dikton m?nyr?n e shkrimit dhe leximit t? saj. ?ka do t? thot? q? metoda selektive, interpretative e saj t? frym?zohet nga nj? tjet?r shpres?/vizion p?r t? ardhmen: i till? q? t? na b?j? t? shohim n? t? shkuar?n edhe marr?dh?niet e paqes, vllaz?rimit dhe bashkimit e jo vet?m ato t? luftrave. Vet?m nj? frym?zim i till? mund ta ndryshoj? "en?n" duke e b?r? at? t? jet? edhe mjaft e thell? p?r sqepin e Lejlekut, por edhe mjaft e gjer? p?r nofullat e dhelp?rs? Eksperienc? e nj? frym?zimi t? till? n? rajon ka qen? periudha e par? e komunizmit kur shqiptar?t m?sonin se n?na e Sk?nderbeut, heroit t? tyre komb?tar, ishte sllave, se n? betej?n e Kosov?s serb?t dhe shqiptar?t kishin luftuar s? bashku n?n flamurin e krisht?rimit, - gj?ra q?, edhe n?se figurojn? diku n? tekstet e historis?, jan? t? fshira nga kujtesa e tyre e gjall? kolektive. Komunizmi ishte nj? vizion i s? ardhmes mjaft frym?zues n? krye t? her?s q?, megjith? d?shtimin e tij mund t'i m?soj? ende di?ka Ballkanit n? k?t? drejtim. A ?sht? Evropa nj? vizion i rifrym?zues? ?sht? e v?rtet ?se ideja e nj? vizioni t? p?rbashk?t na evokon, m? an? tjet?r, tragjedin? e tmerrshme komuniste duke na kthyer tek idet? e liberalizmit t? Karl Poperit; ?sht? e v?rtet? se sekushi n? k?t? kontinent ka t? drejt?n t? shtroj? pyetjen: kush jemi ne/ju q? po doni t? na krijoni nj? vision t? p?rbashk?t p?r t? ardhmen? Por megjithat? ata intelektual? t? rajonit q? p?rpiqen t? krijojn? nj? tjet?r lloj "ene" t? pranueshme si p?r dhelp?rn edhe p?r lejlekun, e ndajn? nj? vizion t? p?rbashk?t. Ata predikojn? se hap?sira ku jetojn? popuj q? urrejn? nj?ri tjetrin (p?r shka se pengojn? nj?ri tjetrin p?r krijimin e shtetit t? tyre etnik) duhet t? shnd?rrohet n? nj? hap?sir? publike t? p?rbashk?t, demokratike e me t? drejta t? barabarta p?r t? gjith?, ku rregullat e bashkekzistenc? dhe t? kultur?s qytetare t? respektohen nga t? gjith?, ku ngarkesa politke e etno - nacionalizmit ulet n?p?rmjet ndarjes s? kultur?s nga politika si m?nyra e vetme p?r t? shmangur dominimin e politik?s nga faktori etnik. N? p?rfytyrimin e shum?ve nj? hap?sir? e till? e ka modelin e vet n? nj? Evrop? t? p?rbashk?t. Mir?po a e frym?zon Evropa reale nj? vizion t? till?? Po dhe Jo. Edhe Evropa ka kontradiktat e veta. Duke e menduar Evrop?n si nj? vizion i till? gjithnj? m? ka dal? p?rpara nj? fakt shqet?sues. Si ?sht? e mundur q? shqiptar?t e shumt? q? kan? jetuar n? Evrop? kur ka ardhur puna p?r t? mbledhur ndihma p?r Kosov?n nuk jan? treguar asnj?her? t? gatsh?m t? japin t? holla p?r t? ndihmuar me to nd?rtimin atje t? atyre vlerave q? mendohet se Evropa mish?ron, si bashkejtesa e diversiteteve, apo shoq?ria civile, por jan? treguar shum? t? gatsh?m t? mbledhin para p?r t? nxitur n? vendet e tyre t? lindjes ose t? origjin?s ethet e nacionalizmit dhe t? luft?s kund?r tjetrit t? ndrysh?m. Nuk kam mundur t? mos mendoj se edhe Evropa ka dor?n e vet n? k?t? pun?. Mjafton t? shikosh p?rkrah?sit e shumt? t? Bossit, L? Pennit, Hayderit. Mjafton t? lexosh reagimin n? Corriere della Sera t? gazetares s? njohur italiane Oriana Falaci pas 11 shtatorit: "?'kuptim ka t? respektojm? at? q? nuk na respekton? ?'kuptim ka t? mbrojm? kultur?n e tyre, ose t? ashtuquajtur?n kultur? t? tyre, kur ata e p?r?mojn? ton?n?" "T? hysh n? bisedime me ta, ?sht? e pamundur. T? arsyetosh me ta, ?sht? jasht?mendsh. T'i trajtosh me zem?rgjer?si ose shpirtmadh?si, ?sht? vet?vrasje." " Kush ua jep dhjet? milion?t p?r kok? (m? s? paku dhjet? milion?) q? duhen p?r t? bler? bilet?n? T'ua jap? vall? Usama Bin Ladeni me synimin e realizimit t? nj? pushtimi q? nuk qenk?sh vet?m pushtim shpirt?rash, por edhe pushtim trojesh? Edhe n?se mysafir?t tan? jan? kryek?put t? pafajsh?m, edhe n?se mes tyre s'ka asnj? q? dashk?sh t? m? shkat?rroj? Kull?n e Piz?s apo Kull?n e Giotto-s, asnj? q? dashk?sh t? m? v?r? ferexhen?, asnj? q? dashk?sh t? m? djeg? n? turr?n e druve t? nj? Inkuizicioni t? ri, prania e tyre mua m? shqet?son. M? b?n t? ndihem ligsht."4 Duket se Evropa vazhdon t? jet? e ndar? si? e p?rshkruan Hyserli m? 1935 midis Evrop?s s? "Heroizmit t? arsyes" dhe Evrop?s "t? kapluar nga lodhja"; nj? Evrop? q?, si? e tregon edhe reagimi i Falacit mundet ende ta humbas? pjes?m m? t? mir? t? mendjes, ar?syen dhe pjes?m m? t? mir? t? zemr?s, dhimbshurin?. Askush, pas 11 Shtatorit, nuk ndjehet i sigurt? se strategjive t? reja t? diktuara nga "lodhja" nuk do ta mbisundojn? "heroizmin e arsyes". * * *Dit?n e fest?s komb?tare n? shkollat greke b?het nj? parad? dhe n? krye t? k?saj parade parakalon flamuri grek t? cilin e mban nx?n?si q? ka patur rezultatet m? t? mira. N? vitin 1999 ndodhi q? n? nj? shkoll? t? Selanikut nx?n?si m? i mir? t? ishte nj? shqiptar musliman, bir i nj? familjeje emigrant?sh q? jetonin prej shum? vitesh n? Greqi. Djali i tyre ishte shkolluar n? Greqi, madje edhe emrin prind?rit ia kishin v?n? Odisea. ??shtja n?se ky djal? i vog?l shqiptar q? kishte dal? n? at? vit m?simor nx?n?si m? i mir? i nj? shkolle greke ishte i denj? t? mbante flamurin grek apo jo u kthye n? nj? ??shtje komb?tare. Opinoni grek u nda m? dysh. Personalitet t? r?nd?sish?m t? politik?s greke u shpreh?n hapur se nj? jogrek nuk mund t? mbante flamurin grek n? dit?n e fest?s komb?tare. T? tjer? shpreh?n t? kund?rt?n, por duke formuluar iden? q? e shprehu Presidenti i Greqis? i cili citoi nj? nga grek?t e lasht? q? pask?sh th?n? se cilido q? flet gjuh?n greke dhe ka kultur?n greke ?sht? grek. Pra edhe sipas k?saj mbrojtjeje q? iu b? shqiptarit t? vog?l ai mund ta mbante flamurin grek pasi kishte humbur identitetin e tij kulturor shqiptar. Nd?rkaq djali i frustruar dhe i traumatizuar nuk e mbajti dot flamurin. N? vizionin tim p?r ballkanin 2030 un? dua t? shoh nj? f?mij? shqiptar n? Greqi q? mund t? mbaj? flamurin grek gjith? duke e quajtur veten shqiptar dhe po ashtu nj? f?mij? grek n? Shqip?ri q? mban flamurin shqiptar gjith? duke e quajtur veten grek. Dhe n?se kjo do t? ndodh? apo ne do t? vazhdojm? t? tregojm? anakdoda t? zeza me k?rpurdha t? helmuara, kjo do t? varet nga sa "heroiz?m t? ar?syes" do t? kemi ne p?r ta realizuar at?. 1 Shih DR. Galia Valtchinova: Ismail Kdare's The H-File and The Making of the Homeric Verse: Variations on the Works and Lives of M. Parry and A. Lord. P?rpjekja 15-16 (Tirana, 1999), pp. 13 - 38. S. Schwandner - Sievers, B. Fischer (eds) Albanian Identities: Myth and History, London: Hurst, 2002. 2 Shih: Piccoli Balcani crescono - articoli di Senada Bahto, Gian Luca Bonduri, Arian Konomi, (f. 181) Limes (Rivista italiana di geopolitica) Kosovo, il triangolo dei Balcani (3/1998). 3 Frederico Nietzsche Considerazioni inatuali, Casa Editrice sonzogno Milano, 1940, (p,115) . translated from: Nietzsches Werke Band II, Unzeitgemasse Betrachtungen; aus dem Nachlass 1873-75 Uebersetzungsrecht Vorbehalten, Leipzig, 1922 4 Corriere Della sera (Shtator 2001). --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 11 01:47:59 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 10 Feb 2002 22:47:59 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ATA News Message-ID: <20020211064759.15239.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> TIRANE, Feb 10 (ata) - By A Haxhiu: The Human Rights Union Party of Albania is holding its 3d congress on Sunday. After analyzing the work of this political force over the past ten years, the present chairman of HRUP, Vasil Melo, expressed reserves for the Reorganizing Committee for the holding of the congress, referring to "manipulation regarding the selection of the delegates." Mr Melo said that he "would not recognize the voting of the congress for the new chairman of the party, and will demand a meeting of the HRUP National Council to reconvene the Congress." He spoke harshly with regard to the chairman of OMONIA Association, Vangjel Dule, who, according to Melo, was seeking to take the chairmanship of the party through manipulation. At the end of his speech, Mr Melo left the congress hall. Mr Dule and the chairman of the Party reorganization committee, Thoma Mico, opposed the statements of chairman Melo, adding that "the congress was being conduced on the basis of all procedures." The HRUP congress is expected to elect through voting, today in the afternoon, the new party chairman and other leading party structures. The two candidates for the post of the party chairman are Vangjel Dule and Thoma Mico. /nela/xh/ TIRANE, Feb 10 (ATA)-By A. Haxhiu, Vangjel Dule was elected on Sunday chairman of the Human Rights Union Party (HRUP). The Congress of this party voted in majority in favour of electing Dule to this position. Dule received 153 votes against 51 votes of the other candidate Ligoraq Karamelo. The newly elected chairman replaces in this office Vasil Melo, the previous chairman of this party. Melo quitted the congress proceedings today considering them at a news conference "illegitimate and manipulated". Apart from the debated emerging today in this party Melo had previously confirmed that he would not put forward his candidature for party chairman. The General Council of this party, composed of 71 members was also elected today. The HRUP is one of the five parties of the governing coalition. It is represented in Albania's Assembly with three deputies. /nela/lm/ 2002-02-10 TIRANE, Feb 10 (ata) - By A Haxhiu: The Human Rights Union Party of Albania is holding its 3d congress on Sunday. After analyzing the work of this political force over the past ten years, the present chairman of HRUP, Vasil Melo, expressed reserves for the Reorganizing Committee for the holding of the congress, referring to "manipulation regarding the selection of the delegates." Mr Melo said that he "would not recognize the voting of the congress for the new chairman of the party, and will demand a meeting of the HRUP National Council to reconvene the Congress." He spoke harshly with regard to the chairman of OMONIA Association, Vangjel Dule, who, according to Melo, was seeking to take the chairmanship of the party through manipulation. At the end of his speech, Mr Melo left the congress hall. Mr Dule and the chairman of the Party reorganization committee, Thoma Mico, opposed the statements of chairman Melo, adding that "the congress was being conduced on the basis of all procedures." The HRUP congress is expected to elect through voting, today in the afternoon, the new party chairman and other leading party structures. The two candidates for the post of the party chairman are Vangjel Dule and Thoma Mico. /nela/xh/ TIRANE, Feb 10 (ata) - By A Haxhiu: The Human Rights Union Party of Albania is holding its 3d congress on Sunday. After analyzing the work of this political force over the past ten years, the present chairman of HRUP, Vasil Melo, expressed reserves for the Reorganizing Committee for the holding of the congress, referring to "manipulation regarding the selection of the delegates." Mr Melo said that he "would not recognize the voting of the congress for the new chairman of the party, and will demand a meeting of the HRUP National Council to reconvene the Congress." He spoke harshly with regard to the chairman of OMONIA Association, Vangjel Dule, who, according to Melo, was seeking to take the chairmanship of the party through manipulation. At the end of his speech, Mr Melo left the congress hall. Mr Dule and the chairman of the Party reorganization committee, Thoma Mico, opposed the statements of chairman Melo, adding that "the congress was being conduced on the basis of all procedures." The HRUP congress is expected to elect through voting, today in the afternoon, the new party chairman and other leading party structures. The two candidates for the post of the party chairman are Vangjel Dule and Thoma Mico. /nela/xh/ TIRANE, Feb 10 (ata) - By A Haxhiu: The Human Rights Union Party of Albania is holding its 3d congress on Sunday. After analyzing the work of this political force over the past ten years, the present chairman of HRUP, Vasil Melo, expressed reserves for the Reorganizing Committee for the holding of the congress, referring to "manipulation regarding the selection of the delegates." Mr Melo said that he "would not recognize the voting of the congress for the new chairman of the party, and will demand a meeting of the HRUP National Council to reconvene the Congress." He spoke harshly with regard to the chairman of OMONIA Association, Vangjel Dule, who, according to Melo, was seeking to take the chairmanship of the party through manipulation. At the end of his speech, Mr Melo left the congress hall. Mr Dule and the chairman of the Party reorganization committee, Thoma Mico, opposed the statements of chairman Melo, adding that "the congress was being conduced on the basis of all procedures." The HRUP congress is expected to elect through voting, today in the afternoon, the new party chairman and other leading party structures. The two candidates for the post of the party chairman are Vangjel Dule and Thoma Mico. /nela/xh/ HRUP elects as its chairman Vangjel Dule --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 11 01:52:32 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 10 Feb 2002 22:52:32 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Times Message-ID: <20020211065232.88137.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/0,,3-204726,00.html --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 11 07:49:28 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 11 Feb 2002 04:49:28 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Query: US Foreign Policy Failures in the Balkans Message-ID: <20020211124928.21364.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> sanktaekatarina wrote: From sanktaekatarina Fri Feb 8 11:44:14 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: "sanktaekatarina" Date: Fri, 08 Feb 2002 19:44:14 -0000 Subject: [balkans] Query: US Foreign Policy Failures in the Balkans Good Afternoon List Members, I am new to the list (just joined). My name is Ekatarina Ivanovic. I am Serbian and German. I am also an actively practicing Orthodox Christian. My family left "Yugoslavia" after the Communist Revolution, for my grandfathers life was threated (he was a high ranking officer in the King's Military). I was born and raised on US Military Bases in Europe (my father is a us army officer retired). I was educated in England (Oxford), and moved to Philadelphia PA (USA), to pursue my IMBA at UPenn. I am currently a PhD Candidate in the Poli Sci Department at UPenn, concentrating on Foreign Political Systems. The reason I joined this mainly for one reason. I am doing a Capstone Thesis on US Foreign Policy Failures in the Balkans - mainly 1) how the United States was incapable of comprehending the complex history of the region and deep rooted ethnic rivalries, and 2) how the US was unable to control Albanian Moslems & their terrorist networks after elimintating the Serbians' ability to protect themselves. Recently, I spend seven months traveling through Serbia and doing some extensive research at the University of Belgrade. I am always looking for recommendations for reading material. Do any of you attend or have you attended universities that publish Foreign Affairs Journals? If so, have you come across any previous scholarly works concerning this topic?? Looking forward to the conversations on this list! In Christ, Katia p.s. if there are any other Orthodox Christians on the list, there is an Orthodox Christian Book List on egroups - All of you (whether Orthodox or not) are most welcome to join. http://groups.yahoo.com/group/orthodoxchristianbooks/ Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 11 07:52:50 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 11 Feb 2002 04:52:50 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU enlargement and Copenhagen criteria on minorities Message-ID: <20020211125250.67140.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Subject: EU accession criteria and the Framework Convention Dear MINELRES list members, How the EU accession condition (so called Copenhagen criterion) of "respect for minorities" in the candidate countries should be interpreted? In particular, is ratification and fair implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities a necessary prerequisite to meet this criterion? These questions are probably the most topical now on the "minority rights agenda" in Central Eastern Europe. In this view, the following excerpts from the Parliamentary question and the European Commission's answer might be of interest to us. WRITTEN QUESTION E-0620/01 by Nelly Maes (Verts/ALE) to the Commission (1 March 2001) Subject: Respect for regional and minority languages In reply to a previous question (E-3702/00)(1) on the diversity of languages in the European Union, Commissioner Reding said that respect for linguistic and cultural diversity was one of the main principles of the Union. ........... 2. Is the Commission prepared to spell out the Copenhagen criteria's rather vague description of "respect for minorities" so that minority languages can be respected and protected? ........... Answer given by Mrs Reding on behalf of the Commission (15 May 2001) ........... 2. The criteria for Membership laid down at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993 include "the respect for and protection of minorities". In assessing progress made by the candidate countries with regard to this criterion, the Commission devotes particular attention to the respect for, and the implementation of, the various principles laid down in the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, including those related to the use of minority languages. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kbejko at hotmail.com Mon Feb 11 14:32:41 2002 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Mon, 11 Feb 2002 14:32:41 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] INS to hire Private Eyes Message-ID: Private Eyes Bid to Help the INS To Track Foreign Students in U.S. By ANN DAVIS and CHRIS OSTER Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL Foreign students, already facing scrutiny on campus from the FBI, could soon find themselves under the watchful eyes of private gumshoes. Background-check companies and gun-toting bounty hunters are just two of the businesses vying for contracts from the Immigration and Naturalization Service to help track foreign students who come to the U.S. on student visas. Improved surveillance of students has become a top priority in Washington after the discovery that some of the Sept. 11 hijackers came here on student visas and didn't pursue their study plans. Although the INS hasn't specified the precise systems it hopes to build, a spokesman says it plans to upgrade its limited student database. Some companies say their businesses would dovetail nicely with the task of finding foreign students who fail to show up for class -- or don't enroll at all. ChoicePoint Inc. of Alpharetta, Ga., a big collector of public records and other data about credit-card holders, plans to propose phone banks to call schools and verify that students have actually enrolled and actually are attending classes. In multiple meetings with the INS, vice president Jim Zimbardi says he has made the case that "if the student is not regularly attending class we're going to locate the student at his last, best known address." ChoicePoint also is working with a computer-networking company it declines to name to compete for the bigger job of building the INS's new database for all 547,000 foreign students in the U.S. Prompted by reports that terrorists involved in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing had entered on student visas, Congress passed a law calling for a database to track when students received visas and enrolled and what they were studying. So far, though, INS has implemented the system only as a pilot project in 32 academic institutions in five states; the rest of the nation's colleges and universities submit records on paper. The pilot system tracks when foreign students arrive and enroll, but has no provision to check that students are really attending class. Capital Bonding Corp., of Reading, Pa., one of the nation's largest writers of bail-bonds, plans to suggest that students entering the country be required to purchase a $10,000 immigration bond and to check in periodically. If the students fail to show up in its system, Capital Bonding would send one of its 700 bail agents and 500 bounty hunters in 37 states to find them. Capital Bonding already monitors more than 10,000 foreign nationals who were required to buy immigration bonds because of visa violations, says chief executive Vincent J. Smith. Some international education groups argue that tracking students -- while tourists and other visa-holders slip into the ether -- is intrusive and inefficient. "Having a bunch of gumshoes running around making sure they get up at seven and go to class is silly," says Victor Johnson of the Association of International Educators. Some students are concerned that simple class-skipping or trips overseas to visit their families would trigger unreasonable suspicion. "A small slip could lead to huge problems," says Abhay Shah, a 25-year-old graduate student from India at the University of Georgia. Some states are trying to supplement federal immigration efforts. Last week, a Georgia lawmaker introduced a bill that would require colleges to report to the INS any student on a student visa who fails to appear for class for two consecutive weeks, unless the student has provided a medical explanation. Rep. Chuck Sims, the author of the bill, doesn't think his proposal would overburden universities. "All you've got to do is pick up the phone. ... Just say Moammar Gadhafi here didn't show up," he says. A number of university officials say such plans may be unrealistic. Lelia Crawford, director of international student and scholar programs at Emory University in Atlanta, says, "For larger classes, and even some smaller ones, faculty members don't take roll and probably don't know all the students." Foreign student advisers say the systems now in place have holes. Dr. Nicholas Arrindell, who heads international students services at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, says the school frequently offers admission and sends a form, called an I-20, to students that it never hears from again. Students can take the I-20 to U.S. embassies overseas to apply for a student visa. It is possible, he said, that some students may enter the U.S. with I-20s from Johns Hopkins, but then never enroll at the school. "Some are very polite and say 'I'm not attending Hopkins, I'm going to Columbia.' " says Dr. Arrindell. "But many don't inform us at all." Still, he argues that foreign-student advisers' offices -- not private companies -- are the best-equipped to keep track of their own students. Write to Ann Davis at ann.davis at wsj.com and Chris Oster at chris.oster at wsj.com Updated February 11, 2002 12:01 a.m. _________________________________________________________________ Send and receive Hotmail on your mobile device: http://mobile.msn.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 11 20:14:28 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 11 Feb 2002 17:14:28 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dr. Ylli Pango ne Koha Jone Message-ID: <20020212011428.46938.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Lodrat e femijeve Ylli Pango/ Keto dite pashe e degjova, kryeministrin e ri. Nuk kishte gje me te goditur se thenia e tij te sinqerte per parametrat qe duhen plotesuar per te hyre ne BE e NATO. Ne esence ishte: "Ato nuk jane ndonje gje e veshtire per t'u arritur, ne madje jemi mjaft prane". Ai natyrisht e di qe ne jemi ende mjaft rurale, apo agrare, sic do te thoshte Genti. Madje jo vetem ne Baldushk (rrethi i Tiranes) e me tej, por edhe fare prane, pak me tej se qendra e kryeqytetit. Ai e di gjithashtu, se ne me dritat e ujin sikur skemi dhe aq permiresime. Por ama, ai e di se ne bejme sfilata. Ai madje e di edhe qe ca nga lagjja Ali Demi, tironca te vjeter, vine e mbushin uje me kova te piramida, por ai me siguri e di se ka te tjere qe pine uje me shishe dhe kjo e gezon. Ai e di se mafia e korrupsioni jane aty diku prane tij, te zyrat. Por ai di edhe qe ka mjaft pare, mjaft pube, disko, misse e miell apo mall sic i thone. Ai natyrisht qe di edhe shume gjera te tjera. Por ai eshte optimist, i ri, i ndershem. Nje kolegia ime e punes do te thoshte: Ka guxim. Dhe pas kesaj mendova: Sa e lehte eshte te duash ketu tek ne. Sa shpejt te hyn njeriu ne zemer. Mjafton te jesh, djale i mire. Madje edhe me pak, te kesh pamjen e djalit te mire. Mjaft lexues a teleshikues tamam per kete jane mallengjyer keto dite. Jane prekur. Te vihet, pse te mos vihet ne krye, eshte djali me i mire qe kemi. Ne kemi vertet nje Parti Socialiste te cuditeshme(P.M). Une do te shtoja se ne kemi vertet edhe nje popull te cuditshem(te mire), madje akoma me te mire se partia. Popull nga i cili ka dale kjo parti e cuditshme. Ja vini re sa popull i mire, i bute, i dashur. E dha menjehere aprovimin e vet per lodren qe i dha Majkos, partia e mire, partia e cuditshme. Ishte po ky popull i mire qe i tha Majkos atehere, atehere kur Partia ja mori lodren: Mos u merzit, ti je ende i ri, ke kohe. Mund ta marresh serish lodren, lodren e dashur kryeministrore. Ja, vetem prit pak. Sa t'ia japim lodren nje tjetri, te gezoje edhe ai ca e perseri ta kthejme. Atij nuk i besohej qe nuk i besohej. I mbeti shume hatri madje. Dikush tha qe edhe u perlot. Por ja erdhi viti 2002, numer cift dhe lodra ra perseri ne duart e tij. Sa parti e mire. Sa popull i mire. Dhe gjindja gezon e vendi lulezon, do te shkruante poeti. Dhe ai menjehere premtoi, vuri prioritetet, nisi te zgjidhe hallet. Vuri zgjedhjen e presidentit dhe futjen ne NATO. Populli mbare u mallengjye: Sa djale i mire. Tamam ato qe na duheshin, ato per te cilat po digjemi. E kush pyet per drita po patem president. Po patem ate, i kemi te gjitha. Ate, presidentin do ta kemi si driten, si driten e syrit, si driten elektrike. Ne vend te drites do ta kemi. Pa do ta kemi dhe si uje, si rruge, si buke. E kush pyet per ujin pastaj po hyme ne NATO. Ushtrine do ta kemi te forte. Edhe vete do te behemi me te forte. Me te forte e me te duruar per t'i mbajtur hallet me mire. Akoma me thelle u pre populli kur Blendi vuri ato sekuencat nga e kaluara e dy-tre vjeteve me pare, ato momentet e vendosmerise se Majkos kur tha se populli nuk te pyet, ai do drita, do uje, apo kur tha se me rrogen qe merr do te punoje pa rreshtur qe t'ia shpaguaje taksapaguesit. Dhe thelle sa me s'behet u prek populli kur ai tha se: Meten e do medoemos ne qeveri, se ne fund te fundit, dritat, ato drita per te cilat Majko foli me aq preokupacion para dy-tre vjetesh, Meta i solli, pra ai i duhet kesaj qeverie per ta ndricuar me tej kete vend. Majko eshte kaq i gezuar, kaq i lumtur, kaq feminor ne kenaqesine e tij, sa vertet i gjithe populli nuk mund te mos fluturoje sot e tutje nga gazi bashke me te. Edhe nje gje. Ai nuk na fshehu gje fare, a e degjuat. Pak a shume tha se: "zakonisht ministrat nuk i zene vendet sipas nevojave te vendit por sipas interesave te vete ministrave". Te themi te drejten, kjo ishte kaq prekese, kaq e sinqerte, kaq e ndershme. Dhe ne si popull e hame me shume shije sinqeritetin, edhe ate te hidhurin fare. Per ta pare problemin me gjere, eshte pa dyshim nje fat qe kryeministra, ministra, kandidateministra a ish-ministra jane kaq te rinj, kaq te njome, kaq djem te mire. Pashe dje njerin syresh, me golf te bardhe, me atlete, riosh, te qeshur, gazmor, pa telashe, faqekuq, pak jargemadh, (me lezet ama), teksa bisedonte ne nje kafene nga ato te qendres, me miq dhe ndjeva perseri, sikur ketij vendi ju lehtesuan hallet. Ishte kaq i cliret, kaq i embel, kaq pa halle. Te mbushte me shprese. Te gjithe njerezit perrreth e degjonin, gezoheshin, qeshnin. Edhe ata harronin hallet. Diku tjeter, kam pare nje tjeter minister vogelush lekurebardhe, dhe diku ne qender nje te trete me buze te bardha, te qumeshta, dhe sa here qe kam pare te tille (gjithnje e me shume po shoh) kam menduar: "Keta po na bejne, pa tjeter do te na bejne". Edhe ne nje fuoristrade kam pare nje tjeter vogelush drejtues, me pamje biberonore, buckalan, me pamje inatcore natyrale. Me thane se edhe atij, si dikur Majkos, po tentojne t'i marrin lodren. Por eshte merzitur kaq shume sa po mendohen gjate a eshte pedagogjike apo jo ta lesh pa loder. Mund edhe te mos ia marrin. Eshte femije i mbare, ben tendera, prokurime, thuhet se do te beje edhe rruge a rrugica. Ben edhe ca prapesira te vogla, por i vogel eshte, i falet, do te ktheje, do te mesoje. Nje mike e vjeter me tha se ne Ministrine ku punon ajo, vec ministrit, ka edhe mjaft djem-drejtora te veckel me golfe e buze te bardha. Jane shumica. U gezova pa mase edhe per ata. Ne jemi vertet, per te huazuar serish kryeministrin tone jetegjate, nje popull i cuditshem. Ne pranojme te vuajme por per femijet leme koken. Ne u japim lodra nga me te shtrenjtat femijeve tane te rritur, femijeve qeveritare. Ne shpenzojme apo paguajme shume per ta. Por ne e dime sa gezohen ata kur i marrin lodrat, kur ia japin ato hua njeri-tjetrit, kur i shkembejne. Ja perse ne pranojme te paguajme, te paguajme per lodrat e shtrenjta me te cilat lozin ata. Ne e shohim se si u shkon buza vesh me vesh nga gezimi pasi marrin lodren. Ne e dime qe pas kesaj ata do te punojne e robtohen per popullin sa te behen cope per hir te asaj palo-rroge qe u japin taksapaguesit. Ne e dime sa do te vuajne ata e familja e pertejfamilja e tyre nga kjo. Ne e dime dhe e vuajme bashke me ta. Eshte pikerisht per shkak te kesaj qe po u them ne emer te se ardhmes: "Ju lutem, ju ergjerohem, per hir te kesaj lumturie te tyre, tones e te tjerave qe do te vine, mos ua merrni lodrat femijeve tane, kalamajeve tane, bebushqeveritareve tane. Lerini ata te lozin edhe ca". P.S. Ne historine e cdo vendi te botes njihen rastet, kur madje edhe ne majat me te larta te qeverisjes jane vene te rinjte. Ata me energjiket, me te motivuarit, me te talentuarit. Ne asnje nder historite e vendeve te botes nuk njihet ende rasti i hyrjes kaq masive te vogelusheve ne te gjithe sferat e drejtimit e qeverisjes, madje edhe pa firmosur asnje here me pare ne bordero. Jemi pjese e nje eksperimenti tjeter nder te shumtet qe jane bere me kete vend dhe qe do te na kushtoje mjaft ne te ardhmen. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 11 20:18:21 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 11 Feb 2002 17:18:21 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Skender Drini ne Koha Jone Message-ID: <20020212011821.77469.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Dafina ne vend te granates Nga Skender Drini/ Duke e degjuar ate krisme granate, naten vone, pata nje parandjenje te keqe nga qe kishte kohe qe ishim mesuar me nje qetesi qe sikur pritej te prishej nga casti ne cast. Nje granate kunder monumentit te Fishtes, nje gropez dhe balte pas shpines se monumentit. Fishtes mund t'i hedhin balte vetem pas shpine, ky ishte mendimi i pare qe me erdhi ne cast, ndersa mendimi i dyte me ktheu ne shume vite prapa, nje dite te feminise time, kur une rrija ne shkallet e postes se vjeter aty perballe Hotel Koloseu-t qe eshte sot dhe qendroja se bashku me autoritetet e kohes, fale autoritetit te babait tim, Riza Drini. Poshte kalonte nje kortezh i madh i pafund njerezish qe percillnin Gjergj Fishten ne banesen e fundit. Ne ate kohe as qe mendohej te me shkonte ndermend qe vetem 1/4 e ketij korteu te madh i perkisnin besimit katolik. Por kjo gje na shkon ne mend sot, sic na shkon edhe per shume gjera te tjera te prapa. Ka qene funerali i pare i madh trondites ne jeten time. Ndofta dhe nga fakti qe fjalimin kryesor para varrit te hapur te Fishtes e mbajti Riza Drini. Cilin po varroste keshtu Shkodra me kaq madheshti? Vetem poetin e madh? Po a e kishte Shkodra ne ate kohe gjithe kete turme elitare, qe te cmonte nje poet. Cmonte poetin, por me shume cmonte Gjergj Fishten njeri me shume. Gjergj Fishten patriot dhe bashkeqytetar te Shkodres, qe ne rrethin e miqve te tij te shpirtit nuk fuste diferencat e besimeve. Dikush aty pas monumentit te baltosur, pershperit qe ajo granate e hedhur duhet te kete qene vetem nje paralajmerim, se po te kishin dashur ta shkaterronin monumentin do ta kishin shkaterruar me fare pak tritol. Paralajmerim, por kunder kujt? Kunder huneve, avareve, mongoleve te Xhinxhiskanit, kunder etnish te tjera armike qe nuk ekzistojne ne Shkoder? Paralajmerim kunder komunitetit katolik? Por Gjergj Fishta nuk i perkiste vetem atij, por gjithe popullit te Shkodres. Atehere ajo granate eshte hedhur kunder Shkodres. Ai qe pershperit ngulmon me tej dhe thote se ai paralajmerim ishte kunder atij trakti famekeq. Prape gabim, prape shtrember si mos me keq? Cfare lidhje ka Gjergj Fishta dhe komuniteti besimtar i Shkodres me ate trakt? Ky komunitet ushqehet dhe duhet te ushqehet shpirterisht dhe moralisht nga parimet e njeriut te madh te shekullit, Vojtila. Ai e ka ngritur ne ligj civilizimi te drejten e ekzistences harmonike te te gjitha besimeve. Kemba e tij ka shkelur me nje sinqeritet te madh pragun e Xhamise, pragun e Sinagoges dhe te tempujve budiste. Vojtila nuk shkruan trakte per konvertim ne fene katolike dhe as i shtyn te tjeret te bejne te njejten gje. Kushdo eshte i lire te kthehet budist, brahman, evangjelist, bahay, madje dhe te shpike ndonje fe tjeter qe nuk ka ekzistuar. Zhak Kustoi dhe Kasosklei jane kthyer ne fene islame, por askush nuk eshte shqetesuar per kete ne France dhe Amerike. Koha e konvertimeve me shpate dhe trakte ka nje disavantazh prej 10 shkujsh dhe vetem te ben te buzeqeshesh sot. Por edhe kjo ide konvertimesh eshte nje paradoks po te marresh parasysh sa prane njeri-tjetrit jane shqiptaret sepse jane ndare nga nje trung besimi. Ka pasur zera qe e kane konsideruar konvertimin si nje utilitet per nje akomodim me te shpejte perendimor. Por a eshte i sinqerte dhe sa vlen ky lloj konvertimi? Ky do te ishte vetem nje konvertim nevoje ashtu sic ndodh me emigrantet tane jashte vendit, qe nderrojne perkohesisht emrin dhe besimin per te gjetur pune dhe mbeshtetje. Ky lloj konvertimi pastaj te kujton fillesat e konvertimit masiv ne Shqiperi kur shqiptaret sic thuhet ose do te pranonin asimilimin sllav, ose do te puthnin shpaten e Islamit. Feja dhe patriotizmi tek shqiptaret kane ecur krahe per krahe gjate rrjedhes se kohrave dhe nuk kane kundershtuar njera-tjetren. Eshte mjaft kuptimplote si u vendos ne Shkoder dhe pjeset e tjera te Shqiperise nje komunitet i konsiderueshem shqiptaresh te fese ortodokse qe banonin ne trojet e tyre ne zonen e Ohrit dhe te Struges ne Maqedoni. Ata nuk donin t'i pranonin si ortodokse shqiptare dhe mund t'i pranonin vetem si ortodokse sllave. Shqiptaret nuk pranuan te nderrojne kombesine dhe lane shtepite dhe pasurine dhe kaluan ne Shqiperi. Thone qe ai trakt famekeq e ka burimin ne Kosove, eshte hartuar atje dhe ka pasur si destinacion te pare Kosoven, por kjo nuk duhet besuar shume sepse edhe sikur te pelqehej ky traktat atje, kjo nuk do te conte peshe sepse komuniteti katolik ne Kosove eshte fare i paket. Duhet besuar qe trakti ka pasur destinacion Shqiperine dhe kryesisht Shkodren. Politika ballkanike e ka menduar me shume shprese Shkodren si nje nder pikat nevralgjike me te tensionuara ne Ballkan, por pa arritur asnjehere te realizoje shperthimet e enderruara. Granaten e ka hedhur nje dore e huaj armike dhe askush tjeter. Te gjitha supozimet e tjera nuk kane baze. Duke kaluar neper mend kroniken e zeze te arkivit ballkanik, te shtohet respekti per kete qytet ku shqiptari nuk e shiti shqiptarin, ku dinjiteti katolik ruante dinjitetin musliman. Nuk di qe te kete ndodhur ne ndonje vend tjeter qe nje klerik i nje feje islame te kete peruruar fillimet e nje kishe katolike dhe ta kete hedhur ne themelet e saja fjalimin, sic beri Daut Borici ne perurimin e Katedrales se Shkodres. Mendimi i trete qe me perfshin ka natyren e nje pyetje paqesore. A do te gdhihet neser monumenti i Fishtes me nje kurore dafinash mbi koke? Duhet te gdhihet. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 12 07:24:53 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 12 Feb 2002 04:24:53 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Papa Kristo Negovani Message-ID: <20020212122453.39126.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> February 12 Papa Kristo Negovani February 12, 1905, died Papa Kristo Negovani, patriot clergyman and writer, who worked hard for Albanian language, fought for the independence and against the Greek occupation. He wrote several books as: "Shkresetore", "Prishja e Hormores", "I vogli donat argjendi", "Istori-shkronja e plikatit", etc. Greek chauvinists persecuted and slaughtered him and his brother to the death. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 12 22:22:12 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 12 Feb 2002 19:22:12 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone per shkaterrimin e Rivieres shqiptare Message-ID: <20020213032212.94524.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Pronari i anijes se reres, ne kerkim ne SHBA TIRANE - Andrea Koulovaris, pronari grek i shoqerise "Giant sh.p.k", dikur e quajtur "Vetetima", figuron si nje person me histori dhe lidhje me elemente kriminale ne Shtetet e Bashkuara te Amerikes dhe ne Peru. Te dhenat mbi jeten e tij para se te vinte ne Shqiperi te hedhura ne Internet zbulojne fakte interesante mbi jeten e tij private dhe biznesin qe ka ushtruar. Nga mesi i viteve _80-te Koulovaris ka qene i martuar me nje konsulle amerikane, ne SHBA, por nuk dihet se perse eshte ndare me te. Nderkohe greku pas nje qendrimi disa vjecar shtetin amerikan eshte detyruar te largohet per perfshirje ne afera te korrupsionit. Kjo gje madje i ka kushtuar edhe gjobitjen ne vleren e 1.4 milion dollareve, shume te cilen nuk dihet nese e ka paguar. Pas largimit nga Amerika, Andrea Koulovaris eshte vendosur ne Peru. Aktivieti qe ai ka kryer aty lidhej me dy firmat "Gracer" dhe "Grisland", nepermjet te cilave ai ka zhfrytezuar brigjet e lumit Ginpa. Biznesi i tij eshte perfolur gjate ne Peru, pasi eshte akuzuar se ka paguar shuma te medha dollaresh per te marre licensen per shfrytezim te brigjeve lumore. Sipas te dhenave Koulovaris eshte akuzuar se ka paguar 50 mije dollare nje zyrtari te larte te shtetit peruan i quajtur Linez Fisher. Ky i fundit pas plasjes se skandalit eshte pushuar nga puna dhe eshte marre nen hetim per korrupsion. Por veprimtarite e dyshimta te grekut qe se fundi shkaterroi bregdetin e Himares nuk mbarojne me kaq. Te dhenat flasin per lidhje te tij me trafikante te droges ne Kolumbi, njeri prej te cileve quhet Falace Kastro. Hetimet shqiptare per "Giant" Prej gati dy muajsh Andrea Koulovaris eshte marre nen hetim nga Prokuoria e Pergjithshme. Grabitja e reres nga shoqeria e tij "Giant" per nje muaj ne Himare, dhe publikimit teq ketyre fakteve ne gazeten "KJ" u be shkak qe akuza te nise hetimin, per disa nga institucionet qe firmosen dokumentat dhe me pas licensen per marrjen e gureve nga thellesia e detit Jon, ne afersi te fshatit Vuno. Ceshtja i eshte percjelle per vazhdimin e hetimeve ne fillim te muajit janar Prokurorise se Apelit te Durresit. Burimet zyrtare nga Prokuroria e Pergjithshme pohuan dje se nje grup ekspertesh do te realizoje nje ekspertize ne vendet ku eshte marre rera per te vertetuar nese aty ka pasur demtime. Ne rast se nga ekspertet rezulton se anija greke ka demtuar zonen bregdetare turistike, do te merren nen ndjekje penale te gjithe personat qe kane hartuar dokumentat qe e mohonin nje fakt te tille. Nen hetim per momentin jane marre Komiteti Kombetar i Turizmit, Ministria e Financave, por nuk do te ngelen jashte ketij skandali me permasa kombetare edhe Ministria e Mjedisit dhe ajo e Ekonomise dhe Privatizimit qe kane leshuar dokumantat kryesore ne ligjerimin e aktivitetit te shoqerise "Giant". A.Rama --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 12 22:40:38 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 12 Feb 2002 19:40:38 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare per tenderat e KESH-it Message-ID: <20020213034038.8431.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> EFT e ka qendr?n n? Beograd dhe nj? zyr? n? Angli. Ajo drejtohet nga Svetislav Bulatovi?, i cili ?sht? edhe drejtori i P?rgjithsh?m i Shitjeve. Hetimet e Prokuroris? tregojn? qart? p?r favorizim t? pandersh?m: U gris?n ofertat e nj? firme sllovake Si u falsikuan tenderat e KESHEFT, "anglezja" q? fitonte gjithnj?, ?sht? serbe --------------------------------- Redi Gjuzi Anglezja EFT nuk ?sht? angleze. Kompania q? ka fituar shumic?n e tenderave t? energjis? elektrike, kompania q? i ka fituar t? gjitha prokurimet e drejtp?rdrejta, nuk ka origjin? Anglin?, por Serbin?. EFT, pjesmarr?se dhe nj? nga fitueset e tenderit m? t? madh t? energjis? elektrike t? zhvilluar ndonj?her? n? Shqip?ri, ka nj? origjin? krejt tjet?r nga ajo q? na ?sht? ofruar deri tani nga drejtuesit e KESH-it. Ky nuk ?sht? ndonj? zbulim i ve?ant?. Thjesht, mjafton q? t? hap?sh faqen e internetit t? k?saj kompanie dhe gjith?ka q? na ?sht? ofruar p?r origjin?n e saj nga KESH-i nuk ?sht? e v?rtet?. EFT Nuk ka tender t? KESH-it q? t? mos marr? pjes? EFT-ja. T? rrall? jan? edhe tenderat nga e cila EFT-ja ka dal? pa pjes?. KESH-i gjithmon? ua ka ofruar shqiptar?ve k?t? kompani si angleze. "Fituese ?sht? shpalluar anglezja EFT". Kjo ka qen? fjalia e par? e t? gjitha njoftimeve p?r p?rfundimin e tenderave nga KESH-i. Por nj? gj? t? kund?rt thot? vet? faqja e internetit e k?saj kompanie. EFT e ka qendr?n n? Beograd dhe nj? zyr? n? Angli. Ajo drejtohet nga Svetislav Bulatovi?, i cili ?sht? edhe drejtori i P?rgjithsh?m i Shitjeve. P?r ta ngjyrosur me "angli", EFT ka edhe nj? menaxher, i cili merret me dokumentacionin dhe menaxhimet me risk t? EFT-s?, me origjin? angleze. James Nye, p?rve? k?saj pune, ?sht? i angazhuar edhe si p?rfaq?sues i Londr?s n? Trust Bank AD, n? Beograd. Pra realisht prezenca angleze n? k?t? kompani ?sht? shum? e vog?l. P?r k?t? arsye duhet q? t? pakt?n KESH-i t? tregonte t? v?rtet?n p?r k?t? kompani, t? pakt?n p?r origjin?n e saj. Nga ana tjet?r, fshehja e origjin?s agravohet m? shum? n? rast se kemi parasysh m?nyr?n e fitimit t? tenderave nga kjo kompani. Prokuroria po heton lidhur me tenderat e KESH-it. Sipas burimeve nga prokuroria, n? disa raste ofertat e EFT-s? nuk kan? qen? realisht fituese dhe ka pasur shmangie t? ofertave t? tjera p?r n? nxjerr? fituese EFT-n?. Prokurimet Hetimet ?ojn? n? falsifikime. Ky ?sht? reagimi i prokuroris? p?r tenderat e KESH-it gjat? vitit t? kaluar. N?n hetim jan? t? gjitha tenderat. Shumic?n e tenderave i ka fituar pik?risht firma EFT. Por, sipas burimeve nga prokuroria, n? shum? raste EFT-ja nuk ka pasur konkurrues. B?het fjal? p?r prokurimet e drejtp?rdrejta, n? momentet kur Shqip?ria kishte nevoja urgjente p?r t? bler? energji elektrike. N? k?to raste sipas Prokuroris?, KESH-i ka d?rguar n? Kryeministri disa oferta, por ato kan? qen? t? falsifikuara. N? k?to raste ?sht? shpallur fituese EFT-ja. Burime nga prokuroria pohojn? se ofertat e kompanive t? tjera n? disa raste kan? qen? t? falsifikuara. N? k?t? m?nyr? k?to oferta nuk ishin konkurruese dhe shpallej gjithmon? fituese firma EFT, ajo q? donin drejtuesit e prokurimeve n? KESH. Prokuroria po vazhdon hetimet dhe ?sht? marr? n? pyetje drejtori i Prokurimeve n? KESH, Leonard Mone. Ky i fundit duket se ka qen? edhe ?el?si i zbulimit t? k?tyre shkeljeve. Rezumeja e t? dh?nave nga prokuroria flet qart? p?r rryshfete. K?to rryshfete, q? sillnin si fituese vet?m kompanin? EFT, variojn? n? disa miliona dollar?. B?het fjal? p?r blerje energjie elektrike; ky, tenderi m? i vog?l i kalon 5-6 milion? dollar?t. Firma Sllovake Nj? rast q? konfirmon t? gjitha shkeljet. N? nj? nga blerjet urgjente t? energjis? elektrike n? KESH ka adhur edhe nj? ofert? nga nj? kompani sllovake. Kjo ofert?, bashk? me ofertat e tjera, duhet t? shkonte n? Kryeministri p?r t? shpallur fituesin. Por nuk ka ndodhur k?shtu. Burime nga hetimet q? po b?n prokuroria, theksojn? se kjo ofert? nuk ka arritur n? Kryeministri, por ?sht? grisur n? zyrat e KESH-it. Prokuroria ka marr? nj? let?r porosi nga Sllovakia e cila thekson se oferta ?sht? d?rguar n? KESH. Oferta mbante me vete nj? ?mim m? t? lir? sesa ai i kompanive t? tjera dhe sa i vet? ?mimeve q? vendosnin drejtuesit e prokurimeve n? KESH. Fatkeq?sisht kjo shkres? ?sht? grisur. Prokuroria po vazhdon hetimet lidhur me k?t? fakt. Prokurimet e dretp?rdrejta kan? qen? gjithmon? objekt abuzimesh nga funksionar?t e shtetit, por deri m? sot nuk ?sht? v?rtetuar asnj? rast i till?. T? falsifikosh oferta, t? gris?sh t? tjera, q? t? b?sh fituese nj? firm? me origjin? serbe. K?to jan? faktet e prokuroris?, fakte q? b?jn? me faj KESH-in dhe q? i varf?rojn? p?rdit? e m? shum? shqiptar?t. Duhet t? dihet se parat? q? shkojn? n? xhepat e nj? firme t? caktuar, q? vidhen nga zyrtar?t e KESH-i jan? parat? e shqiptar?ve dhe jo t? qeveris? apo t? KESH-it. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Send FREE Valentine eCards with Yahoo! Greetings! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Wed Feb 13 01:55:24 2002 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola) Date: Wed, 13 Feb 2002 01:55:24 -0500 (EST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] books by kadare Message-ID: Hey all, I'm looking for books from Kadare, but written in Albanian. Does anyone know where I can buy/find/read some? Or if you own any and wouldn't mind lending them to me, I'd be very grateful! (and I'd return them to you promptly) thanks! eriola. From denisas64 at hotmail.com Thu Feb 14 16:10:15 2002 From: denisas64 at hotmail.com (Denisa Stambollxhiu) Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2002 21:10:15 +0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Information Message-ID: Hi. I am Denisa , from Albania. I am looking for a job as an interpreter or s.th else.If you thing you can hire me , it will be grat. For more details, please , send me an e-mail. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp. From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Feb 14 23:54:00 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2002 20:54:00 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Elvira Dones - a new Albanian author Message-ID: <20020215045400.29949.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> from: World Literature Today, University of Oklahoma, Vol. 75.1 (Winter 2001) by Robert Elsie Boy meets girl on the school grounds of an economically depressed and depressing provincial town in Albania. Love at first sight. Boy proposes to girl that they marry and move to Italy, where a decent home and jobs await them. On their arrival, girl is savagely beaten by her new husband, gang-raped by his mafia friends, and sold into slavery to work the streets of Milan. Boy returns to Albania for another bride. This is not contemporary fiction but an Albanian reality as the new century dawns. Nowhere has slavery been reintroduced to Europe with such ferocity as it has by the Albanian mafia. The brothels of most Italian and Greek cities now teem with innocent country girls from Albania held in captivity against their will. It is to this phenomenon, Albanian prostitution and slavery abroad, that Elvira Dones has devoted her latest and as yet most impressive novel, Yjet nuk vishen k?shtu (Stars Do Not Disrobe Like That). Dones chooses not one protagonist to follow, but a whole range of destinies. The patterns are similar, but the individuals are very different. Many of the figures she studies arrive in "Europe" in the manner mentioned above; others come voluntarily for the money and adventure of it all, thinking at first that they are in control and know what they are getting into. Still others are entrapped even before departure, like Leila, with whom the novel makes a candid and disturbing start. As her own corpse is being transported in the coffin back to war-torn Albania by ferry, accompanied by her tearful father, Leila reflects: "When I left home, Aurora came across the sea with me, arriving in the same harbor from which father and I set out a few hours ago. There were light showers that day and, though I didn't know so at the time, it was the last moment I would ever see my sister. Six months later, they sent me pictures of her corpse. Her eyes were still wide open. The day after I saw the picture of Aurora's body, I consented to work as a whore. And to die, bit by bit, from that day on." With Yjet nuk vishen k?shtu, Elvira Dones has reached a new height in her literary career. It is a mature and gripping novel which, despite some minor stylistic imperfections, has now made her among the most widely read Albanian authors of the day. The book is currently being translated into Italian ("Sole bruciato", published by Feltrinelli), and one hopes that other translations will follow. Elvira Dones was born in the ancient port city of Durr?s in 1960. She studied at the University of Tirana and worked for a time in the television and film industry there. In 1988 she managed to flee the country, then still under Stalinist rule, and now lives in Switzerland. Her first novel, Dashuri e huaj (A Foreign Love, Tirana, 1997), translated into Italian as Senza bagagli, was followed by Kardigan (Cardigan, Tirana, 1998) and the recent short-story collection Lule t? gabuara (Mistaken Flowers, Tirana, 1999). Much of her writing, not without autobiographical elements, deals with the theme of women in emigration. Robert Elsie --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Got something to say? Say it better with Yahoo! Video Mail -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 15 07:24:28 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 15 Feb 2002 04:24:28 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Ron Brown Fellowship Program Message-ID: <20020215122428.25501.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Feb 13 01:39:03 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Wed, 13 Feb 2002 10:39:03 +0100 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Ron Brown Fellowship Program The deadline for the Class of 2002 for all of the countries is closing shortly. Please recommend the Ron Brown Program to possible candidates and encourage them to apply now. Please feel free to forward this message to anyone who might be interested in the Ron Brown program. Program: Supporting Central and Eastern European students and young professionals for study in U.S. graduate programs and professional development through open, merit-based competition. Participants come from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, and Slovenia. The Ron Brown Fellowship program confers graduate degrees and practical training for qualified applicants in certain fields. The program was established in 1994 as the Central and Eastern European Graduate Fellowship Program and was renamed in 1996 in honor of the U.S. Secretary of Commerce Ronald H. Brown, who died in Croatia while promoting U.S. business interests in the Balkans. The program reflects the late Secretary's commitment to building democracy in the region and strengthening the global economy. The Ron Brown Fellowship program seeks candidates with leadership skills, English proficiency, high academic qualifications, relevant professional experience, and a commitment to return to their home country upon completion of the program. Since 1994, the program has selected more than 200 individuals from Central and Eastern Europe who have participated in the program's unique blend of rigorous academic work at leading U.S. universities and three-months of professional development experience. Sponsor: The Ron Brown Fellowship program is funded under the auspices of the Support for Eastern European Democracy Act (SEED) though the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs of the United States Department of State. The Institute of International Education (IIE) administers it in the U.S. American Embassies and Fulbright Commissions recruit and select candidates. Countries: Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) Kosovo, Montenegro, Serbia, FYR Macedonia, Romania, Slovenia Fields of Study: Business Administration Educational Administration Journalism / Communications Economics Environmental Policy / Management Law Public Administration / Public Policy. How to apply: Applications can be downloaded at http://www.iie.org/ronbrown/howtoapply.htm. Please note that applications need to be sent to the US Embassy or Fulbright Commission in the respective countries. If you have any questions, please call the US Embassies or Fulbright Commission. ******************************** Ron Brown Fellowship Institute of International Education 809 United Nations Plaza New York, NY 10017 Tel: (212) 984-5345 Fax: (212) 984-5465 www.iie.org/ronbrown ******************************** _________________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Get your free @yahoo.com address at http://mail.yahoo.com _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Got something to say? Say it better with Yahoo! Video Mail -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 15 07:32:46 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 15 Feb 2002 04:32:46 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Conference: First Conference of the Southeast European Studies Association, 20-21.4.2002, Chapel Hill, NC Message-ID: <20020215123246.26294.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue Feb 12 08:40:59 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 12 Feb 2002 17:40:59 +0100 Subject: [balkans] Conference: First Conference of the Southeast European Studies Association, 20-21.4.2002, Chapel Hill, NC Preliminary Program First Conference of the Southeast European Studies Association SATURDAY, APRIL 20, 2002 8:30 Welcoming Remarks, Toy Lounge, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill9:00- 10:30 Plenary Session 1: Roundtable The Successes And Failures Of Liberalism In South Eastern Europe, 1800-1948 Chair:TBA Participants: Philip Shashko, University Of Wisconsin-Milwaukee (Bulgaria) Kurt W. Treptow, Center For Romanian Studies (Albania) Paul E. Michelson, Huntington College (Romania) 10:30-10:45 Coffee Break Panel 1A: Gender Issues 10:45 12:45, Dey 404 10:45 Albena Hristeva, Bulgaria, ?The Social Identity of Women in Balkan Countries? 11:15 Emanuela Grama, University of Michigan, ?Workers Between Narratives and Strikes: Gender, Kin, Individuality on and Outside the Shop Floor? 11:45 Vasiliki Neofotistos, Harvard University: On Constructing The Body, On Constructing The State: Between Tradition And Modernity In Macedonia. Panel 1B: Historical Perspectives and New Interpretations 10:45 12:45, Toy Lounge 10:45 Ulf Brunnbauer, University of Graz, ?Continuities and Changes. Southeast European Historiographies after 1989? 11:15 Tania Ivanova, Ohio State University and Mariana Stefanova, Sofia University, ?Knowledge and Faith: Slavic Historical Experience And Its New Relevance In Education And Religion in The Balkans? 12:15 Karl Kaser, University of Graz, ?Historical Anthropology In Southeastern Europe: Towards A New Paradigm?? Panel 2A: Issues of Security and Integration 2:00 4:00, Dey 404 2:00 Tarik Oguzlu, Bilkent University-Ankara, ?Security in Southeastern Europe Coming Through EU Involvement in Cyprus? 2:30 Emilian Kavalski, Loughborough University--UK, ?A Possible Order for the Balkans: Back to the Future of Regional Unity? 3:00 Leeda Demetropoulou, Panteion University-Athens, ?The Europeanisation of South-Eastern Europe: the Prospect of EU Membership and Domestic Transformation in the Balkans? 3:30 Ali Sarikayahist, University of Salford-Mancester, ?Trans-Civilizational Perceptions and Imaginations: the Possibility of European Integration for Turkey and Eastern European Countries? Panel 2B: Folklore and Culture: Joint Session with BSS ?13 Conference 2:00 4:00, Toy Lounge 2:00 Ardian Ahmedaja, University Of Music And Performing Arts Vienna: Multipart Folk Songs With Instrumental Accompaniment Of Southern Albania And Northern Greece 2:30 Ana Chelariu, Bergenfield, NJ, ?The Myth Of The Hero Killing The Dragon As Reflected In The Romanian Ballad Iovan Iorgovan? 3:00 Marina Cap Bun, University Of Washington, ?Attitudes Towards Death In Eastern European Folklore?) ? 3:30 Mihaela Albu, Columbia University, ?Cultural Identity Vs. Geographic Diversity: Romanians Inside and Outside of the Border? 4:00 4:15 Coffee Break Panel 3A: The Politics of Identity 4:15 6:15, Dey 404 4:15 Mihaela Czobor-Lupp, University of Bucharest, ?Perceptions of ?Otherness? and Identity Construction in Eastern Europe? 4:45 Viorel Stanila, Romanian Academy-Bucharest, ?Some Paradoxes of Balkan Identity? 5:15 Bahar Rumelili, University of Minnesota, ?Politics of Identity and Enduring Conflicts: Turkey and Greece in Cyprus? 5:45 TBA. Panel 3B: Minority Issues 4:15 6:15, Toy Lounge 4:15 Eben Friedman, University of California-San Diego, ?Political Integration of the Romani Minority in Post-communist Macedonia? 4:45 Maria Koinova, Harvard University, ?Minority Self-Government: the Cases of the Turks of Bulgaria, the Albanians of Macedonia and the Albanians of Kosovo (1989-1999)? 5:15 Zhidas Daskalovski, Central European University, ?Language and Identity: the Ohrid Framework Agreement and Liberal Notions of Citizenship and Nationality in Macedonia? 5:45 Toni Petkovic, Novi Sad Humanitarian Center (Yugoslavia), ?Self-Determination and the Dissolution of Former Yugoslavia? SUNDAY, APRIL 21, 2002 8:45 Snacks Panel 4a: Modern Politics I 9:00 10:30, Dey 402 9:00 Ramazan Kilinc, Bo?azi?i University-Istanbul, ?The Place of Westernization and Nationalism in Turkish Foreign Policy? 9:30 Ekrem Karakoc, Indiana University, and Seda Unsar, Claremont Graduate University, ?The Psychology/Ideology of ?Nation Under Siege:? Political Culture in Turkey? 10:00 Alexandru Gussi, Institut d?Etudes Politiques de Paris, ?Political Usage of the Communist Past in Romania After 1990? Panel 4b: Russia and Its Balkan Connections 9:00 10:30, Dey 402 9:00 David Mackenzie, University Of North Carolina-Greensboro, ?Jovan Ristic And Russia? 9:30 Theophilus C. Prousis, University Of North Florida, "Desolate Environs: A Russian Traveler In Jerusalem, 1820" 10:00 Stefan Detchev, South-West University-Blagoevgrad, ?Mother? Or ?She - Bear?: Russia In The Bulgarian And Serbian Press:Public Opinion And Popular Political Culture In The 1880s AND 1890s? 10:30 10:45 Coffee Break 10:45 12:00 SEESA Business Meeting, Toy Lounge Panel 5a: Modern Politics II 1:30 3:00, Dey 402 1:30 Thalia Magioglou, Institut d?Etudes Politiques de Paris, ?Democracy in Greece: Ideal Versus Reality? 2:00 Odette Tomescu-Hatto, Institut d?Etudes Politiques de Paris, ?The Development and Consolidation of Democracy in Romania: the Communist Legacy? 2:30 Nebojsa Bjelakovic, Carleton University-Ottawa, ?Reconciliation, Truth, and Justice in the Post-Yugoslav States? Panel 5b: Historical Perspectives 1 1:30 3:00, Toy Lounge 1:30 Adina Ciugureanu, University of Nevada-Las Vegas, ?(Mis)representations of Transylvania and the Romanian Principalities in the 1850s-1860s English and American Periodicals? 2:00 Jan Rychlik, Charles University-Prague, ?The National Consciousness of the Slavonic Orthodox Population in Macedonia? 2:30 Onur Yildirim, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, ?The Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations of 1923: a Reassessment? 3:00 3:15 Coffee Break Panel 6a: Historical Perspectives 2 3:15 4:15, Dey 402 3:15 Llloyd A. Cohen, Boston College, ?The Rights of Ethnic Minorities in a Host Country According to International Law; the Nineteenth Century Balkans--An Overview? 3:45 James Verinis, New School University, ?Whither Neo Olympism?? Panel 6b: Linguistics/Language and Society 3:15 4:15 3:15 Victor A. Friedman, University of Chicago, ?Romani as a Minority Language? 3:45 Christian Voss, University of Freiburg, ?The Development of the Aegean Macedonian Dialects: Prospects for the Slavic Minority in Greece in the 21st Century? Closing Plenary Session, Roundtable 2: The Southwestern Balkans: Current Situation and Prospects for the Future 4:15 5:30, Toy Lounge Chair: Robert Greenberg, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill Panelists: Susan Woodward, City University of New York, Graduate Center Steven Burg, Brandeis University Victor A. Friedman, University of Chicago Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Got something to say? Say it better with Yahoo! Video Mail -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 15 07:34:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 15 Feb 2002 04:34:25 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: SEESA Harrison Grants Announcement Message-ID: <20020215123425.21614.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Once again, SEESA will be offering small grants for graduate student travel to conferences. Please note that graduate students must be affiliated with North American Universities to be eligible. Please circulate this notice. The Southeast European Studies Association (SEESA) is currently accepting applications for its Harrison Small Grants program. SEESA will award several grants of up to $500 to support graduate student participation in conferences with panels on Southeastern Europe in the 2002 calendar year. Grants will be made only to graduate students affiliated with North American universities, who plan to present papers in any discipline related to the Southeast European region, including the successor states of the former Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania, Greece, and Turkey. Proposals, which will focus on comparative analysis of issues across national boundaries in Southeast Europe, will be given preference. Grants will be disbursed once receipts from conference travel are submitted following the conference. To apply send a letter, one-page c.v. a supporting letter from a university faculty, estimated budget for conference participation (airfare/lodging, etc.), and a brief summary of the proposed paper to: Prof. Robert Greenberg, SEESA President, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, CB#3165, 425 Dey Hall, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3165. Applications sent by e-mail are welcome; please send materials either as MS Word attachments or text files to Greenberg at unc.edu. You may send inquiries about this program to the same address, or visit the SEESA website at www.seesa.org. Application deadline is March 15, 2002. _________________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Get your free @yahoo.com address at http://mail.yahoo.com Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Got something to say? Say it better with Yahoo! Video Mail -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 15 07:49:10 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 15 Feb 2002 04:49:10 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kadare ne SHEKULLI Message-ID: <20020215124910.24168.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Shkrimtari i njohur Ismail Kadare analizon zhvillimet politike: "Nano p?rfaq?son krahun stalinist" Kadare: Zyrat e kuadrit po rikthejn? nomenklatur?n "Duket sikur ka nj? zyr? kuadri, q? gjurmon farefisnin? komuniste" TIRAN? - Shkrimtari i njohur, Ismail Kadare, tha dje se po rikthehen zyrtar?t e nomenklatur?s. Sipas tij, duket sikur ka nj? zyr? kuadri q? gjurmon dh?ndur?t, nuset dhe farefisnin? e zyrtar?ve t? nomenklatur?s komuniste. Kadare foli edhe p?r gjendjen n? PS duke mbrojtur pik?pamjen e tij se kryetari i PS-s? p?rfaq?son klanin stalinist n? k?t? parti. Po ashtu, Kadare tha se n? pushtet duhej t? vinte e djathta, por ajo, sipas tij, ende nuk ?sht? e p?rgatitur. ?far? vler?simi keni p?r kryeministrin Majko? Njohja e par? q? kam pasur, kam folur nj? her? n? telefon gjat? konfliktit n? Kosov?, m? ka l?n? p?rshtypje t? mir?. P?r mua ?sht? gj? e mir? q? u rikthye nj? kryeminist?r. P?r arsyen se po krijohet s? paku p?rshtypja e mir? q? n? Shqip?ri po krijohet nj? staf politik i q?ndruesh?m, sepse gj?ja m? e keqe p?r nj? shtet ?sht? nomadizmi n? politik?, kur ?do dit? e ?do jav? harrohen ata q? dalin nga skena politike, natyrisht q? nuk ?sht? mir? t? kthehen, por edhe q? gjithmon? t? ket? kryeministra edhe ministra q? nuk kthehen nuk ?sht? serioze. ?sht? serioze kur krijohet stafi i politikan?ve t? karrier?s, ambasador?ve t? karrier?s q? nuk po krijohet tek ne, ky ?sht? skandal i madh p?r vendin ton?. Ne kemi shum? nevoj? p?r tradit?n institucionale. Si e shpjegoni zoti Kadare k?t? p?rs?ritje t? krizave n? Shqip?ri, '92,'97, 2002? Kjo ?sht? gj?ja m? shqet?suese n? historin? e Shqip?ris?. K?t? e kan? v?n? re shum? njer?z, k?t? e kan? v?n? re t? gjith?, k?t? e bisedojn? njer?zit e thjesht?, sepse kjo po teprohet shum?. ?sht? krijuar nj? ide, dhe kjo duket ?sht? me baza, dikush nuk d?shiron q? Shqip?ria t? marr? frym?. Njer?zit kan? t? drejt? t? hamend?sojn? shum? gj?ra p?r k?t?. Dikush thot? se jan? agjenturat e huaja, por kjo ?sht? shum? e diskretituar n? Shqip?ri, si klishe, pasi ?sht? p?rdorur shum? nga paranoja komuniste, kryesisht nga Enver Hoxha, duket si e pabesueshme. Por, nd?rkaq, nuk ?sht? p?r t'u hedhur posht? p?r k?t? arsye. Sepse mund t? jet? k?shtu. Ka raste, ku shtete, grup-shtetesh apo nj? shtet i vet?m t? mos d?shiroj? zhvillimin e shtetit fqinj. Shqip?ria n? t? v?retet? u pengua vet? gjat? 40 vjet?ve t? komunizmit, ajo doli vet? nga harta e Evrop?s. Kishte nj? komoditet n? Ballkan nga ata q? quhen qarqe antishqiptare. Kur u rikthye nga mjegulla ku ishte zhytur krijoi shum? telashe. N? nj? nga intervistat tuaja duke gjykuar zhvillimet e koh?s thoni q? n? k?t? dualitet midis shtetit dhe partis?, shqiptar?t ende jan? m? t? prirur dhe m? t? v?mendsh?m ndaj partis?, sesa ndaj shtetit? Mendoj se shqiptar?t kan? marr? nj? m?sim t? mir? k?to jav?t e fundit. Ne t? gjith? kemi marr? m?sim t? mir?, q? t? kuptojn? q? t? b?jn? nj? ndryshim. Nuk e besoj se shqiptar?t kan? ende respekt p?r partin?, madje besoj se dit?t e fundit, duhet t? ket? pasur nj? rikthim t? fantazm?s t? partis?. Nuk kisha d?gjuar ndonj?her? kaq shum? mbledhje komitetesh, t? kryesis?, t? baz?s s? partis?. Jam i sigurt q? disa nostalgjik?ve u ka p?lqyer kjo gj?, i ka ngjallur nj? mall t? kaluar, por shumic?s s? popullit shqiptar do t'u jet? ringjallur nj? gj? e harruar. Partia Socialiste, t? cil?n un? e respektoj,?sht? nj? parti e r?nd?sishme, por ajo nuk ka t? drejt? t? uzurpoj? jet?n shqiptare, nuk ka asnj? t? drejt?. Vet? ky fakt ka b?r? q? t? ket? nj? shp?rthim t? nj? stalinizmi t? vonuar, kur ajo do t? b?het zot?ruese n? jet?n civile t? njer?zve kudo. Partia i ka pun?t brenda sallave, brenda forumeve t? saj, si parti q? pavar?sisht se ka qeverin?, ajo nuk ka asnj? t? drejt? t? bymehet n? at? m?nyr? sa t? gllab?roj? jet?n e vendit, si? b?het koh?t e fundit. K?tu kryetari i partis? doli si dikur kur b?nte shiun dhe diellin, k?tu dol?n koncepte bolshevike t? harruara, q? edhe nj? grup revolucionar?sh mund t? p?rmbysin shtetin, mund t? diktojn?. T? gjitha k?to jan? rituale leniniste, q? koha i ka varrosur me koh?. A ?sht? demokratike kur nj? parti bllokon nj? shumic? tjet?r? N? nj? logjik? njer?zore, shpeshher? pakica mund t? ket? t? drejt? apo nj? njeri mund t? ket? t? drejt?. Por, p?rderisa kemi pranuar rendin demokratik, duhet t? jemi koherent? dhe do t? pranojm? themelin e saj q? ?sht? vota e shumic?s, edhe kur ajo mund t? jet? e gabuar. N? intervist? jeni shprehur q? me zhvillimet e fundit n? politik?n shqiptare po ndihet nj? rikthim i ish-nomenklatur?s dhe i stalinizmit n? Shqip?ri. A mendoni q? keni qen? i ashp?r dhe jo shum? i sakt? n? k?t? p?rcaktim tuajin? Nuk mendoj se kam qen? i ashp?r dhe nuk e kam nj? prirje t? till?. P?r fat t? keq ?sht? e v?rtet?. Un? e kam th?n? para tre kat?r vjet?sh se po ndihen shenjat e stalinizmit n? Shqip?ri. K?tu ka nj? arroganc? dhe kurajo t? shfaqur nga nj? pjes? e PS-s? q? mua m? kujton stalinizmin. Po ajo q? ju e keni quajtur rikthimin e nomenklatur?s? Vihet re nga t? gjith?. Un? habitem, sikur ka nj? zyr? kuadri q? gjurmon andej- k?tej, kush ka qen?, ?'kan? qen? dikur, ku kan? sh?rbyer, n? Ministrin? e Brendshme madje, q? p?r mua ?sht? e palejueshme rikthimi i tyre, nga farefisnia, nga f?mij?t, nga dh?ndur?t, nga nuset. Ka nj? rikthim n? jet?n diplomatike, n? institucione, disa her? n? rangje t? larta, por sidomos t? dyta. A mendoni se nj? grupim i till? nuk mund t? privohet nga pjes?marrja n? jet?n politike? Absolutisht. Nj? nga akuzat q? i kemi diktatur?s komuniste me t? drejt? ishte se i merrte n? qaf? njer?zit nga ??shtja e biografis?. Natyrisht, f?mij?t nuk kan? pse t? p?rgjigjen p?r prind?rit e tyre, por kur ka nj? densitet kaq t? madh t? njer?zve t? nomenklatur?s, ?sht? shqet?suese. Kjo koincidenc? nuk ?sht? normale. Shqip?ria ka mij?ra djem e vazja t? zot?, t? arsimuar, t? kulturuar, teknicien? t? p?rsosur, q? mund t? marrin pjes? n? qeverisje. A mendoni se e keni kaluar mas?n kur e keni etiketuar klas?n politike, si halabak?, tall?se, fyese? Them me siguri q? ?sht? e pap?rgjegjshme. Por ama q? ka tallje me popullin shqiptar, p?r mua ?sht? e padurueshme. ?do gj? ?sht? e durueshme te politikan?t, por t? tallen dhe t? p?rqeshin popullin e vet, sidomos nga politikan?t socialist?. Vet? kujtimi i hidhur i trash?gimis? nga kan? ardhur duhet t'i pengoj? s? paku qeshjen dhe talljen. ?sht? e palejueshme tallja. Ajo ?sht? v?n? re koh?t e fundit. Nuk guxojn? t? tallen sheik?t e Emirateve, sulltan?t dhe ?sht? e pap?rfytyrueshme sesi mund t? ket? tallje nga politikan?t shqiptar?. Kjo ?sht? v?n? re nga t? gjith?. Tallje ?sht? kur populli ka kriz? t? plot? n? Shqip?ri p?r krijim qeverie dhe kreu i socialist?ve shkon n? Janin?, sepse do t? b?j? uikend. N? ?do vend t? bot?s po t? ndodhet kjo, ky kre nuk ishte m? kre as i partis? dhe i as i asgj?je m?. Nuk largohet askush kur ka kriz? dhe nuk largohet askush p?r t? b?r? uikend. T? largohesh n? nj? moment t? till? do t? thot? t? l?sh popullin q? po pret n? v?shtir?si t? drejtp?rdrejta. K?tu ka varf?ri t? madhe, ajo po kthehet n? nj? faktor antishqiptar i klasit t? par?. Varf?ria rrezikon shtetin dhe kombin shqiptar, ne duhet t? shkulemi nga varf?ria, se po na kthehet si pjes? e identitetit ton?. K?tu ka probleme dhe k?rkush nuk kujton t? largohet sidomos n? gjendje krize, t? shkoj? n? Janin? dhe t? thot?: "un? do b?j uikend, sepse ai ?sht? m? i r?nd?sish?m se problemet e popullit shqiptar". ?sht? fyerje shum? e r?nd? p?r nj? vend. Un? nuk e di t? ket? ndodhur ndonj?her? n? historin? e Shqip?ris?. Kjo ?sht? tregues i mosseriozitetit dhe kjo afishohet. Mua m? shqet?son p?rqeshja, buz?qeshja, pamja euforike, e lumtur, operistike e disa politikan?ve shqiptar?. Nga u vjen kjo xhan?m, thuaj se drejtojn? vendin m? t? lumtur n? bot?. Ata drejtojn? vendet nga m? t? varfrat n? Evrop?, vet? kjo duhet q? fytyra t? jet? m? serioze s? paku. E ruajn? pamjen e shkujdesur dhe e pasurojn? m? keq dhe me k?t? l?vizje q? p?rmenda. Prandaj un? mendoj se pap?rgjegjshm?rin? e ka v?n? re populli shqiptar, nuk e kam v?n? re vet?m un?. ?sht? e dukshme q? nga zhvillimet e fundit n? PS, vet? fakti q? e ardhmja e qeveris? "Majko2" nuk do t? varet shum? nga m?nyra sesi kryeministri do t? punoj?, por do t? varet nga zgjedhja e presidentit, nga numri i votave. Pas gjith? k?tyre ka ide q? tashm? rikthimi i Partis? Demokratike n? pushtet ?sht? i shpjet?. Ju vet? si do ta prisni nj? rikthim t? till?? E kam th?n? q? un? do t? doja q? e djathta t? kthehet n? pushtet. Mendoj i shkon Shqip?ris? kjo gj?, i shkon makin?s s? demokracis?, fillimi i k?saj alternative n? m?nyr? paq?sore tashm?, n? m?nyr? t? padhunshme t? nd?rrohet pushteti. Edhe sikur t? dyja pal?t t? jen? t? barasvlefshme ?sht? mir? ta marrin e djathta. T? m?sohet populli shqiptar me nj? alternativ? tjet?r. Kam th?n? se e djathta duhet t? p?rgatitet, me k?t? p?rgatitje q? ka, kam frik? se nuk ?sht? e aft? t? marr? pushtetin. Duhet t? p?rgatit? kuadrot e saj, ministrat e ardhsh?m. Ka shum? pasion n? jet?n politike shqiptare dhe nuk t? l? t? p?rgatitesh seriozisht p?r pun?t e shtetit. Shteti ?sht? nj? makin? e komplikuar, e madhe, do specialist?, do njer?z t? zot?. Nuk shoh, ndoshta ata i kan?, i kan? t? fsheht? disa. Por un? do t? doja q? kjo parti ta marr? pushtetin. Jo se kam ndonj? armiq?si me socialist?t, por, megjithat?, k?to ngjarjet e fundit e b?jn? k?t? d?shir? m? t? theksuar. M? von? do t? doja t? alternohej pushteti, jo n? kuptimin e rotacionit, por n? fillim populli shqiptar t? m?soj? sesi funksion kjo makin?. Kjo do t'i qet?soj? shpirtrat, do t'u m?sojn? njer?zve t? mendojn? ndryshe, do t? b?j? nj? zhvillim t? brendsh?m te populli shqiptar si n? Shqip?ri dhe n? Kosov?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Got something to say? Say it better with Yahoo! Video Mail -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 17 09:42:02 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 17 Feb 2002 06:42:02 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Second International Conference On Stateless Culture Studies, 4- 6.12.2002, Vilnius, Lithuania Message-ID: <20020217144202.66172.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> CfP: Second International Conference On Stateless Culture Studies, 4- 6.12.2002, Vilnius, Lithuania Center for Stateless Cultures at Vilnius University History Faculty, Universiteto 7 Vilnius 2734, Lithuania tel/fax: +3702 687293 email: statelesscultures at centras.lt, statelescultures at if.vu.lt CALL FOR PAPERS AND INVITATION TO PARTICIPATE IN Second International Conference On Stateless Culture Studies 4 to 6 December, 2002 at Vilnius University, Lithuania CONFERENCE SESSIONS ON: Education: teaching and prospects for inclusion in university curricula Fieldwork: mounting expeditions and creating archives to preserve the disappearing treasures of Stateless Cultures internationally; Theoretical Issues: Stateless Cultures as a ?natural class?? Papers invited on issues in: ? Karaimic and Karaite studies. ? Old Believer studies. ? Roma studies. ? Tatar studies. ? Yiddish studies. ? other stateless cultures. In addition to the formal sessions, the conference will feature an evening of multicultural entertainment and a walking tour of sites of historic and current significance for the stateless cultures of Vilnius. REGISTRATION FORM Title, forename and surname: Current position and institutional affiliation: Country of citizenship: Current address: Telephone: E-mail: Do you propose to read a paper at the conference? If so, please provide the tentative title of your paper and the language in which you wish to read it (English preferred, all languages welcome, length - ~20 min.). Please return the registration form (and any questions or comments) till the 1st of June 2002 to: Egle Ptasnikaite Center for Stateless Cultures Vilnius University, History Faculty Universiteto 7 Vilnius 2734, Lithuania tel/fax: +3702 687293 e-mail: statelesscultures at if.vu.lt or statelesscultures at centras.lt Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 17 09:43:35 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 17 Feb 2002 06:43:35 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Open Society Education Programs - Southeast Europe Message-ID: <20020217144335.11574.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Open Society Education Programs - Southeast Europe ABOUT THE OPEN SOCIETY EDUCATION PROGRAMS - SOUTH EAST EUROPE: The Soros foundations network supports programs in education at all levels throughout the countries of South East Europe. The Open Society Education Programs - Southeast Europe (OSEP-SEE) was established last year to coordinate the network's education and youth initiatives in the region and to provide technical support as needed. OSEP-SEE operates as an independent unit of the Zavod IRC (http://www.zavod-irc.si ), a non-profit, educational organization in Slovenia. OSEP-SEE is part of the Education Support Program, whose role is to facilitate and inform the pursuit of education change and national policy development in line with the open society mission. This approach to education emphasizes teaching and learning that develops human potential, systemic change, cost-effective and sustainable solutions, a focus on equity and quality, and democratic governance. OSEP-SEE works closely with the South East Europe Education Cooperation Network (http://www.see-educoop.net), which was established in 2000 under the umbrella of the Stability Pact Task Force on Education and Youth. OSEP-SEE, Smartinska 106, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Director, Terrice Bassler Program Support Manager, Suzana Gerzina Program Assistant, Teja Rek E-Mail: osep-see at zavod-irc.si tel: 386 1 548 3770 fax: 386 1 548 3773 Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu Sun Feb 17 18:08:58 2002 From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu) Date: Sun, 17 Feb 2002 23:08:58 +0000 (UTC) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] For your attention Message-ID: <20020217230858.7C983341@mussel.gul3.gnl> xa spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited Observer site and thought you should see it. To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited Observer site, go to http://www.observer.co.uk Time to stop being America's lap-dog Tony Blair is faced with a stark choice - either to ally himself to the increasingly conservative and intolerant US or be a fully engaged European Observer Worldview The Europe pages - Observer special Will Hutton Saturday February 16 2002 The Guardian The most important political story of our time is the rise of the American Right and the near collapse of American liberalism. This has transformed the political and cultural geography of the United States and now it is set to transform the political and cultural geography of the West. Britain's reflex reactions to an ally with whom we apparently share so much and which has served us well are going to be tested as never before. The signals are all around. It takes extraordinary circumstances to produce the kind of warnings voiced over the last week by Chris Patten, EU commissioner for external affairs and former chairman of the Conservative Party, but these circumstances are extraordinary. Patten has damned the emerging US reliance on its fantastic military superiority over all other nations to pursue what it wants as it wants as an 'absolutist and simplistic' approach to the rest of the world that is ultimately self-defeating. It is also intellectually and morally wrong. He is the first ranking British politician to state so boldly what has been a commonplace in France and Germany for weeks. The most obvious flashpoint is the weight of evidence that after Afghanistan George Bush intends a massive military intervention to topple Iraq's Saddam Hussein. Dangerous dictator he may be, but the unilateral decision to declare war upon another state without a casus belli other than suspicion will upset the fabric of law on which international relations rests, as well as destabilising the Middle East. American loyalists shrug their shoulders; Tony Blair is reported to have said privately that 'if we can get rid of Baghdad, we should', a devastatingly naive remark which so far stands uncorrected. This is the traditional British view that insists we stick close to the US. It remains the same good America that has been on the right side of the great conflicts of the last 100 years; worthwhile allies put up with the bad decisions as well as the good. But it's not the same good America. The postwar US that reconstructed Europe and led an international liberal economic and social order has disappeared completely. Its former leaders would no more volunteer the scale of defence spending now contemplated in the US - a 12 per cent, $48 billion increase on an already stunning military budget - while offering the less developed countries close to nothing in increased aid flows, debt relief and market access than fly to the Moon. Yet Bush has only agreed to attend next month's crucial UN conference in Monterey on global governance and Third World development strategies if it is understood that the question of money is not be raised. It is this essential stance, along with the tearing down of international weapons treaties and last week's feeble move on global warming that tells us how profoundly conservative the US has become. Unilateralism, as Patten argues, is not in itself ignoble - states pursue their self-interests - but US unilateralism is uncompromisingly absolutist because it is ideological, which is what it makes so dangerous. American conservatism, following the teaching of the influential conservative American political philosopher Leo Strauss, unites patriotism, unilateralism, the celebration of inequality and the right of a moral élite to rule into a single unifying ideology. As Professor Shadia Drury describes in Leo Strauss and the American Right (St Martin's Press), Strauss's core idea that just states must be run by moral, religious, patriotic individuals and that income redistribution, multilateralism and any restraint on individual liberty are mortal enemies of the development of such just élites is the most influential of our times. Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy secretary of state for defence pushing for an early invasion of Iraq, is a Straussian. So is John Ashcroft, the attorney-general, who has legislated for military tribunals both to try and execute suspected terrorists beyond the rule of law. Straussians build up the military capacity of the nation while invoking the Bible and the flag. This is not prejudice; this is a coherent ideological position. The emergence of the largely reactionary south and west of the US as its new economic and political centres of gravity; the weakness of its rules on campaign finance which allow rich, usually conservative, candidates to buy elections; the inability of American liberals to fight back; the embrace of Straussian ideas, laced with traditional anti-tax, free-market nostrums - these ingredients make a deadly cocktail. They have transformed American politics, so that even an essentially progressive President like Clinton found himself behaving, as he acknowledged, like an Eisenhower Republican, while being the object of a co-ordinated conservative conspiracy in first the Whitewater investigations and later the Starr inquiry. The Supreme Court's suspension of the Florida recount in December 2000, to gift the presidency to Bush, is part of the same story. This destructive conservatism is contested fiercely, especially on the liberal, internationalist seaboards. Many good Americans are as bewildered by their current leaders and ideas as we are. But they are not in control. What the world has to deal with is not just the Bush administration, but the internal forces that put it there and will continue to constrain the US even without it. Iraq, the continuing defence build-up, disdain for international law and total uninterest in the 'soft' aspects of security - aid, trade, health, education and debt - are now givens in US policy. Before this challenge, Britain, in its own self-interest, has to play the same balance-of-power politics it used to do in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe. That means siding with the EU and no longer being US conservatism's lapdog. We cannot, for example, be part of the US national missile defence system if its purpose is to destroy the fabric of international law or join America's war against Iraq. Mr Blair should beware. Trying to be both pro-European and pro-American will no longer work. There is a choice and, if he does not make it, ultimately it will wreck his premiership. In an era of globalisation, it is international affairs that determine the fate of governments, because party Whips cannot contain the consequent passions. The Tories broke over Europe. Labour will break over too-slavish fealty to this US. This is the new political drama. Watch out. Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Feb 17 18:41:37 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 17 Feb 2002 15:41:37 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta TEMA Message-ID: <20020217234137.58187.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> D?shmit? e banor?ve t? pallatit q? p?rcoll?n Dritan Priftin p?r "Jasht? shtetit" Arratiset Dritan Prifti "Dritan Priftin k?rkoni? ?sht? n? katin e pest?, apartamenti me dritare nga rruga kryesore. Po t? hip?sh n? ashensor, shtyp butonin kat?r. Po, mos u mundo xhan se nuk e gjen n? sht?pi. Ka ikur n? Amerik? bashk? me familjen...!" T? gjith? banor?t e pallatit ku p?r disa muaj ka jetuar Dritan Prifti, e tregojn? nj?soj sken?n kur ish Ministri ka ngarkuar valixhet n? nj? benz gri metalizato. T? premten n? mesdit? shoferi i tij, disa njer?z t? policis? dhe t? af?rm, p?rcoll?n Dritanin p?r n? Rinas. ?udia ?sht? se banor?ve t? kujdessh?m t? pallatit, nuk u ka shp?tuar fakti q? fqinji i tyre minist?r, duke marr? me shpejt?si disa valixhe, dhe ka braktisur apartamentin e tij komod. N?se interesohesh n? citofon p?r apartamentin e Dritanit, dhe shtyp nj? buton t? katit t? kat?rt d?gjohet nj? z? gruaje q? thot?: "Dritan Priftin k?rkoni? ?sht? n? katin e pest?, apartamenti me dritare nga rruga kryesore. Po t? hip?sh n? ashensor shtyp butonin kat?r. Po, mos u mundo xhan se nuk e gjen n? sht?pi. Ka ikur n? Amerik?...!" Dritan Prifti, njeriu i tret? p?r t? cilin prokuroria e Tiran?s, sipas burimeve, po p?rgatit flet? arrestin ?sht? arratisur nga Shqip?ria. Pasi ka denoncuar tek ish shefi i tij Ilir Meta, k?rc?nimet p?r jet?n q? i jan? b?r? sipas tij prej "njer?zve t? Nanos", Dritan Prifti ka abandonuar apartamentin luksoz n? Tiran?n e Re dhe i shoq?ruar nga nj? makin? policie, t? premten paradite, ?sht? drejtuar p?r n? Rinas. Banor?t e pallatit ku p?r disa muaj ka jetuar n? nj? apartament luksoz me pamje nga rruga kryesore Dritan Prifti, tregojn? se "shefi i dritave" si? e quanin ata ka qen? tep?r i shqet?suar t? premten paradite. Sipas tyre rreth or?s 12.00 t? dit?s s? premte, Dritan Prifti, ?sht? par? nga fqinj?t e tij duke ngarkuar me ngut n? automjetin personal disa valixhe. Gjithmon? sipas d?shmitar?ve okular? Dritan Prifti nuk ?sht? par? m? t? ngjis? shkall?t p?r n? apartamentin e tij komod n? katin e pest?, t? nj? pallati t? ri t? lyer me ngjyr? t? verdh? n? rrug?n "Sulejman Delvina" n? Tiran? t? Re, pran? stadiumit Dinamo. Banor?t e pallatit praktikisht fqinj? t? ish ministrit t? shtetit p?r energjitik?n, d?shmojn? se e kan? par? Dritan Priftin t? ngarkoj? me nxitim n? benzin e tij me ngjyr? t? bardh?, tip 250 model i ri, disa valixhe i shoq?ruar edhe nga disa djem t? rinj q? njihen si shoq?rues t? ish ministrit. D?shmitar? okular? b?jn? t? ditur se m? pas Prifti ?sht? larguar me shpejt?si i shoq?ruar ?udit?risht edhe nga nj? makin? policie ngjyr? blu me fener? t? Ministris? s? Rendit. Sipas t? dh?nave t? fundit b?het e ditur se ish drejtori i Koorporat?s Elektroenergjitike Dritan Prifti ?sht? larguar jasht? Shqip?ris? dhe ka shum? mund?si q? destinacioni i tij i par? t? jen? Shtetet e Bashkuara t? Amerik?s. Nd?rkoh? dosja e KESH e hetuar nga prokuroria e Tiran?s ka njohur zhvillime t? reja pas marrjes si t? pandehur nga organi i akuz?s, t? shefit t? prokurimeve n? k?t? koorporat?, Leonard Mone. Personi i dyt? i thirrur nga prokuroria e Tiran?s p?r t'i komunikuar akuz?n ?sht? ish Drejtori i P?rgjithsh?m i KESH, Arben Kruja. Vet?m kat?r dit? m? par?, sipas burimeve t? Ministris? s? Rendit, Dritan Prifti ka njoftuar p?r k?rc?nime q? jan? b?r? n? adres? t? tij. Pak ?aste para se t? k?rc?nohej, para pallatit t? tij, ?sht? parkuar makina e kryetarit t? Partis? Socialiste Fatos Nano. Por nj? banor i pallatit thot? se Nano ka shkuar aty af?r tek nj? klinik? dentare dhe jo tek sht?pia e Priftit. T? tjer? thon? se ai ishte aty p?r t? porositur perde p?r sht?pin? e tij t? re. Por sidoqoft? Prifti ishte i bindur se Nano po k?rkonte prej tij d?shmitarin anti-Meta n? skandalin e KESH. Prifti, n? momentin e arratisjes ende n? detyr?n e ministrit t? shtetit p?r energjitik?n, ka v?n? n? dijeni ministrin? e Rendit dhe Gard?n e republik?s p?r k?rc?nime q? jan? b?r? n? adres? t? tij nga persona q? Prifti i cil?sonte si "njer?z t? Fatos Nanos". P?r t? gjitha k?to Dritan Prifti ka k?rkuar nga policia dhe garda, shtim t? rojeve t? tij si edhe survejim t? apartamentit t? tij p?r 24 or?, p?r shkak se k?rc?nimet q? jan? b?r? n? adres? t? tij edhe personalisht edhe n?p?rmjet telefonit, kan? qen? k?rc?nime serioze p?r jet?n. Arben Kruja merret me forc? nga policia Ish drejtori i p?rgjithsh?m i Koorporat?s Elektroenergjetike ?sht? marr? i pandehur nga prokuroria e Tiran?s Shoq?rohet me forc? n? prokurorin? e Tiran?s ish Drejtori i P?rgjithsh?m i Koorporat?s Elektroenergjetike Arben Kruja. Dje rreth or?s 12. 00 t? paradites agjent? t? Ministris? s? Rendit kan? ndalua dhe m? pas shoq?ruar me forc? p?r n? zyrat e prokuroris? s? Tiran?s ish drejtorin e p?rgjithsh?m t? KESH, Arben Kruj?n. Arben Kruja ?sht? ndaluar nga nj? furgon i trupave t? gatsh?m, t? cil?t kan? b?r? shoq?rimin e tij nga banesa e vet p?r n? prokurorin? e Tiran?s ku edhe i ?sht? komunikuar akuza. Arben Kruja ?sht? thirrur tre her? rresht nga prokuroria e Tiran?s n? m?nyr? q? t? merrej n? pyetje dhe t'i komunikohej akuza, por i pandehuri nuk ?sht? paraqitur n? prokurori. N? k?to kushte prokuroria e Tiran?s ka k?rkuar marrjen me forc? t? t? pandehurit, gj? q? ?sht? ekzekutuar dje nga polic? t? Ministris? s? Rendit. Sipas t? dh?nave prokuroris?, Arben Kruja ?sht? mbajtur n? zyrat e prokuroris? s? Tiran?s p?r gati nj? or? ku ?sht? pyetur dhe m? pas ?sht? njohur me akuz?n q? r?ndon mbi t? deri n? nj? pro?es t? ardhsh?m gjyq?sor. Jan? dy akuza, t? cilat r?ndojn? mbi z.Kruja. Akuza e par? ?sht? ajo e "abuzimeve n? kryerjen e detyr?s" si edhe "pabarazi n? dh?nien e tenderave". Arben Kruja ka q?ndruar n? krye t? KESH p?r pak koh?, n? periudh?n kur Dritan Prifti em?rohet Minist?r i Energjetik?s. Arben Kruja q?ndroi p?r pak koh? n? krye t? Koorporat?s Elektroenergjetike Shqiptare dhe m? pas dha dor?heqjen n? m?nyr? shum? t? papritur duke deklaruar se largohej nga detyra e drejtorit t? KESH p?r shkak se nuk kishte mund?si t? manaxhonte m? k?t? koorporat?. Arben Kruja p?r tre muaj me radh? ka q?ndruar i papun? dhe nuk ka pasur kontakte me shtypin edhe pse n? koh?n, kur ai dha dor?heqjen u p?rfol p?r nj? dor?heqje t? detyruar p?r shkak t? abuzimeve t? m?dha q? po b?heshin n? koorporat?n elektroenergjetike. Megjithat? Arben Kruja ka q?ndruar shum? larg shtypit duke mos dashur t? prononcohet p?r shkaqet e v?rteta q? kan? detyruar at? t? jap? dor?heqjen nga drejtimi i KESH. Dosja q? sipas Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme d?shmon p?r vjedhje t? m?dha, miliona dollar?, duket se n? dit?t e ardhme do t? sh?noj? edhe t? pandehur t? tjer?. Burime brenda prokuroris? s? Tiran?s, e cila ka marr? n? dor? dosjen nj? muaj m? par? nga Kontrolli i Lart? i Shtetit, deklarojn? se KESH do t? sh?noj? emra personash t? r?nd?sish?m p?r t? cil?t ka t? dh?na t? mjaftueshme p?r abuzime disa milionshe, t? fituara nga abuzimet nga tenderat nd?rkomb?tar?. Pas Leonard Mones dhe Arben Kruj?s, dosja e KESH do t? firmos? edhe urdh?ra t? tjer? arresti, q? sipas burimeve t? prokuroris? arrijn? n? persona t? niveleve t? larta. Prokuroria e Tiran?s do t? k?rkoj? nga gjykata e shkall?s s? par? q? ish drejtori i p?rgjithsh?m i KESH, Arben Kruja t? hetohet n? gjendje t? lir? ashtu si edhe ish shefi i prokurorimeve n? KESH, Leonard Mone. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From mentor at alb-net.com Mon Feb 18 00:33:36 2002 From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana) Date: Mon, 18 Feb 2002 00:33:36 -0500 (EST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [Kcc-News] (1) He [Milosevic] denied the right of non-Serbs to live; (2) Prosecution says Milosevic was "controlling force" behind a "concerted effort" to expel Albanians from Kosovo Message-ID: >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> READ & DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< --------------------------------------------------------------------- Kosova Crisis Center (KCC) News Network: http://www.alb-net.com --------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. He [Milosevic] denied the right of non-Serbs to live 2. Prosecution says Milosevic was "controlling force" behind a "concerted effort" to expel Albanians from Kosovo. 3. Many Kosovo Albanian victims of Milosevic's policies are reluctant to testify against him. 4. "The Mastermind of Ethnic Cleansing" ### 1 ### http://www.nationalpost.com/news/world/story.html?f=/stories/20020214/54254.html 'He denied the right of non-Serbs to live' Milosevic trial: In great detail, prosecutors describe series of massacres Isabel Vincent National Post THE HAGUE - Prosecutors at the trial of Slobodan Milosevic told a United Nations tribunal yesterday how the former leader ordered the systematic deportation, torture, rape and death of hundreds of Muslim civilians, then commanded his forces to destroy evidence of their deeds by reburying the bodies in mass graves in other parts of the country. "The accused never expected that the international community would go to the lengths it did to uncover evidence of ethnic cleansing," said senior prosecutor Dirk Ryneveld, a Canadian, on the second day of Mr. Milosevic's trial before the UN Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. He was summing up the indictment, which includes deportations and ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, the southern province of Serbia Mr. Milosevic tried to rid of ethnic Albanians during the late 1990s. These actions led to the 78-day NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999. Mr. Ryneveld said he will produce forensic evidence and witnesses to show how Mr. Milosevic's forces swept through Kosovo, systematically destroying villages and towns, deporting, and in some cases torturing and killing, ethnic Albanians. In all, Serb forces deported about 800,000 ethnic Albanians and killed an unknown number. They also took advantage of the NATO air strikes to increase their reign of terror over Kosovo Muslims, whom they tried to expel to such neighbouring countries as Macedonia and Albania. "They were intending to blame the deaths on NATO bombing," said Mr. Ryneveld, speaking of Serb paramilitary and Yugoslav army forces that he tried to prove were both under Mr. Milosevic's command. "Serb forces went from hamlet to hamlet, village to village, town to town, murdering, raping, looting and destroying property in their path. The looting and burning had the desired consequence of ensuring that there would be nothing to return to." One of the key prosecution witnesses will be a 10-year-old boy, the only survivor of a massacre in which his entire family was killed. He was spared, Mr. Ryneveld said, because his mother's dead body, which was lying on top of him, shielded him from the bullets. He managed to escape, but his sister, a toddler, was pinned under the body, unable to flee. Mr. Ryneveld said the boy tried to save his sister, who called out to him, but was forced to watch as Serb forces torched the bodies, burning his sister alive. The corpses -- 80 in total -- were later found along with some of their identity documents in a refrigerator truck submerged in the Danube River near Belgrade, several hundred kilometres away from the massacre site in Kosovo. The prosecution conducted its opening arguments yesterday by continuing the pattern it began on the trial's opening day-- using detailed accounts of massacres in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, the three conflicts Mr. Milosevic is alleged to have started in order to cement his hold on power in Yugoslavia. The prosecution's description of some of the massacres resembled mass killings of Jews by Einsatzgruppen, the mobile killing units armed by the Nazis in the Second World War. In March, 1999, in the village of Bela Crkva, Kosovo, the men were separated from the women and children, Mr. Ryneveld said. The men were then stripped and robbed of their belongings before being forced into the bed of a stream where they were shot by Serb forces. Some survived by pretending to be dead. Those survivors are expected to testify against Mr. Milosevic. In another Kosovo village, Serb forces ordered a group of men into two mine shafts and threw explosives down the holes. An Austrian forensic team recovered 22 of the bodies last year. In a massacre in the village of Suva Reka, also in Kosovo, nearly 40 people, including a 12-month- old baby and a 24-year-old woman who was eight months pregnant, were killed by Serb forces. Thirty-seven bodies, including that of the pregnant woman, were later found in a mass grave on the outskirts of Belgrade. During the conflict in Kosovo in 1999, women and girls were systematically raped by Serb forces, said Mr. Ryneveld. The rapes were designed to spread panic and fear among ethnic Albanians. "Soldiers taking part in deportations selected women and raped them in front of the rest of the group," said Mr. Ryneveld, adding some of the rape victims will testify, but will have their identities protected. "In one case, a 14-year-old girl was raped in front of her family. Others were gang-raped by soldiers in succession before they were killed." Although some senior members of the Yugoslav army refused to take part in some atrocities and told Mr. Milosevic he may have gone too far in Kosovo, he did not listen to them, said Geoffrey Nice, another prosecutor. He simply dismissed those who did not agree with him, replacing them with others who were more compliant. Those who exhorted their troops to carry out atrocities in the field were decorated by Mr. Milosevic at the end of the conflict in Kosovo. "He was a man capable of persuading, a man capable of having others follow him," said Mr. Nice, describing Mr. Milosevic and his relationship with the commanders of the army and the paramilitary forces he is alleged to have controlled. "His own staff was telling him that he was overdoing it in Kosovo," said Mr. Nice, concluding opening arguments that took up the better part of the trial's first two days. "The accused got away with so much in the past, he thought he could get away with this. The chamber will hear evidence that reveals an atmosphere of impunity to crimes being committed, no matter how brutal they may be." Other atrocities allegedly committed by Serb forces during earlier conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia were also compared to events during the Second World War. Mr. Nice described the slaughter of 6,500 Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica in July, 1995, as the biggest single massacre in Europe since the Second World War. During the siege of Sarajevo, Serb forces reduced the people of the Bosnian capital to a state of "medieval deprivation so that they lived in constant fear of death." The prosecutor also pointed out that Mr. Milosevic turned on his own people, the Serbs, when it suited his grand scheme of creating a Greater Serbia within Yugoslavia. In one instance, Serb refugees fleeing fighting in Croatia were ordered by Mr. Milosevic's forces back into Croatia to shore up the Serb population in the region. "Things that happened weren't inevitable," said Mr. Nice. "They were not the acts of God, but the acts of men, taken with no regard to the interests or even to the lives of others. "In a career spanning 13 years --a criminal career spanning nearly eight years -- throughout that period [Mr. Milosevic] sought two things: to maximize his power and control. He did this by denying fundamental rights to those who did not agree with him, and denied the right of non-Serbs to live among their neighbours or indeed to live at all." The former Yugoslav leader, who is charged with 66 counts of war crimes and genocide, sat impassively through the proceedings yesterday, becoming upset only when it was his turn to address the court. "Do you stop work today at 4?" said Mr. Milosevic, clad in a banker's blue suit, white shirt and red, white and navy tie. He was allowed to speak half an hour before the proceedings ended. "I have spent two days listening to these speeches by the prosecution and now you are telling me that I will be cut off after half an hour?" he said, using the opportunity to denounce the UN tribunal as being an "illegitimate court," a charge he has often repeated. He claimed Richard May, one of the trial judges, did not give him a proper response to a previous question regarding the legality of the UN tribunal. "Your views of the tribunal are completely irrelevant," said Judge May, adding Mr. Milosevic had not read the tribunal's previous judgments on the question of its own legality. Since his arrival at The Hague last June, Mr. Milosevic has refused to recognize the legitimacy of the UN court. He has not appointed defence counsel and has used appearances before the tribunal to condemn NATO for its bombing of Yugoslavia. He is expected to sum up his defence today. Copyright ? 2002 National Post Online ### 2 ### part of IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 317, February 13, 2002 MILOSEVIC "PLANNED" KOSOVO DEPORTATION Prosecution says Milosevic was "controlling force" behind a "concerted effort" to expel Albanians from Kosovo. By Anthony Borden in The Hague "Your views about the tribunal are now completely irrelevant." With this sharp rebuke, presiding judge Richard May once again silenced a defiant Slobodan Milosevic, after losing patience with the defendant's continued attempts to evade engagement with the prosecution case on the second day of his trial. "We have become more convinced that not only is [this court] partial but that your prosecutor has already proclaimed my sentence and my judgment," Milosevic insisted, in his first remarks at the trial. "It has orchestrated a media campaign which along with this illegal tribunal is a parallel lynch process." He accused the judge of failing to respond to his arguments that his arrest and detention were illegal, and that another court must review the legality of the tribunal itself. The judge, referring to his own written ruling of November 8, 2001, noted that "the matters you are choosing to address . . . we have already ruled on - which you would know if you bothered to read the papers we have given you". The heated exchange in the final minutes of the day's proceedings could not have contrasted more sharply with the harrowing (if not always new) details of atrocities in Kosovo outlined by the prosecution. Chief trial attorney Geoffrey Nice alleged that the primary crime was "a wholesale and concerted effort to round up and deport as many Kosovo Albanians as possible". Killings and other violence were part of that plan, in order to compel others to flee, and the "controlling force" was Milosevic himself. Completing his opening remarks, Nice outlined the run-up to the war with NATO, launched March 24. Throughout the preceding months, with reports of more and more killings of Kosovo Albanians and destruction of their villages, Western diplomats warned the Yugoslav president that these were criminal acts. A joint command had been created for the province, under then Yugoslav deputy prime minister Nikola Sainovic, giving Milosevic control over the federal ministry of defence, the Yugoslav army, the ministry of the interior, and local defence units within Kosovo. Convinced that Serbia was on a collision course with NATO which would result in the destruction of the Yugoslav army, General Momcilo Perisic, then the army chief of staff, confirmed, according to the prosecution, that the "situation in Kosovo was the result of one man's actions". Even senior Serbian officials urged the Yugoslav president to avoid atrocities. Yet throughout this period, according to the prosecution, Milosevic followed a clear pattern: denying reports of civilian massacres and expulsions, replacing top military and political officials who expressed any unease over the policy (including Perisic himself), and boasting to senior Western military officials that he could quickly resolve the Kosovo problem through military means. Setting up a large "deportation map", Nice pointed out a series of blue dots throughout the province, marking a dozen expulsions of Kosovo Albanians on Mach 24-27. Completing a similar exercise, with similar dates, on a "killings map", Nice concluded, "Can there be any doubt from that simple coincidence of dates that what was happening was an overall and planned deportation?" Dirk Ryneveld, lead prosecutor on the Kosovo case, followed with more detail, outlining some of the specific incidents, and extraordinary circumstances out of which evidence would be revealed. One trial witness is a young boy, among dozens shot at 17 Milos Ilic Street, in Djakovica, who was unable to help his sister, trapped and crying out underneath the body of their dead mother. When Serb forces torched the house, he could not rescue her, but managed somehow himself to survive. In another case, two women and a child, left for dead after a massacre of around twenty people, crammed into a coffee shop in Suva Reka, escaped by rolling themselves off a truck full of the victims, which was heading towards a mass grave. One of the women will testify. Other evidence would, of necessity, be more scientific. Of the nearly 50 people from the Berisha family killed that day in Suva Reka, one was a 24-year-old woman, eight month's pregnant. Two years later, when mass reburial sites were discovered at Batajnica, outside Belgrade, various details identified bodies of people last seen at Suva Reka - among them a late-term foetus. "The same pattern happens at the same time in different municipalities all over Kosovo," concluded Ryneveld. "Attacks included verbal abuse, threats of violence, removal of identification, killing of livestock, killing of men, destruction of religious sites and herding women and children into trains and buses and forcing them to flee." And when Serb authorities feared their crimes would be discovered, they dug up the bodies, and transported them in refrigerator trucks to Serbia to try to conceal the atrocities. "All the events into which this chamber will have to inquire point towards a central personality, the existence a controlling human force," concluded Nice. "When you have examined all the evidence, the silhouette of that personality, the full-faced view of that personality at the centre of these events, is unmistakably that of the accused." Unfortunately for the case, the historical record, and ultimately perhaps for the defendant himself, the one person almost certain not to examine that evidence, and challenge it in detail, is the accused. Anthony Borden is executive director of the Institute for War & Peace Reporting. ### 3 ### part of IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 317, February 13, 2002 KOSOVARS SPLIT OVER MILOSEVIC TRIAL Many Kosovo Albanian victims of Milosevic's policies are reluctant to testify against him. By Adriatik Kelmendi in Suhareka, Qyshk and Pristina Drita was adamant. She wouldn't go to The Hague to testify against Slobodan Milosevic. "There's no reason to," she insisted. Her decision seems incredible given that Milosevic's forces executed her son, daughter, and husband three years ago. They were among 48 Kosovo Albanian civilians shot by a Serbian firing squad on March 26, 1999, at a restaurant in Suhareka, in south-east Kosovo. Drita, not her real name, and another son were wounded in the execution, but left for dead. They escaped by jumping from the truck loaded with the victims that was heading for Serbia. The passports of relatives and neighbours killed in the atrocity were found two years later in a mass grave in Batajnica, nearby Belgrade. Although the woman has been summoned to testify against the former Yugoslav president, she will not be going. "There are many like Milosevic. He is not the only one to be blamed," she said. "Where are his henchmen who fired on us? They are free." Many Albanians share her anger that Milosevic is the only leading figure from the old regime in Belgrade to face justice. The courts in Kosovo have tried only about 15 war crimes suspects. Florence Hartman, spokesperson for the tribunal chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, says just 60 per cent of the 150 Kosovars who've provided evidence against Milosevic have agreed to testify in person at his trial. According to the Council of Human Rights and Freedoms in Pristina, some 10,000 Albanian civilians perished in the 1998-1999 conflict, while another 3,000 remain unaccounted for. Altogether around a million people were forced from their homes. About 100 km from Drita's home, in the Albanian village of Qyshk, Isa Gashi was putting the finishing touches to his new house. The Serbs razed his farm house on May 14, 1999, after opening fire on him and 11 other villagers. Only he survived. They killed another 42 Albanians from the neighbouring villages of Pavlan and Zahaq. Gashi has watched the pre-trial sessions of the Milosevic case with disgust. "That murderer is enjoying a comfortable cell and makes fun of the court," he said. "If they won't do to him what he did to us, they might as well set him free." Unlike Drita, he is ready to testify " for the sake of justice". Nekibe Kelmendi, secretary-general of the Democratic League of Kosovo, LDK, headed by Ibrahim Rugova, the largest party in Kosovo, will be attending the trial as an official observer. But she also has personal reasons for being there. Milosevic's henchmen murdered her husband, the well-known lawyer Bajram Kelmendi, along with her two sons, Kushtrim and Kreshnik, on the day NATO air strikes began. "The conviction of Milosevic and other indicted criminals and the prosecution of Yugoslavia for genocide is the only thing that will satisfy the survivors," she said. Hysni Berisha, of the Victims Identification Commission, shares her opinion. " The Milosevic case should lead to the trial of all those who committed crimes in Kosovo," he said. Kosovars Split Over Milosevic Trial "This would help to prepare the ground for an eventual reconciliation between Serbs and Albanians." The more time passes, the more difficult that reconciliation seems to be. Gashi often goes back to his old farm, separated by a river from the Serbian enclave of Gorazdec. "Everyday I think of going over there to look for those who murdered us," he said. "They followed the orders of Milosevic. As long as these criminals remain free, I could not bring myself to say 'Hello' to someone in Serbian." Adriatik Kelmendi is an editor at the Pristina daily Koha ditore ### 4 ### http://www.usofficepristina.usia.co.at/com/menz3.htm "The Mastermind of Ethnic Cleansing" by Ambassador John K. Menzies Chief of Mission, U.S. Office Pristina Op-Ed Exclusively Published in Kosovo Daily Newspaper "Koha Ditore". February 12, 2001 Today begins the most important war crimes trial since the Nuremberg trials at the end of World War II - the trial of Slobodan Milosevic for genocide in Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, and Kosovo. As the first head of state to be tried for war crimes, his trial will be watched live on television around the world. His every utterance - and those of witnesses, attorneys, and forensic specialists who will describe his alleged crimes in horrifying detail - will be read in every corner of the world and will be studied for generations to come by people who wish to understand the workings of his mind. Kosovars will certainly follow his trial closely because Kosovo's wounds are the freshest and the pain of those wounds still cuts deep into the hearts of lives of thousands of people across Kosovo. Everyone in Kosovo, across all ethnic lines, will have to live with the results of Milosevic's rule and his hateful legacy for many years to come. However, it is vital to Kosovo's future, and to the healing of his many thousands of innocent victims and their loved ones, that this trial be the beginning of a healing process that will enable Kosovo and all Kosovars to move forward and put the pain of those years behind. At the end of World War II, a large number of men and women in Germany and Japan, as well as in other countries, went on trial for war crimes. For the most part, only the "big fish" were caught, tried, and punished, while thousands of "little fish" went free with no punishment beyond what their own consciences dealt them. In the fifty-plus years since the end of World War II, war crimes trials have continued off and on as more people were caught; justice will continue to pursue surviving war criminals, pursuing them until justice is done. However, in spite of the heroic efforts by many nations to bring all those evil men and women to justice, only a small fraction of the guilty ones were caught. This is a very important lesson for Kosovars today to understand. Slobodan Milosevic is the biggest of the big fish. There are several other big fish still out there, most notably Gen. Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. I have no doubt that they, too, will one day face the court of international justice. In the meantime, though, we must all accept that many people guilty of war crimes in Kosovo, Croatia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina will simply never be caught and many people will not get the satisfaction of having the perpetrators of crimes they themselves experienced brought to justice. But that should not deter those people from taking satisfaction in seeing the mastermind behind ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia made to answer for his crimes. War crimes trials are not important just for the victims of the war criminals and their collaborators, but also for the people in whose name they acted. War crimes trials at the end of World War II played an important part in helping the people of Germany and Japan come to grips with what their leaders led them into doing, and the same should happen now as the people who followed Milosevic and voted for him come to grips with the evil he perpetrated, both at home and in neighboring regions. In other words, this trial is important not just for Albanians, Croats, and Bosnians, but also for Serbs and Montenegrins. It is also important for other areas of the world in which ethnic conflicts have raged to see that justice can and will be done. In closing, I would like to speak directly to all those in Kosovo who suffered from Milosevic's forces, to all of you who lost loved ones during the war, to the families in Racak, Suha Reka, Likoshan, Mramor, Krusha e Madhe, Poklet, Izbica, Shtedime, Makoc, Katundi e Re, Qyshk, Lubeniq, Abri, Prekaz, and others where Milosevic's forces did their worst deeds, and to everyone who suffered indignity, humiliation, beatings, or other abuses during his rule. True justice can never actually be done. It is not possible to catch and bring to trial every single perpetrator who followed Milosevic's orders and did his bidding. It is not possible for those people to pay a high enough price to bring back your dead loved ones or to restore the dignity you lost during his oppression. But seeing him in the court, seeing him taken back to his cell every night after the trial, seeing him under guard as he seeks to explain away his nationalistic ideology and ethnic hatred, should give each and every one of us great satisfaction. It should allow each of his victims to feel that some justice has been done, to feel that healing can begin to take place, to feel that their loved ones and their fellow countrymen will be avenged in some way. But we must also remember that his actions, and those of his followers, do not justify similar acts in retribution. Two wrongs never make a right. The courts must decide what to do with those who are accused. Perhaps most importantly, the trial should allow the victims to feel that perhaps the time for forgiveness - but never forgetting - is at hand. While many criminals who actually got blood on their hands may not be in jail, their boss is. Without the boss at the top, those things would never have happened. Without those criminals at the bottom, awful things would probably still have happened with different criminals doing the dirty work. The criminals acted because of Milosevic. They were cogs in an evil machine designed and built by Slobodan Milosevic. It is because of him that those criminals were in Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, and Kosovo doing their evil deeds. Today he must begin to answer for it. ________________________________________________ To unsubscribe from this list visit: http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/kcc-news From jetkoti at hotmail.com Mon Feb 18 17:07:05 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com) Date: Mon, 18 Feb 2002 17:07:05 -0500 (EST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Milosevic Claims Moral Victory in War Crimes Trial Message-ID: <20020218220705.687E058A4F@email5.lga2.nytimes.com> This article from NYTimes.com has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com. Milosevic Claims Moral Victory in War Crimes Trial February 18, 2002 By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Filed at 2:12 p.m. ET THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) -- Slobodan Milosevic ended a three-day tirade against ``new colonialism'' by the West, then heard the first prosecution witness in his war crimes trial testify later Monday about a Yugoslav scorched-earth plan to kill Kosovo Muslims. Mahmut Bakali, an ethnic Albanian and former head of Kosovo's Communist Party, said he had heard of the plan for a Serb invasion of Kosovo -- the province of Serbia with a Muslim majority of ethnic Albanians -- from the Serbian head of security in 1997, David Gajic. ``It was the plan of Serbia, or a plan of Milosevic,'' he said, ``This would be insanity on a large scale.'' Bakali's testimony moved the trial into its second phase after the prosecutors and Milosevic spent a week laying out their cases in opening statements. The former Yugoslav president is on trial on 66 counts of war crimes during the 1991-99 Balkan wars, including genocide in Bosnia. He could be sentenced to life if convicted on any count. During a 10-hour opening statement, Milosevic seized the offensive, blaming his enemies for the crimes of which he himself stands accused, and describing himself as a peacemaker. He showed contempt toward the prosecution's portrait of him as a ruthless power seeker who orchestrated the murder and expulsions of non-Serbs to create a ``greater Serbia'' in the former Yugoslavia, now made up only of Serbia and much smaller Montenegro. To gain a conviction, the prosecution must prove Milosevic either ordered atrocities against civilians, or that he knew about -- or had reason to know about -- crimes committed by his subordinates that he failed to prevent or punish. With its first witness, the prosecution began to build its case that Serb brutalities were premeditated and well planned. Bakali said the plan he heard from Gajic was intended ``to destroy 700 Albanian-populated settlements and to destroy property and to destroy people.'' He said he warned the security chief that the blitz would result in war. Bakali was fired by the Yugoslav leadership in 1980 for allegedly organizing pro-independence protests by Kosovo Albanians. He disappeared from public view until 1998, when he became a member of a Kosovo Albanian delegation that negotiated the reopening of Albanian-language universities in Kosovo. He met several times with Milosevic that year. Describing one of the meetings, Bakali said: ``I told him: 'You are killing women and children,''' referring to a police action in the village of Prekaz that left more than 40 members of a family dead in early 1998. Milosevic apparently replied: ``We are fighting against terrorism.'' Milosevic said the police had given the residents two hours to flee but they didn't, according to Bakali. ``He knew about the incident,'' Bakali said. Earlier, Milosevic ended his opening statement as he had begun it last Thursday, with a denunciation of the tribunal as ``an instrument of lies,'' and rejecting its ``false and inverted indictments.'' Although he may cross-examine witnesses, it was the last opportunity Milosevic will have to say his peace until the prosecution winds up its case, probably in about a year. Milosevic accused the West of manipulating ethnic hatred in the Yugoslav republics to break apart the country and place it under Western domination. He singled out Germany and the United States for allegedly supplying separatist groups with arms. ``War on the territory of Yugoslavia was incited by big Western powers,'' Milosevic said. ``The goal of Western envoys was not to bring peace, but their interest was destroying the country and ensuring a new colonialism.'' Mounting his own defense, Milosevic has come to every court session with a heavy leather briefcase. He read from stacks of notes and presented scores of gory photos and video footage showing the victims of the 78-day NATO bombing campaign of Yugoslavia that ended the Serb crackdown in Kosovo. Milosevic denied prosecution charges he planned and ordered the Srebrenica massacre of thousands of Bosnian Muslims in July 1995, for which he stands accused of genocide. More than 7,000 Muslim men and boys were killed in a weeklong rampage by Serb forces in the U.N.-declared Bosnian safe area. Witnesses say captives were lined up and gunned down by machine gun fire. Milosevic said he learned about the killings from U.N. special envoy Carl Bildt and immediately ordered an investigation. He said men were arrested, but had to be released because of a lack of evidence. He also denied knowledge of the horrors in Bosnian prison camps -- where thousands of non-Serbs perished during the 1992-1995 Bosnian war -- saying he was told prisoners were being kept only briefly to be swapped in prisoner exchanges. http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/international/AP-War-Crimes-Milosevic.html?ex=1015070025&ei=1&en=e813a82c2a65b12a HOW TO ADVERTISE --------------------------------- For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters or other creative advertising opportunities with The New York Times on the Web, please contact onlinesales at nytimes.com or visit our online media kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo For general information about NYTimes.com, write to help at nytimes.com. Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company From jetkoti at hotmail.com Mon Feb 18 17:12:17 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com) Date: Mon, 18 Feb 2002 17:12:17 -0500 (EST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: The Great Unwatched Message-ID: <20020218221217.5899E58A4F@email5.lga2.nytimes.com> This article from NYTimes.com has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com. Dedicated to Mr. Protopapa with a subtitle added by me: "1984 Come Alive" jetkoti at hotmail.com The Great Unwatched February 18, 2002 By WILLIAM SAFIRE WASHINGTON -- Stipulated: The protection of our capital, its monuments and centers of authority, is a vital national interest. Early in our history, when faced with a potential rebellion of unpaid officers, one of our leaders employed an uncharacteristic emotional trick - pretending to be going blind - to appeal to the infuriated military men not to march on the capital. He soon had them in tears and in hand. In another time, another leader risked all by turning the capital's defense over to the man most opposed to his political aims, gambling that he could later overcome the nation's gratitude to a man on horseback. In our time, after the Pentagon was hit, the White House targeted and the Capitol anthraxed, D.C. again saw itself besieged. But now, in terror of an external threat, our leaders are protecting our capital at the cost of every American's personal freedom. Surveillance is in the saddle. Responding to the latest Justice Department terror alert, Washington police opened the Joint Operation Command Center of the Synchronized Operations Command Complex (S.O.C.C.). In it, 50 officials monitor a wall of 40 video screens showing images of travelers, drivers, residents and pedestrians. These used to be the Great Unwatched, free people conducting their private lives; now they are under close surveillance by hundreds of hidden cameras. A zoom lens enables the watchers to focus on the face of a tourist walking toward the Washington Monument or Lincoln Memorial. The monitoring system is already linked to 200 cameras in public schools. The watchers plan to expand soon with an equal number in the subways and parks. A private firm profits by photographing cars running red lights; those images will also join the surveillance network. Private cameras in banks and the lobbies and elevators of apartment buildings and hotels will join the system, and residents of nursing homes and hospitals can look forward to an electronic eye in every room. A commercial camera atop a department store in Georgetown catches the faces of shoppers entering malls, to be plugged into omnipresent S.O.C.C. Digital images of the captured faces can be flashed around the world in an instant on the Internet. Married to face-recognition technology and tied in to public and private agencies around the world, an electronic library of hundreds of millions of faces will be created. Terrorists and criminals - as well as unhappy spouses, runaway teens, hermits and other law-abiding people who want to drop out of society for a while - will have no way to get a fresh start. Is this the kind of world we want? The promise is greater safety; the tradeoff is government control of individual lives. Personal security may or may not be enhanced by this all-seeing eye and ear, but personal freedom will surely be sharply curtailed. To be watched at all times, especially when doing nothing seriously wrong, is to be afflicted with a creepy feeling. That is what is felt by a convict in an always- lighted cell. It is the pervasive, inescapable feeling of being unfree. As the law now stands, there is no privacy in public places; that's why sports stadiums are called "Snooper Bowls." A whisper to your spouse on your front porch is the public's business, say the courts; and on that intrusive analogy, long-range microphones may soon be allowed to pick up voice vibrations on windowpanes. When your government, employer, landlord, merchant, banker and local sports team gang up to picture, digitize and permanently record your every activity, you are placed under unprecedented control. This is not some alarmist Orwellian scenario; it is here, now, financed by $20 billion last year and $15 billion more this year of federal money appropriated out of sheer fear. By creating the means to monitor 300 million visits to the U.S. yearly, this administration and a supine opposition are building a system capable of identifying, tracking and spying on 300 million Americans. So far, the reaction has been a most un-American docility. It's Presidents' Day. To save the capital and thus the nation, the leader who manipulated his rebellious officers with an emotional pretense of incipient blindness was George Washington, and the one who risked creating a Caesar out of a necessary general was Abraham Lincoln. Neither would sacrifice our freedom to protect his monument.? http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/18/opinion/18SAFI.html?ex=1015070337&ei=1&en=44eb1225b5611dfe HOW TO ADVERTISE --------------------------------- For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters or other creative advertising opportunities with The New York Times on the Web, please contact onlinesales at nytimes.com or visit our online media kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo For general information about NYTimes.com, write to help at nytimes.com. Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 19 19:38:22 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 19 Feb 2002 16:38:22 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per gjuhen - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020220003822.42865.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Zhduket vajza e ciftit qe vdiq ne SHBA Ndersa ne Gjykaten e Apelit zhvillohet procesi se kush do te jete kujdestar, askush nuk di se ku eshte Argela Xhaferri. Zenepe Luka Vlore - Zhduket foshnja 20 muajshe Argela Xhaferri. Pas vdekjes se prinderve ne Nju Jork ne aksident dhe kalvarit neper gjykata ne nje proces mes krushqive se kush do te kujdeset per te, tashme ka mberritur dhe lajmi i fundit. Ndersa ne Gjykaten e Apelit ne Vlore zhvillohet gjyqi, vajza nuk dihet se ku eshte. Keshtu, historia tragjike e foshnjes Argela Xhaferri nga Skrapari, ka trokitur ne gjykaten e Apelit te Vlores. Cerciz Xhaferri me bashkeshorten e tij, kane terhequr vemendjen ne ambjentet e Apelit te Vlores duke derdhur lote e shprehur shimbjen qe i ka brengosur pergjithmone. Ata kane takuar e biseduar kryetaren e gjykates se Apelit Gjenovefa Gaba, duke i kerkuar asaj qe te veproje me tere forcen ligji e shteti dhe t'ju kthehet mbesa 20 muajshe Argela, kujtimi i djalit te tyre te vetem Gezimit qe eshte zhdukur prej 1 viti. "Na plasi zemra dhe nuk dime se ku ndodhet, cila eshte gjendja shendetesore e saj, kerkojme te veproje ligji me tere forcen e tij te na ktheje Argelen, qe eshte e vetmja ngushellim per ne", kane thene ata dhe jane larguar te kerrusur nga dhimbja drejt qytetit te Skraparit. Si vdiqen prinderit ne Nju Jork Kjo martese ishte kurorezim i nje dashurie te zjarrte mes dy te rinjve te bukur. Madje, juristi i diplomuar, i vetmi i familjes Xhaferri, thoshte shpesh se gjithcka po shkon per shtat edhe emrit qe i kishin vene prinderit. Fitorja e llotos amerikane e spostoi lumturine e tyre ne Nju Jork. Atje linden edhe vajzen e bukur dhe ishte kuptimplote bashkimi i emrave te tyre per te vendosur emrin frytit te dashurise qe vetem buronte. U quajt Argela. Ne nentorin e viti 2000, ata erdhen prane familjes, lane foshnjen 9 muajshe duke planifikuar se do te riktheheshin pas vitit te ri per ta marre ate. Por gjithcka u fashit. Ata humben jeten ne nje aksident automobilistik pikerisht naten e Vitit te Ri sebashku me nje cift tjeter shqiptar. Shqiptaret atje mblodhen te holla dhe i sollen ne Skrapar per tu prehur peretesisht ne vendlindje. U shua nje dashuri, nje cift engjell, por mbeti pas dhimbja, dhimbje dyfish Argela. Zhduket foshnja Zhduket foshnja, 1 vit pa e pare me sy kujtimin e te birit. Cdo pale kerkonte te mbante vajzen e vogel qe ishte kujtimi i femijve qe iken, por ajo smund te rrinte ne dy shtepi, madje emri dhe dashuria per te do te startonte kalvarin e dhimbjes tek familja e djalit, Cerciz Xhaferri. Ata shprehen se foshnja eshte rrembyer nga nena e vajzes Lumturi Elezi dhe nuk dihet se ku eshte. Thone qe eshte derguar tek njerez te aferm te saj ne fshatrat e Lushnjes. Dhe gjyshi i mjere, tregon: Nuk e kam pare me sy, mbushi nje vit qe djali me ka vdekur. Me treti dhimbja dhe shqetesohem se si nuk veprojne ligjet. Une e dua ate, jo vetem pse eshte mbesa e vetme e imja, jo vetem pse ka mbiemrin tim, porse i kam te gjitha kushtet per ta rritur, shkolluar dhe ti le ate grusht pasuri qe kam. Ai tregon me tej se krushka e tij nuk i ka kushtet, madje edhe perkujdesja mungon. Sjellja e pashpirt e saj me detyron te them se ka qene grua e divorcuar me vendim gjykate nr.147 date 18.10.73. dhe nga martesa e dyte ka dy vajzat, njera ishte nusja e tim biri. Si mund te jem i qete kur me thone se mbesa eshte e semure dhe une nuk e shoh? Me lajmeruan njehere se ishte ne spitalin e Beratit, shkova me nje fryme ta shihja, por ajo e rrembeu dhe une nuk e kam pare kurre. Kerkoj te veproje ligji, dua Argelen, nese nuk vjen mbesa ne shtepi, mua nuk me tret dheu" thote plaku dhe mbytet ne lote. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jetkoti at hotmail.com Wed Feb 20 04:29:05 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com) Date: Wed, 20 Feb 2002 01:29:05 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Bush Will Keep Wartime Office Promoting U.S. Message-ID: <20020220092905.B898715C27@email4.lga2.nytimes.com> This article from NYTimes.com has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com. The Ministry of Truth and The Ministry of Peace finally merge into Mini-truth-Max-pax in order to deliver the world from ignorance and at the same time make the world safer (for ourselves), i.e., bring peace in the world. jetkoti at hotmail.com Bush Will Keep Wartime Office Promoting U.S. February 20, 2002 By ELIZABETH BECKER and JAMES DAO WASHINGTON, Feb. 19 - President Bush has decided to transform the administration's temporary wartime communications effort into a permanent office of global diplomacy to spread a positive image of the United States around the world and combat anti-Americanism, senior administration officials said today. "The president believes it is a critical part of national security to communicate U.S. foreign policy to a global audience in times of peace as well as war," said Dan Bartlett, the White House communications director. While discussions are at a preliminary stage, officials said there was general agreement in the administration that the intense shaping of information and coordination of messages that occurred during the fighting in Afghanistan should become a permanent feature of national security policy. The White House office to be created to carry out the policy will coordinate the public statements of State, Defense and the other departments like the Voice of America to ensure that foreign correspondents in Washington as well as foreign leaders and opinion-makers overseas understand Mr. Bush's policies. "What is important is we want to do a better job of using the government seamlessly to give direction to the president's global diplomacy," a senior administration official said. Officials said the new office would be entirely separate from a proposed Office of Strategic Influence at the Pentagon, which would use the media, the Internet and a range of covert operations to try to influence public opinion and government policy abroad, including in friendly nations. That office is contemplating plans, which are being reviewed by Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld, to disseminate information, and possibly even disinformation, in foreign media as part of an aggressive campaign by the military to promote American policies overseas. Today, the president of the Radio- Television News Directors Association, Barbara Cochran, wrote a letter to Mr. Rumsfeld objecting to any plans involving the spread of false or misleading information by the Pentagon. Like the office of Homeland Security, the efforts to centralize public diplomacy following the Sept. 11 attacks have grown in importance and urgency in the last six months. So far, the new White House office has no name, no director and no budget, though officials say Mr. Bush has said money will be no obstacle in pursuing the effort. The earlier White House push to create a more positive image of the United States after Sept. 11 was led by Karen P. Hughes, senior adviser to the president and is known as the Coalition Information Center. The major goal, officials said, is to stem what the White House sees as a rising tide of anti-Americanism. "A lot of the world does not like America, and it's going to take years to change their hearts and minds," said a senior official involved in the discussions. The president broached the possibility of a permanent mission in a meeting with the top people who speak for the administration in September. "He told us that we were going to be at this for a long, long time," one participant said, "that we were setting a template for future presidents, that we had to think big, strategic, historic thoughts." Global diplomacy as envisioned in the new office will inject patriotism into the punishing 24-hour, seven-day news cycle, officials said. It will include information campaigns about Mr. Bush's domestic policy - like education bills - as well as traditional information about the military, diplomatic and economic sides of national security policy, officials said. Rather than create agencies, the new office would take advantage of the huge communications network of American embassies, their media offices and the broadcast network already in place under the State Department. Charlotte Beers, a former advertising executive now in charge of public diplomacy at the State Department, has used her marketing skills in an attempt to make American policies as familiar as American culture. Officials involved in the global communications effort said it required clear direction from the White House to break down the bureaucratic walls built up around the government after the cold war ended and the focus on defeating a clear-cut enemy disappeared. Foreign journalists say they have given up getting meaningful interviews from American officials here. Only the most senior ambassadors from allied countries meet regularly with government policy makers. "There was often the feeling that we were either taken for granted or considered irrelevant," said Patrice de Beer, the former Washington correspondent for Le Monde, the French daily. "We don't expect anyone to deliver state secrets to us but to be accessible to explain what the policy was. That's all." In the earlier White House effort, Ms. Hughes joined forces with her British counterpart to put together the Coalition Information Center, known as the war room. When Washington decided to highlight the Taliban's policy against women's rights, officials enlisted not only First Lady Laura Bush but Cherie Blair, the wife of the British prime minister. "The Afghanistan women's campaign was the best thing we've done - giving insight into their vision of the future," said Jim Wilkinson, the head of the Coalition Information Center. http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/20/international/20INFO.html?ex=1015197345&ei=1&en=aeacced076fc6345 HOW TO ADVERTISE --------------------------------- For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters or other creative advertising opportunities with The New York Times on the Web, please contact onlinesales at nytimes.com or visit our online media kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo For general information about NYTimes.com, write to help at nytimes.com. Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Feb 20 13:10:14 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 20 Feb 2002 10:10:14 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: COE Training of Trainers for SEE Europe, 5-15.11.2002, Budapest Message-ID: <20020220181014.2204.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> > From: "Craig Zelizer" > > > Training for Trainers Working in South East Europe" > European Youth Centre Budapest, 5 - 15 November 2002 > > DJ/TFT-CE (2002) 1 eng > > D o w n l o a d : > Presentation and Application Form [PDF file] > > PRESENTATION OF THE COURSE > > Training within the Directorate of Youth and Sport > > During recent years, training has become an > increasingly important > instrument to pursue the aims and principles of the > Council of Europe's > youth policy. Similarly, within youth movements and > institutions, it is > nowadays acknowledged that the ever-growing > complexity and diversity of > youth work requires competent and motivated > volunteers or staff members to > secure quality and a maximisation of results. For > those active in youth > work, on a volunteer or remunerated basis, > temporarily or permanently, the > commitment put into and the experience acquired in > youth work can be better > valued in other professional circles if accompanied > by training. > > The Directorate of Youth and Sport has acquired an > undisputed reputation for > and expertise in developing educational approaches > and materials suitable to > both formal and non-formal contexts as well as to > different cultural > environments. Its work with multipliers and its > long-term training programme > have all contributed to the development of youth > leaders and projects that > make their impact first and foremost at grass-roots > level while being > remarkably European. > > Training and non-formal education activities form > the backbone of youth > work. While its non-formal nature gives it > credibility, flexibility and > increased relevance to the young people's needs, its > status and quality can > only improve with an increase in the number of > qualified and trained youth > workers and trainers working in the field. > > The training activities of the Directorate of Youth > and Sport are aimed at > young people and youth workers who are in a position > to act as "multipliers" > for a socio-educational philosophy based on > participation, pluralistic > democracy, intercultural learning and human rights > as a basis for an open > and just European society for all. These courses act > in complementarity to > previous training and experiences among participants > and aim to promote > youth participation at European level. The results > of these courses can thus > be used all over Europe by young people in their > associations' work and > adapted to the needs of individual situations. These > courses are also run in > co-operation with the European Youth Forum. > > Why a "Training for Trainers working in South East > Europe"? > > "Training for Trainers working in South East Europe" > complements the other > training offer of the Directorate of Youth and Sport > by allowing > participants to not only benefit from, but also be > in the position to > themselves run, training programmes with an > intercultural dimension. > Experience has shown that some specificities exist > in the field of training > when working in the countries of South East Europe. > > The growing number of applications received from the > region for the regular > training courses of the Directorate of Youth and > Sport demonstrates the need > for an international training programme focusing on > youth in the region. > This course will address some of these demands by > preparing young people to > confidently and competently plan and run regional > and international youth > activities. > The experience acquired during the educational > activities such as Training > for Trainers working in Central and Eastern Europe > (2000), Long Term > Training Courses for youth leaders and youth workers > carrying out projects > with young people in South East Europe (2000/2001), > and in the Caucasus > (2001/2002) reveals that focused efforts in these > regions should be based on > the development of quality projects and project > leadership. On the other > hand there is significant demand for trainers and > multipliers who, at > national, regional and European level, are competent > to youth activities > with an intercultural dimension. > > The course "Training for Trainers working in South > East Europe" is relevant > for youth organisations and other youth work > institutions who need to have > competent and autonomous trainers capable of > delivering the training their > membership needs. Building on the accumulated > experience of non-formal > education and youth work, the training course is > participant-centred and > aims at developing participants' knowledge, skills, > competencies and > attitudes in training on topics such as > intercultural learning, human rights > education, youth participation, conflict > transformation, citizenship, etc. > This training course will encourage the participants > to develop their > critical thinking, creativity, communication, > ability to deal with > conflicts, team work, and responsibility in training > contexts. > > For the Directorate of Youth and Sport it is also an > investment in the > quality of the activities it promotes or supports > such as other training > courses and study sessions, as well the educational > activities and pilot > projects supported by the European Youth Foundation. > All these activities > demand teams that feel competent and confident to > plan and deliver an > educational programme. > > Aims and objectives of the course > > The main aim of this course is to enable > participants - within the framework > of their youth organisation or associations - to > competently prepare, run > and evaluate youth training activities with > intercultural dimension in South > East Europe. > > Objectives: > > o To provide a complementary European training to > trainers, youth leaders > and youth workers involved in running European or > international educational > activities in South East Europe; > > o To increase participants' knowledge and awareness > about the values > underpinning European non-formal educational youth > activities; > > o To provide basic insight into different concepts > of training in non-formal > education; > > o To support participants in assessing their own > training needs and in > learning from their own experiences; > > o To support participants in assessing the > specificities of youth training > in South East Europe and in developing distinct > training approaches; > > o To increase the participants' competence and > motivation to introduce and > deal with intercultural learning in youth > activities; > > o To provide essential skills for the trainer in > running non-formal > educational activities with multicultural youth > groups (e.g. group dynamics, > evaluation, programme design, communication, > conflict management); > > o To raise participants' professional awareness > concerning quality criteria > and principles, professional ethics and values in > training; > > o To generally contribute to the improvement of the > quality and number of > trainers involved in European training activities in > and concerning South > East Europe. > > Methodology and Programme > > The course will give participants the opportunity to > experience, and reflect > upon, being both a trainee and a trainer. The entire > course is designed as a > mutual learning situation, where participants can > compare their approaches > to training and trans-national youth work. > Contributions from experts in the > training field will establish a theoretical > framework and common reference > point for learning and communication. Multicultural > groups of participants, > with the assistance of the course team, will > prepare, run and evaluate a > training workshop for the other participants. A > diversity of working methods > will be used. Special attention will be given to > discussion and the > development of new training strategies and > methodologies appropriate for > youth training in South East Europe. The previous > experience of the > participants, as well as of the preparatory team, > will be the starting point > of the learning process. > > The programme of the course, inter alia, will > include: > > ? analysis of the role of training and the trainer > within youth work in > South East Europe > ? introduction to and reflection about different > concepts of training > ? the role of intercultural learning in training > ? reflections on Europe, ethics and values in youth > training > ? skills training for trainers, e.g. using and > developing different methods > and methodologies > ? understanding group dynamics, planning, organising > and evaluating training > activities > ? the role of training young people in building > civil society in South > Eastern European and in contributing to European > co-operation. > > These elements will be looked at in view of the > specificity of training in > the context of particular South East European > countries and regions. > > Languages > > English is foreseen as the working language of the > course. However, in order > to better adapt the course to the actual language > needs of participants, all > candidates are requested to state in their > application forms all the > languages in which they are able to work. Candidates > must have sufficient > understanding of English in order to comprehend and > complete this > application form without assistance from another > person. > > Participants' Profile > > o Trainers, youth leaders, youth workers (members of > INGYOs, NYCs or other > youth organisations, governmental youth > institutions, youth projects and > NGOs working for youth) and other occasional youth > trainers who are, or will > be, responsible for one or several training > activities with a South East > European and/or international dimension in South > East Europe during the > years 2002 and/or 2003; > o Trainers and/or team members in European youth > programmes who wish to gain > training skills for international or intercultural > programmes addressing the > SEE region foreseen for the years 2002 and/or 2003; > > Priority will be given to applicants working in > and/or coming from countries > in South East Europe. > > In general candidates should: > > o be aged between 18 and 30 (exceptions may by made > on the basis of > justification); > o be actively involved in youth work, while > preparing to take on > responsibilities in the field of training with an > European / international / > intercultural dimension (in or with young people > from the SEE region); > o have some initial experience in the field of > training with an national/ > regional dimension; > o be well informed about their organisation, > institution or service and be > prepared to explain to the other participants about > the training activities > in which they have been involved; > o be able to work in English; > o be in the position to act as a trainer after the > course; > o be committed to attend for the full duration of > the course and be > supported by a sending organisation, institution or > service. > > Preparatory team > > The programme of the course is designed and > conducted by a multicultural > team of experienced trainers active within the > Directorate of Youth and > Sport. It will be composed of educational staff of > the Directorate of Youth > and Sport, externally contracted trainers and > members of the pool of > trainers of the European Yiuth Forum. The will be > supported by other experts > where necessary. > > Application, procedure and selection of participants > > All candidates must apply using the enclosed > application form. Applications > should be sent to the European Youth Centre, > Budapest together with a letter > of support from their sending organisation. > > The preparatory team will select 30 participants on > the basis of the profile > outlined above. It will try as far as possible to > respect the organisations' > priorities, but will also strive to ensure a balance > between gender, > geographical regions, different types of > experiences, cultural backgrounds > and organisations, institutions or projects. The > motivation and perceived > training needs of the individual participant are > among the criteria taken > into consideration during the selection process. > > Candidates will be informed, by the beginning of > October 2002, as to whether > they have been accepted or put on the waiting list. > Accepted candidates will > receive the course documentation at that time. > Refused candidates will be > notified in due course. > > The sending organisations and their successful > applicants are reminded that > once a candidate has been placed on the final list, > they must make every > effort to attend for the full duration of the > course. If, for any > exceptional reason, they are unable to take up the > offer of a place, they > must inform the Directorate of Youth and Sport > immediately. Replacements, > but not necessarily candidates from the same > organisation, will be taken > from the waiting list. > > Deadline for applications > > The application form must be sent to the EYC > Budapest by 10 September 2002. > > Financial and practical conditions of participation > > Travel expenses > Travel expenses and visa costs are reimbursed (upon > presentation of the > relevant receipts) according to the rules of the > Council of Europe. Only > participants who attend the entire training course > can be reimbursed. > Payment will be made either by bank transfer after > the course, or at the end > of the course in cash (in Euros). > > Accommodation > Board and lodging are provided and paid for by the > Council of Europe at the > European Youth Centre Budapest. > > Enrolment fee > An enrolment fee of 54 Euros is payable by each > participant. This amount > will be deducted from the amount to be reimbursed > for travel expenses or > paid at the EYCB during the course. > > Compensation for cost of living for young workers > and young unemployed > people > The Directorate of Youth and Sport operates a system > of compensation for > cost of living for young workers who are obliged to > take unpaid leave in > order to attend one of its activities, and for young > unemployed people. > Further details will be sent at a later stage to > those participants who have > been accepted. > > Other EYC Training Courses > > If you are interested in a training course in > international youth work, but > your profile does not fully correspond to the > requirements of this course, > please note that the Directorate of Youth and Sport > organises other training > courses, such as > > o Training for Working in International Youth > Structures > o Training for Trainers > o National and regional training courses in human > rights education with > young people > o Assistance Programme training courses > o Training courses within the framework of the > partnership of Council of > Europe (Directorate of Youth and Sport) and the > European Commission. > > Further information about these courses can be > obtained from the Directorate > of Youth and Sport Secretariat (www.eycb.coe.int). > > Council of Europe Directorate of Youth and Sport > > European Youth Centre Strasbourg > 30, rue Pierre de Coubertin > F - 67000 Strasbourg, France > Tel: +33 3 88 41 23 00 > Fax: +33 3 88 41 27 77/78 > http://www.coe.int/T/E/Cultural_Co-operation/Youth/ > > European Youth Centre Budapest > H-1024 Budapest, > Zivatar utca 1-3, HUNGARY > Tel: +36 1 438 10 30 > Fax: +36 1 212 40 76 > eycb.secretariat at coe.int > http://www.eycb.coe.int > > > _________________________________________________________ > Do You Yahoo!? > Get your free @yahoo.com address at > http://mail.yahoo.com > > > __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games http://sports.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Feb 20 16:42:52 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 20 Feb 2002 13:42:52 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Kokkalis Program Upcoming Event Message-ID: <20020220214252.24192.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> --- Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote: > From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Wed Feb 20 > 11:31:05 2002 > From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu > Subject: Kokkalis Program Upcoming Event > Date: Wed, 20 Feb 2002 14:31:05 -0500 > > The Kokkalis Program on Southeastern and > East-Central Europe invites you to > the following event: > _______________________________ > Thursday, February 21st, 2002 > 4:00 p.m. > > "Intimacy and Violence in Civil War: Examples from > Southeastern Europe" > A talk by Stathis Kalyvas, Associate Professor, > University of Chicago > > Lower Auditorium > Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies > 27 Kirkland St. at Cabot Way > Cambridge, MA 02138 > ________________________________ > > > For more information please visit > http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/kokkalis > __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games http://sports.yahoo.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 22 14:06:56 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 22 Feb 2002 11:06:56 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Bursa per studente shqiptare Message-ID: <20020222190656.3168.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> NUOVE BORSE DI STUDIO ITALIANE PER CITTADINI ALBANESI (ANSA) - TIRANA, 22 FEB - Il ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano ha deciso di concedere anche quest'anno ai cittadini albanesi 150 mensilita' per borse di studio. Lo rende noto un comunicato di stampa dell'Ambasciata d'Italia a Tirana. Le borse di diversa durata (da 1 a 12 mesi), permetteranno agli albanesi di svolgere soggiorni di studio e di ricerca presso istituzioni scientifiche italiane. Fra le attivita' consentite da queste borse, viene segnalata la frequenza di corsi singoli, corsi universitari e post-universitari, corsi di lunga durata e corsi di lingua e cultura italiana. L'elenco delle istituzioni italiane interessate comprende le universita' di studi, le accademie e i conservatori, gli istituti di restauro, la scuola nazionale di cinematografia, i centri e i laboratori di ricerca, le biblioteche, gli archivi, i musei e le altre istituzioni statali. Una particolare attenzione sara' riservata quest'anno ai progetti di studio e di ricerca incentrati sulla collaborazione bilaterale fra i due paesi. (ANSA). COR*BLL 22/02/2002 14:42 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 22 14:08:36 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 22 Feb 2002 11:08:36 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Incredible story from l'ANSA Message-ID: <20020222190836.26743.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> ALBANIA: ITALIANO CONFESSA,DA 13 ANNI INGANNO LA STAMPA/ANSA (DI CARLO BOLLINO) (ANSA) - TIRANA, 19 FEB - Da tredici anni inganna la stampa di tutto il mondo diffondendo false notizie che spaziano dalla morte di Ratko Mladic all'ultima, improbabile, telefonata tra l'ex ministro degli Esteri Lamberto Dini e Slobodan Milosevic. Snocciola con orgoglio l'elenco delle prestigiose testate che e' riuscito a raggirare con quella che lui definisce ''una forma d'arte d'avanguardia'', e poi finalmente confessa: ''Si, ho inventato tutto''. Si chiama Pietro Zannoni, ha 30 anni, vive a Grottammare (Ascoli Piceno) e di mestiere fa l'operaio calzaturiero. Sin dal 1989 si e' costruito varie identita' riuscendo a far filtrare su agenzie di stampa, giornali, televisioni e internet clamorose notizie, tutte, rigorosamente, inventate. ''La storia nasce da un'idea di mio padre Gino - rivela all'Ansa Pietro Zannoni -; e' stato primario ospedaliero di psichiatria ed e' lui che ha elaborato questa teoria artistica che in pratica punta a sostituirsi ad una fonte vera per riuscire a raggiungere la stampa con notizie vere, verosimili o del tutto false''. La ''carriera artistica'' di Zannoni inizia nel 1989 quando, a nome di un inesistente partito bulgaro, riesce a far pubblicare sul compassato ''Zeri I Popullit' (allora organo del partito comunista albanese), una falsa notizia sulle ragioni che portarono alla morte il dittatore Enver Hoxha. ''Fu molto facile'', riconosce oggi Zannoni. L'esperimento albanese funziona, e dopo qualche tempo il giovane operaio si insedia a Tirana e a nome di un'inesistente agenzia ''Zyra e shtypit'', inizia a fabbricare altri clamorosi falsi, gran parte dei quali finiti sui giornali albanesi. Messa a punto la tecnica, Zannoni decide di fare il grande salto e inizia a colpire in Italia, questa volta a nome di un finto-settimanale che intitola ''Tirana News''. ''Nell'ottobre del 1995 - ricorda - realizzo il mio scoop meraviglioso: un'inchiesta dell'Interpol su un traffico di bambini tra Albania e Italia''. La notizia finisce, tra l'altro, sulla prima pagina di un prestigioso quotidiano nazionale. Alla fine di ottobre del 1996 e' un telegiornale nazionale a dargli credito. L'edizione della sera apre con la notizia della morte in clandestinita' di Ratko Mladic, il 'carnefice di Srebrenica' ricercato dal tribunale internazionale dell'Aja: la fonte e' sempre lui, Pietro Zannoni. Alla vigilia di Natale di quello stesso anno Zannoni replica affidando alle agenzie di stampa una dichiarazione attribuita a Madre Teresa: ''Persino il Santo Padre si commosse a quelle parole che in realta' erano state inventate da noi'', dice Pietro. L'estro creativo sembra esaurirsi ma all'improvviso, pochi mesi fa, Zannoni rispunta, questa volta al riparo delle ''Edizioni kosovare'', inesistente agenzia editoriale della quale indica come direttore (naturalmente a sua insaputa) il leader moderato del Kosovo Ibrahim Rugova. Con questa tecnica Zannoni riesce a far pubblicare ''in esclusiva'' da un quotidiano del nord numerosi editoriali a firma di Rugova nei quali il leader politico denuncia legami tra i guerriglieri albanesi dell'Uck e Osama Bin Laden. Concetti ripresi in una intervista concessa dal falso Rugova ad un altro giornale. Tutto inventato, compreso il nome di ''Stefano Silenzi'' con il quale Zannoni si presenta a giornalisti e direttori: ''Avere un nome d'arte fa parte del codice deontologico della teoria zannoniana'', tenta di spiegare per non pagare dazio. Inutili le smentite che giungono, ininterrotte, dal vero Rugova a Pristina. Zannoni riesce a perforare i controlli anche di tre delle piu' prestigiose agenzie di stampa del mondo, una delle quali annuncia addirittura il ritiro del povero Rugova dalla vita politica: ''E' bastato un fax ai loro corrispondenti da Roma'' giura Zannoni. L'ultimo inganno e' di ieri: una presunta telefonata tra Dini e Milosevic nella quale (dall'Aja) l'ex presidente serbo rivela la sua disponibilita' a fare chiarezza sui retroscena dell'affare-Telekom. ''Anche questo ultimo scoop e' opera dell'artista Gino Zannoni'' conclude il figlio Pietro, che promette che da oggi in poi (forse) non lo fara' piu'.(ANSA) BLL --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Feb 22 22:57:45 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 22 Feb 2002 19:57:45 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fw: CfA: Summer Institute for Peacebuilding, Brattleboro, USA Message-ID: <20020223035745.90758.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Christian Sinclair wrote: From Christian Sinclair Thu Feb 21 08:11:43 2002 To: "balkans at yahoogroups.com" From: Christian Sinclair Date: 21 Feb 02 11:11:43 -0500 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Summer Institute for Peacebuilding, Brattleboro, USA Reply-to: Christian Sinclair Greetings, We still have spaces open for applicants from the Balkans, though our Summer Institute is filling up. So if you know of anyone who may be interested in our program, please forward the e-brochure below on to them! Thanks. In Peace, Christian Sinclair Program Coordinator CONTACT--Conflict Transformation Across Cultures School for International Training CONTACT (www.sit.edu/contact) Conflict Transformation Across Cultures Summer Institute & Graduate Certificate Programs School for International Training (SIT), Brattleboro, VT, USA Training a New Generation of Peacebuilders The School for International Training's conflict transformation programs engage participants in an intense process of study, self-reflection, community building, and collaborative problem solving within a multicultural learning environment. *SIT's commitment to conflict transformation and the building of a more peaceful and sustainable world is embodied in a comprehensive set of programs including: *2- or 3-week residential Summer Institute in Peacebuilding *Graduate Certificate Programs (Summer Institute, online courses, and practicum): Civil Society Initiatives in Peacebuilding Psycho-Social Foundations of Peacebuilding *CONTACT seminars and programs worldwide *Master of Arts in Conflict Transformation *Joint Certificate/Master of Arts in Conflict Transformation *Youth Peacebuilding Camps CONTACT participants explore the causes and complexities of contemporary conflict, examining methods that respond to conflict without perpetuating cycles of revenge, hostility, and division. Supported by the strength of community, participants surface common bonds and perceptual differences, reflect on forgiveness and reconciliation in their own traditions, and study worldwide endeavors to heal the wounds of war. Curriculum During the first two weeks, Summer Institute faculty and participants build a learning laboratory for practicing peacebuilding. In the third week, CONTACT offers a choice of special electives designed to refine skills and deepen practice. Knowledge Guided by the far-reaching experiences of CONTACT faculty, participants develop the capacity to analyze deep-rooted conflicts and learn culturally appropriate skills of intervention that help prevent conflict and support the restoration of broken communities. Mastery Through participatory educational methods such as case studies, simulations, role-plays, and interactive exercises, participants gain skills in: conflict mapping and theory analysis, multicultural communication, social change strategies, interethnic dialogue, active nonviolence, group facilitation, problem solving, strategic thinking, negotiation, mediation Beyond CONTACT: Support for Peacebuilders CONTACT provides ongoing encouragement and connection as participants: *Sustain dialogue and community through CONTACT's Peacenet *Organize training workshops for peacebuilders in their own communities *Collaborate with CONTACT faculty and alumni to design and deliver peacebuilding seminars *Pursue additional training to enhance their effectiveness CONTACT participants become part of a supportive global network of dedicated professionals seeking to create sustainable peace and justice throughout the world. Working around the globe ? with governments, nongovernmental organizations, religious and secular institutions, civil society, academic institutions, the media, the private sector, and elsewhere ? CONTACT peacebuilders help communities promote justice, support change, solve problems, and encourage reconciliation. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Program Information CONTACT welcomes peacebuilders at all levels of experience. All courses are taught in English. Many participants secure funding from their own organization and/or a donor agency. Limited partial scholarships are available. To secure a place, SIT must receive your $200 deposit or a letter of commitment from an organizational sponsor by April 15, 2002. Make check or money order payable in U.S. dollars to School for International Training. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SUMMER INSTITUTE Peacebuilding I: Professional Practices in Conflict Transformation June 3?14, 2002 Tuition: $1,200 Room and Board: $450 Peacebuilding II: Advanced Skills June 17?21, 2002 Tuition: $600 Room and Board: $225 For those who have completed Peacebuilding I or by permission. Electives: Forgiveness and Reconciliation; Peace Leadership; Conflict Transformation through Nonviolent Action; Culture, Religion, and Conflict Resolution To apply for the Summer Institute: Copy the form below and paste it into an email, fill it out and send to contact at sit.edu. Send a r?sum? or curriculum vitae; a one-page essay describing professional background and interest relevant to the course, including personal expectations and objectives; and a letter of recommendation by mail to the address at the end of this email. ----------------------------------------------------------------- Name Date of birth Gender Citizenship Passport number (non-U.S. residents or citizens) Social Security number (U.S. residents or citizens) Mailing address Telephone Fax Email Organization Name Title or role Primary responsibilities Highest degree or professional qualification earned Degree/diploma Subject Name/location of institution Year awarded Language(s) of instruction --------------------end of application form------------------- GRADUATE CERTIFICATE PROGRAMS CONTACT offers two Certificates that include online courses and practicum experience: Civil Society Initiatives in Peacebuilding; and Psycho-Social Foundations of Peacebuilding (for mental health professionals). Participants who complete either of these programs earn a Graduate Certificate in Conflict Transformation. June 3?28, 2002 (at SIT) July 2002?June 2003 (practicum, distance learning, and seminar) To apply for the Graduate Certificate Programs: Send this form to request an application packet or download an application online at www.sit.edu/contact/certificate/application Application materials should be submitted before February 15, 2002, to allow sufficient time to make arrangements for funding, housing, and travel. Applications received in March and April will be accepted on a first-come, first-served basis and may be placed on a waiting list. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * CONTACT Faculty Director: Dr. Paula Green, SIT professor, developed SIT's curriculum in conflict transformation and founded and directs the Karuna Center for Peacebuilding. A respected facilitator in interethnic dialogue in the Middle East, Asia, Africa, and the Balkans, she has taught extensively in graduate and professional programs, has served on the boards of international peace organizations, and co-edited Psychology and Social Responsibility: Facing Global Challenges. Faculty: An internationally renowned team of skilled peacebuilders and educators, CONTACT faculty work in war-torn and war-threatened communities worldwide. Faculty include: Dr. Louise Diamond, co-founder and president emeritus of the Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy, president of Peace-Tech, and author of The Peace Book and The Courage for Peace. Kevin Clements, Ph.D., Secretary General of International Alert, was Director of the Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University from 1994-99. His publications on conflict transformation, peacebuilding, preventive diplomacy and development are numerous. Baht Latumbo, professor at Assumption College, the Philippines, and chair of Responding to Conflict's ACTION Program. Dr. John Ungerleider, SIT professor and director of SIT's Youth Peacebuilding Camps, Vermont Governor's Institute on Youth Activism, and Child Labor Education and Action Program (CLEA). Note: Faculty and elective courses rotate each year * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * mailing address: CONTACT--Conflict Transformation Across Cultures School for International Training Kipling Road, P.O. Box 676 Brattleboro, Vermont 05302-0676 USA Tel +1 802 258 3433 Toll-free in USA +1 877 257 7751, ext. 3433 Fax +1 802 258 3320 Email contact at sit.edu www.sit.edu/contact Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 25 07:48:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 25 Feb 2002 04:48:25 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fw: Decision on Language Rights and non-Discrimination Message-ID: <20020225124825.82303.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Subject: Important Decision on Language Rights and Non-Discrimination Dear Colleagues, It seems most people interested in the rights of minorities are not aware of a UN Human Rights Committee decision of 6 December 2000 (Diergaardt v Namibia http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/undocs/session69/view760.htm) which is a step forward in the recognition of language rights using basic human rights principles - which I have been arguing since the publication of my book "Language, Minorities and Human Rights". For the first time to my knowledge, an international body has confirmed that an exclusive language policy - when for example only the official language can be used by state officials in their activities and contacts with the public) - can constitute discrimination on the basis of language. In the case of Namibia, the exclusive use of the English language and the instruction to civil servants not to use Afrikaans in contacts with the public - even on the phone when the civil servants could easily have responded in that language, constituted discrimination on the basis of language under Article 26 of the ICCPR, since the government made no attempt to demonstrate that the preference of English over Afrikaans was a reasonable and therefore not arbitrary language distinction. This decision is significant because it expands on the reasoning adopted by the European Court of Human Rights in the Belgian Linguistic Case. Some experts had interpreted that judgement as signifying that it is not possible for a minority to claim access to public services in their language using non-discrimination because the Court had in essence that the right of non-discrimination "does not guarantee to everyone the right to public education in their own language." The UN decision in Diergaardt v Namibia does not contradict the reasoning of the European Court in the Belgian Linguistic Case. It simply adds - as the Court itself had indirectly implied - that any language preference must not be arbitrary or unreasonable. When you have an official state language, you have a language preference. If a state refuses to use another language, choosing instead to use exclusively the state language, it is making a "linguistic distinction" in the services and activities it provides and refusing to provide ther same on other languages. As long as such a preference is reasonable and non-arbitrary, it is not discriminatory. In Namibia however, at first glance, for civil servants to refuse to use Afrikaans even in telephone contacts with members of the public when it was very simple to do so - and in light of the large numbers of individuals who speak Afrikaans, including civil servants - seemed to suggest a restriction which was unreasonable. The majority of the UN Human Rights Committee therefore concluded it was discriminatory for the government of Namibia not to have civil servants use the Afrikaans in its contacts with the public. Those who are interested in looking more closely at this new line of argument on the use of non-discrimination in areas of official use of a minority language by the state - including in public education - may want to get a copy of the just published booklet which I prepared for COLPI (Constitutional and Legal Policy Institute) in Budapest entitled "A Guide to the Rights of Minorities and Language" and which is one of the few which has suggested that language rights of minorities could in some cases be based on non-discrimination - and as the UN Human Rights Committee has finally confirmed. The COLPI booklet is available free of charge. I can also provide a copy. Regards, ---------------------------- Dr Fernand de Varennes, LL.B. (Moncton), LL.M. (LSE), Dr.Iuris (Maastricht) Senior Lecturer Former Director, Asia-Pacific Centre on Human Rights and the Law Editor-in-Chief, Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law "So now, in the end, if this the least be good, If any deed be done, if any fire Burn in the imperfect page, the praise be thine" Emerson School of Law - Murdoch University Murdoch, Western Australia 6150 AUSTRALIA Telephone: 61 8 9360 6510 Fax: 61 8 9310 6671 email: devarenn at m... http://wwwlaw.murdoch.edu.au/apchr --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 25 08:13:08 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 25 Feb 2002 05:13:08 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Reactions in Serbia on Milosevic's trial Message-ID: <20020225131308.42881.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC ___________________________________________________________ RFE/RL Balkan Report Vol. 6, No. 10, 22 February 2002 SERBIAN ANALYSTS: SERBS A LONG WAY FROM RECONCILIATION WITH THEIR PAST. Television stations across Serbia have been broadcasting former Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's trial at the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague. Milosevic says the indictments against him for genocide and crimes against humanity are built on Western propaganda directed against the Serbian nation. Milosevic's successor as Yugoslav president, Vojislav Kostunica, has also denounced the trial as hypocrisy (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 12, 13, 14, 15, and 19 February 2002). >From government buildings to coffeehouses, Serbs from every walk of life have been watching live broadcasts of the trial. Indeed, Milosevic's opening statements -- in which he attacked the legitimacy of the war crimes tribunal, NATO, and the policies of Western countries -- often seemed to be directed more at his supporters back home, as Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic noted. As Milosevic put it: "There are some people who still haven't realized the truth today, that the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia is the result of the will and the interest of others -- the great Western powers." Many analysts says Milosevic's defense strategy -- to deny responsibility for any war crimes and to shift the blame for Yugoslavia's bloody breakup onto the West -- resonates with many Serbs. Natasa Novakovic is a legal expert at the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights for Serbia in Belgrade. Novakovic has been promoting a re-examination of the recent past among Serbs. She says many still believe that Serbs had nothing to do with the war crimes committed in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosova. "[Reconciliation with the past] is one of the biggest challenges. And unfortunately, the situation is not that good. This trial has shown that very explicitly. There are a lot of negative reactions to this trial in Serbia. Milosevic used a lot of popular tactics. He tried to attack The Hague tribunal, or NATO forces, or Western countries, which is a tactic that [resonates] with the domestic public in Serbia." Novakovic says Milosevic, at the trial, is using similar rhetoric to that which he used during his 13 years in power. She says many Serbs still do not realize they are being manipulated. According to a recent poll, less than half the population of Serbia believes the 1995 massacre in Srebrenica, Bosnia, even took place. The charge of genocide against Milosevic is based in part on those murders, in which Bosnian Serb troops reportedly slaughtered some 7,000 Muslim men and boys. Last year, angry Serbs protested at a local television station when it aired an acclaimed foreign documentary on the topic. The same poll found that half of all Serbs could not name a single war crime allegedly committed by Serbian forces in Croatia, Bosnia, or Kosova, but that they could name at least three crimes allegedly committed against Serb civilians by other forces. The poll also found that many Serbs still consider former Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic -- the two wartime leaders now most wanted by the tribunal -- as the two "greatest defenders of the Serb nation." Novakovic says domestic outrage over the charges against Milosevic shows that Serbs are still seeking refuge in blame and denial: "Even now, they don't want to see what happened. In a way, this is [yet] another crime. Not to say that the crime [has been] committed by [the] Serbian people [as a whole]. But it is crime to close their eyes again in [the face] of all of this [tragedy] that happened on this territory -- and not only the territory of Serbia, but especially in Bosnia and Croatia. This is something we have to deal with if we want to [have a] clear or positive future. That's for sure." Yet Serbian citizens have few to lead them in an active examination of the past. For now, the Serbian media, although broadcasting the trial, remain hesitant to analyze the veracity of Milosevic's arguments. On the political front, Serbs see the man who ousted Milosevic -- President Kostunica -- openly denouncing the trial as a "hypocrisy" based on "strange nonsense." Serbian Prime Minister Djindjic, who sent Milosevic to The Hague last year, has said little on the trial so far. In part, Novakovic says, this reluctance stems from the simple fear of losing power in Serbia. "It is political suicide for political parties at this moment to speak openly of war crimes and things that happened in the past. Especially because Milosevic is on television every day. He is [still] part of the story." Many analysts say one of the best examples of the government's unwillingness to lead a proper examination of the past is its failure to properly investigate the discovery of Albanian bodies in mass graves near Belgrade. The find last year rocked Serbian public opinion. For the first time, the evidence of war crimes was literally in Serbia's backyard. But since the discovery, almost no progress has been made in the investigation, which is still being classified as a criminal case, as opposed to a war-related one. Vladimir Goati, a political scientist at the University of Belgrade, says the lack of progress made in the investigation only highlights why Milosevic must be tried at The Hague and not in a Yugoslav court, as many Serbs have demanded. Goati says the Yugoslav judiciary is neither able nor ready to try war crimes cases, and he believes there is no political support for this type of examination. "People do not like to be informed of unpleasant information.... In Serbia, for more than a decade, the official media under Mr. Milosevic tried to avoid these issues. And after that, after the change and fall of [Milosevic's] regime more than a year and a half ago, the media have tried to inform much more than in the previous days, but [still] not so much. Many people still don't know. Many people are [only] aware that something bad has happened." Goati nonetheless remains hopeful the Milosevic trial will prompt Serbs to think about their past. He says the duration of the trial -- which is expected to last at least two years -- will provide ample opportunity for Serbs to look at the evidence and testimony in a new way. "The dynamic of these [proceedings] will attract public opinion. There will be different, new information, new data [presented to the public]. Until now, Serbian citizens [have learned] very little about the recent history of Serbia and Yugoslavia. When I speak about recent history, I mean the 1990s." Although the tribunal's chief prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, has said repeatedly that Milosevic alone is on trial, and not the Serbian people, analysts like Novakovic say that Serbs must acknowledge that they, too, share the blame. "We have to meet the past and to face it. Milosevic and his companions will be responsible for the individual crimes they committed. But then again, the Serbian people voted for him [repeatedly during] the past 10 years. So we have to ask [ourselves] for the first time: Was this is our choice -- to support all this that happened in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosova? This [question] is just the first step. But I think we have a long way to go to before we can ask even that." (Alexandra Poolos) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 25 08:15:33 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 25 Feb 2002 05:15:33 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] BBC on Prison Situation in Greece Message-ID: <20020225131533.5160.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> BBC: 'Nightmare' jail ordeal in Greece ADVERTISEMENT Friday, 15 February, 2002, 14:40 GMT 'Nightmare' jail ordeal in Greece http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/uk/england/newsid_1822000/1822565.stm Shellie Hughes was told to find her own way home A Birmingham woman who spent six months in a Greek jail while police investigated her boyfriend, is claiming compensation from the Greek government. Shellie Hughes says six months of her life were "wiped out" by the experience which ended when she was released without charge and left to make her own way back to the UK. Ms Hughes MP, Sion Simon, who represents Erdington in Birmingham, is now to raise her case with the Foreign Office. Ms Hughes said her ordeal began while on holiday on the Greek island of Kos last August. Shellie Hughes was held at the Korydalous prison Her boyfriend was arrested by the Greek authorities and charged with using a stolen credit card. Ms Hughes was also arrested and taken to Korydalous prison near Athens. "I was terrified. It was a nightmare. I didn't know what was going on. "I was put into a cell with 17 other girls. "I sat on my bed and I don't think I stopped crying for two days, it was just awful." Ms Hughes was released without being charged, and told to make her own way back to the UK. Her father, Paul, said: "We're talking about a 22-year-old girl who's lost six months of her life." Mr Simon said: "When one of my constituents goes on holiday to Greece I don't want them thrown into prison for six months for no reason. "The Greek authorities have to sort this out and they have to sort it out before it becomes a bigger problem and British people stop going on holiday to Greece." --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Feb 25 21:42:19 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 25 Feb 2002 18:42:19 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Council of Europe Statetement Message-ID: <20020226024219.97436.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From gbnashe at capital.net Tue Feb 26 07:03:14 2002 From: gbnashe at capital.net (gbnashe) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 07:03:14 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: Council of Europe Statetement References: <20020226024219.97436.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Message-ID: <001501c1bebd$91ce5740$0401010a@ubr.charterne.com> Agron, was there an attachment with this e-mail ? george ----- Original Message ----- From: Agron Alibali To: albsa-info at alb-net.com Cc: sokolrama at aol.com Sent: Monday, February 25, 2002 9:42 PM Subject: Council of Europe Statetement ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 07:33:55 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 04:33:55 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfP: Balkan Masculinities, SSEES/UCL, London, 8-9.6.2002 Message-ID: <20020226123355.99823.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Mon Feb 25 05:57:23 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Mon, 25 Feb 2002 14:57:23 +0100 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Balkan Masculinities, SSEES/UCL, London, 8-9.6.2002 The Centre for South-East European Studies, SSEES/UCL, is organizing a two-day conference to be held in London on 8-9 June 2002 to examine the theme of 'Balkan Masculinities' in a historical and interdisciplinary context. At first glance, the topic may seem an unusual one for Balkan studies, which -- at least in the West -- has conventionally focused more on political and national history, traditionally understood, rather than on social history or cultural perspectives. Women's studies in South-East Europe are only slowly beginning to develop, and research into gender relations and ideologies is at its starting point. Yet at the same time, popular perceptions have long imagined the Balkans as characterised by a particular type of masculinity primitive, violent and patriarchal. The bandit, the guerrilla or paramilitary, even the unreconstructed Balkan male drinking in the kafana while his wife works - all these are stereotypes that occur repeatedly in travel literature, journalism and popular accounts about the region. The notion of a culturally and historically determined ideal of manliness and heroism has been used to explain everything from the character of Balkan political institutions, to the persistence of traditional 'backward' social and economic patterns, to the violence of conflict in the region, most recently in the Yugoslav wars. The persistence of unexamined assumptions about the character and role of masculinity in the Balkans suggests that this is an appropriate topic for research. At the same time, new approaches to gender also raise questions of masculinity more broadly. Such work - inspired primarily by women's studies - has led to fruitful perspectives on a range of issues extending well beyond the private sphere, encouraging attention to the place of gender in such processes as the development of nations; secularization and modernization; the very notion of public politics. Still, even in such research, men and masculinity have very often remained unexamined categories, the unchanging, undifferentiated other against which 'woman' is defined. Both in terms of South-East European studies, and in gender research more generally, problems of masculinity demand closer attention, bringing together scholars across a variety of disciplines in a common project. Only through such research can we begin to develop an adequate understanding of the role that notions of manliness have played in the area, and to challenge some of the more persistent stereotypes. The convenors have framed the conference in terms of a series of questions about changing definitions of masculinity, and the ways that understandings of masculinity shape and are shaped by other patterns or processes (pastoralism, sedentary agriculture; warfare; modernization, industrialization, urbanization; political ideologies such as nationalism or socialism). In particular, we ask: -- What have been the definitions of ideal (and defective) masculinity? What influences (religious, economic, political, social) have shaped them? Through what sources can we study them? --How have these definitions changed or been challenged? Is it possible to identify turning points or shifts? Or is a particular ideal of masculinity a static element in Balkan society and culture? -- How have ideas of masculinity been used? To legitimate political ideologies; to mobilize populations; to police dissent or non-conformity; to recruit soldiers, citizens, religious personnel? We encourage potential participants to send a brief, one-page summary of possible conference contributions by 21 March. The final list of participants will be announced shortly afterwards. There is a small amount of maney available to assist with travel, accommodation and expenses for conference participants; those travelling from the region will have first priority in the disbursement of these funds. Further information is available from the following address: Dr. Wendy Bracewell Director, Centre for South-East European Studies SSEES/UCL Senate House, Malet Street London WC1E 7HU Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 07:41:59 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 04:41:59 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Balkanweb per ceshtjen came Message-ID: <20020226124159.26976.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Berat, dy bashk?short? let?r Hag?s: Zgjidhni ??shtjen ?ameLajmi i ores 12:30 PM BERAT (26 Shkurt) - Dy bashk?short? i drejtohen gjykat?s Nd?rkomb?tare t? Hag?s n? Belgjik?, duke k?rkuar drejt?si p?r ??shtjen ?ame. Q? nga viti 1944 k?rkojn? t? kthehen pran? sht?pive e varreve t? t? par?ve t? tyre, por kjo k?rkes? iu ?sht? mohuar sistematikisht. Ata kan? p?rpiluar ankes?n e tyre dhe e kan? nisur vet? p?r n? Belgjik?. Bashk?short?t Dhylqif e Gjyle Bilali, 67 dhe 63 vje?, aktualisht banor? t? lagjes "28 N?ntori", duket se kan? humbur shpresat q? ??shtja ?ame t? zgjidhet n? institucionet shqiptare p?rsa koh? q? ata jan? gjall?. P?r k?t? arsye i jan? drejtuar personalisht Hag?s. K?rkesa e tyre e shkruar shkurt dhe me fjal? t? thjeshta, ?sht? postuar m? 1 shkurt t? k?tij viti, por bashk?short?t nuk kan? marr? ende ndonj? p?rgjigje. Bashk?short?t Bilali kan? mb?rritur n? Berat n? vitin 1944 bashk? me qindra familje ?ame t? masakruar e d?buar nga trojet e tyre gjat? fushat?s t? spastrimit t? kriminel?ve t? luft?s. dxh/an (BalkanWeb) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 07:58:58 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 04:58:58 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Various news Message-ID: <20020226125858.2967.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> FYROM communities struggling to cope with the legacy of conflict AP An ethnic Albanian boy looks over Muslim worshippers at the Tetovo mosque, west of Skopje, during prayers last week. The former Yugoslav republic is still grappling with a legacy of conflict. By Kole Casule - Reuters SKOPJE - The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) may be getting nearer to a long-lasting peace but, a year after armed ethnic conflict broke out in the former Yugoslav republic, it has a long way to go to deal with the legacy of the fighting. The two communities that fought each other, Slav-Macedonians and Albanians, now coexist following a Western-backed peace deal struck last August - but they have lost the fundament of trust that existed between them. People living in mixed areas such as the capital Skopje look at each other with distrust and contempt, fearing the worst. ?One of the primary legacies of the conflict is the absolute rupture in confidence between the two communities,? said Edward Joseph, senior analyst for the International Crisis Group (ICG) think-tank. A year ago both communities were stunned when a small group of armed ethnic Albanians took control of a small village on the FYROM-Kosovo border and defied government orders to withdraw. Identifying themselves as the National Liberation Army (NLA), they said they were launching a rebellion for better human rights. The government of FYROM called them ?terrorists? seeking to divide the country along ethnic lines. The seizure of Tanusevci in late February 2001 marked the start of a conflict that was to last six months, embroil large areas of the country, kill around 100 people and displaced more than 70,000. Twenty people are still unaccounted for. Fighting ended in August with a Western-brokered deal granting FYROM's large Albanian minority greater civil rights. The NLA agreed to disarm under NATO supervision. Concessions to Albanians included use of their language at state level, greater representation in state institutions including the police, and decentralized local government. Some analysts argue that the true causes of the conflict run deeper and include broader regional questions such as the eventual status of Kosovo, the ethnic Albanian-dominated Yugoslav province currently under UN rule. ?The peace agreement represents a good basis for solving some of the open questions, but the roots of the crisis were not in what's agreed,? said political analyst Saso Ordanovski, owner of the weekly current affairs magazine Forum. Consolidation Today, a year after an anxious world saw the start of yet more Balkan bloodshed, FYROM seems to have escaped the threat of war and is attempting to consolidate. Although the Slav-Macedonian media are filled with stories about the prospect of new ethnic Albanian uprisings, Western sponsors of the peace deal are more optimistic. ?The country is on the right track, but just at the beginning, as there is still a lot to do,? said Alain le Roy, the EU's special envoy to FYROM. Although armed incidents are not uncommon in present-day FYROM, progress has certainly been made on some fronts. Police have re-established patrols in more than 50 of the 120 villages formerly held by ethnic Albanian guerrillas. The large majority of people displaced during the conflict are returning to their homes. Le Roy said FYROM had put the security issue largely behind it and should now concentrate on other important matters. ?There is less to do on security, but more on the real problems of the country, like the economy, creating jobs, attracting foreign investment and fighting corruption,? he said. Analysts are more cautious in declaring FYROM out of the woods, saying that some forces might still try to sow instability. ?It's imprudent and risky to pronounce Macedonia stable,? the ICG's Joseph said. Although there are plenty of weapons still around in FYROM, Joseph said that it was unlikely that a single flare-up could spark a full-scale conflict. ?It's not a matter of a haphazard incident but it's rather a matter of those who are in power deciding whether or not a conflict suits their interests,? he said. === Prosecutors call new witnesses to testify about Kosovo atrocities By Anthony Deutsch - The Associated Press THE HAGUE - Serb forces pillaged Kosovar Albanian villages in 1999, leaving the bodies of children and even a crippled old woman in the smoldering ruins, a retired farmer testified at the war crimes trial of Slobodan Milosevic yesterday. Another witness, a Kosovo Albanian physician, described how he saw Serbian police gun down two cousins and drag out the bodies of four other relatives after torching their home in the province?s southwestern town of Suva Reka. The former Yugoslav president?s trial before a UN tribunal moved into its third week as prosecutors called more witnesses to testify about atrocities that left thousands dead in the province and more than 800,000 ousted from their homes. Halil Morina told the court that Serb troops ransacked his property and burned homes in the southern Kosovar village of Landovice. His family of 39 fled for their lives. ?I saw them (Serbs) when they burned the village. They killed a Gypsy,? Morina said. ?And an Albanian woman, they set fire to her in her own home.? Morina said he searched the village for survivors, but found only bodies. Mosques were destroyed and ?everything had been razed to the ground,? he told the court. Among the dead were many of his friends and relatives, including an 18-month-old baby girl and an elderly paralyzed woman, he said. Milosevic spent around an hour cross-examining the Albanian peasant, asking him if he had seen Albanian rebels in the village or if the inhabitants had suffered during the 78 days of NATO bombing. Morina told Milosevic he was ?just a farmer? and couldn?t tell him about the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). He said he hadn?t seen NATO bombers on raids or the damage they had inflicted. Growing frustrated, Milosevic persisted that the witness must have seen crimes against the Serbs committed by the KLA independence fighters. ?No, there were none because the (Serbian) army was close to the village,? the witness replied. ?I had six sons and none of them were members of the KLA.? ?All right, quite obviously you know nothing of what I am asking you,? Milosevic snapped angrily. He then accused the prosecution of ?bringing in witnesses of this kind to ill-treat me.? The second witness, the physician Agron Berisha from Suva Reka, recounted how Serb police stormed the house of his uncle Vesel, setting it ablaze and forcing 25 people who were hiding inside to run for their lives. Berisha watched from the window, hiding with 11 family members in his own home. ?They ran out in a rush, at great speed... some couldn?t even put on their shoes,? he said. Hand them over STRASBOURG (AFP) - Yugoslavia?s failure to hand over suspected war criminals to a UN tribunal was condemned yesterday by the Council of Europe, which said the country must fully cooperate with the court. ?The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?s obligation to cooperate with the tribunal... includes the handing over of any indicted persons who are currently on its territory,? Council President Peter Schieder said in a statement. A new civil war In an interview in the German weekly Der Spiegel yesterday, Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic rejected demands that he arrest Bosnian Serb wartime commander Ratko Mladic and hand him over to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague. Djindjic suggested a new civil war could erupt if Mladic was arrested. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 08:40:05 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 05:40:05 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Lubonja ne Shekulli Message-ID: <20020226134005.9024.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Kund?r kultur?s s? simulim manipulimit Nga Fatos Lubonja Duke lexuar n? gazet?n Korrieri t? dat?s 24 shkurt 2002 nj? shkrim me titull: "Kadare: zhdukja e pashallar?ve t? kuq" mu ngacmua edhe nj? her? mendimi se Shqip?ria nuk arrin dot t? nd?rtoj? institucione t? demokracis? pasi k?rkon t'i nd?rtoj? ato me instrumentat dhe l?nd?n e nj? kulture t? ngjizur e mbrujtur n? diktatur?, pa kuptuar dot se k?to institucione nuk mund t? ngrihen e t? q?ndrojn? dot m? k?mb? me instrumenta dhe l?nd? t? till?, pasi konstruksioni dhe arkitektura e institucioneve demokratike k?rkon nj? tjet?r l?nd?. Kjo m? shtyu t? nis nj? cik?l shkrimesh me thirrjen se i duhet dh?n? fund kultur?s s? vjet?r t? simulimit dhe manipulimit - duke i konsideruar ato shkrime edhe si nj? ftes? p?r debat t? hapur. Kultura humaniste dhe kultura e simulim manipulimit N? leximet mbi kultur?n nuk kam gjetur nj? p?rkufizim m? kuptimplot? t? saj sesa at? t? shtjelluar n? nj? ese t? Montenjit me titull: "M? mir? p?r nj? kok? t? nd?rtuar mir? sesa p?r nj? kok? t? mbushur mir?." Atje kultur?n Montenji e krahason me pun?n e blet?s q? mbledh nektarin n?p?r lule t? ndryshme dhe q? pastaj e p?rpunon p?r t? b?r? mjaltin q? ?sht? nj? produkt i veti. Pik?risht k?tu q?ndron sekreti i kultur?s s? v?rtet?, tek ajo aft?si p?r t? nxjerr? nj? produkt t? vetin. Prandaj, sipas Montenjit, vlen m? shum? nj? kok? e "nd?rtuar mir?" sesa nj? kok? e "mbushur mir?", vlen m? shum? nj? njeri i aft? p?r t? menduar e krijuar sesa nj? pus pasiv dijesh. N? em?r t? k?saj, kur flet p?r edukimin e brezave t? rinj, ai rekomandon q? n? kok?n e nx?n?sit nuk duhet t? nguliten gj?rat thjesht e vet?m p?r hir t? autoritetit apo besueshm?ris? s? dikujt, por t'i propozohet atij shum?llojshm?ra e gjykimeve dhe argumenteve dhe pastaj nx?n?si t? zgjedh? (af?rmendsh po qe se mundet) p?rndryshe le t? mbes? n? dyshim. Vet?m kur nj? nx?n?s do t? arrij? t'i rrok? opinionet e autor?ve t? njohur n?p?rmjet p?rbluarjes s? vet shpirt?rore k?to do t? b?hen v?rtet t? tijat. "Ai q? thjesht ndjek nj? tjet?r, ai nuk ndjek k?rk?nd, nuk gjen kurgj?, madje nuk k?rkon kurrgj?." "Non sunnus sub rege, sibi quisque se vindicet" Seneka (Nuk jemi n?n nj? mbret, sekushi le t? jet? zot i vetes.) Ky ?sht? thelbi i asaj kulture q? me nj? fjal? t? vetme quhet humaniste, e cila ?'prej koh?s s? Montenjit, i dha nism?n nj? revoluconi kopernikan, Rilindjes evropiane, duke zhvendosur dora dor?s Zotin dhe vendosur njeriun n? qend?r t? bot?s. N? shum? aspekte kriza e sotme e kultur?s shqiptare shpreh fenomene q? t? ?ojn? prapa n? koh?n e Montenjit, n? periudh?n e r?nies s? skolastik?s. Me skolastik? kam parasysh traditat e gjykimeve a priori, metodat e preferuara t? metafizik?s s? manastireve dhe t? universiteteve mesjetare t? mbylljes s? syve dhe t? dyllosjes s? vesh?ve ndaj realitetit, q? u praktikuan p?r aq koh? sa njer?zit qen? t? bindur se burimi i t? gjitha njohurive ishte n? bot?n e ideve t? lindura e q? na jepet nga njer?zit q? kan? monopolin e s? v?rtet?s e jo tek realiteti q? e zbulojm? p?rdit? n?p?rmjet eksperimentit. N? shum? aspekte skolastika sh?mb?llen me metodat e m?simit q? shqiptar?t (dhe lindor?t n? p?rgjith?si) kan? marr? gjat? 50 vjet?ve. M?sime q? kishin arritur t? ngulisnin n? mendjen e njer?zve deri iden? se ekziston nj? e v?rtet? universale mbi lulet, kafsh?t, njer?zit, universin dhe se ishin partia dhe udh?heq?si i madh Enver q? e njihnin k?t? t? v?rtet?. Problemi ?sht? se edhe sot kultura shqiptare ende nuk ?sht? humanizuar n? at? frym? q? k?rkon Montenji afro 500 vjet m? par?. Kultura shqiptare: kultur? e simulim manipulimitt Kultura shqiptare vazhdon t? mbetet e mbresuar thell? me frym?n q? karakterizon shoq?rit? e prapambetura sipas s? cil?s zot?rimi, predikimi dhe p?rs?ri zot?rimi i t? v?rtetave (t? trajtuara k?to si t? pav?n?shme n? diskutim) s?bashku me luft?n p?r monopolin e tyre, ?sht? nj? nga mjetet e fuqishme t? sundimit. Ajo ?sht? e mbushur cyt me t? v?rteta t? ngrira morale dhe ideologjike, q? pakkush guxon t'i prek?, me norma morale patriarkale kombinuar me dogmat e dy ideologjive asaj nacionaliste dhe asaj komuniste q? kan? q?ndruar s? bashku thuajse t? pandara deri n? dit?t e sotme. Kultura patriarkalo - nacional - komuniste q? u zhvillua n? koh?n e Enverit e konsideronte individin nj? q?nie q? duhej ta modelonte veten sipas nj? modeli q? i predikohej. Asokohe modeli q? predikohej ishte nj? kombinim p?r?ud i normave t? shoq?ris? patriarkale, (ai i burrit t? fort? e t? zakonit, pa ndjenja, pa dob?si, q? deri edhe dashurin? e quante dob?si, dhe i gruas s? denj? p?r burrin dhe familjen e vet, q? duhej t? sakrifikohej p?r burrat dhe bijt? e familjes), kombinuar, ky model, me slloganet nacionaliste p?r sakrifikim p?r atdheun si dhe me nj? shtres? e tret? at? t? njeriut t? ri, me virtytet komuniste q? sakrifikohej p?r t? ardhmen, q? shpesh identifikohej me Partin? dhe shokun Enver, t? cil?t ishin t? vetmit profet? q? e njihnin dhe dinin t? na ?onin tek kjo e ardhme. E gjith? kultura jon? ishte nd?rtuar ashtu q? ta paiste individin me instrumenta p?r t? imituar/simuluar modelin q? servirej. Ajo nuk e ftonte njeriun t? futej brenda vetes, t? njihte deri edhe dob?sit? e tij, sepse dob?sia ?sht? njer?zore, por thjesht t? b?nte sikur, pra t? simulonte modelin e heroit q? propagandohej. Mjafton t? lexosh let?rsin?, t? shikosh filmat apo pikturat dhe skulpturat, t? d?gjosh k?ng?t q? u krijuan gjat? 50 vjet?ve p?r ta par? k?t? model dhe dend?sin? me t? cil?n ai i imponohej individit shqiptar. Ajo ?ka ndodh sot, ?sht? thyerja e nj? pjese t? modelit, jo vet?m t? atij komunist por edhe t? atij patriarkal e nacionalist, por nd?rkaq mbetet tendenca p?r t? ngritur e simuluar modele t? rinj p?r shkak t? munges?s s? instrumentave t? kultur?s humaniste dhe kritike q? nxit introspeksionin, mendimin kritik, dyshimin. Tani, pra, modeli ?sht? shum? m? konfuz, aty ka hyr? q? nga personazhi i disidentit antikomunist deri tek ai i topmodeleve per?ndimore, por ajo q? mbetet e p?rbashk?t me t? kaluar?n ?sht? gatishm?ria e mendjes p?r t? simuluar k?ta modele t? rinj t? prodhuar nga e nj?jta kultur? e simulimit dhe manipulimit. "Pashallar?t e kuq" dhe kultura e simulim manipulimit N? Korrierin e 24 shkurtit reklamohet libri i nj? ish t? burgosuri politik Maks Velo me titull "Zhdukja e pashallar?ve t? kuq - Anketim p?r nj? krim letrar" i cili merret me historis? e zhdukjes s? nj? vjershe t? Ismail Kadares? t? titulluar "Mbledhja e byros? politike ne mesdit?" t? cil?s i ka mbetur emri "Pashallar?t e kuq". E v?rteta historike q? i serviret publikut nga faqet e gazet?s ?sht? se kjo vjersh? demaskonte regjimin e Hoxh?s dhe se zhdukja e saj b?n pjes? n? krimet e diktatur?s s? asaj kohe. Si njeri q? rrethanat e b?n? ta jetonte tejet intensivisht, madje dramatikisht koh?n kur ?sht? shkruar vjersha, por edhe si njeri i prekur indirekt prej saj pasi, sipas atyre q? e kan? lexuar, aty flitet p?r njer?z t? shpallur armiq nga Enver Hoxha, mund t? them me bindje (dhe jam i hapur p?r debat lidhur me k?t?) se historia e k?saj vjershe ?sht? krejt ndryshe nga sa po i paraqitet publikut shqiptar me frym?n e asaj q? e quajta kultur? e simulim manipulimit. "Mbledhja e byros? politike n? mesdit?" ?sht? nj? vjersh? e paraqitur p?r botim s? bashku me nj? cik?l vjershash, n? koh?n kur Enver Hoxha ka goditur grupin ideologjik dhe dhe at? ushtarak dhe pregatitej apo e kishte b?r? tashm?, t? godiste "armiqt?" n? ekonomi. N? qend?r t? saj q?ndron figura e Enverit i cili paraqitet si i vetmi njeri i pagabuesh?m, i cili, me "pishtar ndezur" zbulon armiqt? e mbledhur skutave p?r t? konspiruar kund?r identitetit Parti/Enver. Pashallar?t jan? gjeneral?t goditja e t? cil?ve pasoi armiqt? e grupit ideologjik t? Fadil Pa?ramit dhe t? Todi Lubonj?s. Vjersha, n? fakt, krahas ekzaltimit t? figur?s s? Enverit n? m?nyr? eklipsuese ndaj ?do figure tjet?r (frym? kjo e trajtimit t? Hoxh?s nga Kadareja dhe tek Dimri i madh) b?n thirrje p?r thellim t? luft?s s? klasave ndaj armiqve duke marr? modele edhe nga revolucioni kulturor kinez. P?rse at?here e d?noi Enver Hoxha? Sepse Kadareja kishte th?n? disa gj?ra q? Enveri nuk donte t'i thuheshin hapur ngase, megjith? kultin e tij t? jasht?zakonsh?m t? individit, ai ishte gjithnj? i kujdessh?m t? thoshte se qe partia ajo q? i merrte vendimet dhe jo ai, sepse, megjith?se nuk kishte asnj? shok t? v?rtet?, ai i b?nte t? gjitha n? em?r t? shok?ve. Pra Enver Hoxha e d?noi k?t? poem? pasi ajo tregonte nj? zell t? tepruar n? sh?rbimin ndaj tij. Sipas librit t? Nexhmije Hoxh?s reagimi i Enverit ndaj k?saj vjershe ka qen?: "s'lejoj askend t? m? ndaj? nga shok?t, q? t? m? ver? mbi partin? dhe formuet q? ka zgjedhur ajo" (Personalisht mendoj se nuk ekziston asnj? ar?sye q? kjo poezi t? jet? zhdukur p?rve?se n?se e ka zhdukur vet? autori sepse ajo zbulon k?t? t? v?rtet?). Ky kthim i t? v?rtetave historike kok?posht? ?sht? nj? nga shembujt e shumt? t? vazhdimit t? frym?s s? kultur?s s? simulim manipulimit q? po pengon krijimin e nj? kulture t? re n? Shqip?ri. Aq m? e r?nd? b?het kjo kur k?t? e p?r?on nj? nga personalitetet m? t? spikatur t? kultur?s shqiptare. N? t? gjith? faqet e Korrierit dedikuar k?saj ??shtjeje rrezatojn? me virulenc? disa nga tiparet kryesore t? kultur?s q? e quajta t? simulim manipulimit: Mungesa e introspeksionit ?sht? rezultat i k?saj kulture fakti q? njer?zit n? vend q? t? p?rpiqen t? kuptojn? e shpjegojn? koh?n e diktatur?s duke par? edhe dob?sit? e tyre edhe momentet kur u ?sht? dashur t'i n?nshtrohen asaj diktature, duke folur edhe p?r p?rgjegj?sit? e tyre, e largojn? fare k?t? moment dialogu me vetveten, dhe p?rpiqen, sipas modelit t? nj? heroi t? ri q? ?sht? krijuar, atij t? disidentit antikomunist, t? na paraqiten se ata pask?shin qen? heronjt? kund?rshtar? t? regjimit. ?sht? e pabesueshme se si i ka harruar Kadareja faqet e panum?rta n? proz? dhe poezi ku ka shkrir? t?r? talentin e tij p?r t? ekzaltuar Partin? dhe Enverin, se si nuk ndjen asnj? p?rgjegj?si p?r ndikimin q? kan? pasur ato n? manipulimin e njer?zve, por, pik?risht duke tentuar t? simuloj? disidentin, krijon nga ndalimi i nj? vjershe q? ia kan? d?nuar p?r zell t? tepruar nj? akti disidence apo dhe arrin deri atje sa ta quaj? internim at? q? r?ndom n? at? koh? quhej "vajtje n? baz? e komunist?ve". (Sepse nuk ka b?r? vaki ndonj?her? n? historin? e diktatur?s son? komuniste q? nj? njeri t? jet? nj?her?sh edhe deputet, edhe komunist, si? ka qen? ai asokohe, edhe i internuar politik.) ?sht? e habitshme se si Maks Velo, nd?rkoh? q? don t? lin?oj? t?r? shkrimtar?t e Lidhjes, kapet pas Kadares? si n? nj? bark? shp?timi, p?r t? na servirur veten si nj? hero antikomunist, se si "harron" se sa "l?shime: apo "kompromise" i ?sht? dashur t? b?j?, p?r t? mbijetuar jo vet?m jasht?, por edhe n? burg, deri edhe t? mbuloj? fasadat e kishave me fasada moderne. Ngulmoj se n? thelb t? k?saj mungese introspeksioni, q?ndron paft?sia e njeriut shqiptar p?r t? folur sinqerisht me veten. Kjo p?r shkak t? kultur?s s? simulimit, p?r shak t? nj? gjendje pararacionale t? mendjes q? buron nga kjo kultur? e cila t? ?on tek t? menduarit nar?izist dhe egocentrik, ku tjetri (madje dhe vetja) nuk shihen si q?nie me t? cil?n duhet komunikuar, por si pasqyr? p?r tu par? i bukur, si mjet p?r tu p?rdorur p?r t? arritur sukseset e egos personale. Fakti q? kjo shfaqet tek shkrimtar?t dhe artist?t m? t? njohur tregon se sa r?nd? e vuan shoq?ria k?t? alienim t? kultur?s. N? vend t? frym?s kritike serviret modeli manikeist e mir?/e keqe, bardh? / zi N? frym?n e kultur?s s? simulim manipulimit, e cila ka si karakteristik? edhe at? q? nuk i drejtohet ar?syes, por emocioneve, modeli q? k?rkon t? na servir? autori Velo me librin q? reklamon ?sht? ai i heroit t? bardh? kund?r armikut t? zi. E kund?rta e t? bardh?s, q? identifikohet me Kadaren? dhe Velon, paraqitet Drit?ro Agoli, asohere Kryetar i Lidhjes, i cili na q?nk?sh ai denoncuesi i k?saj vjershe n? KQ. (Sipas burimeve t? mia vjersha shkoi n? KQ ngaq? Kadareja, pasi kryeredaktoi i tha se kishte rezerva p?r vjersh?n n? fjal? p?r shkak t? trajtimit t? nj? teme p?r t? cil?n nuk para flitej hapur, ngulmoi se vet?m KQ mund t'ia cenzuronte atij veprat). N? Korrieri, madje, botohet edhe nj? artikull ku vihet titulli "Kadare: Un? e kam falur Drit?roin", ku Kadareja paraqiteet si Krishti q? po fal sh?n Pjetrin nd?rkoh? q?, n?se do t? shihen sh?rbimet q? i ka b?r? Kadare diktatorit Hoxha, (le t? num?rohen edhe me faqe), i kap?rcejn? tejet ato t? Agollit, ve?an?risht nd?rkomb?tarisht. T? dy kan? qen? an?tar? partie, t? dy kan? qen? deputet?, t? dy kan? qen? me funksione t? larta n? regjimin komunist. Mjafton t? lexosh autokritik?n e Kadares? pas d?nimit t? k?saj vjershe, e cila i tejkalon akuzat q? i ka b?r? Agolli me at? rast, ku thot? midis t? tjerash se: "...Jeta dhe vepra ime jan? t? lidhura kok? e k?mb? me pushtetin e popullit. Po t? ndodhte q? n? Shqip?ri t? kthehej borgjezia e p?rmbysur, mua do t? m? pushkatonte q? dit?n e par? "... e q? mbyllet me falenderimet p?r "shok?t q? ndaluan botimin e k?saj vjershje" p?r t? kuptuar se e v?rteta ?sht? shum? m? e komplikuar; se koha q? kemi jetuar n?n diktatur? ka qen? tjet?r gj? nga ajo q? p?rpiqen t? na e servirin k?ta simulant? manipolator?. Manipulimi ?sht? e qart? se me pak sforcim racional autori do t? mund t? gjente pika q? do ta trondisnin modelin q? ai na paraqet, po ashtu edhe historin? q? synon t? na servir?. Do t'i mjaftonte p?r k?t? t? lexonte autokritik?n e Kadares? lidhur me k?t? vjersh? botuar n? librin e Nexhmije Hoxh?s. Por ai nuk e b?n k?t? jo vet?m i ndikuar nga sa thash? m? lart, por edhe nga nj? shtys? tjet?r q? ?sht? edhe ajo tipar i kultur?s s? simulimit dhe manipulimit. Autori i drejtohet lexuesit, jo p?r ta nxitur t? mendoj? me mendjen e tij p?r t? v?rtet?n e zhdukjes s? nj? vjershe, as p?r t? menduar, n?p?rmjet saj, p?r t? v?rtet?n historike t? asaj kohe, por p?r t? manipuluar publikun. Edhe kjo nevoj? p?r manipulim, ve?an?risht t? brezit t? ri dhe t? huajve, e b?n sot Kadaren?, por edhe Maks Velon, t? mos shohin se nuk ?sht? e besueshme historia q? ata duan t? na tregojn?, t? harrojn? se ajo ishte nj? koh? kur nuk kishte thuajse absolutisht liri p?r t? pasur heronj si duan t? na vet?paraqiten ata, t? harrojn? se ka shum? d?shmitar? t? asaj kohe q? e din? se si i dridheshin leqet e k?mb?ve t? gjith?ve nga diktatori, se shum? nga ata q? sot duan t? dalin disident? b?nin fest? kur diktatori u b?nte nj? telefonat? dhe i p?rg?zonte p?r nj? poezi apo lib?r q? kishin shkruar, se ishte nj? koh? kur shpesh e vetmja m?nyr? p?r t? shp?tuar ishte vet?demaskimi dhe vet?posht?rimi. Dhe ky fakt ?sht? shum? m? demaskues p?r diktatur?s sesa trillimet e tyre me heroizma antikomunista. Autoriteti q? vihet mbi gjykimin racional Sigurisht sikur t? b?hej fjal? p?r nj? figur? tjet?r do t? ishte shum? m? pak e besueshme historia q? na servir Velo dhe Korrieri. Mir?po, gjith? n? frym?n e kultur?s s? p?rmendur, emri i njohur i Kadares? pranohet pa diskutim si i barabart? me t? v?rtet?n. Madje askush nuk ka t? drejt? ta ver? n? dyshim se kjo ?sh?t e v?rteta e Pashallar?ve t? Kuq. Kjo ve n? dukje nj? fenoment tejet shqet?sues: p?rs?ritjen e k?saj kulture tek t? rinjt? q? i marin e i botojn? k?ta artikuj pa asnj? verifikim, pa asnj? ndjenj? dyshimi, pa asnj? analiz? racionale - shpesh t? shtyr? nga nj? adhurimi i verv?r apo vet?m e vet?m nga q?llime komerciale. K?ta t? rinj, q?, sikurse thot? Montenji, duke ndjekur t? tjer?t nuk ndjekin k?rk?nd, jan? prov? d?shp?ruese se ne nuk po jemi n? gjendje ta analizojm? t? kaluar?n me instrumentat e nj? kulture t? re, por po i rikthehemi asaj me t? nj?t?t instrument? kulturor? q? ajo ka pjell?, duke b?r? q? t? mbetuemi n? qorrsokake q? b?hen gjithnj? e m? t? err?t. Ka ardhur koha t? kuptojm? se trajtimi n? m?nyr? manipulative i historis? jo vet?m ?sht? nj? krim ndaj s? v?rtet?s, por edhe ndaj hapjes s? rrug?s kultur?s humaniste e kritike q? ?sht? e vetmja q? mund t? na ndihmoj? p?r t? kuptuar se nga vijm? dhe ku po shkojm?, p?r t? kuptuar individualitetin dhe personalitetin ton? e p?r t? nd?rtuar institucionet e demokracis? dhe liris?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 20:19:30 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 17:19:30 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shekulli - 27.12.2002 Message-ID: <20020227011930.36451.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Dyshohet se ka nd?rhyr? n? m?nyr? t? jasht?ligjshme n? ekonomi, duke mb?shtetur operator? t? caktuar Brukseli heton shtetin grek Qeveria greke e ka "praktik? pune" mb?shtetjen e kompanive t? saj n? ballkanase Greqia akuzohet n? t? gjith? Ballkanin sot p?r politika monopolizuese n? disa sektor? ky?, duke p?rdorur kompanit? n?n pron?si shtet?rore apo t? kontrolluar nga shteti n? fushat e energjis?, karburanteve, telekomunikacionit, financave etj Nga Gjergj Erebara Vendimi i Komisionit Evropian lidhur me avantazhet e fillimit t? nj? procedure hetimi kund?r shoq?ris? ajrore greke "Olympic Airways", n? prag t? falimentimit, u shty p?r n? muajin mars, u njoftua dje nga nj? burim i af?rt me dosjen n? Bruksel, i cituar nga Agjencia Shqiptare e Lajmeve ATSH. Kjo anket? do t? kishte sidomos si q?llim t? verifikonte n?se jan? respektuar kushtet e vendosura nga BE-ja, ku Greqia b?n pjes? me t? drejta t? plota, p?r dh?nien e nj? ndihme shtet?rore shoq?ris? n? vitet 1990. Komisioner?t evropian? duhet fillimisht ta trajtojn? dosjen gjat? takimit t? tyre, nes?r, por vendimi i tyre "u shty t? pakt?n nj? jav?, me q?llim q? t? mund t? analizohen elementet e rinj", shton i nj?jti burim. Banka Tregtare e Greqis? sapo i ka akorduar "Olympic Airways" nj? kredi prej 27,6 milion? euro, t? garantuar nga shteti p?r t? mbuluar shpenzime funksionimi, nj? gjest q? mund t? konsiderohet nga Brukseli si nj? ndihm? shtet?rore n? kund?rshtim me rregullat e BE-s? mbi konkurrenc?n, pra nj? ndihm? e paligjshme. N? vitin 1994 dhe m? pas n? vitin 1998, Athin?s i ishte hapur drita e gjelb?r p?r t? ndihmuar shoq?rin? ajrore, kryesisht n? form? garancish shtet?rore, nj? leht?sim t? borxhit t? saj dhe nj? futje kapitali deri n? disa dhjet?ra milion? euro. Kjo drit? e gjelb?r shoq?rohej me kushte shum? strikte, mes t? cilave angazhimi se asnj? ndihm? tjet?r shtet?rore e fshehur nuk do t'i jepej "Olympic Airways". Nj? ankes? u depozitua n? Bruksel "nga disa operator? grek?", q? cil?t protestonin kund?r avantazheve t? padrejta akorduar, sipas tyre, kompanis? komb?tare. Greqia akuzohet n? t? gjith? Ballkanin sot p?r politika monopolizuese n? disa sektor? ky?, duke p?rdorur kompanit? n?n pron?si shtet?rore apo t? kontrolluar nga shteti n? fushat e energjis?, karburanteve, telekomunikacionit, financave etj. T? gjitha k?to praktika ndalohen nga rregullat e vendosura nga BE p?r konkurrenc?n, por Greqia p?rfiton nga fakti se vendet e saj fqinje n? ballkane, duke p?rfshir? edhe Shqip?rin?, nuk jan? an?tare t? BE-s? dhe p?r m? tep?r ato jan? shum? t? dob?ta p?r t? p?rballuar trysnin? e diplomacis? greke. Diplomacia greke shpesh i ka k?rc?nuar qeverit? e k?tyre vendeve me bllokimin e projekteve t? BE-s? me t? drejt?n e vetos, e cila rrjedh pik?risht nga an?tar?simi i k?tij vendi n? BE. Autoritetet antitrust n? vendet e Ballkanit jan? ende n? nd?rtim e sip?r dhe ?do operacion mbi kompanit? greke q? ndjekin praktika monopolizuese ?sht? nj? iniciativ? e rrezikshme dhe pothuajse e parealizueshme p?r qeverit? e fqinj?ve ballkanik? t? Greqis?. Problemi m? i madh i hasur nga qeverit? e Ballkanit ?sht? se kompanit? greke, q? zbatojn? praktika monopolizuese, jan? n?n pron?sin? e shtetit grek, i cili vazhdon t? mbaj? struktura kontrolli mbi gjigand?t e saj industrial?, si OTE p?r post?-telekomunikacionet, Helenik Petrolium dhe Evroil n? sektorin e karburanteve etj. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 20:22:51 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 17:22:51 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Open Society Education Programs - Southeast Europe Message-ID: <20020227012251.36661.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu Feb 14 02:17:21 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2002 11:17:21 +0100 Subject: [balkans] Open Society Education Programs - Southeast Europe ABOUT THE OPEN SOCIETY EDUCATION PROGRAMS - SOUTH EAST EUROPE: The Soros foundations network supports programs in education at all levels throughout the countries of South East Europe. The Open Society Education Programs - Southeast Europe (OSEP-SEE) was established last year to coordinate the network's education and youth initiatives in the region and to provide technical support as needed. OSEP-SEE operates as an independent unit of the Zavod IRC (http://www.zavod-irc.si ), a non-profit, educational organization in Slovenia. OSEP-SEE is part of the Education Support Program, whose role is to facilitate and inform the pursuit of education change and national policy development in line with the open society mission. This approach to education emphasizes teaching and learning that develops human potential, systemic change, cost-effective and sustainable solutions, a focus on equity and quality, and democratic governance. OSEP-SEE works closely with the South East Europe Education Cooperation Network (http://www.see-educoop.net), which was established in 2000 under the umbrella of the Stability Pact Task Force on Education and Youth. OSEP-SEE, Smartinska 106, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Director, Terrice Bassler Program Support Manager, Suzana Gerzina Program Assistant, Teja Rek E-Mail: osep-see at zavod-irc.si tel: 386 1 548 3770 fax: 386 1 548 3773 Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 21:16:28 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 18:16:28 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Polemika per Kadarene 1 - GSH Message-ID: <20020227021628.44378.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 21:18:09 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 18:18:09 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Polemika per Kadarene - 2 - GSH Message-ID: <20020227021809.12695.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> "U gjykova nga juri majmun?sh" --------------------------------- Biseda e kat?rt dhe e fundit me Ismail Kadaren?. M. Velo: Po vijm? te nj? nga episodet m? interesante t? k?saj ankete: autokritika jote. N? revist?n "Klan" n?ntor 2001, gruaja e diktatorit shqiptar, Nexhmije Hoxha, ajo q? ti e ke krahasuar me Ledin Makbeth, n? vjersh?n e njohur "Sapuni i Lady Makbeth" ka botuar nj? pjes? t? autokritik?s t?nde. Esht? v?rtet e jotja kjo autokritik?? I. Kadare: Teksti duket q? ?sht? i imi, por askush s'mund t? tregoj?, p?rve? procesverbalit t? mbledhjes, se ?'pjes? t? tij un? e kam lexuar dhe ?'pjes? jo. As un? vet?. Teksti im p?rb?hej nga shum? flet? t? shkruara me dor?, prej t? cilave as vet? nuk e kisha shum? t? qart? ?far? do t? p?rdorja. Kjo do t? varej nga zhvillimi i mbledhjes, nga akuzat etj. Kam p?rshtypjen se kisha v?n? shenja t? vogla p?r t'u orientuar. Ajo q? nuk e kisha parashikuar ishte se n? fund t? mbledhjes teksti do t? m? merrej i gjithi, pa m? dh?n? mund?si t'i hiqja flet?t e palexuara. M. Velo: A mund t? b?sh nj? p?rpjekje p?r t? kujtuar n? vija t? trasha autokritik?n? I. Kadare: Me sa m? kujtohet, mbrojtja ime ka qen? e thjesht? dhe mjaft e qart?. Edhe n? mbledhje kam qen? i qet?. Qet?sin? ma dha, me sa dukej, vendimi i brendsh?m q? t? hyj n? llogjik?n e shtetit diktatorial. Sipas k?saj logjike, sipas k?tij sistemi t? menduari, ata kishin t? drejt? dhe un? isha fajtor. S'kisha as pse t? ?uditesha e aq m? pak t? revoltohesha. Ishte nj?lloj si t? revoltohesha prej gjykimit t? nj? jurie t? p?rb?r? nga majmun?t. Un? isha i huaj p?r ta. Si i till? do t? gjykohesha. Kjo nuk m? shkaktonte ndonj? far? brenge. Brengoseshin ata q? jet?n e tyre, fatin, vepr?n e tyre krijuese e kishin lidhur kok? e k?mb? me regjimin. Kur q?llonte q? goditeshin verb?risht, e humbnin fare, treteshin, veniteshin, hanin veten me dh?mb?, ?nd?rronin nj? shans p?r t'u rikthyer n? jet? e p?r t? d?shmuar besnik?rin? e tyre ndaj shtetit. Un? mendoja t? kund?rt?n. Isha fajtor dhe i huaj. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 21:25:33 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 18:25:33 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per shendetesine ne Shqiperi - GSH Message-ID: <20020227022533.45708.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> INTERVISTE/ Flet kreu i ri i bluzave t? bardha. Ja prioritetet e mia Un?, ministri q? njoh "m?katet" e mjek?ve --------------------------------- Etiola Kola TIRANE Ka vrapuar nga salla e operacionit n? karrigen komode prej l?kure t? ministrit t? Sh?ndet?sis?. Nuk ?sht? nj? proces q? ka dashur koh?. Ka ndodhur brenda disa or?sh, mesdit?n e djeshme. Kirurgu Mustafa Xhani ende nuk ?sht? shk?putur nga profesioni i tij prej mjeku t? hersh?m, nd?rsa ka mbi shpatulla (tashm?) krejt dikasterin e bluzave t? bardha. I ardhur nga drejtimi i Qendr?s s? madhe Spitalore n? kryeqytet, me nj? karrier? prej m? se 30 vjet?sh n? profesionin e kirurgut, Xhani ka vendosur "t? shkund?" t? korruptuarit. "K?rkoj edhe mb?shtetjen e qytetar?ve, t? cil?ve do t'u v?m? n? dispozicion nj? num?r telefoni apo nj? kuti postare p?r t? denoncuar ?do shkelje", tha ministri i ri n? nj? intervist? p?r Gazet?n. Ju vini nga nj? karrier? e gjat? n? mjek?si. Tani, n? krye t? Ministris?, si e shikoni sh?ndet?sin? shqiptare? "Nuk mund t? mohohen arritjet n? Sh?ndet?si, pasi jan? frut i nj? pune t? pamat? t? "armat?s" s? bluzave t? bardha. Por duhet th?n? se gjendja aktuale ?sht? e pak?naqshme. Sh?rbimi mjek?sor nuk ?sht? i organizuar mir?. Esht? nj? konfuzion n? sistemin sh?ndet?sor n? p?rgjith?si, ndaj duhet punuar p?r t? ndryshuar situat?n". N? ?'m?nyr? do ta b?ni k?t?? Keni p?rcaktuar prioritetet? "Sigurisht. E para ?sht? dh?nia e ndihm?s-baz? ndaj qytetarit, duke siguruar nj? profilaksi t? fort? q? do t? garantonte uljen e shtret?rve. Prioritet ?sht? edhe urgjenca mjek?sore, q? duhet th?n? se ?sht? n? gjendje dramatike. Do t? rendisja n? p?rpar?sit? edhe mbulimin e disa sektor?ve, p?r t? cil?t qytetar?t jan? t? detyruar t? marrin rrug?t jasht? vendit. P?rve? atyre q? jan? b?r?, do t? forcohet Radiologjia dhe do t? fusim teknologji t? reja diagnostikimi dhe mjekimi". Spitali Onkologjik, nj? merak i ministrave q? jan? ulur dhe e kan? l?n? at? karrige. Bashk? me sh?ndetin mendor, dy nga pikat m? t? dob?ta t? sh?ndet?sis?. Hyjn? n? prioritetet tuaja? "Esht? e v?rtet? q? jan? dy pika t? dob?ta t? sh?ndet?sis? shqiptare dhe padiskutim jan? prioritet p?r k?t? vit. M? shum? se kudo, kemi p?r detyr? t'ua leht?sojm? dhimbjen njer?zve me kancer. Por duhet t? realizohet nj? reaksion zinxhir p?r luft?n kund?r tumoreve. Sa i takon sh?ndetit mendor, kemi nj? koncept t? ri p?r k?t? kategori, at? t? integrimit n? komunitet" Ju vini pas kat?r vitesh n? krye t? QSUT-s?. A keni nj? ide t? qart? p?r ndryshimin e saj? "QSU-ja ?sht? kthyer n? nj? poliklinik? t? madhe p?r t? gjith? Shqip?rin?, ndaj kualiteti nuk ?sht? ai i duhuri. Un? kam menduar t? heq ujin e tep?rt nga kjo Qend?r p?r t'i dh?n? nj? frym?marrje. K?rkoj mir?kuptimin e t? gjith? personelit p?r k?t?. Mendoj se QSU-ja ka nj? shp?rndarje t? keqe gjeografike. Ky problem mund t? zgjidhet me nj? hapjen e nj? spitali rajonal p?r Tiran?n (q? t? varet nga Bashkia) dhe q? do t? leht?sonte fluksin aty. P?r t? mbetur te QSU-ja, k?rkoj ngritjen e nj? poli t? Traumatologjis? dhe Ortopedis? brenda k?tij kompleksi, pra largimin nga Spitali Ushtarak. Mbi 30 vjet mjek, i njihni m? mir? se kushdo bluzat e bardha dhe gjith?ka qarkullon rreth tyre. Si mendoni t? godisni korrupsionin? "N? prezantimin tim t? par? n? ministri u kam th?n? t? gjith?ve se prioritet do t? jet? lufta kund?r korrupsionit. Kam k?rkuar tre shtylla: profesionalizmin, p?rkushtimin dhe ndershm?rin?. Nuk jam kund?r nj? dhurate simbolike q? mund t? t? jap? nj? pacient, por nuk pranoj q? t? k?rkohen para me kusht p?r t? kryer nj? sh?rbim. Un? vet? kam disa libra, q? jan? dhurata nga pacient?t dhe gj?ra t? tilla. Kjo ?sht? normale?" --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 21:34:09 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 18:34:09 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Polemika Kadare 3 - Gazeta Tema Message-ID: <20020227023409.17819.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Sh?nime p?r esen? e Maks Velos "Zhdukja e 'Pashallar?ve t? kuq' Redaktori i "Nentorit" q? spiunoi Kadaren? ?er?iz Lolo?i Ka dal? n? treg libri - ese i Maks Velos, botuar nga "Onufri", nj? vep?r q? hedh drit? p?r nj? nga privimet e m?dha t? shkrimtarit ton? m? t? madh, Ismail Kadare. Nj? poezi e gjat? apo poem?, e titulluar fatalisht "Pashallar?t e kuq", q? asnj?her? nuk e pa drit?n e botimit (p?rjashtuar periudh?n e nd?rmjeme t? nj? t? m?rkure apo t? enjte kur faqosej te pjesa letrare e gazet?s "Drita"), megjithat? i kushtoi autorit nj? tension t? jasht?zakonsh?m. Cikli poetik ku gjendej edhe "poema e n?mur" pati nj? rrug? t? zakonshme: u radhit nga e vetmja daktilografiste q? punonte nj?her?sh p?r dy organe letrare "N?ntori" e "Drita", u pa nga redaktor-sekretar i kolegjiumit A. Myftiu dhe u ?ua n? shtypshkronj?. Pik?risht k?tu ajo edhe u denoncua si nj? vep?r e r?nd? reaksionare, u prish deri edhe n? g?rmat e plumbta, u b? shkak p?r dy mbledhje t? gjata n? KQP dhe n? Lidhjen e Shkrimtar?ve dhe u finalizua me internimin e Kadares? n? nj? fshat q? ishte antiteza e vepr?s, fshati socialist "Agim", n? rrethinat e Fierit. "Pashallar?t" u shkruajt n? 1974 dhe u d?rgua p?r botim n? "Drita" nj? vit m? von?, n? pes?mb?dhjet?dit?shin e dyt? t? tetorit 1975. T? gjitha k?to peripeci gjejn? shtjell? t? konsiderueshme n? librin e Maks Velos ku vet? autori ?sht? rr?fyer disa her? p?r krimin letrar t? kryer ndaj tij. Krimi nis qysh nga radhitja, nga spiunimi prej nj? kolegu, nga protagonist? t? drejtp?rdrejt?, t? gjall? e t? vdekur, ku shum? syresh vazhdojn? t? heshtin jo p?r at? ??kan? b?r? me dashje p?r t? fundosur p?rfundimisht nj? vep?r letrare, por p?r t? th?n? s? paku se krijimi i at?hersh?m ndodhet diku, ruhet n? nj? arshiv? apo sirtar personal. "Pashallar?t e kuq", me aq sa dim? h? p?r h? p?r t? derim? tani, nuk ?sht? n? gjenialitetin e kuror?s s? veprave t? Kadares?, ?sht? padyshin n? pjes?n m? t? mir? dhe m? cil?sore t? letrave s? tij dhe t? poezis? shqipe, por duke qen? munguese edhe tash pas afro tri dekadash, ruan nj? mundim t? autorit dhe t? lexuesve t? panum?rt t? tij. Pas 37 vjet?sh mungon origjinali i k?saj poeme, nuk gjenden sh?nimet ditarike t? Enver Hoxh?s, nuk jan? sjell? n? m?nyr? t? drejtp?rdrejt? akuzat e Ramiz Alis?, nuk kan? preferuar t? flasin shum? d?shmitar? t? drejtp?rdrejt? t? k?tij kurthi letrar; nuk dihet se ??kan? folur shkrimtar?-komunist?t e asaj periudhe q? kan? pasur nj? rast p?r t? shfaqur nderin dhe antinderin e tyre. Vet? Kadareja shkruan k?shtu p?r ngjarjen: "...tabloja e dend?suar e ngjarjes duhet t? ket? qen? kjo: N? fillim ose n? mes t? jav?s zbulohet q? I.K. ka ?uar p?r botim poem?n armiq?sore. Vendoset q? t? shfryt?zohet ky rast i r?n? nga qielli, p?r ta fshir? nga faqja e dheut autorin. P?r k?t?, n? vend q? poema t? hiqet nga dosja e botimit dhe t? ndiqet procedura e zakonshme n? k?si rastesh, vendoset t? b?het e kund?rta: t? ?ohet n? shtyp. Por k?t? plan e pengon di?ka: prania e kryeredaktorit. At?her?, q? t? mund?sohet tjerrja e kurthit, kryeredaktori ik?n me sh?rbim n? Burrel. P?r t'u kthyer, si? e pam?, n? mesnat?. Sipas nj? arsyetimi t? sip?rfaqsh?m, k?shtu duhet t? ket? ndodhur. Por sipas nj? shikimi m? t? thell? edhe n? shpjegim, ka di?ka q? nuk shkon. Dhe ajo q? nuk shkon ?sht? fakti q? zbulimi i "s? keqes", nuk u b? prej kryeredaktorit, por prej kryetarit t? Lidhjes. Pra ishte ky, q? qysh m? par? dinte di?ka, q? nuk e dinte askush. At?her? nga e mori vesh? Ja, sipas meje sime, ?'ka ndodhur. Zbulimi i "s? keqes" nuk u b? as t? h?n?n mbasdite, kur un? i kam ?uar vjershat p?r botim, as dy dit?t e tjera q? pasuan, dhe aq m? pak t? enjten n? mesnat?. Kur k?to veprime ndodhnin, zbulimi ishte b?r? nd?rkaq. P?rve? dy jav?ve t? k?qija, ka nj? jav? pararend?se, q? ne nuk e kemi p?rmendur asnj?her?. Ishte koha q? un? e kasha ?uar ciklin e vjershave p?r daktilografim n? zyr?n e kopisteris?. Dhe aty n? zyr?n e kopisteris? kishte ndodhur e keqja. Atje, nj? nga spiun?t e Lidhjes, ose njeriu i ngarkuar me p?rgjimin e daktilografist?ve, ka zbuluar "t? keqen" dhe ka sinjalizuar. Lidhja e Shkrimtar?ve g?lonte nga spiun?t, sidomos pas vitit 1974. Nj?ri prej tyre, nj? redaktor i revist?s "N?ntori", ishte m? i rrezikshmi. Ai, me sa dukej, kishte p?r detyr? p?rgjimin e kopisteris?. K?shtu e mbajn? mend t? gjith?: prapa shpin?s s? grave q? shtypnin, duke shfletuar me shpejt?si flet?t e daktilografuara, kinse interesohej p?r l?nd?n e revist?s." Kat?r intervista t? plota t? Kadares? me Velon, n? koh? t? ndryshme, teksa rr?fejn? humbjen e nj? vepre, kan? megjithat? faqe t? t?ra ku shpjegojn? mekanizmin e dhun?s q? shpesh nuk buronte nga organet e diktatur?s s? proletariatit, por nga komuniteti i artist?ve. Kadare, nd?rsa nuk di ende se ku mund t? gjendet dor?shkrimi q? i ka sjell? edhe ndodhin? m? t? helmuar t? jet?s, natyrisht q? e ka t? plot? krejt mekanizmin e k?tij kurthi, ka t? qart? t? gjitha ata q? u angazhuan "p?r ta rr?nuar" e megjithat? asnj? grim? helmi nuk shp?rndan n? d?shmit? artistike t? tij. N? faqen 22 autori thot?: "...ngjarja q? kujtuam ka qen? nd?r m? t? helmuarat e jet?s sime. Jo vet?m q? m? ?oi n? buz?n e gremin?s, por sepse, ve? k?saj, m? dha nj? pamje t? lakuriqt? t? lig?sis?, eg?rsis? dhe mjerimit njer?zor, q? rrall?her? rasti na i shpalos p?rpara syve. Si e till? ajo mund t? m? shkaktonte mua nj? gjymtim t? pandreqsh?m: t? m? damkoste p?r?mimin ndaj qenies njer?zore. Mendoj se nuk e arritit dot". Kapitulli i par? i librit t? Maks Velos, me shtat? pjes? t? lidhura organikisht me nj?ra tjetr?n, shpjegojn? arsyet e ndri?imit t? nj? krimi letrar t? kryer ndaj personalitetit m? t? shquar t? letrave shqipe, pra Ismail Kadares?. "Pashallar?t e kuq" kishte patur fatin unikal n? krejt ish-Lindjen komuniste q? t? d?nohej pa u botuar, p?r t? mund t? thuheshin t? gjitha t? zezat por pa cituar asnj? varg. (Nuk p?rjashtohet mund?sia q? ajo t? ket? kaluar n? disa duar, q? p?rmenden dhe nuk p?rmenden n? faqet e k?tij libri; p?rve? daktilografistes, redaktorit t? "N?ntorit" q? shfletonte n?p?r k?mb? gjith?ka q? do t? shkonte p?r botim, dijeni duhet t? ken? pasur jo vet?m emrat e cituar n? ese, por edhe t? tjer?: instruktori i Komitetit t? Partis? s? Tiran?s dhe i rajonit 1, instruktor?t e edukimit n? KQP, grupi i sekretar?ve n? KQP, pra krejt kontigjenti q? e vuloste si "t? d?mshme, armiq?sore, p?rmbys?se e pushtetit", etj). Kapitulli i dyt?, me nj? hyrje t? shkurt?r t? Velos, ?sht? intervista e par? e Ismail Kadares?. Pasi ka qen? vet? ai q? ka heshtur p?r nj? koh? relativisht t? gjat?, n? radh?t e k?saj interviste shpjegon pse ka nd?rruar mendim. Jo se nuk e ka ditur sakt?sisht ngjarjen e hidhur q? u kurdis prapa shpin?s s? tij. ?prej at?her?, n? koh?n e proces-mbedhjeve dhe t? anktheve t? pafundme, vite m? pas, ka sjell? dhe risjell? n?p?r mendje at? ?ka u sajua, "si njer?zit q? e ngrit?n at? mblidheshin me miqt? dhe grat? zem?rzeza" p?r t'u eksituar vet?m nga d?nimi i tij. P?r fakte shqiptare dhe jasht?shqiptare, shkrimtari i madh e sheh si t? d?mshme heshtjen ndaj krimeve t? m?dha, qoft? edhe kulturore. "Koha e paskrimit ?sht? gjithmon? e ethshme. Viktimat k?rkojn? t? hapen varret dhe arkivat; kriminel?t p?rpiqen t'i mbyllin; mohuesit, q? nuk mungojn? kurr?, rreken t? zvog?lojn? p?rmasat e dram?s; humanist?t b?jn? thirrje p?r shqyrtim t? nd?rgjegjes; cinik?t b?jn? veshin shurdh".N? k?t? intervist? Kadare i rikthehet s?rish "dosjes s? Lasgush Poradecit" duke i shtuar disa faqe brilante portretit t? tij dhe q? duket se ende ka di? t? path?n? p?r lirikun e madh t? ndaluar p?r s? gjalli q? shtegtonte p?r 43 vjet n? "nj? shkret?tir? morti". Kapitulli i tret? ?sht? botimi p?r her? t? par? i fjalimit t? ish kryetarit t? Lidhjes s? Shkrimtar?ve, Agolli dhe me disa sh?nime bashk?shoq?ruese. N? kapitullin e kat?rt autori ka paraqitur d?shmit? e disa protagonist?ve t? at?hersh?m, mes t? cil?ve d?shmi dhe ravij?zime t? shkrimtarit Anastas Kondo, Bashkim Ku?ukut, Abdurrahim Myftiut, Jakup Matos dhe t? bashk?shortes, Elena Kadare. Kapitulli vijues, ne vend t? nj? intermexoje, jan? paraqitur shestimet e Kadares? p?r d?shmit? dhe fill pas tij vjen intervista e tret? me shkrimtarin.Kapitulli i gjasht?, n?n okelion "Autokritika", Velo shpjegon se si ka reaguar Kadare ndaj kurtheve t? hershme dhe t? reja, nd?rsa dy pjes?t e fundit kan? p?rkat?sisht intervist?n e kat?rt t? shkrimtarit dhe epilogun p?rmbyll?s. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Feb 26 21:41:07 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 18:41:07 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Monopoli ne telefonine shqiptare - Gazeta Tema Message-ID: <20020227024107.47791.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> A ka konkurrenc? n? tregun e telefonis? celulare n? Shqip?ri? Edi Spaho Aktualisht n? Shqip?ri operojn? dy operator? privat? t? telefonis? celulare, AMC dhe Vodafone. Nj?ri prej tyre p?rfaq?son ish kompanin? shtet?rore AMC t? privatizuar nga kompania greke e telefonis? Cosmote kurse operatori tjet?r ?sht? filiali lokal i Vodafon ku nj? pjes? e kapitalit zot?rohet nga Panafon i Greqis?. Nga sa ?sht? shkruar vazhdimisht n? shtypin shqiptar n? t? dy operator?t grek? Cosmote dhe Panafon pjes?n e luanit e ka nj? investitor privat grek.Tregu i telefonis? celulare sot n? Europ? ?sht? nj? nga tregjet m? t? zhvilluara dhe konkurrenca ?sht? kaq e madhe sa pagesa e pajtimit dhe marrjes s? numrit me kart? apo kontrat? ?sht? fare minimale. N? disa prej vendeve t? zhvilluara kapitaliste pajtimi ofrohet falas. Po k?shtu tarifa e pages?s p?r nj? minut? kohe bisedimi ?sht? mjaft e ul?t dhe n? mjaft vende europiane ?sht? m? e ul?t se sa tarifat e telefonis? fikse. Privatizimi i AMC dhe m? von? l?shimi i licenc?s s? dyt? p?r Vodafone u trumbetua si nj? arritje e madhe e qeveris? shqiptare n? procesin e privatizimit dhe ve?an?risht n? liberalizimin e tregut t? telefonis? celulare dhe rritjen e konkurrenc?s. Dhe n? fakt ?mimet astronomike t? AMC si gjat? periudh?s q? ishte pron? shtet?rore ashtu edhe gjat? operimit si nd?rmarrja e vetme private n? k?t? sektor, p?suan ulje nga hyrja n? treg e operatorit t? dyt?. Por le t?i hedhim nj? v?shtrim tregut t? telefonis? celulare n? disa nga vendet fqinje dhe t? shohim se sa t? v?rteta jan? pohimet se n? Shqip?ri ka konkurrenc? midis operator?ve t? telefonis? celulare e p?r rrjedhoj? po fiton konsumatori shqiptar nga ulja e tarifave t? pajtimit dhe bised?s. P?r t? qen? koherent? n? krahasimet tona, nuk po marrim vendet fqinje si Greqia e Italia pasi tregu i tyre ?sht? shum? m? i madh se Shqip?ria dhe tarifat e ulura justifikohen me numrin e madh t? abonent?ve. Krahasimin po e b?jm? me Kosov?n e Malin e Zi t? cilat jan? fqinj?t tan?, kan? pothuaj t? nj?jtin nivel zhvillimi si dhe kan? respektivisht 2 milion dhe 0.6 milion banor? ndaj 3.5 milion banor?ve t? Shqip?ris?. M? tej, krahasimi me k?to dy vende ?sht? i pranuesh?m pasi sh?rbimi i telefonis? celulare n? Kosov? ka filluar n? vitin 2000, n? Malin e Zi tre-kater vitet e fundit kurse n? Shqip?ri n? vitin 1996. P?r rrjedhoj? t? tre vendet investimet fillestare i kan? t? krahasueshme. M? posht? po paraqesim nj? tabel? ku jepen ?mimet e pajisjes me kart? telefonike n? t? tre vendet e m?sip?rme. ?mimet p?r Kosov?n dhe Malin e Zi jan? konvertuar n? lek? me kursin 1DM/60 lek?. Vendi Operatori Pagesa p?r blerjen e kart?s s? numurit Kohe bisede brenda pageses s? kartes Kosove Alkatel* 4,200 leke 1,200 leke Mal i Zi Promonte 1,500 leke 900 leke Shqip?ri AMC(Albakarta) 7,000 leke 2000 leke Shqip?ri Vodafone 6,250 leke 2000 leke * ?mimi i viti 2000 Sikurse shihet pajisja me kart? telefonie celulare n? Shqip?ri kushton mesatarisht 1,49-1,66 her? m? shtrenjt? se n? Kosov? dhe 4,16-4.66 her? m? shtrenjt? se n? Malin e Zi. E th?n? ndryshe, fitimet e operator?ve celular? n? Shqip?ri vet?m nga pajisja me kart? telefonike jan? 1,5 her? m? shum? se n? Kosov? dhe mbi kat?r her? m? shum? se n? Malin e Zi. Pra Qeveria dhe Enti Rregullator i Telefonis? me politikat q? kan? ndjekur n? privatizim dhe rregullat e vendosura p?r operim lejojn? q? qytetar?t e tyre t? paguajn? disa her? m? shtrenjt? p?r k?t? sh?rbim megjith?se t? ardhurat i kan? m? t? ulta se qytetar?t e vendeve fqinje t? marr? p?r krahasim. Por historia nuk mbaron k?tu. Qytetari pasi blen kart?n fillon e flet dhe p?r ?do minut? bisedim brenda dhe jashte vendit paguan tarif?n p?rkat?se. Mendova se meqen?se karta n? Shqip?ri kushton shum?, dy operator?t e telefonis? celulare p?r kompensim aplikojn? tarifa m? t? ulta p?r nj? minut? bisede. M? poshte keni nj? tabel? e cila tregon se sa kushton nj? minut? bisede brenda vendit n? Kosov?, Malin e Zi dhe Shqip?ri. Vendi Operatori Pagesa p?r nj? minut? bisede brenda venditKosove Alkatel 24 lekeMal i Zi Promonte 30 lekeShqip?ri AMC (Albakarta) 72 lek?Shqip?ri Vodafone 64, 8 lek?. Sikurse shihet edhe n? k?t? drejtim shqiptar?t paguajne 2,5-3 her? m? shtrenjt? se n? Kosov? dhe 2-2,5 her? m? shtrenjt? se n? Malin e Zi. Gjykova se ndoshta kjo situat? ka t? b?j? me numrin e operator?ve q? operojn? n? secilin vend. Me siguri n? Kosov? dhe Malin e Zi operojn? me dhjet?ra kompani celulare dhe nga konkurrenca e madhe midis tyre ulen ?mimet dhe fiton konsumatori. Por jo. Edhe ky argument u rrezua. N? Malin e Zi operojn? dy operator?, sa n? Shqip?ri kurse n? Kosove operon vet?m Alkatel. P?r sa m? siper po e l?m? lexuesin t? gjykoj? vet? se sa konkurrenc? ka n? tregun e telefonis? celulare n? Shqip?ri dhe n? sh?rbim t? kujt jan? politikat e aplikuara nga Qeveria dhe Enti Rregullator i Telefonis?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Feb 27 17:59:55 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 27 Feb 2002 14:59:55 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Council of Europe Statetement In-Reply-To: <20020226024219.97436.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Message-ID: <20020227225955.38317.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Parliamentary Assembly: President's statement on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's co-operation with the Hague Tribunal Strasbourg, 25.02.2002 - Peter Schieder, President of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly, today made the following statement: "I object to the recent statements by the Serbian Prime Minister with regard to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's obligation to co-operate with the Tribunal - which, first and foremost, includes the handing over of any indicted persons who are currently on its territory - does not depend on what the Prime Minister, or anybody else, thinks about the way the trial has been proceeding so far. The obligation to co-operate - fully and unequivocally - with the Tribunal is based on FRY's membership of the United Nations, and the honouring of this obligation - up to now and in the future - will be closely scrutinised by the rapporteurs examining Yugoslavia's request for Council of Europe membership. Moreover, full co-operation with the Tribunal is in the interest of the Yugoslav people, because it rejects the notion of collective responsibility for the crimes that have been committed. Those indicted will receive a fair trial. If the case against them is proven according to the required standard of evidence, they will be found guilty. If not, they will be acquitted." Press Contact Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly Communication Unit, Angus Macdonald Tel. +33 3 88 41 34 39 - Fax. +33 3 90 21 41 34 E-mail: angus.macdonald at coe.int Agron Alibali wrote: --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Feb 27 23:56:39 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 27 Feb 2002 20:56:39 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] On Fehmi Agani Message-ID: <20020228045639.46145.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> HLC - PRESS - MURDER OF FEHMI AGANI MUST BE SOLVED ADVERTISEMENT MURDER OF FEHMI AGANI MUST BE SOLVED Based on the information and evidence it has, the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC) has urged Serbian Public Prosecutor Sinisa Simic to take all the necessary steps to ensure that the murder of Kosovo Albanian politician Fehmi Agani during the NATO intervention is solved. Investigating Judge Danica Marinkovic of the Pristina District Court had ordered Predrag Nikolic of the Special Police Units and police reservist in Kosovo Polje Zoran Djeletovic to be taken into custody on suspicion of having murdered Agani near Kosovo Polje on 6 May 1999. Though the HLC has no knowledge of where the records of the investigation into Nikolic and Djelotovic are at present, this can easily be ascertained by the Serbian Public Prosecutor's Office. The HLC has information that Agani was killed in the presence of Kosovo Polje Police Chief Radomir Vjestica, and that one police officer refused to fire his weapon at Agani. One of the eyewitnesses of the murder lives in Kosovo and can be questioned in the course of further judicial investigations into the case. Fehmi Agani, his wife Sadije and son Mentor left Pristina at 7 a.m. on 6 May 1999 by train for Macedonia. To avoid being recognized, Agani wore a long coat and wrapped a shawl around his head. At about 9 a.m., the train was stopped at the Blace crossing because Macedonia had closed its borders that day and, several hours later, turned back to Pristina. At 3 p.m., just four kilometers outside Kosovo Polje, police stopped the train and ordered some 500 passengers to get off. The passengers were surrounded by some 50 police who searched some of them and separated out 15 young men and started beating them and threatening their lives. Trying to protect the young men, Agani took off his coat and shawl to attract the attention of the police to himself. Some 40 minutes later, three buses arrived and the police told the passengers to board them to be taken to Pristina. After Agani and his family had boarded one of the buses, a policeman asked him to get out again, saying he needed to talk to him. The policeman then led Agani to a car while the buses drove off. When she returned to Pristina, Mrs Agani went to several police stations to inquire about her husband but was unable to obtain any information. Two days later, she was asked to come to the morgue of the Pristina hospital where she was told her husband's body had been there for two days. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From naac at naac.org Thu Feb 28 18:32:57 2002 From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC) Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 18:32:57 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Remains of Slain Bytyqi Brothers Return to the US; Albanian-American Community Says Farewell Message-ID: <008a01c1c0b0$55500850$0301010a@sokol> National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001 Brigada e Krajishtes, No. 8, 38000 Prishtina, Kosova Telephone: (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Web: www.naac.org Email: naac at naac.org _________________________________________________________________ For Immediate Release: February 28, 2002 Contact: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900 PRESS RELEASE Remains of Slain Bytyqi Brothers Return to the US; Albanian-American Community Says Farewell Washington, DC, February 28, 2002: The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) issued the following announcement regarding the return to the US of the remains of the three Bytyqi brothers killed in Serbia. The remains of the three Bytyqi Brothers, Ylli, Agron, and Mehmet, who were killed in Serbia in 1999, after the war in Kosova had ended, are being brought back to the United States to be laid to rest. They will arrive in New York on Friday, March 1, 2002, where the Albanian-American community will honor the heroic brothers who gave their young lives while helping others in need. The people of Kosova paid their last respects for the three brothers on Wednesday, when the caskets carrying their bodies were marched across downtown Prishtina and laid in the largest sports hall for a public memorial service. Accompanying the bodies back to the United States are members of the Bytyqi family, as well as Ambassador William Walker, former head of the international Kosovo Verifying Mission, who denounced the killing of Albanians in Kosova by the Serb military and police as crimes against humanity. Upon arrival at the JFK International Airport, members of the Bytyqi family, Ambassador William Walker, Richard Lukaj, Chairman of NAAC, and Arber Muriqi, President of the Atlantic Association, will hold a press conference. A memorial service will take place in Yonkers, NY on Monday, March 4, where members of the Albanian-American community will have an opportunity to pay their respects to the Bytyqi Brothers and family. In November, NAAC and the Atlantic Association created a special fund to help the Bytyqi family with the expenses related to the transportation of the bodies back to the US and their burial. Many community members and supporters contributed to the fund. The following is a schedule of activities that will take place to remember and honor the Bytyqi Brothers: Friday, March 1, 2002: 7:00 p.m. - Arrival of the remains of the Bytyci brothers John F. Kennedy Airport, New York Lufthansa Airlines, Flight 404 7:30 p.m.- Press Conference With representatives of the Bytyqi Family, Ambassador William Walker, Richard Lukaj, NAAC Chairman, Arber Muriqi, Atlantic Association President. John F. Kennedy Airport Sunday, March 3, 2002: 2:00-9:00 p.m.- Funeral Services Farenga Bros Funeral Home 620 Allerton Avenue, Bronx, New York Monday, March 4, 2002: 11:00 a.m.- 1:00 p.m. Memorial Service Royal Regency Hotel 165 Tuckahoe Road Yonkers, New York 1:00 p.m. Burial St. Mary Cemetery (located behind The Royal Regency Hotel) For more information, please contact the Atlantic Association at (718) 563-7080. The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs. For more information on the National Albanian American Council please visit us on the web at www.naac.org ### You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv. If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Feb 28 19:21:07 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 16:21:07 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ATA News Message-ID: <20020301002107.32378.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Albanian-Greek Commission for border praises cooperation SARANDE, Feb 28 (ATA)- By Sh. Hajno Albanian-Greek cooperation commission for repair of bordermarks in inter-frontier territory which held proceedings today (on Thursday) in Sarande considered "very good" the 4-year cooperation. Colonel Bashkim Mustafa who chaired Albanian part at the meeting of Saranda said to ATA that "we have reached a complete understanding with the Greek part that is also reflected in the very good relations between the two states." While the chairman of Greek side in this commission brigadier Haidhos Hristodhulos considered today's bilateral meeting with Albanian counterparts "as highly successful and fruitful". The joint Albanian-Greek commission for repair of bordermarks on the land border between the two countries was set up in year 1999 following the signing of a cooperation protocol signed in 1998 in Gjirokaster. Over four years of cooperation, commission has repaired 70 per cent of big bordermarks in the three sectors of interstate border space erecting also for the first time 450 small and intermediate bordermarks. /s.sh/dori/sm/ 2002-02-28 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Feb 28 19:48:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 16:48:25 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noli - 12 letra te panjohura - Korrieri Message-ID: <20020301004825.36725.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Noli, 12 letra te panjohura ne Muze Noli, 12 letra te panjohura ne Muze Nje leterkembim i Ipeshkvit te famshem shqiptar te Bostonit F.S.Noli ka ardhur dje ne Muzeun Historik Kombetar. Jane 12 letra qe mbajne logon e federates panshqiptare ne Amerike "Vatra", mes antareve te shoqates. Por interei per to zgjohet edhe me shume kur mes ketij epistolari qe daton prej vitit 1917-1918, gjen leterkembim nga i famshmi "bishop" Noli, ashtu sic eshte nenshkruar ne disa prej epistulave. Ky epistolar qe sipas drejtorit te MHK-se do te zere vend ne pavionin e Nolit, krijuar rreth dy vjet me pare, ka rendesi duke mare parasysh daten historike. Te pakten vitit '46, nje vit qe deshmon per qendrimin e Nolit, nepriudhen kur ne Shqiperi, sapo kishin ardhur Nacionalclirimtaret dhe komunijzmi ishte nje hap larg. Nje nga personazhet e epistulave eshte nje fare Loni Kristo dhe ketij emri Noli i drejtohet ne nje bashkebisedim sikur diten e pare, plot 30 vket me pas. Ky epistolar shoqerohet nga nje fotografi e panjohur, e Nolit, me anetare te Shoqerise "Vatra". Eshte nje foto e vitit 1917, ku merr pjese dhe nje nga personazhet e leterkembimit me Nolin. Sipas drejtorit te Muzeut Zeqo, ky leterkembim eshte i pasur, aq sa te behej objekt i libri me vete. Ky dokumentacion ka mberritur dy dite me pare ne Muze, nga veterani i Luftes Namik Kacillja, kundrejt asnje lloj shperblimi. Ky dokumnetacion do t'i bashkangjitet pavionit te Nolit ne Muze, kur mes te tjerash ndodhet dhe vegla oboe e ketij intelektuali. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Feb 28 22:15:16 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 19:15:16 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Career Workshop in New York City Message-ID: <20020301031516.57719.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> The following announcement is both in English and Albanian. The National Albanian-American Council will organize a career workshop in New York City for the Albanian and Albanian-American students who study in the United States. The workshop will focus on the specific needs of these students starting from how to market yourselves in cover letters, resumes, and interviews, as well as will give an insider's view on the unconventional methods to make the employers interested in your application even in seemingly hopeless situations. Speakers and advisors will include some of the most successful professionals the Albanian-American community has to offer engaged in a variety of areas and professions such as representatives from premiere investment banking and law firms, artists and academics, as well as successful businessmen. This event is an excellent opportunity to personally meet with successful Albanian professionals who are willing to help you in your pursuits. The National Albanian American Council believes that the education of young Albanians and the creation of possibilities for their professional engagements is the safest path to the strengthening of the Albanian-American community which in turn will contribute directly and indirectly to the progress of our nation in the Balkans. Therefore, every student who is currently attending school or has recently graduated is welcomed to participate in this workshop. To apply for this workshop go to http://www.naac.org and click the career workshop link under "New" at the left of your screen or go directly by clicking http://www.naac.org/jobs/workshop-english.html. Please feel free to forward this message to anyone you believe would be interested. ALBANIAN/SHQIP K?shilli Komb?tar Shqiptaro-Amerikan do t? organizoj? n? qytetin e New York-ut nj? seminar pun?simi p?r student? shqiptaro-amerikan? dhe shqiptar? q? studiojn? n? Amerik?. Seminari do t? p?rq?ndrohet n? nevojat e ve?anta t? student?ve, p?r t? p?rballuar k?rkesat e tregut t? pun?s, duke filluar nga m?nyra e hartimit t? jet?shkrimit (CV-Rezyme), rekomandimeve, p?rgatitja p?r intervista pun?simi, dhe deri tek informimi mbi m?nyrat sesi mund t? nxitet kureshtja dhe interesimi i pun?dh?n?sve, edhe n? raste n? dukje t? pashpresa. Referues n? k?t? seminar do t? jen? disa prej profesionist?ve m? t? suksessh?m t? komunitetit shqiptaro-amerikan t? pun?suar n? fusha t? ndryshme si n? banka investimesh apo firma avokatore t? dor?s s? pare, p?rfaq?sues t? artit dhe akademik?, si dhe sip?rmarr?s e biznesmen? t? ndrysh?m t? suksessh?m. Ky takim ?sht? nje rast i shk?lqyer p?r t'u njohur personalisht me profesionist? t? suksessh?m shqiptar? q? jan? t? gatsh?m p?r t'ju ndihmuar. K?shilli Komb?tar Shqiptaro-Amerikan mendon se arsimimi i metejsh?m i t? rinjve shqiptar? si dhe krijimi i shanseve dhe hap?sirave p?r ta ?sht? rruga m? e sigurt? p?r forcimin e komunitetit shqiptar n? Amerik?, i cili, nga ana e vet,do t? kontribuoj? drejtp?rdrejt? dhe t?rthorazi p?r p?rparimin e kombit ton? n? Ballkan. Ndaj, t? gjith? student?t apo t? sapodiplomuarit jan? t? mir?pritur p?r t? marr? pjes? n? seminar. P?r t? b?r? k?rkes? p?r t? marr? pjes? n? k?t? seminar, ju mund t? shkoni tek http://www.naac.org dhe t? shikoni informacionet p?r seminarin e karrier?s posht? "New" n? krahun e majt? te ekranit tuaj, ose mund t? shfryt?zoni adres?n e m?poshtme: http://www.naac.org/jobs/workshop-albanian.html. Ju lutem p?rcilluani k?t? njoftim kujtdo q? mendoni se mund t? jet? i interesuar. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - Send FREE e-cards for every occasion! -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Feb 16 21:58:11 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 16 Feb 2002 18:58:11 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KOHA JONE Message-ID: <20020217025811.69714.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Avokatet e Fierit: Jashte nga Shqiperia avokati grek! FIER - Dhoma rajonale e Avokateve te Fierit kerkon largimin e menjehershem te avokatit grek nga Shqiperia. Avokatet ne Fier thone se eshte e kunderligjshme pjesemarrja e nje avokati te huaj ne hetimin e nje ceshtjeje penale ne nje gjykate shqiptare. Kryetari i Dhomes se Avokateve te Fierit, Niko Kosta, deklaroi dje se ai dhe koleget e tij jane te indinjuar, kur, disa dite me pare, pane ne televizionet e Tiranes nje avokat grek te deklaronte se kishte mberritur ne Shqiperi per te qene avokati i nje te akuzuari si pjesetar i nje rrjeti nderkombetar te trafikut te heroines, shtetasit shqiptar Frederik Durda. Shefi i avokateve te Fierit tha se ligji shqiptar, nr. 7827, i dates 31 maj 1994, "Per avokatine", ndalon ne menyre kategorike cdo avokat te huaj te marre pjese ne ceshtjet penale qe hetohen nga nje gjykate ne Shqiperi. Avokati Kosta nenvizoi se neni 24 i ligjit "Per avokatine" percakton qarte se: njeavokat qe te ushtroje kete te drejte ne Shqiperi, duhet te jete nje shtetas shqiptar dhe te kete banim te perhershem ne Shqiperi. "Per keto arsye, ne rastin konkret, shteti shqiptar nuk duhet te lejoje avokatin grek te ushtroje ne Shqiperi detyren e avokatit. Nese tolerohet me tej, ne kemi te drejte te pohojme se Prokuroria e Pergjithshme ne Tirane ka konsumuar vepren penale te shperdorimit te detyres, duke lejuar ne kryhet haptazi ne territorin e Republikes se Shqiperise nje veprimtari antikushtetuese dhe antiligjore", u shpreh prerazi kryetari i Dhomes se Avokateve te Fierit. Me nota zemerimi, u shpreh edhe nje tjeter avokat i njohur fierak, Kico Nano: "Pse duhet te ndodhe qe nje avokat i huaj te mbroje ne Tirane nje klient shqiptar per faktin se ka punesuar ne Greqi nenen e klientit, ndersa, ne, avokatet shqiptare te mos lejohemi te mbrojme, qofte edhe te afermit tane, ne nje gjyq penal ne Athine?", pyeti retorikisht avokati Nano. Ai tha se eshte e papranueshme qe nje avokat i huaj ta ushtroje kete profesion ne Shqiperi, perderisa midis shtetit tone dhe atij te te huajit nuk ka nje marreveshje dypaleshe, te ndertuar mbi bazen e reciprocitetit ne lidhje me avokatet. G.Ruko _____________________________________________________ This e-mail is confidential and may be privileged. Use or disclosure of it by anyone other than a designated addressee is unauthorized. If you are not an intended recipient, please delete this e-mail from the computer on which you received it. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Sports - Coverage of the 2002 Olympic Games -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Feb 14 23:58:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2002 20:58:04 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] An unknown book on Albanian History Message-ID: <20020215045804.84338.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Robert ElsieJean-Claude Faveyrial. Histoire de l'Albanie Dukagjini, Peja 2001 xviii + 426 pp. --------------------------------- INTRODUCTION A cause de sa position g?ographique, l'Albanie, quoique souvent isol?e, a toujours ?t? un pays au carrefour des empires et des civilisations. Dans l'antiquit?, elle se trouvait pendant des si?cles ? la fronti?re politique, militaire et culturelle entre l'Est et l'Ouest, d'abord entre l'empire romain et la civilisation grecque, et puis au Moyen ?ge entre l'Italie catholique et le Bas-Empire orthodoxe. Plus tard encore, jusqu'? sa conqu?te d?finitive par les Turcs, elle se trouvait sur le front entre l'Europe chr?tienne et l'Orient islamique. Finalement de nos jours, apr?s trente ans d'ind?pendance comme ?tat, elle assuma le r?le bizarre de petit coin staliniste ou plut?t surr?aliste entre l'empire sovi?tique et l'ouest capitaliste et d?mocratique. Au dix-huiti?me si?cle, l'historien britannique Edward Gibbon (1737-1794) a parl? de l'Albanie comme d'un pays en vue d'Italie mais moins connue que l'int?rieur de l'Am?rique. Ceux qui diront que peu a chang? depuis, sauf qu'on conna?t un peu mieux l'Am?rique, n'auront pas tout ? fait tort. L'Albanie, terre et espace culturels europ?ens depuis l'antiquit?, reste toujours ?nigmatique et mal comprise comme elle l'?tait au dix-huiti?me si?cle, du temps de Gibbon, et au dix-neuvi?me du temps de Jean-Claude Faveyrial, le premier savant ? avoir ?crit son histoire. A PROPOS DE L'AUTEUR Jean-Claude Faveyrial naquit le 25 mars 1817 ? Usson en Forez, village des montagnes de l'Auvergne ? l'ouest de Saint Etienne. Son p?re s'appelait Pierre Faveyrial et sa m?re Jeanne M. Bachelard. L'auteur fit ses ?tudes secondaires aux s?minaires de Lyon et vint ? Paris en 1843 ? l'?ge de vingt-six ans, o? il fut admis dans la Congr?gation de la Mission Lazariste le 11 mars. Le 1 juin 1844 il fut nomm? sous-diacre et six mois plus tard, le 18 d?cembre, diacre. Ayant fait ses voeux le 13 mars 1845, il re?ut le sacrement de la Congr?gation et devint pr?tre le 17 mai de cette ann?e. Aussit?t, le 1 juin 1845, fut-il envoy? en tant que missionnaire ? Santorin en Gr?ce comme premier placement, malgr? le fait qu'il voulait aller en Chine. En juillet 1847 on le retrouve ? Constantinople o? la Congr?gation entretenait une maison qui ?tait d'une importance consid?rable pour les activit?s de l'?glise catholique dans l'empire Ottoman. C'est ici ? la Maison Saint-Beno?t que l'auteur passe les ann?es d?cisives de sa vie et o? se r?veille chez lui un int?r?t particulier pour les ethnies diverses de la Turquie en Europe, c'est-?-dire du sud des Balkans. En 1866 il fut envoy? ? Salonique et puis en 1867 ? Monastir (Bitola), ville qui se trouve aujourd'hui dans le sud-ouest de la R?publique de Mac?doine. A l'?poque, Salonique et Monastir ?taient des villes de population hybride et d'importants centres de commerce de l'empire Ottoman. La Turquie en Europe fut peupl?e bien s?r non seulement de Turcs et de Grecs, mais aussi de Bulgares, peuple slave qu'on appelle aujourd'hui dans cette partie de la p?ninsule des Mac?doniens, de Valaques ou Aroumains qui parlent une langue romaine li?e au roumain de la Roumanie, et enfin d'Albanais avec leur langue particuli?re qui ?tait rarement mise ? l'?criture ? l'?poque. A l'exception d'un court s?jour ? Albi en 1878, Faveyrial semble avoir pass? presqu'un demi-si?cle dans le sud-est de l'Europe, principalement ? Monastir et ? Constantinople. C'?tait entre 1858 et 1867 ? la Maison Saint-Beno?t aux rives du Bosphore que Faveyrial a commenc? ? rassembler une biblioth?que historique de livres rares concernant les Albanais, les Bulgares et les Valaques. Il ?tait un ?rudit curieux d'anecdotes, qui interrogeait avec soin les voyageurs et les confr?res de passage et ne cessait d'?crire tout ce qu'il avait entendu dire. Faveyrial scrutait l'histoire des peuples du sud de la p?ninsule balkanique et les aidait ? pr?parer leur avenir. Il visitait l'Albanie en 1884 et, ensemble avec M. Apostol Margaritis (1832-1902), inspecteur g?n?ral des ?coles roumaines de l'Empire Ottoman, il fondait des ?coles ? Berat, Kor?a et Prizren. De 1859 ? 1861, Jean-Claude Faveyrial ?tait, dit-on, l'?me du mouvement bulgare. Il devint aussi un grand ami des Valaques et, vers la fin de sa vie, des Albanais. De 1867 jusqu'? sa mort, il servait ? Monastir comme professeur du lyc?e valaque o? il donnait des cours de fran?ais et de philosophie. Avec Margaritis il fondait d'autres ?coles (1880-1893) aussi, cependant sans recevoir d'appointements. Apr?s une vie de travail intense, Jean-Claude Faveyrial mourut ? Monastir le 26 novembre 1893. Dans son Histoire de la Mission Lazariste de Monastir (1942), Arthur Droulez nous donne des renseignements suivant sur le P?re Faveyrial: "Le 20 septembre 1866, la Mission s'augmenta d'un missionnaire d?j? c?l?bre par le r?le qu'il avait jou? dans le mouvement bulgare. M. Faveyrial ?tait un auvergnat. Le village o? il vit le jour, en 1817, Usson dans la Loire, confine au Puy-de-D?me, mais appartient au dioc?se de Lyon. C'est aux s?minaires de Lyon qu'il fit ses ?tudes secondaires et cl?ricales. Il fut admis dans la Congr?gation en 1843. Il avait eu des vell?it?s de se faire J?suite. Il demanda d'aller en Chine ou en Am?rique. Il fut envoy? en Orient. Il se mit ? l'?tude du grec qu'il n'avait pas voulu apprendre au Petit-S?minaire. Toute sa vie, M. Faveyrial passa pour un grand original. Au physique, ses traits ?taient fortement accentu?s, sa barbe hirsute et son verbe haut avec un esprit critique et souvent caustique qui n'attirait gu?re. Sa faible sant? le rendait taciturne et le calfeutrait frileusement dans sa chambre. Mais cette chambre en d?sordre r?v?lait un artiste, ou plut?t un ?crivain passionn? d'histoire. Il y ?tudiait les langues les plus diverses, le turc, l'italien, le bulgare. Il y rassemblait les livres anciens et modernes concernant les peuples balkaniques. Il interrogeait les ?trangers de passage et sa plume infatigable ne cessait d'?crire tout ce qu'il entendait dire. Il fut ? Saint-Beno?t l'assistant du bon M. R?gnier et, par ses boutades, sans doutes, le bourreau de son sup?rieur. La question bulgare l'int?ressa particuli?rement et le journal "La Bulgarie," dirig? par Tzankof, fut surtout son oeuvre. Mais la divergence de vues qu'il eut avec Mgr. Brunoni m?contenta celui-ce au point qu'il exigea l'?loignement du missionnaire. C'est dans ces conditions que, bris? et hargneux, M. Faveyrial s'en vint ? Monastir. Il pouvait concourir ? l'oeuvre de la conversion des Bulgares, mais la Providence le destinait, semble-t-il, ? s'occuper sp?cialement de Valaques et c'est pourquoi il se mit ? l'?tude de la langue et de l'histoire roumaines (p. 13-14). N?anmoins, M. Faveyrial marchait toujours. Il traitait la Question d'Orient au point de vue religieux. Il mettait la derni?re main au Cat?chisme Valaque, il achevait une Histoire d'Albanie. Il envoyait de nombreux rapports au Visiteurs, ? Mgr Bonetti, au T. H. P?re. Les Albanais ?taient maintenant l'objet de ses pr?occupations. Apr?s les mouvements bulgares et valaques, surgissait une question albanaise analogue. 'Les Albanais,' ?crivait-il, 'forment une nation, une race forte et vaillante, qui demande son ind?pendance. Les Mirdites sont pour la France comme les Maronites du Liban. Bib-Doda, leur prince, m'a souvent r?p?t? cette parole. Je d?sire que la Congr?gation s'int?resse aux Albanais comme aux Valaques, et ne les s?pare pas' (p. 53)." A cette esquisse tr?s br?ve des stations principales de la vie de l'auteur, on peut ajouter quelques renseignements sur Faveyrial qui se trouvent dans une lettre ?crite ? Monastir le 27 novembre 1893 par M. Vincent Dupuy, pr?tre de la mission, pour informer la Maison M?re ? Paris de la mort du grand savant de la p?ninsule: "Monsieur et tr?s cher confr?re. La gr?ce de Dieu soit avec nous pour jamais! Le 25 novembre ? 11 h. 25 de la nuit, M. Faveyrial a succomb?. C'est une pneumonie qui l'a emport?. Il s'est ?teint doucement apr?s avoir re?u les sacrements de p?nitence et d'extr?me onction. Il ?tait tr?s attach? aux Valaques et leur avait rendu de grands services. Ainsi le regrettent-t-ils sinc?rement. Il ?tait d?vou? ? cette oeuvre importante appel?e 'mouvement valaque.' Vous savez que ce confr?re professait chez les Valaques les quatre derniers cours les plus avanc?s pour le fran?ais, y compris le cours de philosophie. Vous savez encore que dans le coll?ge valaque de Monastir, la langue fran?aise est tr?s cultiv?e. A ce point de vue, l'oeuvre ne manque point d'int?r?t, mais il me semble qu'on souhaite vivement le retour de ces gens ? l'unit? catholique. Je connais de vue quatre pr?tres valaques qui, au dire de M. Faveyrial, sont catholiques et prononcent le nom du Pape L?on XIII dans leur liturgie, mais je ne puis vous dire si les fid?les de ces pr?tres sont ?galement catholiques. Mon confr?re a emport? tous ses secrets dans la tombe. Jamais, jamais il ne m'a rien dit sur ces questions et voil? o? nous en sommes. Vous voyez que la question est bien obscure, sauf que M. Lobry ? Constantinople peut apprendre quelque chose parce que dans cette capitale se trouve M. Apostol Margaritis, le chef civil de ce mouvement de schisme avec les Phanariotes. Notre M. Faveyrial a travaill? en Orient pendant un demi-si?cle. Il a fait beaucoup de manuscrits. C'est un travail immense. J'ose demander par vous au T. H. P?re d'envoyer un confr?re tr?s capable comme historien et th?ologien pour venir examiner ces ouvrages manuscrits. Ce serait plus simple que de les envoyer ? Paris. Il me semble que la Congr?gation pourra profiter beaucoup de ces choses-l?. Ce confr?re examinateur devrait rester ici un mois environ pour parcourir ? son aise ces ?crits et cette ?norme correspondance de lettres d'affaires concernant les Bulgares, les Valaques et la foi catholique. Que ce confr?re apporte avec lui une lampe ayant une quinzaine de centim?tres de diam?tres, car l'?criture de M. Faveyrial est sui generis et fort difficile ? lire ... Souvenirs apport?s processionnellement sur la d?pouille mortelle de M. Faveyrial. Ce sont des couronnes de fleurs naturelles ? chacune desquelles est attach?e une bande noire de deux m?tres de long. L'une est ainsi: 'la famille Margaritis, regrets ?ternels,' l'autre 'au v?n?rable P?re Faveyrial, les ?l?ves du lyc?e roumain,' l'autre 'le corps de professeurs au P. Jean Faveyrial.' Les ing?nieurs fran?ais ont aussi donn? leurs couronnes. Le Consul d'Autriche-Hongrie en a donn? aussi une bien belle. Les catholiques de Monastir ont aussi donn? une couronne et un beau drap mortuaire. Une foule immense est venue aux obs?ques de notre d?funt. Il y avait cinq consuls: autrichien, anglais, roumain, serbe et russe. Le consul grec ?tait absent de cette c?r?monie fun?bre. Nous avons fort ? nous plaindre de lui parce qu'au lieu de nous prot?ger, il nous a abandonn?s, ce qui est cause que l'ambassade de France va nous envoyer pour consul un Fran?ais de France. M. Faveyrial est du dioc?se de Lyon. Il a encore pour tout parent une ni?ce mari?e et ayant des enfants, je crois. Informez-vous et apprenez-lui que son oncle est mort d'une pneumonie sans souffrance apparente. Tout le jour de sa mort o? nous l'avons laiss? expos? dans la chapelle ardente, les gens disaient: mais il dort, ce bon p?re, il n'est pas mort." A PROPOS DU LIVRE 'HISTOIRE DE L'ALBANIE' Jean-Claude Faveyrial semble avoir ?crit beaucoup mais il laissa peu de travaux publi?s. On peut signaler ? ce propos quelques livres qu'il publia, surtout en langue bulgare, oeuvres maintenant tr?s rares. Entr'eux se trouvent un Manuel de politesse en bulgare (Constantinople 1858), des Dialogues fran?ais-bulgares (Constantinople 1859) et un Grand cat?chisme raisonn? ? l'usage des Bulgares Unis en bulgare (Constantinople 1862). Nous connaissons de sa plume aussi quelques articles sur la situation ? Monastir, sur la question bulgare et la liturgie bulgare, et enfin une abondante correspondance. Malheureusement, l'essentiel de son oeuvre consid?rable ne fut jamais publi?. Parmi ses manuscrits importants se trouvent en premier lieu la pr?sente Histoire de l'Albanie, mais aussi une Histoire valaque (1891), une Histoire de la presqu'?le d'Illyrie (s.d.), et un Cat?chisme valaque ? l'usage des pr?tres (1891). C'?tait au d?but des ann?es 1990 que l'auteur de ces lignes avait entendu pour la premi?re fois des rumeurs d'une grande Histoire de l'Albanie. Le manuscrit, disait-on, se trouvait ? Istanbul. Des recherches ? la S?leymaniye et dans d'autres archives de la m?tropole turque n'ayant pas abouti, c'est plut?t le sort qui nous a dirig? au printemps de 1998 vers le coll?ge Saint-Beno?t ? Karak?y, ? quelques pas de la Corne d'Or. Le coll?ge fran?ais d'Istanbul occupe maintenant les locaux de la maison de la Congr?gation de la Mission Lazariste. Du manuscrit en question on ne savait rien au coll?ge, surtout que le dossier 'Albanie' et la plupart des archives de la Congr?gation avaient ?t? rapatri?s ? Paris. Enfin, le 20 septembre 1999, P?re Yves Danjou, responsable pour les archives de la Maison M?re de la Communaut? des Missionnaires Lazaristes ? Paris, nous signala sa d?couverte par hasard de l'oeuvre la plus importante de Faveyrial. L'Histoire de l'Albanie de Jean-Claude Faveyrial fut ?crite entre les ann?es 1884 et 1889. Le manuscrit, qui comporte 483 pages, est l'oeuvre de plusieurs mains. On peut assumer alors que le P?re Faveyrial l'a dict? ? ses assistants ? Monastir. Il contient aussi des corrections et des additions de la main de l'auteur. Malgr? ces modifications, on a l'impression que l'auteur n'avait pas tout ? fait termin? son grand travail et que, s'il avait eu l'occasion de publier son Histoire de l'Albanie, il aurait fait encore certains changements et maintes corrections. Peut-?tre aurait-il ajout? aussi quelques chapitres suppl?mentaires pour donner une vision plus compl?te de l'histoire de cette r?gion. Quoiqu'il en soit, Histoire de l'Albanie de Jean-Claude Faveyrial est une oeuvre de grande signification culturelle pour le peuple albanais. Elle est la premi?re oeuvre ? tracer l'histoire enti?re de l'Albanie, de l'antiquit? jusqu'? la deuxi?me moiti? du dix-neuvi?me si?cle. Faveyrial, il faut le dire, n'avait pas une conception claire et pr?cise des Albanais en tant que nation et peuple comme on les conna?t aujourd'hui. Son histoire est plut?t celle de la r?gion sud-est-europ?enne avec ses diverses populations, les Albanais bien s?r, mais aussi les Valaques du Pinde, les Grecs, les Turcs et les Slaves. Ainsi l'Histoire de l'Albanie est plut?t une histoire de toute la partie sud-ouest de la p?ninsule balkanique, y compris non seulement l'Albanie actuelle, mais aussi l'Epire, le Mont?n?gro et la Mac?doine enti?re. Le lecteur trouvera aussi des renseignements importants sur l'histoire de l'?glise catholique aux Balkans, y compris des d?tails int?ressants sur l'histoire du patriarcat d'Ochride (1394-1767). L'oeuvre de Faveyrial refl?te les connaissances de l'histoire des Balkans que l'on avait ? son ?poque et, avant tout, la fa?on de l'?crire. L'auteur para?t avoir utilis? toutes les grandes sources de l'histoire balkanique parues jusqu'? ses jours: Aravantinos, Bou?, Cant?, D?zobry et Bachelet, Farlati, Hammer-Purgstall, H?cquard, Lavall?e, Le Beau, Lequien, Poirson et Cayx, et bien s?r le grand Pouqueville. Il ?tait au courant aussi des oeuvres de litt?rature albanaise, par exemple des auteurs classiques du dix-septi?me si?cle comme Budi, Bardhi (Bianchi) et Bogdani. Bien qu'elle ne corresponde compl?tement aux besoins du lecteur contemporain ou de l'?tudiant de l'histoire balkanique ou eccl?siastique et bien qu'elle ne soit tout a fait fid?le dans les faits comme on les conna?t aujourd'hui apr?s un si?cle de recherches suppl?mentaires, l'Histoire de l'Albanie de Jean-Claude Faveyrial est une oeuvre pleine d'information et comprend maints d?tails que l'on ne saura trouver ailleurs. Le lecteur remarquera d?s le d?but que l'auteur ?crit son histoire avec passion et enthousiasme, mais qu'il n'?chappe pas aux valeurs et aux pr?jug?s religieux et nationaux de son milieu et de son ?poque. Faveyrial ?tait pr?tre catholique qui travaillait au coeur d'une r?gion orthodoxe de l'empire Ottoman. Les animosit?s ?videntes qu'il nourrit, par exemple, contre l'Orthodoxie grecque, et - il faut le dire - contre les Grecs en g?n?ral, feront peut-?tre sourire le lecteur contemporain. Qu'on lui pardonne ces exc?s qui servent aussi ? illustrer l'esprit de son ?poque. UN MONUMENT D'HISTORIOGRAPHIE BALKANIQUE L'Histoire de l'Albanie de Jean-Claude Faveyrial est une oeuvre d'importance culturelle puisqu'elle constitue le premier livre jamais consacr? enti?rement ? l'histoire de ce pays balkanique. En vue de la consolidation tardive des Albanais en tant que peuple et surtout de l'Albanie en tant qu'Etat, et peut-?tre aussi ? cause de l'aspect ?nigmatique de l'histoire albanaise, les autres oeuvres du dix-neuvi?me si?cle et m?me des premi?res d?cades du vingti?me sont rares et plut?t fragmentaires. A titre de comparaison, on peut signaler les suivantes. A peu pr?s en m?me temps que le P?re Faveyrial composait son Histoire de l'Albanie, apparut en Italie Le istorie albanesi (Les histoires albanaises, Salerne 1886), oeuvre en quatre tomes de Francesco Tajani. Toujours au dix-neuvi?me si?cle, on rencontre aussi la premi?re histoire de ce pays en langue albanaise, T'nnollunat e Sccypniis prei gni Gheghet ci don v?nnin e vet (Les ?v?nements d'Albanie d'un Gu?gue qui aime sa patrie, Alexandrie 1898) de l'Albanais Stef? Zurani (1865-1941). Au d?but du vingti?me si?cle on peut signaler la publication de Historia ? Shcypniis ch' me fill?se e d?ri me kohe ku ra ne dore te Turkut (Histoire de l'Albanie depuis le d?but jusqu'au temps o? elle tomba aux mains des Turcs, Bruxelles 1902), oeuvre de 416 pages ?crite par le premier grand prosateur de la litt?rature albanaise, Ndoc Nikaj (1864-1951). Pendant la premi?re guerre mondiale, l'Albanie, Etat ind?pendant depuis 1912 mais limitrophe ? l'empire autrichien, a retenu pour la premi?re fois l'int?r?t des historiens s?rieux du monde germanophone. Parmi les principales oeuvres de l'?poque se trouvent: Geschichte von Montenegro und Albanien (Histoire du Mont?n?gro et de l'Albanie, Gotha 1914) de Spiridion Gopcevic et Geschichte Albaniens (Histoire de l'Albanie, Leipzig 1914) de Karl Roth. Peu apr?s para?t en fran?ais: Br?ve histoire de l'Albanie et du peuple albanais (Bucarest 1919) du grand historien roumain Nicolae Iorga (1871-1940), livre modeste de 68 pages. Les archives de la Congr?gation des Mission Lazariste ? Paris contiennent aussi d'autres documents d'importance pour l'histoire de l'Albanie et pour l'histoire de l'?glise catholique chez les Albanais ? la fin du dix-neuvi?me si?cle. Il s'agit entre autres de documents et de la correspondance ?crits par des personnages de l'?poque, quelques uns connus toujours, d'autres oubli?s maintenant. Entre eux on peut noter des noms comme le prince Prenk Bib Doda Pacha (mort en 1920), Davidika Bib Doda, Margela Bib Doda, Mgr. Dario Bucciarelli (1827-1878), Mgr. Fulgence Czarev, Primo Dochi (1846-1917), Jean-Pierre Karadaku, Fran?ois-Xavier Lobry, Andr? Logorezzi, Simon Lumesi, Antonio Bittucci, Michel Tarabulusi et Georges Tchako. La plupart des documents de ces archives, qui au d?but se trouvaient au coll?ge Saint-Beno?t ? Istanbul, ont ?t? rapatri?s ? Paris maintenant, mais on n'a malheureusement plus d'inventaire exact puisque le lyc?e d'Istanbul fut occup? par l'arm?e turque en 1914 et certains documents ont alors disparu. Quant ? la grande biblioth?que de livres que le P?re Faveyrial avait rassembl?e, y compris sans doute beaucoup de ses propres manuscrits, elle semble avoir ?t? d?truite pendant l'incendie au centre de la Mission ? Monastir en f?vrier 1909. En publiant ce livre avec plus d'un si?cle de retard, il me reste uniquement ? remercier la Congr?gation de la Mission Lazariste ? Paris, et en particulier les P?res Yves Danjou et Paul Henzmann, pour leur assistance et leur g?n?rosit?, et ? esp?rer que le grand travail de Jean-Claude Faveyrial, retrouv? enfin apr?s plus d'un si?cle de disparition, sera lu et appr?ci? par le lecteur du vingt-et-uni?me si?cle. Robert Elsie Olzheim / Eifel, Allemagne, 2001 --------------------------------- TABLE DE MATI?RES Introduction de Robert Elsie Pr?face de Jean-Claude Faveyrial Chapitre 1 Origine des Albanais - les P?lasges, leurs ?tablissements primitifs - leurs constructions Chapitre 2 Tribus primitives de la basse et de la haute Albanie Chapitre 3 Rapports anciens de la Gr?ce avec l'Albanie Chapitre 4 Dynastie mac?donienne Chapitre 5 Dynastie ?pirote Chapitre 6 Dynastie lab?ate Chapitre 7 Guerre entre Rome d'un part, la Mac?doine et l'Illyrie de l'autre Chapitre 8 Administration romaine en Mac?doine et au pays des Illyriens Chapitre 9 Ere chr?tienne Chapitre 10 Romanisation de l'Illyrie Chapitre 11 Les l?gions illyriennes et l'empereur S?v?re - leur protestation contre la vente de l'empire par les pr?toriens Chapitre 12 Saint Ca?us, Saint Donat et Saint Aschole - philosophes pa?ens - partage de l'empire romain Chapitre 13 Tentative du patriarche Atticus sur l'Illyrie - r?ponse de Th?odose II ? Honorius - trente-cinq ans de schisme - r?ponse des ?v?ques illyriens - conciles tenus en Illyrie Chapitre 14 Illyrie sous Anastase, Justin et Justinien - r?ception des l?gats du Pape Saint Hormisdas ? Avlone, ? Scampis, ? Ochride - Novelle 131 de Justin Chapitre 15 Premi?re s?rie des ?v?ques d'Ochride - Saint Gr?goire le Grand proteste contre le titre de patriarche oecum?nique - Mahomet Chapitre 16 Ravages en Albanie par les Vandales et les Visigoths - les Albanais quittent l'arm?e grecque - conseil de guerre ? Durazzo - ch?teaux construits ou r?par?s en Albanie - Principaut? Deocl?ate - Illyrie d?vast?e par les Slaves et les Avares - r?flexion de Pouqueville sur les ch?teaux et les lois de Justinien Chapitre 17 Mani?re dont les Slaves s'?tablissent en de?? du Danube - Touch?es de ce que Jean IV rach?te leurs esclaves, plusieurs tribus se convertissent - leurs serments - leur constitution politique - ?tablissement des Bulgares en M?sie - Italiens et Grecs Chapitre 18 Etablissement des Bulgares slaves en Mac?doine d'apr?s les auteurs byzantins Chapitre 19 Par vengeance l'empereur grec annexe ? son patriarcat iconoclaste certains ?v?ch?s soumis au pape - La primatie illyrienne se conserve jusqu'en 1767, telle qu'en principe elle avait ?t? constitu?e par le si?ge apostolique - Il n'est pas question d'elle au huiti?me concile oecum?nique Chapitre 20 Ce que Photius et Basile le Mac?donien font en 869 pour englober la Bulgarie et la primatie d'Ochride dans le patriarcat grec - Pr?diction du Pape Jean VIII au roi des Bulgares Chapitre 21 Les Arabes en Albanie - Raguse - Principaut? diocl?ate - schisme grec - les ?v?ques illyriens n'y prennent aucune part Chapitre 22 Royaume albanais-bulgare de Preslava - Ambassades de Boris ? Rome et en Allemagne - quels sont les vrais patriarches - clerg? morave substitu? au clerg? grec - Saint Cl?ment et Saint Naoum ? Ochride - liturgie bulgaro-slave substitu?e ? la liturgie grecque - r?gne des tsars Sim?on et Pierre - royaume bulgare de Preslava d?truit par les Gr?co-Russes Chapitre 23 R?volution pacifique - les Grecs font renvoyer de Bulgarie le clerg? latin que les Bulgares eux-m?mes ont demand? - la Providence am?ne de Moravie un clerg? slave qui les en expulsera eux-m?mes - Gorazd, Saint Cl?ment, Saint Naoum, envoy?s par Boris ? Ochride en Albanie - leurs travaux apostoliques, leurs travaux litt?raires - tour que les Grecs jouent ? l'ambassade de Jean X - Saint Cl?ment remplace en Bulgarie les livres grecs par les livres bulgares et les caract?res grecs par les caract?res cl?mentins Chapitre 24 Royaume albano-valaque de Prespa - Les Albano-Valaques n'acceptent pas la domination grecque - origine de Samuel - sa capitale - dur?e de la lutte - bataille du Sperkhios - perte de Durazzo - les Gr?co-Russes cr?vent les yeux aux habitants de la P?lagonie - surprise de Cimba-long - Basile cr?ve les yeux ? quinze mille soldats albano-valaques - mort de Samuel Chapitre 25 Vladislas fait assassiner Vladimir et Gabriel ? l'instigation de l'empereur - lui-m?me est tu? au si?ge de Durazzo - Prise d'Ochride - Arriv?e des Normands - Assassinats d'Ibatz, de Draguimir et de Sermo - Quatre arm?es grecques d?truites dans la haute Albanie Chapitre 26 Fragment d'un chrysobule de Basile Bulgaroctone - L?on d'Ochride - destructions des archives de la m?tropole illyrienne - diff?rence de discipline entre Ochride et Byzance Chapitre 27 Vicissitudes de la primatie illyrienne Chapitre 28 Le schisme grec ne fut qu'une intrigue odieuse pour d?tacher l'Illyrie de Rome et l'attacher ? Byzance - examen des pr?textes gr?co-byzantins Chapitre 29 R?sultats du schisme grec pour les Valaques, les Albanais et les Bulgares - pas de patriotisme, pas de litt?rature Chapitre 30 Coup d'oeil r?trospectif Chapitre 31 Les troupes du Bas-Empire qualifi?es de mac?doniennes ?taient recrut?es parmi les Albano-Valaques de Mac?doine et d'Albanie Chapitre 32 Robert Guiscard et Alexis Comn?ne en Albanie - Guiscard vole au secours du pape - vainqueur des V?nitiens et des Grec, il meurt Chapitre 33 Les Turcs dans les arm?es grecques - les Grecs provoquent une croisade contre les Turcs - les crois?s en Albanie - les Valaco-Patzinaces de Megl?ne Chapitre 34 Ev?nements de l'Albanie septentrionale et de l'Albanie centrale - si?ge de Raguse par Bodin - si?ge de Durazzo par Boh?mond Chapitre 35 Tableau de l'administration byzantine en Albanie par Th?ophylacte, Primat d'Ochride Chapitre 36 Les imp?ts sous le Bas-Empire d'apr?s Th?ophylacte - Th?ophylacte chass? d'Ochride Chapitre 37 Bogomilisme (manich?isme) Chapitre 38 S?rie d'archev?ques usurpateurs du si?ge d'Ochride - Lettre de Th?ophylacte contre le patriarche grec Chapitre 39 Etendue de la Primatie d'Ochride - lettres de Th?ophylacte aux archev?ques de Vidin et de Sophia - recrutement du haut clerg? dans la primatie d'Ochride Chapitre 40 Le roi de Sicile et l'empereur de Byzance en Albanie - Chalcis br?l?e - Salonique pill?e - bataille de Myriocephale - milice albanaise en Chypre Chapitre 41 Bulle du Pape Alexandre II ? l'archev?que de Diocl?e - note sur Diocl?e Chapitre 42 Primatie d'Ipek - concile de Diocl?e - mesures contre le manich?isme - Correspondance entre Honorius III, Etienne Nemania et Saint Savas - couronne royale - mort de Saint Savas - ?v?ch?s serbes Chapitre 43 Primatie de Tournovo - r?volte des Bulgaro-Valaques - demande d'une hi?rarchie nationale - envoi d'un cardinal ? Tournovo - serment du primat - onction du saint chr?me Chapitre 44 Despotat d'Epire ou d'Arta Chapitre 45 Michel et son gendre trahissent leurs alli?s ? D?vol - malheureuse cons?quence de cette bataille - Durazzo d?truite - aper?u sur cette ville Chapitre 46 Etablissements fran?ais en Albanie - bataille de Berat - Michel Pal?ologue et Procida font massacrer 8 000 Fran?ais en Sicile - il meurt au moment de faire massacrer les Valaques par les Tatares Chapitre 47 Principaut? megalovlachite - son origine - son ?tendue - Juifs et Grecs - Charles d'Anjou - l'empereur Andronique - Michel fait mourir en prison deux ?v?ques catholiques et meurt lui-m?me en prison Chapitre 48 Andronique et Cantacuz?ne conduisent les Turcs en Albanie - affreux ravages commis dans l'Albanie centrale - l'Epire retombe sous les empereurs byzantins Chapitre 49 La grande Valachie garde son ind?pendance et son autonomie - bulle de Cantacuz?ne - remarques importantes Chapitre 50 S?rie de Patriarches d'Ochride depuis 1204 jusqu'? 1396 Chapitre 51 L'Albanie se partage en deux communions - comment le sud passe au rite grec - comment le nord repoussa le rite slave Chapitre 52 R?volte contre les Serbes dans la haute Albanie - royaume albanais - ses princes - Jean Castriot Chapitre 53 Les Serbes en Albanie - empire de Douchan - ses gouverneurs - son ignoble caract?re Chapitre 54 Fin du royaume ou empire serbe - ?glise serbe - Douchan et Joanitch avaient voulu se substituer ? l'empereur et au patriarche grec Chapitre 55 Arriv?e des Turcs en Albanie - Jean Castriot - Charles Thopia - Mirdites - Janina - rapt des filles - Arta - Monastir - colonisations Chapitre 56 Etat moral de la presqu'?le illyrienne au moment o? les Turcs arriv?rent Chapitre 57 Origine des Ottomans - ils ne sont pas d'origine turque - originaire de la Galatie - pr?diction de Saint Th?odore Sic?ote - leur mission politique Chapitre 58 Premi?res op?rations militaires des Ottomans en Albanie - Ottomans conduits en Albanie par l'apostat albanais Isa?n - Bataille de Saura - ils sont battus par Ghioni - Venise occupe des positions importantes - les races albanaise et slave - Beyazid et Tamerlan - Arianite Thopia retenu ? Constantinople - les Albanais de Gr?ce - les Tocci - appel?s ? leur secours, les Ottomans gardent leurs possessions Chapitre 59 Scanderbey - donn? en otage ? Mourad - mort de son p?re et de ses fr?res - sa force - bataille de Niche - Scanderbey s'?vade du camp turc - il s'installe ? Croya et appelle ? lui la f?odalit? albanaise - il bat les g?n?raux de Mourad et le bat lui-m?me - ?glises transform?es en mosqu?es - Scanderbey ?pouse la fille de Thopia - Mahomed vient lui-m?me en Albanie et se laisse battre - trait? rompu - nouvelles d?faites essuy?es par les Ottomans - mort de Scanderbey - honneurs rendus ? sa m?moire - ?migration en Italie Chapitre 60 Chute de Croya, de Scutari et d'Antivari - l'Albanie est ravag?e par les Ottomans - noble r?ponse de Loredano, gouverneur de Scutari - Mahomet promet la vie sauve ? la garnison de Croya et la fait ensuite ?gorger - si?ge de Scutari - famine - Jabliac et Drivasto - capitulation de Scutari et pr?caution de Venise - coup d'oeil r?trospectif sur les croisades, sur les Grecs et sur les Ottomans - mort de l'Archev?que d'Antivari Chapitre 61 Pacification de l'Albanie - Acarnanie d?peupl?e - privil?ges accord?s aux Valaques et aux Acroc?rauniens - transaction avec les Mirdites - Mont?n?gro insoumis Chapitre 62 Le Mont?n?gro devenu un lieu de refuge - dispute entre chr?tiens et musulmans - Demir Pacha s'empare tra?treusement du m?tropolitain Daniel - massacre de 1702 - plus de musulmans au Mont?n?gro - ?change d'officiers contre des porcs en 1706 Chapitre 63 Coup d'oeil sur l'histoire du Mont?n?gro dans ses rapports avec l'Albanie Chapitre 64 Rapports canoniques du primat de Ochride-Justinian?e avec la Moldovalachie - le 28e canon de Chalc?doine n'accorde pas de droits au patriarche grec sur la Roumanie - primatie de Tournovo d?tach?e d'Ochride - les Bulgares m?siens penchent vers Byzance et les Roumains reviennent ? Ochride - r?action slave en Roumanie - tous les livres latins y sont remplac?s par des livres slaves - Lequien induit en erreur par les auteurs grecs - ceux que les Roumains prennent pour des titulaires, les Grecs les prennent pour des exarques - correspondance du Vo?vode Stepan et de Doroth?e d'Ochride en 1464 Chapitre 65 Cons?quences de la conqu?te ottomane pour les m?tropoles illyriennes - Raguse interm?diaire entre Rome et les catholicit?s orientales - ?glise latine d'Ochride Chapitre 66 Emigration en Italie - les apostats de Calarite - Liaz Pacha - les ?glises transform?es en djamis - Sinan l'Arnaout - massacre des Albanais ? Constantinople Chapitre 67 Remarquable vizirat d'Ibrahim - capitainerie valaque - vizirs albanais - relations de la France avec l'Albanie Chapitre 68 Sultan Suleyman en Albanie - Ayaz Pacha - Khaireddin et Numan Kiuprulu Chapitre 69 Thogourd et Ahmed Bey - Acroc?raune - Baffo - Emmo - Mirdites - guerre de Chypre Chapitre 70 Bataille de L?pante - enfants de tribut - la V?nitienne Buffo - stipulation des Mirdites Chapitre 71 D?sorganisation de l'empire Ottoman - apostasie en masse - soul?vement ? Jannina - assembl?e de Koukli - privil?ges valaques - auteurs albanais - Zaharias Gorganos Chapitre 72 Extrait de Pouqueville sur les clephtes et armatholes (livre XI, chapitre IV) - milice dibriote ? Alger - Jasile le Loups en Moldavie Chapitre 73 Derni?re s?rie des primats ou patriarches d'Ochride - registres de la m?tropole de Saint Cl?ment - archives de SaintNaoum br?l?es par ordre du patriarche grec - correspondance du primat d'Ochride - patriarcat grec ? l'encan - lettre d'Athanase au Pape Alexandre VII. Chapitre 74 Imp?t du sang - drapeau de Saint Georges - flotte barbaresque d?truite - Cl?mentins - guerre de Candie - les Acroc?rauniens devenus catholiques Chapitre 75 Tremblement de terre - hi?rarchie eccl?siastique et civile - soul?vement des Serbes - r?formes de Kuprulu - d?putation des Scutarins - Ma?notes - Trait? de Carlovitch - origine des Kuprulu Chapitre 76 Le gueb?-kharatch - consulat de France - M. Dubroqua rach?te les esclaves - si?ge de Corfou - Trait? de Passarovitz - Mouchtar Bey Chapitre 77 Spahis chr?tiens - soul?vement des armatoles - apostasie en masse - Korovelesiens - M. Dubroqua apaise les troubles - le j?suite irlandais Tempet ? Arta - martyr ? Berat Chapitre 78 Les Cl?mentins - Trait? de Belgrade - piraterie des Dulcignotes - Abdoullah mis ? mort Chapitre 79 Le catholicisme dans la haute Albanie - litt?rature albanaise Chapitre 80 Venise excite le m?contentement en Albanie - fait d?truire les comptoirs fran?ais - les Valaques de Mezzovo et les n?gociants fran?ais - M. Isnard et Boulle - Moustapha et les Souliotes Chapitre 81 Importance de Moscopolis et de Mezzovo - premier pillage de Moscopolis par les Dagles et les Colonias - Ali Pacha et Kamko - pillage de Carpenision et de Nicolitza - fondation de Crouchovo Chapitre 82 Apostasie des Caramouratades - Ali Pacha ?chappe ? la mort - en Valachie les Valaques perdent leur administration nationale - au Pinde les armatoles perdent leurs privil?ges Chapitre 83 Les agents de Catherine II au Mont?n?gro et en Albanie - suppression des patriarcats d'Ochride et d'Ipek - registre patriarcal de Constantinople - Callinique et Stavraki Chapitre 84 Ce que pense Pharmakidis, secr?taire du synode ath?nien, de la suppression de la primatie illyrienne par le patriarcat byzantin Chapitre 85 Ce qu'en historien nous devons penser nous-m?mes de cette suppression - d?mission d'Ars?ne - ses co?ts - catalogue des patriarches grecs - Ars?ne et Samuel se rencontrent au Mont Athos Chapitre 86 Nombreuses apostasies occasionn?es par les intrigues phanariotes et la suppression de la primatie d'Ochride - l'?v?que apostat de Megl?ne - sa mort - Nasilitza - Mol?cha Chapitre 87 Soul?vement des Grecs en 1770 - second pillage de Moscopolis - Arta d?fendu par M. Julien et les matelots fran?ais - Hassan Pacha dans le P?loponn?se - Ali Pacha en Thessalie Chapitre 88 Ali Pacha et les beys de Thessalie - entrevue d'Ali Pacha et de Pal?opoulo - le moine Cosmas empal? - Cavalliotis et le docteur Rosa - complicit? du patriarcat grec et des brigands Chapitre 89 Mahmoud Bizaclia veut se rendre ind?pendant - Brognard - Joseph II et Catherine - la t?te de Mahmoud au Mont?n?gro - les Souliotes - Moscopolis - Rogotina Chapitre 90 Population des ?les Ioniennes - l'adjudant Rose envoy? ? Constantinople - Salcette ? Nicopolis - Parga vendu ? Ali Pacha par l'Angleterre - Ali Pacha s'adresse ? Napol?on et ? l'Autriche - Assi?g? dans son ch?teau de Janina - sa t?te - Vasiliki ? Monastir Chapitre 91 R?volte d'Ali Pacha - r?volte des Grecs - g?n?raux envoy?s contre Ali - noble caract?re des Mirdites - Mousta? Pacha rebrousse chemin - Ali abandonn? de tous - fin tragique de ses secr?taires - fin plus tragique encore de Kourchid, d'Halet Efendi et de Pacho Bey Chapitre 92 Mousta? et Omer Brion?s - Metternich et Capo d'Istria - les Egyptiens remplacent les Albanais - intervention europ?enne - Bataille de Navarin - le g?n?ral Maison - massacre d'Argos - Capo d'Istria assassin? Chapitre 93 Rechid Pacha en Gr?ce - Arslan Bey pille Cojana - Zagorie mise ? contribution - beys albanais fusill?s ? Devledjik - d'autres beys se sauvent ? Corfou et en Gr?ce - terreur en Albanie Chapitre 94 Moustapha (Mousta?) l?ve l'?tendard de la r?volte - combat ? la Tcherna et ? Babouna - il s'enferme dans le ch?teau de Scutari - obtient la gr?ce - intern? ? Constantinople Chapitre 95 Rechid prisonnier des Egyptiens - son fils Emin - Berat mise ? contribution - Moustapha Nouri et le Juif Iliacou - consulats ? Janina - casernes, h?pital et poudri?res ? Monastir - la Locande - nouvel h?pital Chapitre 96 Pyrrhus et Scanderbey - ?tendue de la principaut? mirdite - les rois de Naples et le duc de Savoie - transaction avec le gouvernement turc - violation du compromis par Omer Pacha, Isma?l Pacha et Derviche Pacha - Trait? de Berlin - vengeance et punition - m?me un fonctionnaire ottoman ne put franchir sa limite Chapitre 97 R?sultat du fr?quent changement de gouverneurs - le dj?leb et le recrutement - soul?vement - noms des principaux exil?s - consuls de France: Grasset, Bertrand, Salbatier, Crampon et H?cquard - le pr?tendu Saint Georges Chapitre 98 D?sordres ? Scutari par la faute du gouvernement - Mahmoud Tarala Pacha - s?minaire des j?suites - Abdi Pacha - firman pour l'?glise catholique de Scutari Chapitre 99 Arm?nien tu? pour la foi - les occultes de Tchernagore exil?s ? Moudania - la plupart y meurent - ambassadeurs de France et d'Angleterre - Soeurs de la Charit? ? Brousse - les rapatri?s - un vieux Dibriote mis ? mort - ?glise catholique ? Prisrend - musulmane convertie - Mahmoud Pacha Chapitre 100 Le royaume grec et sa population - les brigands envoy?s de Gr?ce - les habitants d'Agrapha - leurs p?titions - M. Champoiseau et le docteur Typa Chapitre 101 Empoisonnement du prince des Mirdites par le gouverneur de Scutari - profanation du tombeau de Bib Doda - mutilation de son cadavre - Isma?l Pacha et sa Hongroise - fun?railles du prince des Mirdites Chapitre 102 Bib Doda ? Constantinople - projet d'opposer la principaut? mirdite ? la principaut? du Mont?n?gro - Bib Doda en Bulgarie, en Epire et au Mont?n?gro - Omer Pacha enl?ve l'abb? Gasparo - le consul de France s'y oppose - les Albanais vont au secours de la France en 1870 Chapitre 103 Ce qu'il en co?te ? la Sublime Porte d'avoir trait? les Mirdites comme elle a fait - la Porte oppose les ligues albanaises au Trait? de Berlin - d?monstration de Cattaro - Derviche Pacha et Mehmed Ali - la meute de chiens Chapitre 104 Comit? annexioniste de Janina - les membres, la p?tition, assertion - r?ponse de la France - Georges Maniakas - Petridis arr?t? - d?monstrations - Lambridis s'abouche avec les beys d'Albanie - cabinet du roi Georges - abus des fonds du coll?ge de Janina - famille Comoundouros Chapitre 105 Brutale invasion par les Grecs du territoire ottoman - la Gr?ce au Congr?s de Berlin - avis du Congr?s - interpr?tation grecque - r?ponse de la France - poltonnerie des Grecs Chapitre 106 Conf?rence de Preveza - les Albanais envoient des commissaires en Europe - les gr?cisants font une supplique et nomment deux commissaires - Moukhtar Pacha propose une rectification - m?moire de Saffet Pacha - les Tosques et les Gu?gues par Wassa Effendi Chapitre 107 Un officier d'?tat major prussien visite la fronti?re gr?co-turque - le ministre ottoman retarde le d?part de la d?l?gation valaque - chute du ministre Beaconsfield - lettres de l'archev?que de Larisse et du patriarche grec - arriv?e de la d?l?gation valaque ? Constantinople - sa protestation aupr?s des ambassadeurs - leurs r?ponses Chapitre 108 Antartisme - Gr?ce et Mont?n?gro - comit? de Janina - l'arch?ologue de Comoundouros - pillage de Papinco et d'autres communes - circulaire - patriarche et ?v?ques grecs - consulat grec de Salonique - dossier Pikhion - lettre trouv?e chez Arghyropoulo - le moudir Hafouz et le drogman Essad Efendi - condamnation par la cour martiale Chapitre 109 R?v?lations et manoeuvres - le consul Panourias et l'Albanie - l'archev?que Math?os et les brigands - l'archev?que Cyrille et la cour martiale - le patriarche grec et le sultan - brochures incendiaires - privil?ge du clerg? grec - ordre relatif aux sentences ?piscopales- double usurpation - la Providence Chapitre 110 Extrait de Pouqueville (Voy., tome 3, pag. 230-238): parall?le entre Albanais catholiques, grecs et turcs Chapitre 111 Education - imprimeries de Moscopolis et de Janina - h?bra?sants et gr?cisants - Emir-nam? de Bordiano - proposition du roi Georges au roi Charles - assassinat de Aboussa - r?ponse de J?sus Christ ? Pilate - ?coles albanaises - adresse de la colonie de Bucarest au sultan - ?cole de Prisrend Chapitre 112 Les ?coles en Albanie - le p?re Pastore - le prince Bib Doda - les ?coles italiennes de Scutari, de Preveza et de Janina - les ?coles grecques d'Albanie - fondations du coll?ge de Janina - ?coles de Gortcha et de Monastir - ?coles bulgares - ?coles valaques - ?cole albanaise Chapitre 113 Coup d'oeil historique sur le Mont?n?gro - Rapports de la Russie avec le Mont?n?gro - Pierre le Grand et Catherine II invitent les Mont?n?grins ? la guerre contre la Turquie - reproches des Mont?n?grins aux Russes - pensions et secours accord?s par la Russie - changements de constitution conseill?s par l'empereur Nicolas - fausse politique de l'empire Ottoman - Derviche Pacha et les Iltizamdjis - guerre de 1875-1878 - Trait?s de San Stefano et de Berlin - Ligue Albanaise - agrandissement du Mont?n?gro - la pr?sente situation d'apr?s le Sredetz Chapitre 114 Les anciens privil?ges de la haute Albanie Chapitre 115 Digression sur les Albanais et sur les Valaques Chapitre 116 Notes d'apr?s les actes synodiques de Saint Cl?ment d'Ochride Chapitre 117 Traduction du firman imp?rial qui d?cr?te l'?tablissement d'un exarchat bulgare et d?finit sa situation ? l'?gard du patriarcat grec, en date du 10 mars 1870 Chapitre 118 Notes historiques sur Ochride (Lychnide) Chapitre 119 Proclamation au peuple albanais Bibliographie --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? 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