From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 1 01:27:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 31 Mar 2002 22:27:29 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per rolin e OSBE-se ne Shqiperi - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020401062729.26637.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Ambasadori Ahrens dhe situata n? Shqip?ri Zef Mazi* N? mbledhjen e fundit Plenare t? K?shillit t? P?rhersh?m t? OSBE-s?, m? 21 mars 2002, kryetari i Prezenc?s s? OSBE-s? n? Tiran?, Ambasadori Gerd Ahrens, paraqiti nj? raport p?r situat?n n? Shqip?ri. Raporti q? paraqiti me goj? ishte i ndrysh?m dhe disi m? i gjat? se ai q? u qarkullua. Sipas stilit t? vjet?r t? diplomacis?, disa mesazhe jepen me goj?, pa u p?rfshir? n? raportin me shkrim, p?r t? evituar diskutimet, pse jo edhe ndonj? problem q? mund t? dal?. Ahrensi me goj? tha: n? Shqip?ri nuk ka as UNMIK e as KFOR, as SFOR dhe as P?rfaq?sues t? Lart? (duke aluduar dhe duke b?r? krahasim me Bosnje -Hercegovin?n), nuk ka as NATO, as EU as ndonj? organizat? tjet?r. N? Shqip?ri jemi vet?m ne, jam vet?m un?... t? tjer?t kan? ca zyra t? dor?s s? dyt?". T? kujtohet th?nia e mbretit t? Franc?s, Luigjit t? 14-t?: "L'etat c'est moi!" - Shteti jam un?! Po t? lexosh at? raport duket se pa pranin? e OSBE-s? nuk mund t? ket? Shqip?ri dhe pa Ahrensin nuk mund t? ket? OSBE n? Shqip?ri. Dhe t? mendosh q? niveli i z.Ahrens ?sht? Ministria e Pun?ve t? Jashtme. Kjo ministri ?sht? zyrtarisht partneri dhe pika kryesore fokale p?r pun?n e Prezenc?s sipas Memorandumit t? Mir?kuptimit q? ?sht? n?nshkruar p?r k?t? Prezenc?. K?shtu veprohet kudo. Nga ana tjet?r, p?rmes atyre fjal?ve, direkt apo indirekt, z.Ahrens nxin gjith?ka q? b?het n? Shqip?ri, ku me siguri di?ka ec?n dhe nuk mund t? jet? gjith?ka zi! Aty gjith?ka b?het keq, shkon keq e m? keq (anashkalohet dhe pjes?marrja e opozit?s n? Parlament q? ka p?rmir?suar mjaft klim?n politike). Komentojm?: derisa situata, si? raportohet, ?sht? keq dhe ka ardhur duke u keq?suar pothuajse n? t? gjith? drejtimet, a nuk do t? thot? kjo edhe se puna e Prezenc?s, n? p?rgjith?si, ka d?shtuar n? k?to 5 vjet, p?rfshir? edhe dy apo tre vjet n?n drejtimin e z. Ahrens? N?se nuk pranohet se ?sht? k?shtu, at?her? puna, objektivat, rezultatet, shkurt mandati i Prezenc?s, duhen analizuar holl?sisht, si? k?rkohet nga vet? mandati. Un? kam qen? ambasador i akredituar n? at? organizata? p?r shum? vite, dhe kam edhe punuar n? t? m? von?, bile n? koh?ra m? t? r?nda se sot. N? asnj? rast nuk kam d?gjuar ndonj? ambasador apo kryetari misioni t? OSBE-s?, t? raportoj? apo t? flas? n? OSBE me at? gjuh? p?r vendin ku ai ?sht? akredituar dhe kryen detyr?n, pavar?sisht sa e v?shtir? ka qen? situata. P?rfaq?suesi i nj? vendi apo organizate, dashje pa dashje, krijon disa lidhje afektive t?rheq?se me vendin ku ?sht? akredituar. K?to lidhje mundet edhe t? trashen dhe si t? tilla mund t? mos i sh?rbejn? m? pun?s. Prandaj b?hen nd?rrimet periodike n? trupin diplomatik. Nd?rsa rasti n? fjal? jo vet?m duket se nuk ka krijuar lidhje t? tilla, p?rkundrazi, nisur nga raportimet dhe ?far? thot? n? takimet q? b?n, atij duket se sa vjen e i shtohet e kund?rta p?r vendin ton?. Raporti dhe raportimi i fundit n? OSBE, si dhe p?rgojimet edhe m? t? r?nda p?r Shqip?rin? n?p?r korridoret e Hofburgut dhe n? dreka, darka apo takime m? t? ngushta me ambasador? n? Vjen?, ?ka nuk ?sht? zor t? m?sohen, rr?zojn? posht? gjith? retorik?n e "bukur" q? p?rdoret n? takime me politikan?t apo mediat tona. N?se politikan?t edhe ekzekutivi yn? nuk e kan? m?suar ende k?t? realitet, ndoshta do b?nin m? mir? t? nd?rronin zanat. Ndoshta z. Ahrens m? shum? se imazhi i Shqip?ris? dhe i shqiptar?ve, i intereson t? shtyj? q?ndrimin n? at? post dhe p?r t? siguruar k?t?, paraqet nj? situat? negative q? Prezenca n? Shqip?ri t? b?het edhe m? e domosdoshme ? N? nj? artikull n? n?ntor apo dhjetor t? vitit q? shkoi pata paralajm?ruar se ka shenja q? Shqip?ria gradualisht do t? b?het p?rgjegj?se kryesore, pika fokale p?r gjith?ka jo t? mir? n? Ballkan, p?rfshir? krimin e organizuar dhe terrorizmin. Ajo mund t? b?hej tabela e t? gjitha kritikave. Po t? lexosh raportin e Ahrensit shikon se ndodhemi shum? af?r konstatimit t? m?sip?rm. Opinioni im ?sht? q? puna, arritjet apo d?shtimet e Pranis? s? OSBE-s? n? Shqip?ri, duhen rishikuar. Duhet par? sa dhe si punon Prenzenca, me ?'efikasitet, me ?'prioritet, me ?'objektiva, sa dhe si ka realizuar ?far? gjat? k?tyre viteve ?! Duhet rishikuar i gjith? mandati i Prezenc?s. Ky rishikim duhet b?r? nj? her? n? vit, dhe jo vet?m t? merret vendimi p?r zgjatjen e mandatit a'priori, pa analizuar dhe vler?suar relaisht pun?n dhe arritjet e tij konrete. K?saj Prezence i duhet b?r? nj? "revizion" politik i v?rtet?. Ajo duhet b?r? p?r t? mir?n e vendit ton?, por edhe t? organizat?s q? e ka d?rguar at? n? Shqip?ri. P?r k?t? ??shtje, shtetet e m?dha nuk duhet t? b?jn? presion. ?sht? e drejta jon? ta k?rkojm? dhe ta realizojm? k?t? gj?. N?se ndodh q? ata do b?jn? presion, kjo gj? i duhet relatuar hapur popullit ton?. Kjo aspak nuk do t? thot? mosbashk?punim me organizatat nd?rkomb?tare. P?rkundrazi, kjo do t? vendos? n? raporte t? drejta dhe t? rregullta bashk?punimin duke respektuar nj?ri-tjetrin. Shqiptar?t jan? t? nd?rgjegjsh?m se bashk?punimi nd?rkomb?tar ?sht? i domosdosh?m. Por duhet par? mir? forma, p?rmbajtja dhe masa e bashk?punimit, objektivat, fushat e p?rcaktuara qart?, efektshm?ria e bashk?punimit. Kjo sepse jo ?do organizat? mund t? b?j? ?do gj?, p?rfshir? OSBE-n?. Shqip?ria nuk ka nevoj? t? b?j? shum?: thjesht t? shikoj? t? p?rdor? ato mekanizma q? i jep e drejta e vot?s sovrane dhe t? barabart? (dhe e vetos) p?r t? argumentuar dhe kusht?zuar vazhdimin e qendrimit t? Prezenc?s me domosdoshm?rin? e analiz?s, t? rishikimit dhe vler?simit t? mandatit, t? pun?s, arritjeve dhe d?shtimeve t? Prezenc?s. Askush nuk t? vler?son kur q?ndron si aguridh, n? pritje t? l?mosh?s, kur thua vet?m "si urdh?ron", por kur paraqet mendime, qendrime dhe argumenta serioze, ku ke identitet dhe personalitet, edhe pse situata nuk ?sht? m? e favorshmja sot p?r sot. Imazhi dhe emri i vendit dhe popullit t?nd mund dhe duhet t? ruhen n? radh? t? par? nga vet? ne. Asnj? vend, cilido q? t? ishte ai, nuk do t? lejonte q? n? adres? t? tij t? thuheshin ato monstruozitete q? thuhen n? raporte q? shkruhen sipas mides? t? disa t? huajve. Me at? gjuh? q? ?sht? folur s? fundi p?r vendin ton? nuk ?sht? d?gjuar t? flitet as p?r Afganistanin, p?r ?e?enin? apo Kolumbin? n? koh?n m? t? keqe t? tyre. Jo ka ardhur koha, por ajo po kalon, kur politikan?t dhe qeveritar?t tan? duhet t? shikojn? drejt n? sy k?t? realitet dhe t? marrin t? gjitha masat p?r t? manaxhuar urgjentisht at?. *Diplomat, ish-ambasador i akredituar n? OSBE --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - send greetings for Easter, Passover -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 1 19:18:20 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 1 Apr 2002 16:18:20 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Events at Harvard Message-ID: <20020402001820.47537.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 12:21:07 -0500 (EST) From: owner-ces-list at fas.harvard.edu Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies at Harvard University Sender: owner-ces-list at husc.harvard.edu Precedence: bulk Reply-To: ces-list at husc.harvard.edu Calendar of Events - April 2002 Tuesday, April 2 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room German Study Group co-sponsored by Culture and Politics in Central Europe Study Group Lutz Musner, International Research Center for Cultural Studies, Vienna " 'Culture' As a Narcotic Commodity: Vienna's Symbolic Economy" Thursday, April 4 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room French Study Group Michel Wieviorka, Sociologist, Directeur du CADIS, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences sociales, Paris "The Making of Global Terrorism" (in English) Friday, April 5 12:30-2:00 pm, Garden Room Friday Lunch Chili con carne and rice Mixed green salad and corn bread Blond brownies Monday, April 8 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room CES and Davis Center for Russian Studies SPECIAL EVENT Zoe Petre, Director, Institute for Regional Cooperation and Conflict Prevention, Bucharest "Post Communist Politics: Romania and the Velvet Restauration" Tuesday, April 9 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room German Study Group co-sponsored by the Gender, Society and Politics Study Group Katherine Pence, Assisitant Professor of History, Adrian College in Michigan/Baruch College CUNY, Visiting Scholar, Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies "German Women as Cold War Consumers: The Politics of Shopping Between Citizenship and Deviance" Wednesday, April 10 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Study Group on Business and Government in Contemporary Europe Bruce Kogut, Professor of International Management, Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania "Academics, International Organizations, and the Politics of Privatization: The Diffusion of Economic Ideas" Thursday, April 11 and Friday, April 12 Lower Level Conference Room A Graduate Student Workshop "The Rise and Impact of the Social Sciences Philosophical, Historical, and Institutional Perspectives" See CES Website http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~ces/events/enlightenment.html 2:15-4:00 pm, Cabot Room Seminar on Islam in Europe and the US Gema Martin-Munoz, Professor of Islamic Studies, Universidad Autonoma of Madrid "Muslims in Spain: Nostalgia of Al Andalus or Postmodern Muslim Identity?" Discussant to be announced 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Jews in Modern Europe Study Group co-sponsored by Harvard College Library, The Rudolph and Sara Wyner Memorial Lecture Derek Penslar, Zacks Professor of History, University of Toronto "Radio and Nationalization: From the BBC to the 'Voice of Israel'" Friday, April 12 2:15-4:00 pm, Cabot Room British Study Group Uday Mehta, Professor of Political Science, Amherst College "Liberalism, Empire and Childhood" Tuesday, April 16 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Kokkalis Program co-sponsored by the Southeastern Europe Study Group Ekavi Athanassopoulou, Research Fellow, Bristol University and Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), Athens "The History of Greece and Turkey's Accession to NATO" Wednesday, April 17 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room French Study Group Antoine Prost, Historian, Universite de Paris, Sorbonne "The Strikes of 1936: Factory Occupations and the Decline of Deference" Thursday, April 18 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Study Group on Culture and Politics co-sponsored by the German Study Group Maiken Umbach, Lecturer in Modern European History, University of Manchester, Visiting Scholar, Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies "Is German Federalism Different? Particularism and the Politics of Memory in the Age of Nation-Building" 4:15-6:00 pm, Garden Room Workshop on East European Politics Fred Abrahams, Long-time Human Rights Watch Researcher for Albania and Southern Balkans, completing a book on Albania for Public Affairs Press. "The Accidental Revolution: The Fall of Communism in Albania " Friday, April 19 12:30-2:00 pm, Garden Room Friday Lunch Seven jewel turkey salad Mixed green salad French bread/homemade biscuits Homemade cookies 2:15-4:00 pm, Cabot Room Seminar on the State and Capitalism since 1800 James Shinn, Research Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations, Visiting Professor, Princeton University "Corporate Governance Changes-Private Profit or Public Purpose? Shallow Convergence on the Shareholder Model" A copy of the paper will be sent to the regular participants. Others should pick up a copy at the CES front desk to be read before the seminar. 4:15-6:00 pm, Lower Level Conference Room CES SPECIAL EVENT Petar Stoyanov, Former President of Bulgaria will speak on "The Balkans-Present and Future" Monday, April 22 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Iberian Study Group co-sponsored by Portugal Study Group Carlos Balsas, Ph.D. Candidate in Regional Planning in the Department of Landscape, Architecture and Regional Planning at the University of Massachusetts "City and Culture: Reflections on the 2001 European Capital of Culture in Porto-Portugal" 4:15-6:00 pm, Lower Level Conference Room French Study Group Gilles Kepel, Political Scientist, Institut d'etudes Politiques, Paris; CERI, Paris. "Jihad: The trail of Political Islam" Tuesday, April 23 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room German Study Group Ulf Hedetoft, Director, SPIRIT and SPIRIT-Europe (Marie Curie Training Site) Director, Academy for Migration Studies in Denmark (AMID), Institute for History and International Studies, Aalborg University "The Evolution of Germany's Political Identity: >From Stable Abnormality to the Normalcy of Globalism" Thursday, April 25 2:15-4:00 pm, Lower Level Conference Room Seminar on Islam in Europe and the US A Roundtable on Islam in International Relations: "A Comparison of Perceptions and Policies in the US and Europe" Stanley Hoffmann, the Paul and Catherine Buttenwieser University Professor, Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies Sohail Humayun Hashami, Associate Professor of International Realtions, Mount Holyoke College David Little, T.J. Dunphy Professor of the Practice in Religion, Ethnicity and International Conflict, Divinity School, Harvard University Discussant to be announced 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Culture and Politics in Central Europe Study Group co-sponsored by the Southeastern Europe Study Group Maura Hametz, Assistant Professor of History, Old Dominion University "A Change from Nitzche might be Nice: Naming Policies and Practice in post-Habsburg Trieste, 1918-1922" 4:15-6:00 pm, Garden Room Study Group on Policy Reform in Advanced Industrial Societies Hilary Silver, Professor of Sociology, Brown University, Visiting Scholar, Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies "Social Exclusion: Public-Private Providers in the French and German Welfare States" Friday, April 26 12:30-2:00 pm, Garden Room Friday Lunch Lucy's southern fried chicken New potato salad with dill Mixed green salad Bread Mango mousse 2:15-4:00 pm, Cabot Room British Study Group Robert Travers, Assistant Professor of History, Harvard University "Rethinking British Expansion in India" Wednesday, May 1 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Culture and Politics in Central Europe Study Group Phillip Ther, Center for the Comparative History of Europe, Free University Berlin "Emancipation through Culture: National Operas in Central and Eastern Europe in the 'Long' 19th Century" Thursday, May 2 4:15-6:00 pm, Cabot Room Jews in Modern Europe Study Group Ruth Ellen Gruber, Independent Writer and Journalist, based in Europe. "Virtually Jewish: Jewish Culture Without the Jews in Contemporary Europe" IN MEMORIAM David Cresap Moore, historian of nineteenth-century British political institutions, died December 27, 2001 at the age of 75. Cresap was a long-time CES affiliate and an active participant in the British Study Group, after coming to Harvard from UCLA in 1981. His many important contributions to nineteenth-century British history began in 1961 with a famous revisionist article, "The Other Face of Reform" in Victorian Studies challenging the conventional view that the Reform Act of 1832 undermined the political ascendancy of landed interests. Using pioneering analyses of pollbooks, he developed this and other themes in many articles and his major work, The Politics of Deference (1976). Cresap was a passionate and skillful teacher and a dedicated mentor to graduate students. His warmth and wise observations about British history and politics will be missed at CES He is survived by his wife, Harvard anthropologist and legal scholar, Sally Falk Moore, and by their two daughters, Penelope and Nicola. 2002 HARVARD COLLOQUIUM ON INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Globalization After September 11: Has Anything Changed? April 12-13, 2002 At Harvard Law School This colloquium, open to the public, will feature keynote speaker Robert Rubin, former Secretary of the Treasury and Director and Chairman of the Executive Committee, Citigroup, Inc. and a series of panels and discussions on globalization. CES is co-sponsoring a panel on Democracy and Globalization. THE RISE AND IMPACT OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES: Philosophical, Historical, and Institutional Perspectives A Graduate Student Workshop at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University April 11 - 12, 2002 CES Website for details http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~ces/events/enlightenment.html upcoming conference in May 2002 TRANSFORMING THE DEMOCRATIC BALANCE AMONG STATE, MARKET AND SOCIETY: Comparative Perspectives on France and the Developed Democracies at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University May 17-18, 2002 CES Website for details http://www.fas.harvard.edu/ces/french_conf.html Working Papers The following working papers are now available: PSGE 01.1 "Decentralized Cooperation and the Future of Regulatory Reform," by Pepper Culpepper PSGE 01.2 "Social Citizenship and Institution Building: EU-Enlargement and the Restructuring of Welfare States in East Central Europe," by Christiane Lemke PSGE 01.3 "European Monetary Union: Between the Stakeholder and the Stockholder Models of Capitalism," by Carlos A. Rozo PSGE 01.4 "Germany, Multilateralism, and the Eastern Enlargement of the EU," by Claus Hofhansel PSGE 01.5 "Economic Policy Coordination in EMU: Institutional and Political Requirements," by Stefan Collignon WPS 80 "Historians as Political Trouble-shooters: Officially Commissioned Surveys of Holocaust Legacies in France and Switzerland: (1) The Swiss Case, by Regula Ludi; (2) The Mattoli Commission Between Holocaust Era Assets Debates and the Memory of Vichy" by Jean-Marc Dreyfus WPS 81 "Continental Welfare states in Europe Confronted with the End-of-Career Inactivity Trap: A Major Challenge to Social Protection in an Aging Society" by Anne-Marie Guillemard CES Information This calendar is also available on the Web at http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~ces/events/CES_Calendar.html where the most up to date information can be found. If you do not wish to continue receiving this calendar, please email ces at fas.harvard.edu. Please include your appropriate email address. Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies at Harvard University 27 Kirkland Street Cambridge, MA 02138 tel: 617-495-4303 fax: 495-8509 web site: www.fas.harvard.edu/~ces/ --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Greetings - send greetings for Easter, Passover -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Mon Apr 1 21:11:56 2002 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola) Date: Mon, 1 Apr 2002 21:11:56 -0500 (EST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Interesting Job opportunity: EWI Project Manager, Alternative Solutions for Stability in Balkans (fwd) Message-ID: ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 1 Apr 2002 13:46:43 -0500 From: Valbona Sherifi To: board at naac.org, advisoryboard at naac.org, minaac at naac.org, massnaac at naac.org Cc: hopealumnikosova at yahoogroups.com Subject: Interesting Job opportunity: EWI Project Manager, Alternative Solutions for Stability in Balkans Please circulate as you see fit. The East West Institute, an international independent European-American non-profit organisation with programmatic activities in Eastern Europe (www.iews.org), seeks to hire a Project Manager for a Project on Alternative Solutions for Stability in Balkans, to be located at EWI Prague Centre. The Project Manager will work on a regional political agenda aimed at finding a consensus for a sustainable settlement for the region and on the idea of a common economic space to create a favourable environment for investments in Southeastern Europe. The Project Manager needs to create open and productive links of cooperation and communication with governments in the region and outside it, as well as with key intergovernmental and non-governmental bodies and organisations, including the EU, the Stability Pact and various UN organisations. Required Qualifications: a.. Advanced degree in political science, political economy or other relevant field; b.. Strong interest in and deep knowledge of Southeastern Europe; c.. Minimum 5 years of working experience with substantial experience in project management; d.. Proven excellent research, analytical and writing skills; e.. Experience with team work and team leadership; f.. Excellent personal communication skills; g.. Fluency in written and spoken English, plus proficiency in at least one regional language (Serbian or Croatian preferred). More information about the position available from the contact below. Interested applicants please send resumes and cover letters by 15 March, 2002 to Dagmar Aserova, Director of Human Resources, EWI Prague Centre, Rasinovo nabr. 78, 120 00 Prague, Czech Republic, Fax +420 2 2491 7854, e-mail daserova at iews.org _______________________________________________ Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 3 07:12:06 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 3 Apr 2002 04:12:06 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Kushtetuten - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020403121206.62189.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Ilir Rusmajli, sekretar p?r zgjedhjet dhe ??shtjet ligjore n? PD, tregon p?r ?Shekulli?-n, strategjin? e opozit?s PD: Ja si do e ndryshojm? Kushtetut?n ?Opozita ka variantin e vet t? Kushtetut?s, t? cil?n e hartoi m? ?98? Rruga p?r t? ndryshuar Kushtetut?n Hapi i par? (?sht? hedhur) Socialist?t e din? q? Kushtetuta, s?funksionon Hapi i dyt? (?sht? hedhur) Berisha ftoi Nanon e Met?n n? tryez? p?r reform?n kushtetuese Hapi i tret? Fillimi i negociatave mes pal?ve Hapi i kat?rt Zhvillimi i koncepteve politike dhe adoptimi n? nivel juridik Kapitujt e Kushtetut?s, q? opozita propozon p?r rishikim; T? drejtat dhe lirit? themelore t? njeriut Gjykata Kushtetuese Prokuroria Gjykatat Presidenti K?shilli i Ministrave Qeverisja Vendore Organizimi dhe Funksionimi i Kuvendit etj. TIRAN? ? Partia Demokratike k?rkon q? rishikimi rr?nj?sor i Kushtetut?s, t? b?het me konsensusin e Partis? Socialiste. P?r k?t? arsye, kryetari i PD-s?, Sali Berisha, i b?ri thirrje Nanos dhe Met?s, dy dit? m? par?, q? t? ulen n? nj? tryez? p?r t? realizuar reform?n kushtetuese, e cila sipas tij, do t? parandalonte q?, Kushtetuta aktuale t? sjell? kriza n? jet?n e institucioneve shqiptare. Ilir Rusmajli, sekretar p?r zgjedhjet dhe ??shtjet ligjore n? PD, sqaroi dje p?r ?Shekulli?-n se ?reforma kushtetuese duhet t? b?het me konsensusin e pal?ve n? politik?n shqiptare. Kushtetuta aktuale nuk e ka nj? konsensus t? till??. Sipas tij, rishikimi rr?nj?sor i Kushtetut?s, duhet t? b?het n? disa kapituj kryesor?, por dispozita t? ve?anta mund t? ruhen ashtu si? jan? hartuar. Edhe p?r k?t? ??shtje, opozita k?rkon q? t? arrihet konsensusi me t? majt?t. ?Ndarja e pushtetit dhe pavar?sia e gjyq?sorit jan? dy parimet baz?, q? duhet t? karakterizojn? pun?n p?r rishikimin e Kushtetut?s?, - thekson Rusmajli. Por, p?r t? shkuar deri tek tryeza e jurist?ve p?r t? realizuar k?t? rishikim, sekretari i PD-s? thot? se duhen kaluar disa hapa. Hapi i par?, sipas tij, ?sht? hedhur, pik?risht n? momentin kur edhe socialist?t jan? b?r? t? vet?dijsh?m se, Kushtetuta nuk funksion ashtu si? duhet. P?r k?t?, Rusmajli sjell shembuj t? shumt? nga ngjarjet politike t? ndodhura dit?t e fundit, si? ?sht? shkarkimi i prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m, por raste ka pasur edhe gjat? procesit zgjedhor t? kaluar. Hapin e dyt?, p?r sekretarin p?r zgjedhjet dhe ??shtjet ligjore n? PD, e hodhi kryetari i PD-s?, Sali Berisha, me thirrjen, q? u b?ri dy pal?ve n? PS, p?r t?u ulur n? tryez? p?r t? kryer reform?n kushtetuese. ?Kushtetuta ekzistuese ?sht? masakruar. Pjesa m? e madhe e saj bie. Nuk mund t? themi se p?r nj? reform? t? till? PD-ja i ka gj?rat gati, por nj? tryez? me t? gjitha pal?t mund t? ?oj? n? hartimin dhe realizimin e saj?,- tha Rusmajli. Hapi i tret?, sipas tij, ?sht? fillimi i negociatave mes pal?ve, p?r nevoj?n e realizimit t? reform?s kushtetuese. Kjo do t? k?rkoj? hartimin e nj? platforme m? vete, t? bien dakort pal?t me nj? platform? t? till?, t? riformulohen shum? nene deri n? redaktimin p?rfundimtar. ?Modelet p?r t? realizuar reform?n kushtetuese ekzistojn?, n? gjuh? t? huaja dhe n? gjuh?n shqipe. Madje PD-ja ka variantin e vet t? Kushtetut?s, t? cil?n e hartoi m? ?98, kjo nuk do t? thot? se do t? jet? varianti m? i mir?, por le ta diskutojm? k?t? variant dhe shum? variante t? tjera, n? m?nyr? q? t? kemi nj? Kushtetut? t? mir??,- u shpreh Rusmajli. Hapi i kat?rt, sipas tij, ?sht? zhvillimi i koncepteve politike dhe adoptimi i tyre n? nivel juridik. Deri n? k?t? pik?, p?r Rusmajlin, mund t? arrihet vet?m me an? t? bisedimeve, n? t? cilat duhet t? arrihet konsensusi jo vet?m p?r v?rejtjet q? ka opozita p?r Kushtetut?n, por edhe p?r verejtjet q? kan? socialist?t p?r t?. Kapitujt Sekretari p?r zgjedhjet dhe ??shtjet ligjore n? PD, Ilir Rusmajli, thot? se jan? shum? kapitujt q? duhen rishikuar, sidomos ato ku b?het fjal? p?r raportet e Parlamentit me qeverin?, modifikimin e tyre, pozicionin e presidentit, prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m, Gjykat?s Kushtetuese dhe institucioneve t? tjera t? r?nd?sishme. Rishikimi i tyre konsiston edhe n? m?nyr?n e formimit dhe t? shp?rb?rjes s? tyre. Kapitujt q? opozita k?rkon t? rishikohen jan?: T? drejtat dhe lirit? themelore t? njeriut, Gjykata Kushtetuese, Prokuroria, Gjykatat, Presidenti, K?shilli i Ministrave, Qeverisja Vendore, Organizimi dhe Funksionimi i Kuvendit etj. P?rsa i p?rket ??shtjes s? zgjedhjes s? Presidentit, opozita dhe n? ve?anti Berisha, e ka deklaruar disa her? formul?n. Dy dit? m? par?, Berisha deklaroi se zgjedhja e presidentit mund t? b?het n? baz? t? modelit grek, italian, si? e kan? t? gjith? republikat parlamentare, pra q? presidenti t? jet? p?rfaq?sues i opozit?s. Gilmana Bushati --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 4 06:42:46 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 4 Apr 2002 03:42:46 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Becoming Citizens of United Europe: Anthropological and Historical Aspects of the EU Enlargement in SEE, Graz, 20-23.2.2003 Message-ID: <20020404114246.87232.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Apr 3 08:45:39 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Wed, 03 Apr 2002 18:45:39 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Becoming Citizens of United Europe: Anthropological and Historical Aspects of the EU Enlargement in SEE, Graz, 20-23.2.2003 From: Ulf Brunnbauer Call for Papers 2nd Conference of the International Association for Southeast European Anthropology (InASEA) "Becoming Citizens of United Europe: Anthropological and Historical Aspects of the EU Enlargement in Southeast Europe" Graz, 20 to 23 February 2003 Aim of the conference In the next years to come the process of the integration of Southeastern Europe into the European Union will expand and accelerate. Three countries are currently negotiating for membership (Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania) and others have signed association agreements with the EU. Generally, all governments in Southeastern Europe share the agenda of bringing their countries into the European Union. Far-reaching hopes are pinned on EU-membership because the EU is often viewed as the only solution to the protracted economic and social problems of the region. The process of EU accession, and the possible consequences of the lack thereof, are usually assessed from a political, economic or legal point of view that highlights important developments on the macro-level of social change. The impact of European integration on everyday life, popular perceptions and expectations, strategies of ordinary people and modes of self-identification are usually much less considered by European politicians and technocrats because decision making does not seem to be particularly informed by anthropology. In our view, an anthropological perspective must be included in order to understand the contingencies and possible consequences of the uneven process of integration into the European Union and the gradual transformation of Europe into a polity of a new order. The organisers of this conference therefor invite paper proposals that will discuss, from anthropological as well as historical perspectives, the impact of the EU enlargement process on the societies in Southeastern Europe. Scholars from related disciplines are also encouraged to submit proposals. Papers may wish to explore popular expectations, experiences as well as local strategies in view of the pending EU accession, and the political, economic and cultural aspects of these new processes and political-economical frameworks of inclusion or exclusion. Popular responses to official discourses or the impact of Europe on imaginary and perceived realities may be other important topics. Contributions on Greece could provide a comparative framework for studying the developments triggered by EU membership. In general, comparative accounts will be highly welcome. The underlying aim of the conference is to show what anthropology and related disciplines can contribute to a better understanding of the EU enlargement processes in respect to the Southeast European situation and its specificity. The conference wishes to include an applied perspective as well and to explore the consequences of the European perspective on the ways anthropology, ethnology and ethnography are framed and taught in Southeastern Europe. Sub-topics of the conference include: ? Identity, Images and Discourses: image of Europe, discourses of Europeanisation/Westernisation ; history of perceptions of Europe ; EU accession as the end of Balkanism ?; appropriating the other ; mutual (mis-)representations; processes of homogenising identity; switching and shifting identities. ? Civil versus Ethnic Identity: European versus local identity; fears, hopes and expectations of change; end of nationalism?, citizenship versus ethnic belonging; contested categories of collectivism; local histories of civil identity and resistance; minority rights and minority protection local understandings, foreign impositions. ? Power Relations: the construction of centre and periphery within Europe and within the region; European hegemonies on Southeastern Europe; impact of EU policy on domestic and local decision making; concepts of devolution, regionalisation, decentralisation and their local effects; domestic discourses on subsidarity. ? Diversity: politics of differences and commonalties; histories of interethnic coexistence and conflict; the changing roles of religion; contested concepts of Civil Society ; the impact of EU policies on domestic homogeneity or heterogeneity; cultural exchange. ? Practices and Decisions: changing social and cultural practices in view of Europe; impact of enlargement perspectives on everyday life, popular strategies and local politics in Southeastern Europe; popular perceptions of the enlargement process; ? Integration and Migration: Europe and migration; inclusion and exclusion; diversity and assimilation; EU migration policies and their impact on the countries of Southeastern Europe; new migrant communities to Southeastern Europe ? Modernisation and Transition : Concepts and processes of modernisation and their critics; EU intervention and local effects; anthropological perspectives on economic restructuring and development ; contested issues of justice , civil society , democracy , market economy etc. ? Regional Interactions: changing balances of power within the Balkans; new borders, new alliances, new migration patterns; mutual perception in Southeastern Europe; redefining neighbours ? Impacts on the Discipline: Anthropology teaching between the local , national and the European ; concepts of national heritage and European legacy ; national, local and international debates about teaching of anthropology/ethnology/ethnography in view of Europe ; Europeanisation of local ethnographies; hegemonic power of the European discourse on local concepts Abstracts: Please send a 200-250 word abstract of your paper proposal to the program committee * by e-mail to ulf at gewi.uni-graz.at * or by fax to: +43.316.380 9735 (attn. Dr. Ulf Brunnbauer). Deadline for paper proposals: 1 September 2002. Provided sufficient funding, participants who are Southeast European nationals and are residents of Southeast European countries (except for Greece) will have their reasonable travelling costs reimbursed and will be provided pre-organised accommodation with half board free of charge. Other participants will be asked to take care of their hotel reservations as soon as possible after their paper has been accepted because Graz will be European Cultural Capital of the year 2003 and therefor hotels might sell out soon. A list with hotels in different price categories can be found at the Graz tourism homepage at http://www.graztourismus.at/graztourism/default.htm The conference program will include sightseeing tours through the old town of Graz. For further information please contact the convenor: Dr. Ulf Brunnbauer Center for the Study of Balkan Societies and Cultures University of Graz Mozartgasse 3 A8010 Graz E-mail: ulf at gewi.uni-graz.at Phone: +43.316.380 8107 Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 4 13:40:40 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 4 Apr 2002 10:40:40 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] An event in Montreal Message-ID: <20020404184040.16730.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Shqiptaret e Montrealit ne tubim me hiresine e tij At Artur Liolin Organizuar nga Bashkesia Shqiptare e Kebekut ne Montreal Moderatore Dhimiter Myzeqari, Aurel Suljoti dhe Mishel Ko?iu Shpjegim i Evenimentit Ne daten 6 Prill 2002, ora 4.30 p.m, Bashkesia Shqiptare e Kebekut ne Montreal organizon nje tubim te shiptareve te Montrealit me hiresine tij At Artur Liolin. Ketij momenti te shumepritshem do t?i bashkangjitet dhe Inaugurimi Zyrtar i Shkolles Shqipe ne Montreal, Kanada Vendi i Tubimit St-Zotique Center: 75- Sir George-Etienne Cartier Montr?al QC Montr?al, 6 Prill 2002 Programi i Takimit Hapja e tubimit ne oren 4:30 p.m Eno Jegeni ? Animator i Tubimit Muzike Shqiptare ne atmosfere te lire kokteji ne pritje te te ftuarit. At Artur Liolin vjen rreth ores 5:30 p.m Fjala e hapjes dhe mireseardhja per te ftuarin ( Aktivitetet e Bashkesise, Shkolla Shqipe, Ekipi, Idea e Bashkim-Vllazerimit etj. Do te falenderohen anetaret, mesuesit, personalitetet e ekipit te futbollit dhe te gjithe qe kane kontribuar per arritjet e Bashkesise deri me sot) Fatmir Sulo ? Kryetar i Bashkesise Shkolla e Pare Shqipe e Montrealit nen veshtrimin e Drejtorit te saj. Menyra e funksionimit, pjesemarrja e femijeve dhe promovimi i shkolles tek shqiptaret ( 5 Minuta) Nazmi Berisha ? Drejtor i Shkolles Nje prezantim i jetes dhe veprimtarise ne sherbim te shqiptareve te hiresise se tij At Artur Liolin Mishel Ko?iu Ftohet hiresia e tij At Artur Liolin te flase per te pranishmit dhe te jape bekimin e tij per shkollen shqipe At Artur Liolin Perfaqesuesi i Ambasades Shqiptare ne Kanada merr fjalen per komentet e tij Bashkebisedim i te pranishmeve me te ftuarin (10-15 minuta) Poezi shqipe nga femijet Moment protokollar nga ? Bashkesia Shqiptare e Kebekut ne Montreal ? Seance Fotosh te te pranishmeve me te ftuarin Muzike, valle, momente te lira etj --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 4 22:01:52 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 4 Apr 2002 19:01:52 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Korrieri Message-ID: <20020405030152.45918.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> "Rakipi", me 8 prill ne Kushtetuese "Rakipi", me 8 prill ne Kushtetuese Pranohet te shqyrtohet kerkesa e ish-Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, qe kundershton dekretin per shkarkim, firmosur nga Meidani Gjykata Kushtetuese ka pranuar te shqyrtoje kerkesen e ish Prokurorit te Pergjithshem, Arben Rakipi per shfuqizimin e dekretit te Presidentit Meidani per shkarkimin e tij nga detyra. Me 25 mars, Rakipi i kerkoi Gjykates Kushtetuese te shqyrtoje dekretin e shkarkimit te firmosur nga Presidenti Meidani, nese ai eshte i bazuar ne Kushtetute. Ish kryeprokurori ka kerkuar te verifikohet motivacioni per "sjellje dhe akte qe cenojne rende figuren e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem", mbi te cilen u ngrit propozimi i 78 deputeteve per shkarkimin e tij nga ky post. Duke pranuar kerkesen, Gjykata Kushtetuese ka vendosur qe me 8 prill te zhvillohet seanca, ku Rakipi do te mbroje pretendimet e tij kunder vendimit te Presidentit te Republikes. Kjo seance eshte guri i fundit per Rakipin, ku do te vendoset per fatin e dekretit presidencial per shkarkimin e ish kreut te organit te akuzes, per lenien ne fuqi te tij ose per ta rikthyer serish ne postin te cilin ai e ka mbajtur qe prej vitit '97. Seance, qe pritet te jete mjaft e nxehte, nisur nga deklaratat e Rakipit se ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese do te beje te njohur fakte te reja te panjohura me pare ne lidhje me mjaft emra te njohur politikanesh, te cilet votuan kunder tij ne Parlament. Sipas vete Rakipit, ai do ta mbeshtese mbrojtjen e tij ne shkeljen nga Kuvendi te parimeve baze te se drejtes njerezore, si mohimi i te drejtes per t'u mbrojtur, mungesa e nje gjykimi te drejte, paanesia dhe fshehtesia e votes. Nderkohe, Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk ka marre ende nje vendim ne lidhje me kerkesen e 30 deputete socialiste per sqarimin e procedurave te shkarkimit te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem dhe te titullareve te disa institucioneve te pavarura. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 4 22:18:57 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 4 Apr 2002 19:18:57 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Korrieri - Piramidat Greqi:Shqiperi Message-ID: <20020405031857.82281.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Shqiperi-Greqi, rivendosen piramidat Shqiperi-Greqi, rivendosen piramidat Sipas nje marrveshjeje te aplikuar ne vitin 1999, ndermjet kufirit shqiptar dhe grek jane riparuar, per here te pare qe nga viti 1924, piramidat ekzistuese dhe jane ndertuar te reja te ndermjetme me permasa me te vogla. Historia e panjohur e nje mosmarrveshjeje, qe duhet te merrte udhe, vetem tre vjet me pare Ferdinand DERVISHI A e dini se deri ne vitin 1999 ne kufirin shqiptaro-grek nuk jane riparuar asnjehere piramidat e vendosura, qe nga viti 1924 dhe nuk eshte prere pylli me diametrin standard tre metra, ne secilen ane te kufirit? Kjo eshte e vertete. Por edhe pse kufijte ne kohen e diktatures ruheshin me shume forca ushtarake dhe kishte nje zone, qe quhej klon (toke e punuar ne nje siperfaqe te caktuar dhe ne vende te ndryshme me sisteme alarmi), ne te quajturen vije te kufirit, askush nuk kishte vene dore, qe nga ndertimi ne vitet 1922-1925 te piramidave standard, te vendosura nga perfaqesues te disa shteteve te fuqishme evropiane, te kryesuara nga nje autoritet italian. Ishin ndertuar gjithsej 177 piramida duke filluar nga liqeni i Prespes se Madhe (kufiri eshte percaktuar ne uje, ndersa piramida e pare eshte ndertuar ne breg te liqenit) e deri ne Ftelie te Sarandes. Grupi i percaktimit te vendosjes se piramidave, kishte bere perllogaritje te sakta te vendndodhjes se tyre si dhe te konfigurimit qofte vizual, qofte me ane te pershkrimit, te pjeses se tokes ndermjet dy piramidave. Ne vitet e para pas luftes se Dyte Boterore, duke qene se mes Shqiperise dhe Greqise pati incidente per shkak te Camerise dhe mori jete ligji i luftes, kufijte mbeten jashte mundesise per t'i mirembajtur. Ndryshimet e para te politikes vijne ne vitet 1985, por gjithsesi nuk behej fjale per mirembajtjen e kufijve. Vetem ne vitet 1997-1999, pas krijimit te situatave, qe njihen, arrihet nje marreveshje e plote me pelqimin e te dyja paleve, per te riparuar piramidat, duke percaktuar, sipas dokumentacionit te vitit 1924, edhe njehere vijen e kufirit. Keshtu qe, perfundimisht formohen komisione dypaleshe, te cilat do te realizonin "ristrukturimin" e vijes se kufirit. Grupet e punes dhe "kufijte e rinj" Me 16 mars 1999, gjate nje takimi te nje komisioni te perbashket shqiptaro-grek, ne Gjirokaster, u vendos qe te rindertoheshin piramidat e vjetra te vitit 1924, te cilat per arsye te ndryshme, nuk ekzistonin me, te riparoheshin te demtuarat dhe te vendoseshin nedermjet tyre piramida te permasave me te vogla. Nje mase e domosdoshme kjo e fundit, pasi piramidat e vjetra, ne ndonje rast, ishin ne distance deri ne 3 km larg njera-tjetres. Si hap i pare komisionet dypaleshe, duke filluar ne vitin 1999, kontrolluan piramidat e vjetra dhe konstatuan se nga 177 te ndertuara me 1924, mungonin 23 te tilla. Puna per kete rinderim te vijes kufitare u nda ne dy pjese. Duke fillaur nga piramida numer 1 ne Prespe te Madhe dhe deri ne vendin e quajtur Tri Urat, prane Permetit, punimet do t'i kryente pala shqiptare (ne prezence edhe te nje ekipi grek) ndersa per pjesen tjeter, nga Tri Urat, deri ne Ftelie te Sarandes, ristrukturimi do te behej nga pala greke, ne prezence te nje ekipi shqiptar. Ne veren e vitit 1999 shqiptaret e fillojne punen ne Prespe te Madhe, duke ndertuar piramidat e medha, qe mungonin, riparimin e atyre, qe i kishin rezistuar kohes dhe percaktimin e ndertimin e piramidave te ndermjetme te nje formati me te vogel. Njekohesisht u be edhe prerja, per here te pare qe nga viti 1924, i bimesise nga tre metra ne te dy anet e vijes se kufirit. Duke filluar nga Prespa e Madhe, pala shqiptare ka avancuar ne Jug deri ne Shlegur te Ersekes dhe gjithsej i ka mbetur pa "rikonstruktuar" 14 piramida te medha. Nderkohe qe pak me pas ne punime eshte pala greke. Duke filluar, qe nga gjiri i Ftelies ne Sarande, ata kane mberritur deri te piramida 28 ne Kakavije. Gjate gjithe vijes se kufirit jane ne proces te ndertimit rreth 450 piramida te vogla te ndermjetme (ne ndonje rast mes dy piramidave te medha jane ndertuar deri ne 11 te vogla). Ndersa e gjithe puna, per te dyja palet, mendohet te perfundoje ne tetor te ketij viti. Me Jugosllavet gjithcka ne rregull Problemi i mirembajtjes se kufijeve nuk ka ekzistuar mes pales shqiptare dhe asaj Jugosllave (derisa ky shtet ekzistonte). Kjo per faktin se kufijte reciproke ishin njohur nga te dyja vendet. Keshtu qe piramidat mirembaheshin dhe brezi kufitar pastrohej nga bimesia, rregullisht, ne te dyja anet e vijes se kufirit. Edhe ne kete pjese te kufirit, qe fillon ne liqenin e Prespes se Madhe e perfundon ne Veri, ne grykederdhjen e Bunes, ka ekzistuar kloni i famshem i diktatures, ne formen e nje brezi te bute te dheut, qe punohej vazhdimisht me qellim, qe te mbeteshin gjurmet e shkelesve te kufirit. Shifrat e punimeve Shqiperia Seksioni 1. Ne prezence te nje komisoni te perbashket shqiptaro-grek, punetore dhe specialiste shqiptare, do te riparojne dhe ndertojne piramidat, duke filluar nga ajo me numer 1 ne bregun e liqenit te Prespes se Madhe, deri ne piramiden e vjeter me numer 69 qe ndodhet ne Gramoz te Ersekes. Seksioni 2. Perseri pala shqiptare, ne prezence te nje komisioni grek, do te riparoje dhe ndertoje piramidat, nga piramida me numer 1 ne Gramoz, deri ne piramiden me numer 29 te vendi i quajtur Tri Urat (Permet). Greqia Seksioni 3. Pala greke ne prani te nje perfaqesie shqiptare, do te riparoje dhe ndertoje piramidat nga ajo me numer 1 ne bregun e gjirit te Ftelies ne Sarande, deri ne ate me numer 79 qe ndodhet tek Tri Urat, ne afersi te Permetit. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 5 07:20:17 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 5 Apr 2002 04:20:17 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: Human Rights Fellowship Opportunity, Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, Harvard U. Message-ID: <20020405122017.90435.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Thu Apr 4 01:05:02 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Thu, 04 Apr 2002 11:05:02 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Human Rights Fellowship Opportunity, Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, Harvard U. From: MINELRES moderator Original sender: Jeremy Freeman Subject: Human Rights Fellowship Opportunity HARVARD UNIVERSITY JOHN F. KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT Carr Center for Human Rights Policy APPLICATION DEADLINE EXTENDED TO APRIL 15, 2002 Carr Center for Human Rights Policy Fellowship Program CARR CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY Founded in 1999, the Carr Center is a research, teaching and training program that critically examines the policies and actions of governments, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, and other actors that affect the realization of human rights around the world. The Center focuses on ways in which human rights policy problems intersect with concerns such as the use of force, the efficacy of non-governmental organizations, domestic politics, and economic development. Working effectively at the intersection of human rights and other disciplines also requires forging new relationships with those who are only just beginning to grapple with the human rights implications of their work, including multinational corporate executives, Internet entrepreneurs, public health professionals, political scientists, lawyers, military officers, journalists, and economists. As an independent research center, the Center seeks to offer a forum in which diverse views about human rights can be considered. The Center seeks to bring new voices to the table, thereby extending and deepening the human rights dialogue. The Carr Center's location in a school of public policy allows it to draw upon a range of disciplines and the case-based analytic approach for which the Kennedy School is known. For more information on the Carr Center, please visit . THE FELLOWS PROGRAMS In the academic year 2002-2003, two different types of fellowships will be available at the Carr Center: The Carr Center for Human Rights Policy Fellows Program brings together a diverse group of human rights practitioners, scholars and activists to conduct research on human rights policy, contribute to the Center's programs, and participate in broader dialogue with students, faculty and researchers in the Harvard community. At the Center, fellows will have an opportunity to advance their own professional development by completing works in progress, bridging into new fields or disciplines, or pausing for reflection or consolidation in a practitioner career. Fellows are expected to devote some portion of their time to collaborative endeavors, as arranged by the Fellows Program Director. Fellows are also expected to complete a significant publication or research project during their period of residence. These fellowships currently are non-stipendiary, but fellows are provided with office space, computers with LAN and Internet connections, and access to Harvard University libraries and other facilities. They are also given an opportunity to purchase health insurance provided by Harvard University. Application information and additional details about the Fellowships are attached and are available at . In the academic year 2002-2003, the Carr Center will also be sponsoring one fellow who will be a part of the Boston Consortium for Gender, Peace, Security and Human Rights - a group of five leading academic centers and programs dedicated to research and study on issues regarding gender and security, human rights, conflict resolution and prevention. The Boston Consortium Fellow will be a practitioner and/or an academic from the developing world who works on the intersection of gender, security, and human rights. The Fellow will be an integral part of the Carr Fellowship program as well as a full participant in Boston Consortium activities. The stipend for the 2002-2003 academic year is $40,000. The fellowship also provide for individual health insurance, institutional support and some research related travel stipends. Application information and further details about the Boston Consortium Fellowship are attached and are available at . CARR CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY FELLOWSHIP INFORMATION (Separate criteria and application procedures for Boston Consortium Fellowship below) ELIGIBILITY Because we seek to draw applicants with a diversity of professional and academic experience, the Center will use no single criteria to measure eligibility. We do expect that successful applicants will have one of the following: * at least 5 years of experience in human rights work, or * a recently completed Ph.D., J.D. or equivalent degree, or * 8 to 10 years of professional experience in a relevant area (public policy, journalism, business, law, university teaching, military, economic development, etc.) The Carr Center encourages applications from women, minorities, and citizens of all countries. Fellows must be able to read, write and speak English fluently. RESEARCH INTERESTS While the Center welcomes project proposals on any human rights-related topic, we have a particular interest in proposals on topics related to ongoing research at the Center including: the use of force and human rights, building domestic constituencies for human rights at home and abroad, genocide prevention, the global HIV/AIDS crisis, gender and security, corporate social responsibility, and capacity development among human rights non-governmental organizations. STIPEND INFORMATION The Center's fellowship program is currently non-stipendiary. Non-stipendiary fellows are provided with office space, computers with LAN and Internet connections, and access to Harvard University libraries and other facilities. They are also given an opportunity to purchase health insurance provided by Harvard University. We strongly encourage 2002-2003 applicants to look for other sources of funding to support a fellowship at the Center. Applicants should indicate confirmed or potential funding sources. Applicants for the Boston Consortium fellowship, which provides a stipend, must follow a separate application procedure, outlined on the following page and online at . APPLICATION PROCEDURE Each applicant for the non-stipendiary fellowship program should submit: 1. A 3- to 5- page double-spaced statement that outlines a major research project to be completed during the fellowship and describes its relevance to the Carr research agenda. Please be certain to explain how the project will add to the body of knowledge about human rights policy, and describe the methods you will use to carry out the project. 2. A curriculum vitae. 3. Confidential letters of recommendation from two people who can attest to the applicant's professional or academic competence. The references must seal their letters in envelopes and sign across the closure. The letters must be included with the applicants' materials, and it is the responsibility of the applicant to ensure that they arrive on time. 4. A writing sample pertinent to the application (please do not send books or lengthy manuscripts). Materials submitted will not be returned to the applicant. Completed applications must be received at the Carr Center by April 15, 2002. Applicants bear full responsibility for ensuring that all materials are received by the due date and will not be notified of incomplete applications. Decisions will be announced on May 1, 2002. Resident fellowships will begin September 2, 2002 and end on June 30, 2003. CONTACT INFORMATION Jeremy Freeman Telephone: (617) 495-4646 E-mail: Jeremy_Freeman at ksg.harvard.edu John F. Kennedy School of Government Mailing Address: Carr Center for Human Rights Policy 79 John F. Kennedy Street Cambridge, MA 02138 ----------------------------------------------------------- CARR CENTER BOSTON CONSORTIUM FELLOWSHIP ON GENDER, SECURITY AND HUMAN RIGHTS (STIPENDIARY) In addition to the Carr Center's non-stipendiary fellowship program, the Center will host one specially funded fellow as part of the Boston Consortium for Gender, Peace, Security and Human Rights - a group of five leading academic centers and programs dedicated to research and study on issues regarding gender and security, human rights, conflict resolution and prevention. The Boston Consortium Fellow will be a practitioner and/or an academic from the developing world who works on the intersection of gender, security, and human rights. For example, an NGO leader working on women's rights might reflect on consequences of Pakistan's alliance with the US "war on terrorism" and the roles that women and women's issues play stabilizing and/or destabilizing the region. A South African health specialist might explore the ways in which against women contributes to the spread of AIDS. The Fellow will be an integral part of the Carr Fellowship program as well as a full participant in Boston Consortium activities. The stipend for the 2002-2003 academic year is $40,000. Fellowships also provide for individual health insurance, institutional support and some research related travel stipends. Detailed information about the Boston Consortium Fellowship is available at: . BOSTON CONSORTIUM FELLOWSHIP APPLICATION PROCEDURE Applicants for the Carr Center Boston Consortium Fellowship should submit four complete copies of the items below: 1. A cover letter with current e-mail address and home address. 2. A current curriculum vitae (including publications). 3. A 1500-word description of the proposed research project, and a statement indicating the need for either pre-doctoral or post-doctoral support. This proposal should include the background, nature, importance, specific objectives, and methodology of the proposed research. 4. One or two unbound samples of writing. If possible, these should be pertinent to the application. 5. Provide the names, titles and up to date email addresses of three individuals who will supply a recommendation. 6. We invite you to provide a brief description of how your background will contribute to the diversity of the Boston Consortium. Diversity is integral to the work we want to do on gender, peace and security, as an understanding of security that emanates only from the perspectives of members of dominant groups would not meet our goal of generating ideas with lasting significance and usefulness. We are particularly interested in ethnic and racial diversity among our candidates. This is not required. 7. Please also indicate whether we may forward your application to other programs who we think may be interested in your work. 8. Preference will be given to candidates able to complete full-year, residential fellowships. However, half-year and non-residential fellowships are possible. We will do our best to be flexible and accommodate different needs in order to expand the range of those who will be able to take up the fellowship. If you wish to propose an alternative to a full-year, residential fellowship, or to the terms as outlined above, please provide an additional short explanation of your situation. Completed applications must be received at the Carr Center by April 15, 2002 for a fellowship beginning the following September. Awards will be announced by early May. Applicants bear full responsibility for ensuring that all materials are received by the due date and will not be notified of incomplete applications. CONTACT INFORMATION Jeremy Freeman Telephone: (617) 495-4646 E-mail: Jeremy_Freeman at ksg.harvard.edu Mailing Address: Carr Center for Human Rights Policy John F. Kennedy School of Government 79 John F. Kennedy Street Cambridge, MA 02138 -- ============================================================== MINELRES - a forum for discussion on minorities in Central&Eastern Europe Submissions: minelres-l at riga.lv Subscription/inquiries: minelres at mailbox.riga.lv List archive: http://www.riga.lv/minelres/archive.htm ============================================================== Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Apr 7 00:20:50 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 6 Apr 2002 21:20:50 -0800 (PST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Panorama on the former Attorney General Message-ID: <20020407052050.76110.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> For those who read Italian, below is an article from the prestigious Italian magazine "Panorama". The article deals with the concern created in Italy after the removal of Albania's Attorney General. Italian authorities make it very clear that the cooperation between Italy and Albania in law-enforcement and prosecution of mafia and organized crime has been very successful under the removed Attorney General. They even compare him with Di Pietro and Falcone, both very distinguished Italian prosecutors. The future of this crucial cooperation apparently is now in doubt. http://www.mondadori.com/panorama/area_2/area_2_10197.htm --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Wed Apr 3 16:30:51 2002 From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church) Date: Wed, 3 Apr 2002 16:30:51 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Montreal Retreat and Albanian Reception Message-ID: <20020403.163101.-294009.12.albboschurch@juno.com> *CANADIAN RETREAT: The Orthodox Theological Institute of Montreal sponsors its annual Lenten Retreat from April 4-6 on the theme of The Quest for Spiritual Health: Laity, Clergy and Parish. The Very Rev. Fr. Arthur Liolin is this year's guest speaker who shall deliver four presentations to those assembled, which includes area interfaith clergy and laity. Fr. John Tkachuk, director and founder of the society will conduct the round of services; he is pastor of the Sign of the Theotokos Orthodox Church. While there, Fr. Arthur will conclude his visit on Saturday evening, April 6th with two receptions hosted by the Albanian Community of Montreal - Bashkesia Shqiptare te Kebekut ne Montreal. For Retreat information and schedule, send request to: < jtkachuk at sprint.ca > For Albanian Reception, contact Dhimiter Myzeqari (514) 745-7172, or email: < dhimiter at cae.com , or Aurel Suljoti (514) 624-7840. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jetkoti at hotmail.com Sun Apr 7 19:28:31 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com) Date: Sun, 7 Apr 2002 19:28:31 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Sacred Cruelties Message-ID: <20020407232831.B2DF158A4E@email5.lga2.nytimes.com> This article from NYTimes.com has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com. /-------------------- advertisement -----------------------\ Enjoy new investment freedom! Get the tools you need to successfully manage your portfolio from CSFBdirect. Start with award-winning research. Then add access to round-the-clock customer service from Series-7 trained representatives. Open an account today and receive a $100 credit! http://www.csfbdirect.com/b4.htm \----------------------------------------------------------/ Sacred Cruelties April 7, 2002 By MAUREEN DOWD WASHINGTON???Not long after Sept. 11, somebody scribbled these chillingly profound words on a wall in Washington: "Dear God, save us from the people who believe in you." The atrocities and brutalities and repressions committed in the name of God fill us with a greater need for God, or some spiritual solace. Dark days - in New York, Washington, Central Asia, the Middle East, the Archdiocese of Boston - make us look inward and affirm the power of faith to make the unbearable slightly more bearable. Beyond Prozac and Paxil, religion should be able to step into the breach. But there's the rub. At precisely the moment when religion should have a calming influence, it has a dispiriting influence. Just when people need religion to bring them peace, it brings them war or crisis or abuse or just plain pain. As the need for spirituality is growing, the credibility of various faiths is waning. Instead of addressing itself to the angels in our nature, religion seems to be inspiring the demons in our nature. Asked by a British interviewer on Thursday how he coped with pressure, President Bush replied: "I believe in prayer. I believe in exercise." Stepping into the Middle East morass, the Believer in Chief intoned, "The United States will work for all the children of Abraham to know the benefits of peace." Abraham was the patriarch of three great monotheisms: Islam, Christianity and Judaism. But now all of Abraham's faiths and Abraham's children are roiling. The most grotesque example is the politicization of religion in Islam. Among the Palestinians, Egyptians, Saudis and Afghans, and elsewhere, the Koran is read as a political program, an incitement to holy violence, a charter for sacred cruelties. Islam seems to be appropriated and eaten away by parasites: the terrorists, who cite Islamic teachings that violence is obligatory in the defense of the faith, and the Muslim clerics who preach a radical purity, an intolerant, messianic vision of a jihad to destroy the infidels. In the Holy Land, radical Islamists are blowing themselves and other people to bits to get a foothold on the stairway to heaven. And some Jews are also displaying the deranging effects of extreme religion. The Israeli settlers' movement and many people on the Israeli right are prepared to go to terrible lengths in the name of God's promise of the land to the chosen people. They, too, treat scripture as a warrant for political aggression and outright militancy. What more blasphemous spectacle could there be than Palestinian gunmen hiding in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, the traditional birthplace of Jesus, and Israeli tanks laying siege to the manger? Closer to home and much less apocalyptically, the Catholic Church also provides evidence of the damage that dogmatic faith can do. The pedophilia scandal engulfing a shameful number of parishes throughout the Roman Catholic world is sickening for anybody who believes that religion makes us better. And beyond the sins of the priests, there is the truly godless cover-up by church officials. A little like some of the institutions of Islam, Rome is in a defensive crouch, protecting criminals in its midst instead of telling the truth and searching its soul. Even the pope seems more concerned about damage to the church than damage to the individuals who were abused and wounded. Evangelical Christians have also had a brush with the dark side of their shepherds. We now know that the Rev. Billy Graham - America's pastor, the preacher whom President Bush credits with putting him on the right path - is a man of prejudice. Recently released Nixon tapes give incontrovertible evidence of Reverend Graham's anti-Semitism. Forgive me, but something is badly awry. I was taught that religion should inculcate sympathy, patience, compassion, understanding, forgiveness, a love of peace. Instead, the name of God is used to justify vices that are the opposite of these virtues. It is not news that religion has its ugly, tribalist and bellicose sides. What is news is that those sides are having a field day. Just when we wish to flee to religion for sanctuary, we find ourselves fleeing from religion for sanctuary. As my friend Leon Wieseltier once wrote: "Metaphysician, heal thyself." ? http://www.nytimes.com/2002/04/07/opinion/07DOWD.html?ex=1019222111&ei=1&en=d2976bdd944e34e1 HOW TO ADVERTISE --------------------------------- For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters or other creative advertising opportunities with The New York Times on the Web, please contact onlinesales at nytimes.com or visit our online media kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo For general information about NYTimes.com, write to help at nytimes.com. Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 8 18:47:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 8 Apr 2002 15:47:29 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Kokkalis Program Upcoming Events Message-ID: <20020408224729.74967.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote: From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Mon Apr 8 13:23:20 2002 From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Subject: Kokkalis Program Upcoming Events Date: Mon, 8 Apr 2002 16:23:20 -0400 The Kokkalis Program would like to invite you to the following events: ______________________________ Thursday, April 11, 2002 12:00 PM The US-Greece Relationship in 2002: An American Perspective H.E. Thomas Miller, U.S. Ambassador to Greece Land Hall, Belfer Building John F. Kennedy School of Government ______________________________ Tuesday, April 16, 2002 4:00 PM The History of Greece and Turkey's Accession to NATO Dr. Ekavi Athanassopoulou, Research Fellow, Bristol University and Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, Athens Cabot Room, Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University ______________________________ Friday, April 19, 2002 4:15 PM The Balkans: Present and Future H.E. Petar Stoyanov, President of Bulgaria, 1997-2002 Lower Auditorium, Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University Co-sponsored with the Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies ______________________________ For more information, please visit: http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/kokkalis --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 8 18:49:37 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 8 Apr 2002 15:49:37 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Event in Boston Message-ID: <20020408224937.75331.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> > >The World Affairs Council and WorldBoston invite you to our >upcoming programs for the months of April and May > >Join us for the sixth of our Great Decisions lectures on... > >Korean Security > >Juergen Kleiner >Former German Ambassador to the Republic of Korea >Access the speaker's bio at: http://www.bu.edu/ir/faculty/kleiner.html > >Tuesday, April 9, 2002 >6 PM to 7:30 PM >Mezzanine Conference Room, Boston Public Library >All Great Decisions speeches are free and open to the public. > >Sponsored by the Lowell Institute > > >--------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- > >Join us for our seventh Great Decisions lecture... > >India Today, A Rising Democracy > >Speaker to be announced. > >Tuesday, April 16, 2002 >6 PM to 7:30 PM >Rooms C05-C06, Boston Public Library >All Great Decisions speeches are free and open to the public. > >Sponsored by the Lowell Institute > > >--------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- > >Join us for our final Great Decisions lecture... > >The Roots of Terrorism > >James Walsh >Research Associate, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University >Access the speaker's bio at: http://ksgnotes1.harvard.edu/BCSIA/BCSIA.nsf/bios/WalshJim > >Tuesday, April 23, 2002 >6 PM to 7:30 PM >Rooms C05-C06, Boston Public Library >All Great Decisions speeches are free and open to the public. > >Sponsored by the Lowell Institute > >--------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- > >Join us for a reception... > >The Paradox of American Power: >Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone > >Joseph S. Nye, Jr. >Dean, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University >Former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs >Author, The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone >Access the speaker's bio here: http://ksgnotes1.harvard.edu/degreeprog/courses.nsf/wzByDirectoryName/Joseph Nye hNye> >Access information on the book, and subject of the talk, here: http://www.oup-usa.org/isbn/0195150880.html > >Thursday, April 25, 2002 >6 PM Reception >6:30 PM Discussion >Offices of Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky & Popeo, PC >One Financial Center, Floor 38, Boston > >$5 Students and Members / $10 Non-members >**Books will be available for purchase at the event.** > >Reservations are required and must be received by 3 PM on Wednesday, April 24, 2002. >Please reply to this email or call the Council at (617) 482-1740 to reserve a space. > >Sponsored by Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky & Popeo, PC >ML Strategies, LLC >State Street Corporation > >--------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- > >Join us for a luncheon with... > >Honorable J. Joseph Grandmaison >Director, Export-Import Bank of the United States >Former Director, U.S. Trade and Development Agency >Access the speaker's bio here: http://www.exim.gov/gmaison.html > >"The Changing Role of the Business Community in American Foreign Policy" > >Monday, April 29, 2002 >12 Noon Luncheon and Discussion >Offices of Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky & Popeo, PC >One Financial Center, Floor 38, Boston > >$10 Students and Members / $15 Non-members > >Reservations are required and must be received by 3 PM on Friday, April 26, 2002. >Please reply to this email or call the Council at (617) 482-1740 to reserve a space. > >Sponsored by Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky & Popeo, PC >ML Strategies, LLC >State Street Corporation > >--------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- > >Join us for a luncheon on... > >The Kennedys at War > >Edward Renehan, Jr. >Author, The Kennedys at War, 1937-1945 >Access information about the speaker and the book here: >http://www.randomhouse.com/doubleday/display.pperl?isbn=038550165X > >Wednesday, May 8, 2002 >12 Noon Luncheon and Discussion >Offices of Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky & Popeo, PC >One Financial Center, Floor 38, Boston > >$10 Students and Members / $15 Non-members >**Books will be available for purchase at the event.** > >Reservations are required and must be received by 3 PM on Tuesday, May 7, 2002. >Please reply to this email or call the Council at (617) 482-1740 to reserve a space. > >Sponsored by Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky & Popeo, PC >ML Strategies, LLC >State Street Corporation > >--------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- > >Save these dates... > >Monday, May 13, 2002 > >Congressman Barney Frank (D-MA) >United States House of Representatives > >12 Noon Luncheon >Location to be announced. >__________________________________________ > >Wednesday, May 15, 2002 > >The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power > >Max Boot >Author, The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power >Editorial Features Editor, "The Wall Street Journal" > >Evening reception and discussion. >Location to be announced. > >--------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- > >Also look for upcoming programs on the cultural politics of Afghan music with Professor Marc Slobin and an event with Senator Mary Landrieu (D-LA) > > >Questions? Comments? Please contact: > >Elizabeth Streiff >Program Director >World Affairs Council of Boston >One Milk Street, 2nd Floor >Boston, MA 02109 >Tel (617) 482-1740 >Fax (617) 482-1739 >wac at worldaffairs.org >www.worldaffairs.org --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 9 13:20:47 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 9 Apr 2002 10:20:47 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: John J. and Nancy Lee Roberts Fellowship Program Message-ID: <20020409172047.27089.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Sat Apr 6 02:37:03 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Sat, 06 Apr 2002 12:37:03 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: John J. and Nancy Lee Roberts Fellowship Program John J. and Nancy Lee Roberts Fellowship Program This program supports cutting-edge research in the social sciences on: Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia); The New Independent States (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan); The Near East (Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey); and Asia (China, Mongolia, North Korea). A single grant will be awarded each year for up to 18 months in length. The principal investigator for the grant must be a US citizen or permanent resident. Collaborative research programs involving international colleagues are strongly encouraged. Applicants must hold a PhD or other professional degree at time of application. Expenses covered under the grant include travel and associated expenses, stipends, honoraria, research materials, meeting and conference expenses,and publication expenses. Limited equipment may also be authorized if needed to conduct research. The maximum award is $50,000. To apply, submit a completed application form, reference form, a project proposal, budget, timeline, and curriculum vitae. The deadline for applications is April 15, 2002. Applications must be received in the IREX office by April 15. All applicants will be notified of their status by June 2002. Applications can be downloaded from the IREX web site at: http://www.irex.org/programs/roberts/application.htm. For more information or for mailed copies of applications, please contact IREX at or by telephone at (202) 628-8188. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 9 13:22:15 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 9 Apr 2002 10:22:15 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Human rights and public security (for Carnegie Council on Ethics) Message-ID: <20020409172215.45837.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Sun Apr 7 00:30:32 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Sun, 07 Apr 2002 10:30:32 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Human rights and public security (for Carnegie Council on Ethics) Human Rights Dialogue, a biannual publication of the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, is seeking short essays (1000-1200 words) for its Fall 2002 issue on human rights and public security. In recent years, public security has become an increasingly urgent priority for policymakers worldwide. The collapse of authoritarian governments, many of which relied heavily on repression to maintain order, has left a legacy of weak or dysfunctional police institutions. At the same time, there is widespread public perception of increasing threats to security, both domestic (e.g., disaffected urban youth joining gangs or militias) and international (e.g., cross-border trafficking in drugs, weapons, and sex). In countries wracked by civil war, separatist conflict, or clashes between opposed ethnic or religious groups, citizens have still more reasons to fear for their safety. This widespread concern for safety poses new challenges for rights groups. While there are often good reasons for such groups to continue to focus on abuses by state security organs-in many places, reforms have stalled and abuses by police and security forces continue-the public seems less receptive than in the past to human rights concerns. A recent survey in Argentina revealed an alarming trend: when asked if they would support police torture if it would increase personal security, 80% of residents said that they would support torture. This is a surprising fact, especially in a country that has a history of abuse and brutality. In the wake of the U.S.-led anti-terrorist campaign, citizens in a number of countries, the U.S. included, similarly have indicated a willingness to trade rights for enhanced security. For the past two years, Human Rights Dialogue has focused on the popular legitimacy of an international human rights framework. In the coming issue, we are interested in descriptive accounts of how human rights organizations are responding, if at all, to the challenges sketched above. We are also looking for critical perspectives on whether, in light of shifts in public perceptions, rights groups should move away from their traditional focus on abuses by government security forces. Finally, we are interested in how the September 11 attacks in the United States and new anti-terrorism measures worldwide are affecting the work of rights groups. Submissions are especially welcome from activists or practitioners from newly open societies and from regions where public security is threatened by ongoing internal conflict, resource wars, criminal networks, guerilla groups/non-state actors, or corrupt regimes. Essays should seek to address one or more of the following questions by analyzing a concrete case study in the author's country or institution of which he or she has first-hand knowledge: - Should rights groups with scarce resources give more attention to the public's "right to security" and less to abuses by state security forces? Or should rights groups stick to what they do best and ignore shifts in public perceptions? - How are rights groups responding to increasing public concerns with safety? Are rights groups paying more attention to the role of nonstate actors as agents of instability? Are they focusing on economic and social rights violations that often generate increased insecurity? - To what extent are rights groups working with new actors in the public security field, such as government human rights commissions, special reform task forces, foreign-government-funded police reform initiatives, and so on? - Has the war on terrorism led rights groups to redouble their focus on abuses by state actors or has it served as an additional impetus to address other aspects of the "right to security"? -Does the proper human rights prescription depend on the illness-if it is crime, you use one strategy; if it is conflict as a result of resource wars, another-or should human rights work on security issues be guided by a single, unchanging set of principles? Submissions should be no more than 1200 words and written in English. We seek essays written in an engaging, informal, and testimonial style. We do not seek articles that are academic in tone or include footnotes. Contributors are encouraged to use interviews in their essays. Please see http://www.cceia.org/themes/hrd.html for previous issues of Human Rights Dialogue. Publication in Dialogue is competitive. Authors whose submissions are selected for print must be prepared to respond to edits and queries. Submissions that exceed the stated word length will, due to space constraints, be shortened. The authors of selected essays will be asked to provide us with a biography, contact details for the organizations that they are affiliated with as well as for those mentioned in their articles, and if possible a photograph of themselves. Please also be prepared to provide photos or art to be considered for publication alongside the article. An honorarium of $100 is awarded to authors whose work is selected for publication. The deadline for submissions is June 21. We encourage those planning to submit to contact us about their plans for their articles as soon as possible. Interested parties should direct their inquiries to: Jess Messer, jmesser at cceia.org or tel. 212-838-4120 or fax: 212-752-2432. About the Carnegie Council and the Human Rights Initiative The Carnegie Council, based in New York City, is a nonpartisan, nonsectarian organization dedicated to research and education at the intersection of ethics and international affairs. The goal of the Carnegie Council's Human Rights Initiative is to provide a vehicle for new voices to enter into the international human rights debate, and thereby provoke innovative thinking about human rights among actors in the international community. The Carnegie Council's Human Rights Initiative was launched in 1993 and is now in its second phase. The first phase, structured around a series of workshops in Asia and the United States, provided topics for eleven issues of Dialogue (See http://www.cceia.org/themes/hrd.html) and a widely-reviewed edited volume The East Asian Challenge for Human Rights (Cambridge University Press, 1999). The second phase of the Initiative continues to engage new and diverse voices from around the world in global dialogue and mutual learning around human rights concepts and action, with the goal of exploring how the human rights movement could be better configured intellectually and operationally to cope with the challenges of 21st century. The underlying assumption being explored in the second phase is what we have termed "the human rights box": namely, that the human rights movement is constrained by a set of historical and structural circumstances that have enabled the human rights framework to gain currency among elites while limiting its advance among the broader population of the world. Participants' testimony, working knowledge, strategies, analysis and reflections are shared through the regular publication of our Human Rights Dialogue. Please contact us or consult our website, www.cceia.org , for more information. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 9 16:32:08 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 9 Apr 2002 13:32:08 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Meidani's Address at the UN Madrid Conference on Aging Message-ID: <20020409203208.56536.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> REXHEP MEIDANI, President of Albania: The United States Supreme Court recently considered a case filed by a group of workers alleging discrimination on the basis of age. That case highlights, among other things, that such cases are becoming more prevalent. It also highlights the differences between discrimination based on age and other forms of discrimination, such as race or sex. More problematic was that new developments, inspired by the rapid pace of growth in science and technology, as well as the information revolution, had exacerbated age discrimination in the workplace. There now appears to be a direct or indirect attempt to develop the idea that older workers must be moved out to make space for the young. Unfortunately, without evaluating the relationship between generations, and balancing the notion of knowledge and experience, new problems were bound to arise. The concerns of industrialized countries, particularly regarding the ways immigration policies affected elderly workers, are becoming more pronounced. Moving away from the notion of the simple demand for manpower, it appears that immigration, particularly that of qualified workers, will continue to grow. That will most certainly continue if differences in economic development of regions around the world continue to widen. That will, in turn, spark more discrimination against the elderly. The question is whether using the notion of economic growth and technological advancement as an excuse to discriminate against the elderly - through forced or early retirement - is contrary to efforts to promote overall growth and sustainability. For many countries, serious difficulties are also emerging as they try to cover or enhance their pension schemes. The phenomena of ageing is also affecting various State structures, as well as many aspects of the business community. The Second World Assembly provides the proper forum to deal with such issues and to make sure national structures are aware of tendencies to ignore discrimination against the elderly, particularly in the work place. Forced or early retirement often cause businesses or institutions to lose the most knowledgeable and experienced workers in the field. At the same time, small signs of change are showing and many businesses as reacting to the problem by balancing manpower needs with efforts to promote teamwork, education or even reducing work hours. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 9 18:31:55 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 9 Apr 2002 15:31:55 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Seanca e Gjykates Kushtetuese sipas shtypit shqiptar Message-ID: <20020409223155.9482.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> ");document.write(date + " " + lmonth + " ");document.write(year + "");// End -->9 Prill 2002 Rakipi tregon ditet e shkarkimit Rakipi tregon ditet e shkarkimit Ish-Prokurori i Pergjithshem per here te pare rrefen ditet e nxehta qe shoqeruan mocionin e shkarkimit dhe votimin ne Parlament. Biseda e tensionuar me Meidanin dhe korrespondenca me kryeparlamentarin Dokle Alketa MYFTIU I qete, larg emocioneve, ish-kryeprokurori 41vjecar, duket se tenton me shume te rivendose dinjitetin e neperkembur, sesa te ktheje ne favor te tij nje ceshtje te konsideruar e mbyllur, teksa argumenton se politika mbarsi shkarkimin e tij. Arben Rakipi, qe prej dy javesh ka leshuar kreun e Prokurorise se Pergjithshme, risjell ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese ditet e nxehta te pas 25 shkurtit, kur opozita paraqiti ne Kuvend nje mocion debati per shkarkimin e tij nga detyra. "I kam dhene ketij shteti vetem dinjitet. Por kam kulture te pranoj cdo lloj vendimi", shprehet Rakipi, pasi ka pretenduar shfuqizimin e dekretit te Presidentit si antikushtetues. I cili, sipas tij, u bazua mbi nje propozim qe Kuvendi e mori duke shkelur parimet themelore te se drejtes humane. Nuk kisha asnje dijeni per permbajtjen e mocionit, sqaron ai, deri kur me 18 mars ne mesdite mberrin ne zyren time nje leter nga Kuvendi, ku njoftohem per zhvillimin e nje seance debat. "Diten e hene me date 18 ne oren 17.00 ne Kuvend do te zhvillohet nje debat lidhur me mocionin e paraqitur nga nje grup deputetesh per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem", citon permbajtjen e saj ish-kryeprokurori. Paragrafi i dyte i se ciles e ftonte te ndiqte debatin ne Kuvend. Pak ore me vone te po asaj dite, reth ores 14.00, sipas Rakipit, ne drejtim te Prokurorise se Pergjithshme niset nje shkrese e dyte. Ku thuhej se "sot, me daten 18 ne mbledhjen e Byrose Parlamentare eshte propozuar qe ne seancen plenare, ju te informoni Kuvendin, materialin e te cilit na e keni derguar dhe u eshte shperndare deputeteve". (Behet fjale per raportin vjetor qe Prokurori i Pergjithshem kishte derguar ne Kuvend me 7 shkurt (tre jave para mocionit) per gjendjen e kriminalitetit ne Shqiperi per vitin e kaluar). Me poshte, thote Rakipi, ne menyre hipotetike thuhej se nese ky propozim miratohet nga Kuvendi, duhet te informoja deputetet. "Per t'i kujtuar kryetarit te Kuvendit qe une vazhdoja te isha Prokurori i Pergjithshem dhe jo nje zyrtar i Kuvendit qe ai mund ta therriste ne cdo ore qe deshironte, i pergjigjem nje ore me vone". "Per arsye te rendesishme pune jam ne pamundesi per te qene ne oren 17.00 ne Kuvend. Ju lutemi qe njoftimi per informim para deputeteve te me dergohet disa dite me pare, ne menyre qe te planifikoj programet e mia te punes. Do t'ju sugjeroja qe te degjohesha ne Parlament pas debatit qe keni organizuar". Nje korrespondence kjo, qe rezultoi e kote, pare dhe kohen e shkurter deri ne zhvillimin e seances. E cila filloi mjaft ashper dhe perfundoi ne oren 2 te mengjesit te neserm me votimin e 78 deputeteve per t'i propozuar Presidentit shkarkimin e tij nga detyra, me motivacionin per cenim te figures se Prokurorit te Pergjithshem. Kater dite me vone, ne mesdite, ai therritet nga Presidenti Meidani ne nje takim koke me koke, pa protokoll. Takim qe Rakipi e konsideron si "shprehje formale per te paraqitur si procedure te rregullt nje procedure te parregullt". Presidenti, thote ai, me njoftoi se ishte ne pamundesi per ta kundershtuar vendimin e Kuvendit per shkaqe qe, sipas tij, nuk i beri te ditura, dhe, se dyti, kerkoi zbatimin e nenit 8 te ligjit per Prokurorine per te caktuar nje zevendes, deri ne emerimin e kryeprokurorit te ri. Ndonese i kerkova Presidentit Meidani dy dite kohe dhe dy ore ne dispozicion per t'i parashtruar pretendimet e tij per vendimin e Parlamentit, kjo kerkese nuk u pranua prej tij, shprehet Rakipi. "Presidenti nuk merret me seanca degjimi, per kete shko ne Kuvend", ishte pergjigja, per te cilen ai i ka kerkuar kreut te shtetit te ktheje vendimin e Kuvendit per te dale me pas para deputeteve. Per kete arsye, thote ish kreu i akuzes, e konsideroj fallsifikim per interesa te caktuara politike pjesen e dekretit ku thuhet: "Pasi degjova dhe Prokurorin e Pergjithshem ...". Ndekohe me 25 mars, kur Gjykata Kushteteuse merr ne shqyrtim kerkesen e 30 deputeteve socialiste per caktimin e procedurave te shkarkimit te titullareve te disa institucioneve kushtetuese, perfshi Prokurorin e Pergjithshem, Presidenti Meidani firmos shkarkimin e Rakipit, i cili qe prej vitit 1997 drejtoi organin e akuzes. Duke mos u pajtuar me dekretin presidencial, Arben Rakipi me 28 mars i drejtohet Gjykates Kushtetuese, si shansi i fundit per te. "Pas kesaj nuk mund te behet me asgje, sigurisht do te rivleresoj gjithcka ka ndodhur dhe kaq". --------------------------------- Korrieri, 04/09/2002 == Rakipi tregon ditet e shkarkimit Rakipi tregon ditet e shkarkimit Ish-Prokurori i Pergjithshem per here te pare rrefen ditet e nxehta qe shoqeruan mocionin e shkarkimit dhe votimin ne Parlament. Biseda e tensionuar me Meidanin dhe korrespondenca me kryeparlamentarin Dokle Alketa MYFTIU I qete, larg emocioneve, ish-kryeprokurori 41vjecar, duket se tenton me shume te rivendose dinjitetin e neperkembur, sesa te ktheje ne favor te tij nje ceshtje te konsideruar e mbyllur, teksa argumenton se politika mbarsi shkarkimin e tij. Arben Rakipi, qe prej dy javesh ka leshuar kreun e Prokurorise se Pergjithshme, risjell ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese ditet e nxehta te pas 25 shkurtit, kur opozita paraqiti ne Kuvend nje mocion debati per shkarkimin e tij nga detyra. "I kam dhene ketij shteti vetem dinjitet. Por kam kulture te pranoj cdo lloj vendimi", shprehet Rakipi, pasi ka pretenduar shfuqizimin e dekretit te Presidentit si antikushtetues. I cili, sipas tij, u bazua mbi nje propozim qe Kuvendi e mori duke shkelur parimet themelore te se drejtes humane. Nuk kisha asnje dijeni per permbajtjen e mocionit, sqaron ai, deri kur me 18 mars ne mesdite mberrin ne zyren time nje leter nga Kuvendi, ku njoftohem per zhvillimin e nje seance debat. "Diten e hene me date 18 ne oren 17.00 ne Kuvend do te zhvillohet nje debat lidhur me mocionin e paraqitur nga nje grup deputetesh per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem", citon permbajtjen e saj ish-kryeprokurori. Paragrafi i dyte i se ciles e ftonte te ndiqte debatin ne Kuvend. Pak ore me vone te po asaj dite, reth ores 14.00, sipas Rakipit, ne drejtim te Prokurorise se Pergjithshme niset nje shkrese e dyte. Ku thuhej se "sot, me daten 18 ne mbledhjen e Byrose Parlamentare eshte propozuar qe ne seancen plenare, ju te informoni Kuvendin, materialin e te cilit na e keni derguar dhe u eshte shperndare deputeteve". (Behet fjale per raportin vjetor qe Prokurori i Pergjithshem kishte derguar ne Kuvend me 7 shkurt (tre jave para mocionit) per gjendjen e kriminalitetit ne Shqiperi per vitin e kaluar). Me poshte, thote Rakipi, ne menyre hipotetike thuhej se nese ky propozim miratohet nga Kuvendi, duhet te informoja deputetet. "Per t'i kujtuar kryetarit te Kuvendit qe une vazhdoja te isha Prokurori i Pergjithshem dhe jo nje zyrtar i Kuvendit qe ai mund ta therriste ne cdo ore qe deshironte, i pergjigjem nje ore me vone". "Per arsye te rendesishme pune jam ne pamundesi per te qene ne oren 17.00 ne Kuvend. Ju lutemi qe njoftimi per informim para deputeteve te me dergohet disa dite me pare, ne menyre qe te planifikoj programet e mia te punes. Do t'ju sugjeroja qe te degjohesha ne Parlament pas debatit qe keni organizuar". Nje korrespondence kjo, qe rezultoi e kote, pare dhe kohen e shkurter deri ne zhvillimin e seances. E cila filloi mjaft ashper dhe perfundoi ne oren 2 te mengjesit te neserm me votimin e 78 deputeteve per t'i propozuar Presidentit shkarkimin e tij nga detyra, me motivacionin per cenim te figures se Prokurorit te Pergjithshem. Kater dite me vone, ne mesdite, ai therritet nga Presidenti Meidani ne nje takim koke me koke, pa protokoll. Takim qe Rakipi e konsideron si "shprehje formale per te paraqitur si procedure te rregullt nje procedure te parregullt". Presidenti, thote ai, me njoftoi se ishte ne pamundesi per ta kundershtuar vendimin e Kuvendit per shkaqe qe, sipas tij, nuk i beri te ditura, dhe, se dyti, kerkoi zbatimin e nenit 8 te ligjit per Prokurorine per te caktuar nje zevendes, deri ne emerimin e kryeprokurorit te ri. Ndonese i kerkova Presidentit Meidani dy dite kohe dhe dy ore ne dispozicion per t'i parashtruar pretendimet e tij per vendimin e Parlamentit, kjo kerkese nuk u pranua prej tij, shprehet Rakipi. "Presidenti nuk merret me seanca degjimi, per kete shko ne Kuvend", ishte pergjigja, per te cilen ai i ka kerkuar kreut te shtetit te ktheje vendimin e Kuvendit per te dale me pas para deputeteve. Per kete arsye, thote ish kreu i akuzes, e konsideroj fallsifikim per interesa te caktuara politike pjesen e dekretit ku thuhet: "Pasi degjova dhe Prokurorin e Pergjithshem ...". Ndekohe me 25 mars, kur Gjykata Kushteteuse merr ne shqyrtim kerkesen e 30 deputeteve socialiste per caktimin e procedurave te shkarkimit te titullareve te disa institucioneve kushtetuese, perfshi Prokurorin e Pergjithshem, Presidenti Meidani firmos shkarkimin e Rakipit, i cili qe prej vitit 1997 drejtoi organin e akuzes. Duke mos u pajtuar me dekretin presidencial, Arben Rakipi me 28 mars i drejtohet Gjykates Kushtetuese, si shansi i fundit per te. "Pas kesaj nuk mund te behet me asgje, sigurisht do te rivleresoj gjithcka ka ndodhur dhe kaq". --------------------------------- Korrieri, 04/09/2002 == Rakipi: "Meidani fallsifikator" Nevila Perndoj /Terhiqet ish-kryeprokurori i Shqiperishe Arben Rakipi. Ndryshe nga cfare kishte premtuar, dje ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese, Rakipi nuk permendi asnje dosje penale apo emer deputeti te perfshire ne afera korruptive. Gjate shqyrtimit te kerkeses per shfuqizimin e dekretit te Meidanit, Rakipi deklaroi se kreu i shtetit kishte fallsifikuar vendimin. Sipas tij, Meidani nuk pranoi qe ta degjoje ate, pavaresisht se kreu i shtetit eshte shprehur se, vendimi per shkarkim eshte marre pas seances se degjimit. "Une i kam kerkuar dy dite kohe kreut te shtetit dhe Meidani me ka thene se nuk ai nuk do te zhvilloje seance degjimi. i me tha se e kishte te pamundur qe te rrezonte vendimin e kuvendit dhe se ne baze te ligjit per prokurorine ai duhet te caktonte zevendesin e tij", tha Rakipi. Ish-prokurori i pergjithshem shtoi ai i kishte derguar kryetarit te kuvendit nje fletehyrje, per te degjuar debatin qe do te zhvillohej rreth mocionit ndaj tij. Por, kryetari i kuvendit nuk kishte kthyer asnje pergjigje. Avokati i Rakipit deklaroi se ish-prokurori ishte paraqitur ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese nen cilesine e nje individi dhe jo ne cilesine e nje ish-funksionari te larte. Avokati duket se kishte harruar nje tipar te rendesishem, sipas se ciles, ne rast se Rakipi do te paraqitej nen cilesine e nje individi ai duhej te zbatonte te gjitha hallkat e gjygjesorit dhe me pas ti drejtohej Gjykates Kushtetuese. Ndersa nga pala e interesuar, kryetari i grupit parlamentar i PS, Arben Malaj kundershtoi procedurat qe jane ndjekur deri me tani per shkarkimin e prokurorit te pergjithshem. Sipas tij, mocioni i grupit parlamentar te PD eshte paraqitur ne daten 25 shkurt dhe deputetet jane njohur me permbajtjen e ketij mocioni vetem me 6 Mars. Malaj sqaroi gjithashtu se, opozita terhoqi mocionin e saj duke pranuar nje propozim nga ana PS, qe nuk ishte parashikuar ne rendin e dites. Me pas Malaj eshte larguar duke mos pranuar qe ti pergjigjej edhe pyetjes se avokatit te ish-kryeprokurorit Rakipi. Presidenca ka paraqitur shkaqet qe, sipas saj, cuan ne shkarkimin e prokurorit te pergjithshem. Perfaqesuesja e presidentit, Vjollca Uruci deklaroi se nje nga shkaqet per te cilat Presidenti pranoi vendimin e kuvendit per shkarkim ishte edhe lidhja miqesore qe Rakipi kishte me Kociun, Durden dhe Perballen. Uruci sqaroi se, Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk kishte te drejte te shqyrtonte kushtetueshmerine e dekretit qe u mor per shkarkimin e kryeprokurorit Rakipit. Sipas saj, Gjykata Kushtetuese vihet ne levizje vetem per kushtetueshmerine e vendimit per shkarkim ndaj presidentit, anetareve te Gjykates se Larte dhe asaj Kushtetuese. Nderkohe, asnje perfaqesues i PD dhe Kuvendit nuk iu pergjigj fteses se Gjykates Kushtetuese per te marre pjese. Vendimi i Gjykates Kushtetuese per kerkesen e Rakipit dhe te 30 deputeteve socialiste pritet te shpallet brenda disa diteve. KOHA JONE == Ish-kryeprokurori nuk denoncoi dje n? Kushtetuese deputet?t e korruptuar, si? kishte premtuar. ?Meidani nuk pranoi sqarimin. M? tha ?sht? vendosur shkarkimi? Rakipi: Meidani falsifikoi dekretin p?r shkarkimin tim TIRANE-Ish-Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m Arben Rakipi akuzoi gjat? seanc?s s? djeshme n? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese, presidentin Meidani p?r falsifikim t? dekretit t? shkarkimit t? tij. Por, Rakipi nuk denoncoi me emra, deputet?t e korruptuar dhe aferat e tyre t? dyshimta, ashtu si? kishte premtuar n? nj? seanc? t? kaluar n? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese. ?E konsideroj si falsifikim t? dekretit t? shkarkimit tim, pjes?n kur presidenti shprehet se ka vendosur t? firmos? propozimin e Kuvendit, pasi ka d?gjuar dhe Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m?,- u shpreh Rakipi. ?Takimi me presidentin Meidani ka qen? informal, ai nuk ka pranuar, q? un? t? sqarohem p?r akuzat dhe m? ?sht? th?n? nga ana e tij, se shkarkimi im ishte vendosur?, -tha ai. Nd?rkoh?, Rakipi k?rkoi shfuqizimin e dekretit t? presidentit si antikushtetues, me argumentin se ?seancat parlamentare te shkarkimit tim kan? qen? krejt?sisht politike, dhe gjat? tyre jan? shkelur parimet e t? drejt?s njer?zore?. Sipas ish-kreut t? akuz?s, Meidani gjat? takimit ?sht? shprehur se ?Shkarkimi yt ?sht? vendosur nga Parlamenti, dhe tani duhet t? gjejm? nj? z?vend?sues tjet?r, deri n? em?rimin e prokurorit t? ri?. Seanca e djeshme e gjyqit n? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese filloi me fjal?n e Rakipit, i cili ?sht? ankimuar rreth shkarkimit, q? firmosi para disa dit?sh presidenti Meidani, pas nj? propozimi t? Parlamentit. Rakipi nd?rkaq deklaroi dje se ?I kam k?rkuar presidentit, n? takimin q? kam pasur me t?, q? t? me jepej mund?sia, drejta e fjal?s dhe e shpjegimit t? akuzave, por presidenti m? ?sht? p?rgjigjur se seancat d?gjimore b?hen n? Parlament?. Ish-shefi i akuz?s shqiptare paraqiti dje p?s?ri para Gjykates Kushtetuese pes? parimet e t? drejt?s njer?zore, q? sipas tij jan? shkelur n? rrug?n e shkarkimit t? tij. ? E para, -u shpreh ai ?sht? ndarja e pushteteve. Sipas Kushtetut?s pushtetet jan? t? ndara, nd?rsa gjat? shkarkimit tim Parlamenti e konsideroi Prokurorin?, si organ t? varur plot?sisht prej tij?. Si argument t? dyt? ai shtroi dje mohimin e t? drejt?s p?r t?u njohur me akuz?n. ?S?jam njohur e njoftuar n? asnj? rast nga Parlamenti, p?r akuz?n e b?r? dhe shkaqet e arsyetimet e shkarkimit. Edhe sot nuk e di se ??akt kam b?r?, q? kam diskretituar r?nd? figur?n e prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m?, -tha ai. Sipas tij, parimi i tret? q? ?sht? shkelur nga deputet?t dhe presidenti ?sht? ai i t? drejt?s t? mbrojtjes. ?N? Parlament, por dhe gjat? takimit me presidentim, m? ?sht? mohuar e drejta e mbrojtjes. Parlamenti m? ka njoftuar shum? von? p?r seanc?n dhe un? i jam drejtuar me nj? shkres?, ku i shprehja pamund?sin? e paraqitjes n? at? dat?, pasi opozita e kishte ndryshuar k?rkes?n nga mocion p?r debat, n? mocion p?r marrjen e nj? vendimi?. Rakipi tha gjithashtu, se ?gjat? shkarkimit ?sht? shkelur edhe e drejta e vot?s s? fsheht?, pasi n? debatin dhe n? t?r? procedur?n, shihej leht?sisht se si do t? votonin shumica e deputet?ve. ?N? shkarkimin tim ?sht? shkelur dhe e drejta e mosgjykimit dy her? p?r t? nj?jt?n akuz?. Precedenti i majit 2001, kur ndaj meje opozita paraqiti nj? mocion t? nj?jt?, u hodh posht? me shumic? votash, nd?rsa tani shkarkohem p?r t? nj?jtat shkaqe?,-tha ai. E pranishme n? seanc?n e djeshme ishte dhe p?rfaq?suesja e Presidenc?s, Vjollca Ibro, nd?rsa Kuvedi nuk kishte t? d?rguar. Ibro duke kund?shtuar Rakipin tha se ?Presidenti ka vendour shkarkimin brenda procedurave kushtetuese?. Sipas saj, Rakipi duke qen? n? postin e prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m nuk ka t? drejt?n e ankimit tek nj? organ gjyq?sor, q? ?sht? brenda sistemit t? drejt?sis?. Rakipi replikoi duke th?n? se ?Kur jam ankimuar un? kam qen? i zhveshur nga funksionet, dhe kam qen? qytetar i thjesht??. Koha Jone === Gazeta Shqiptare Shk?mbime akuzash n? Kushtetuese mes ish-prokurorit dhe njeriut t? Presidentit Rakipi: Meidani falsifikoiPresidenca: Ke qen? mik me trafikant?t --------------------------------- TIRANE T? shpallet antikushtetues dekreti i presidentit p?r shkarkimin tim". Kjo ishte k?rkesa q? ish-kryeprokurori Arben Rakipi b?ri n? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese. K?rkes?n e vet Rakipi e mb?shteti n? argumentimin se "presidenti nuk u mor aspak me faktimin e akuzave", t? cilat Parlamenti i p?rdori p?r shkarkimin e tij. Sipas Rakipit, presidenti jo vet?m nuk hetoi mbi v?rtet?sin? e akuzave, por ai gjithashtu nuk i dha mund?si ish-kryeprokurorit q? t? shprehej dhe t? mbrohej p?rpara tij. "Presidenti m? tha se nuk b?j seanca d?gjimi", tha Rakipi. Ai e cil?soi presidentin edhe si falsifikator. Nd?rsa p?rfaq?suesja e Presidenc?s tha: "Rakipi ka qen? mik i ngusht? me ata q? sot gjykohen p?r trafik droge." Gjykata Kushtetuese dje mori n? seanc? shqyrtimi k?rkes?n e ish- kryeprokurorit Rakipi "p?r ta shpallur si antikushtetues dekretin e presidentit p?r shkarkimin e kryeprokurorit". N? k?t? seanc? Gjykata Kushtetuese kishte thirrur t? merrnin pjes? p?rfaq?suesit e dy grupeve kryesore parlamentare, si dhe p?rfaq?suesit e Presidenc?s dhe t? Kuvendit. N? seanc?n e djeshme ishin t? pranish?m si pal?, Arben Rakipi me dy avokat?t e tij, kryetari i grupit parlamentar t? PS-s?, Arben Malaj, si dhe p?rfaq?suesja e Presidenc?s. Mosfaktimi i akuzave t? Parlamentit dhe mosd?gjimi i Rakipitprej presidentit ishin dy momentet kryesore n? t? cilat ish- kryeprokurori argumentoi k?rkes?n e tij p?rpara Gjykat?s Kushtetuese. "Presidenti dekretoi shkarkimin tim i mb?shtetur n? akuzat p?rgjith?suese t? Parlamentit, pa u p?rpjekur aspak q? t'i v?rtetonte ato", tha Rakipi p?rpara trupit gjykues t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese. P?r t? mb?shtetur argumentimin e m?sip?rm, ai tha se "presidenti kishte nisur t? k?rkonte nj? z?vend?sues dit? p?rpara se t? m? th?rriste n? takim n? 22 nars". Lidhur me k?t? takim Rakipi tha se presidenti i kishte deklaruar atij se "nuk mund t? dilte kund?r vullnetit t? Parlamentit". Ai i kishte k?rkuar gjithashtu ish-kryeprokurorit q?, n? baz? t? ligjit p?r prokurorin?, ky i fundit t? p?rcaktonte nj? z?vend?s. "I k?rkova presidentit t? m? jepte 2-3 dit? koh? q? t? p?rgatitesha, si dhe 2 or? nga koha e tij, q? t? m? d?gjonte", tha Rakipi. Por presidenti, i vendosur q? ta shklarkonte, i ?sht? p?rgjigjur se nuk kishte nd?r mend t? "zhvillonte seanca d?gjimi". Lidhur me k?t? deklarim t? presidentit, Rakipi e akuzoi at? se kishte falsifikuar, kur n? dekret kishte shkruar q?, "pasi e d?gjova prokurorin Rakipi, vendosa shkarkimin e tij". "N? k?t? pik?, me gjith? respektin p?r presidentin, m? vjen keq t? them se i ka falsifikuar, pasi nuk ma dha mund?sin? q? t? shprehesha", tha Arben Rakipi. Juristja q? p?rfaq?sonte Presidenc?n, tha se "pretendimet e Rakipit jan? t? pabazuara, prandaj Gjykata Kushtetuese duhet ta rr?zoj? k?t? k?rkes?". Sipas saj, "mjafton miq?sia e Rakipit me rrjetin e kokain?s, q? t? provohen akuzat se ai e ka denigruar figur?n e kryprokurorit t? Republik?s". M? tej p?rfaq?suesja e Presidenc?s tha se "mungesa e procedurave t? holl?sishme p?r shkarkimin e kryeprokurorit nuk do t? thot? se ai nuk mund t? shkarkohet. Ajo e konsideroi edhe seanc?n n? t? cil?n ndodhej, si t? pabazuar n? ligj. Sipas saj, "Gjykata Kushtetuese e ka t? p?rcaktuar n? Kushtetut? se mund t? zhvilloj? seanca vet?m p?r shkarkimin e presidentit apo t? an?tar?ve t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? apo Kushtetuese. Kjo gjykat? nuk mund t? shqyrtoj? k?rkes?n e kryeprokurorit, p?r sa koh? q? Kushtetuta nuk ia ka dh?n? k?t? kompetenc?". Gazeta Shqiptare == --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 9 18:44:14 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 9 Apr 2002 15:44:14 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Oriental Museum in Korca Message-ID: <20020409224414.11591.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Some US$ 400 000 for construction of oriental art museum in Korce KOR?E, April 9 (ATA)- By G. Ashimi A museum of oriental art will be constructed in Korce town soon through an investment worth US$ 400 000 in the form of inheritance by an Albanian-American emigrant, who has passed away. The setting up of the museum, which will bear the name "Bratko" in honour of the benefactor Gaqo Mborja (Bratko), has been approved recently by the Council of Territorial Adjustment in the town-hall. It will be set up in one of the city's public gardens next to civil hospital. The museum will display a collection of pieces of art collected by Bratko himself during his trips as a protographer in the Oriental countries such as to Japan, Indochina and other countries of Eastern Asia. /s.sh/dori/vik/sm/lm/ --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 9 20:05:49 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 9 Apr 2002 17:05:49 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Lunxheria Pellazge - RD Message-ID: <20020410000549.2402.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Si ?sht? zhvilluar nd?r shekuj mjesht?ria e monumenteve shqiptare t? kultur?s Lunxh?ria pellazge Prof. Dr. Zija Shkodra Krahina e Lunxh?ris? ?sht? nj? trev? etnografike me kostume t? ve?anta t? saja q? shtrihet p?rgjat? malit t? Lunxhit p?rball? Gjirokastr?s duke p?rfshir? 9 fshatra: 1)Erindi, 2)Nokova, 3)Minguli, 4)K?llezi, 5)Dhoksati, 6)Qestorati, 7)Saraqinishti, 8)Stegopulli dhe 9)Selcka. Pran? k?tyre mund t? p?rfshihen edhe 1)Tranushista, 2)Suha dhe 3)Krina. Gjetjat e shumta arkeologjike n? fshatrat K?llez, Dhoksat, Erind e sidomos n? qytetin e lasht? Antigonea n? jug-per?ndim t? fshatit Saraqinisht? d?shmojn? se Lunxh?ria ka qen? nj? trev? e populluar q? n? agimin e historis?. Kalaja e vjet?r e quajtur Paleokast?r, me sa duket i sh?rbente sistemit mbrojt?s t? qytetit Antigones?. Antigonea i takon shek. III para er?s s? re d.m.th. koh?s kur Pirroja mbreti i Epirit, i cili e nd?rtoi k?t? qytet n? kujtim t? gruas s? tij t? quajtur Antigonea. T? dh?nat dokumentare p?r trev?n e Lunxh?ris? shtohen sidomos pas shek. 15. N? regjistrin e par? osman t? Sanxhakut t? Shqip?ris? (1431 ? 1432) p?rmenden shum? fshatra me numrin e familjeve dhe t? ardhurat p?r ?do familje. N? k?t? regjist?r t? zbuluar dhe t? botuar nga historiani turk prof. Halil Inalcik p?rmendet Labova e Madhe me 119 sht?pi, Krina me 12 sht?pi, F. Pouquevill?, Voyage de la Grece, Paris 1826, tom? 2, p.., 16 ? 221 (botim II) (n?nvizimi yn?). Lunxh?ria b?n pjes? n? trevat e lashta shqiptare p?r t? cil?n konsulli fr?ng pran? Ali Pash?s, Fransua Puk?vil, thot? se"Lunxh?ria banohej nga shqiptar? t? krishter? q? p?rb?nin nj? popullsi vendase t? lasht? me prejardhje pellazgjike t? vendosur aty para fiseve t? vjetra helene". Treva e Lunxh?ris? ?sht? nj? zon? me toka t? pamjaftueshme q? nuk ?sht? n? gjendje t?i siguroj? buk?n banor?ve t? saj. Prandaj lunxhiot?t si dhe fqinj?t e viseve p?rreth n? nj? pjes? t? mir? ishin t? detyruar t? m?rgonin jasht? vendit q? n? koh?t m? t? hershme. K?ta njer?z t? dalluar n? fush?n e nd?rtimeve ujore, ishin gjithnj? n? l?vizje p?r t? gjetur pun? n? k?t? fush? n?p?r vise t? ndryshme t? Ballkanit, q? ishin nj?heri dhe vise t? perandoris? osmane dhe sidomos n? kryeqendr?n e saj, Stamboll ku ishin vendosur m? tep?r. Sikurse edhe shok?t e tyre vlleh?, edhe k?ta, t? dalluar n? mjeshtrin? e gjetjes s? burimeve ujrore prej ku furnizonin me k?t? l?nd? vendet e varf?ra dhe kudo ishin t? mir?pritur sepse kishin fituar em?r t? mir?, duke siguruar edhe monopolin e k?saj zeje t? v?shtir?. Para nj? shekulli e gjys?m, konsulli i Franc?s n? Janin? F. Puk?vil, sikurse edhe i Austris?, m? von? G. Hahn, duke folur p?r bujq?sin? e k?saj treve thonin se ajo kishte mbetur n? dor?n e grave, pleqve dhe sakat?ve. K?ta ishin ata q? kujdeseshin p?r punimin e arave, vreshtave, etj, mbasi burrat n? gjendje pune, ishin detyruar t? m?rgonin ku ushtronin mjeshtri t? ndryshme si at? t? nd?rtimit uj?sjell?save, t? kasapit, kopshtarit dhe rrall? her? at? t? tregtarit. K?t? gj? b?nin edhe fshatrat e Zagoris?, t? cil?t merreshin edhe me tregtin? l?viz?se. Shkolla popullore e nd?rtuesve lunxhionte e specializuar n? fush?n e nd?rtimeve ujore, merrej m? shum? me nd?rtimin e ?esmave, t? banjove publike, uj?sjell?save mbi harkada, ?isternave t? ujit, puseve, kanaleve ujit?se t? bujq?sis?, etj. N? Perandorin? Osmane, lunxhiot?t g?zonin privilegjin e k?saj mjeshtrie q? e mbanin me ferman (dekret) sulltanor t? trash?guar brez pas brezi, qoft? n? Stamboll ashtu edhe n? qytetet e tjera kryesore t? Perandoris?. Duke folur p?r k?ta mjeshtra t? talentuar, Pukevili thoshte se ata t? fshatrave Dhoksit, K?llez dhe Nokov? ishin m? t? dalluarit e k?saj zeje n? k?t? trev?. T? organizuar n? grupe t? vogla sh?tit?se, k?ta ushtronin mjeshtrin? qysh nga koh?t e antikitetit t? von?. Njoftimet e para historike mbi k?t? mjeshtri t? lasht? t? ushtruar nga lunxhiot?t i kemi nga let?rsia osmane e shekulli XVII. Funksionari i lart? i Perandoris? Osmane E. ?elebi, n? vepr?n e tij madhore 10 v?llim?she t? titulluar "Udh?time" duke na p?rshkruar nj? parakalim publik t? organizuar n? Stamboll rreth viteve ?40 t? shekullit XVII n? mes grupeve pjes?marr?se zejtare, p?rmend edhe shum? shqiptar?, nd?r t? cil?t edhe uj?sjell?sit lunxhiot?, q? parakalonin para sulltanit me kazma e lopata n?p?r duar q? th?rrisnin me z? t? lart?:"po e hapim k?tu grop?n, jo po e hapim atje". K?ta zejtar?, vazhdon ky studiues, q? e zot?rojn? k?t? mjesht?ri... b?jn? gropa t? thella 70-80 pash nd?r male, dhe si zbulojn? burimin e ujit e sjellin at? me an? t? kanaleve n?p?r qytete duke e l?vizur deri 4-5 dit? rruge larg n? k?mb?. ?do 100 hapa k?ta hapin nga nj? gryk? si t? pusit, prej ku me an? t? velave prej p?lhure drejtuar kund?r er?s, fusin ajrin n?n dhe ku punojn? shok?t e tyre. K?ta e grumbullojn? ujin n? nj? vend (rezervuar) prej ku me an? kanalesh duke e terezitur e ?ojn? atje ku duan. K?t? mjeshtri t? ?udit?shme q? v?shtir? e arrin mendja e njeriut e ushtron vet?m bashk?sia e shqiptar?ve". Aft?sit? e ralla t? k?tyre mjeshtrave i kan? v?n? n? dukje edhe nj? varg studiuesish t? huaj t? shekujve t? kaluar si princi i Moldavis? D. Kantemir, W.M.Lik, F.Pukevil, A. Bue, G. Hahn, etj. Princi i Moldavis? D. Kantemir q? jetonte n? kryqytetin e Perandoris? Osmane n? gjysm?n e dyt? t? shek. XVIII, pat rastin t? njihej me bashk?sin? shqiptare t? Stambollit. Kjo bashk?si sipas d?shmive arrinte n? rreth 40-50 mij? frym?, nd?rsa kur flet p?r zejet q? shk?lqenin m? tep?r n? dor?n e k?tyre m?rgimtar?ve, p?rmend uj?sjell?sit, ndreqjen e kockave t? thyera si dhe mjekimin e s?mundjes s? hernies. P?r t? par?n, ai thoshte se "mjesht?ria e tyre nuk vihet n? dyshim nga askush q? ka par? uj?sjell?sit e Stambollit. Megjith?se t? paarsimuar n? matematik?, pa udh?zues ose mjete t? tjera, ata b?jn? uj?sjell?s t? till?, masin lart?sin? e maleve, larg?sin? e vendeve, m? sakt? se nj? gjeomet?r dhe gjykojn? shum? mir? p?r cil?sin? e sasin? e ujit. Kur pyeten p?r an?n teorike t? k?saj mjesht?rie, ata nuk din? se ?far? ju doni t? thoni, as ti shpjegojn? vet? gj?rat". Nj? nga k?to vepra ku punuan k?ta mjeshtra t? talentuar ?sht? edhe uj?sjell?si i Stambolit mbi harkada dykat?she i quajtur Bozdogan Kemberi n? lagjen "Unkapani",i cili q?ndron edhe sot n? k?mb? dhe ruhet si moment i rral? kulture i k?tij arti nga bashkia e k?tij qyteti. Duke folur p?r vendlindjen e k?tyre mjeshtrave gjeniale F. M. Lik shkruan nd?r t? tjera: "Gjat? maleve drejt Tepelen?s gjendet rrethi i Lunxhit... ose i lunxhiot?ve. K?ta njer?z jan? t? njohur p?r zot?sin? e tyre n? ujitjen e tokave dhe n? nd?rtimin e uj?sjell?sit dhe si t? till? ata ushtrojn? k?t? zeje n? Stamboll dhe n? vise t? tjera t? Perandoris? Osmane. Edhe Pukevili p?rcaktonte se vendet m? t? sh?nuara t? Qaf?s s? Rrezes pran? Tepelen?s jan? Hormova dhe Lekli... Ata t? pjes?s s? brendshme t? quajtura Dhoksat, Kellez dhe Nokov? formojn? nj? bashk?si t? vjet?r epirotesh (shqiptar?sh) q? ushtrojn? prej koh?ve t? lashta n? Perandorin? e Lindjes mjeshtrin? e t?r?zitjes s? uj?rave ose t? ?esmaxhive publik?... Pa p?rcaktuar epok?n, terezitja e ujit q? zbuluar n? Epir; shqiptar?t e krishter? t? Lunxh?ris? ia atribuojn? t? par?ve t? tyre nd?rtimin e uj?sjell?save mbi herkada dhe at? me terezitje q? n? kohrat e hershme, ata i sillnin ujrat nga burimet e Sh?n Gjergjit, 15 lega deri n? qytetin e Nikopolit (Prevez?s) uj?sjell?sit nga Edreneja q? shifen nga lart?sit? e Stymfalise deri n? Korint si dhe n? t? gjith? veprat e tjera hidraulike t? Stambollit. N? qytetin e Libohov?s num?roheshin 6 000 shqiptar? muhamedan? dhe disa qindra grek? (ortodoks) q? merreshin me tregti t? ndryshme. Gati nj? leg? n? veri t? Libohov?s ?sht? Labova, pran? hyrjes s? lugin?s s? Sokakut, q? e shpie udh?tarin lart n? pllaj?n e sheshit t? Mer?ik?s, e quajtur Lunxheri, ose toka e pyjeve. Kjo hap?sir? q? p?rfshin maj?n e malit Eropuse, bregun verior t? Vjos?s, n? Gryk? kufizohet me qarqet e K?lcyr?s, P?rmetit dhe Paleo Pogonit. N? k?t? trev?, pran? fshatit Stegopuli, duken rr?nojat e nj? qyteti t? vjet?r, tani i em?rtuar Gjonoksat dhe manastiri Spileon, i nd?rtuar dhe paisur nga perandori i Bizantit, Aleks Komneni. Banor?t e k?saj treve shqiptare t? krishter?, arrijn? deri 1450 banor?. N? k?t? vend ekziston nj? shoqat? Epirot?ve (shqiptar?)t? v?rtet?, t? cil?t q? nga koh?t e lashta, n? Perandorin? Lindore kan? ushtruar mjeshtrin? e terezitjes s? uj?rave, term i p?rb?r? ky nga dy fjal? turke, "su" uj? dhe terazi (terezi) ekuilibrim ose nivelim. Fillimisht pas k?tij profesioni ishin dh?n? banor?t e rajoneve klasike t? Greqis?. Me sa duket kur Greqia ishte n? fund t? dit?ve m? t? mira, njer?zit e Aeropus projektuan dhe zbatuan nj? sistem t? ri uj?sjell?si, sipas nj? rregulli q? rrjedhja n?p?r tub ose kanale t? ngrihej gati n? lart?sin? e vendburimit. Q?llimi ishte sistemi horizontal dhe sipas terrenit, me kalime n?ntok?sore dhe mbitok?sore me ndihm?n e nj? arkitekture n? form? harqesh me themele tok?sore. Sipas shqiptar?ve t? krishter? t? Lunxh?ris?, paraardh?sit e tyre banor? t? Nikopolit kishin arritur t? drejtonin ujrat e burimeve t? Sh?n Gjergjit 15 km larg me an?n e nj? uj?sjell?si pjes?risht tok?sor dhe pjes?risht n?ntok?sor, ?ka p?rb?nte nj? monument fitoreje p?r aktiumin. Ata ishin gjithashtu p?rgjegj?s p?r ujrat q? vinin nga Adriani, nga lart?sit? e Stimfalis? t? Korintit dhe uj?sjell?save t? Konstantinopoj?s. Sido q? t? merren k?to mendime e v?rteta ?sht? se n? t? gjitha organizatat e mjeshtrave t? formuar n? perandorin? greke, vet?m drejtuesit e ujrave ndofta kan? qen? turq. Ata vazhdojn? ende, nga babai tek i biri t? ushtrojn? t? nj?jtin profesion n? kryeqytet dhe n? qytetet e tjera kryesore t? Turqis?. Pun?t e ndryshme t? dit?ve tona d?shmojn? p?r af?sit? e lunxhiot?ve. Midis t? cil?ve jan? uj?sjell?sat mbi harkada n? Santa Maura, t? nd?rtuar gjat? koh?s q? ky ishull ishte pushtuar nga turqit si dhe uj?sjell?sat e Janin?s, Elbasanit, Tepelen?s, Gjirokastr?s, etj. Ata ?onin ujin me an? kanalesh nga Edreneja deri n? Korint si dhe punonin n? t? gjitha veprat hidraulike t? Stambollit. Nga 400 punonj?s dhe specialist? q? kishte Stambolli n? fillim t? shek. XIX, 100 prej tyre ishin lunxhiot? q? g?zonin me ferman (dekret) sulltanor, privilegjin e ?esmaxhiut t? kryeqytetit. Si arkitekt dhe drejtues t? ??shtjes s? uj?rave t? Stambollit dhe q?ndrave t? tjera kryesore t? Perandoris? Osmane, lunxhiot?t e trash?guan k?t? privilegj p?r shum? koh? dhe gjat? shek. XIX. Aft?sit? e m?dha t? lunxhiot?ve n? k?t? zeje t? v?shtir? dhe talenti i tyre si? thot? F. Pukevili duken sidomos n? veprat moderne, n? tunelet dhe uj?sjell?sit mbi harkada n? ishullin Santa Maura, n? uj?sjell?sin e Janin?s, t? Elbasanit, Tepelen?s si dhe at? t? Gjirokastr?s, i cili u nd?rtua gjat? viteve 1810-1811 nga Ali Pash? Tepelena, si dhe n? shum? vepra t? tjera t? r?nd?sishme t? nd?rtuara n? vise t? ndryshme t? Turqis? Europiane t? at?hersh?m. Krahas nd?rtimit t? ?esmave, uj?sjell?save dhe l?vizjes s? uj?rave me terezitje nga nj? vend n? tjetrin p?r t? ushqyer qytetet, k?shtjellat dhe garnizonet ushtarake, nx?n?sit e k?saj "shkolle" nd?rtuesish popullor si bashkoh?sit e tjer? t? k?saj zeje t? trev?s dibrane dhe kor?are ishin nj?herazi dhe specialist? t? mir? t? urave elegante t? larta prej guri t? nd?rtuara me harqe me kurriz t? dal? n? m?nyr? t? theksuar. K?to ura q? disa studiues t? huaj i kan? cil?suar si punime venedikase, turke, etj., nuk jan? tjet?r ve?se prodhimi i mundit dhe djers?s, artit dhe talentit t? k?tyre mjeshtrave vendas dibran?, oparak?, lunxhiot?, etj... q? i binin kryq e t?rthor Shqip?ris? dhe viseve t? tjera t? Ballkanit p?r t? siguruar buk?n e goj?s. D?shmitar?t e koh?s flasin qart? mbi prejardhjen vendase t? k?tyre nd?rtuesve q? kishin krijuar stilin dhe teknik?n e tyre t? punimeve. N? studimet e veta, arkeologu i njohur anglez W. M. Lik flet hapur p?r nj? gj? t? till? d.m.th. p?r teknik?n shqiptare t? nd?rtimit t? urave. Nj? sistem harkadash q? mbanin tubacionin ushqyes t? ujit t? Stambollit e kemi par? n? mjedisin q? p?rdoresh si vend piknik?sh p?r banor?t e Stambollit i cili quhej Orman Beligradi (pylli i Beligradit). Atje ishte nj? vend i pyll?zuar shum? i preferuar nga banor?t e k?saj qendre t? madhe ku q?ndronin t?r? dit?n duke u d?fryer dhe duke luajtur n? grupe, lojra t? ndryshme. Jemi t? bindur se ky studim do t? t?rheq? v?mendjen e studiuesve t? tjer? p?r ta ?uar m? tej k?t? problem shum? t? r?nd?sish?m t? k?saj zeje t? lasht?, e cila me ep?rsin? e saj t? padiskutueshme p?r shekuj me radhe u vu n? sh?rbim t? nj? bashk?sie t? gjer? q? shtrihej n? trevat e Turqis? europiane. Lunxhiot?t k?ta murator? q? l?viznin me torben e veglave n? krah, kalonin n?p?r vende t? ndryshme t? Perandoris? Osmane. Me interes jan? njoftimet e udh?tarit angles Mek-Ferlein, t? mesit t? shek. XIX., p?r nj? takim n? Kavaklia t? Brus?s me nj? japixhi (murator) shqiptar. Me k?t? rast ky udh?tar na njofton se n? k?t? an? t? Turqis?, sht?pit? nd?rtoheshin pa p?rjashtim nga shqiptar?t, t? cil?t vinin grupe-grupe dhe shp?rndaheshin n? brigjet aziatike t? Bosforit, t? Detit t? Zi dhe t? Marmaras?. Ata kishin zakon q? n? mbarim t? dy viteve t? ktheheshin n? vendin e tyre, duke b?r? nj? rrug? t? gjat?. Pasi kalonin Dardanelet, ata udh?tonin n? p?r Trak? e Maqedoni dhe arrinin n? vendlindje Mek Ferleini kishte koh? q? merrej me k?t? pun? (Turkey Trade) n? Turqi. Ai kishte b?r? dhjet? udh?time t? tilla nga Shqip?ria deri n? k?to an? dhe kthim, kjo ishte ekspedita e nj?mb?dhjet?. Nd?rtuesit shqiptar? p?rdornin vegla dore: sharr?, ?eki?, sqepare dhe vet?m n? qytetet e m?dha shihnin karpentierin, nd?rsa muratori p?rdorte edhe dalt?. Me k?to vegla ai "nd?rton nj? sht?pi, i jep form? nj? dollapi dhe nj? tavolin?". (E. Spencer, Travel..., 152). CH. Mac Ferleine, Tyrkey an its destyin Lond?r 1850, II, 403). Shum? vorioepiriot? ose arvanito-vlleh u vendos?n definitivisht n? Rumelin? lindore ose n? zemr?n e Bullgaris? si p.sh. n? Arbanasi ? ose arvanitohori si? quhej prej grek?ve-Sulejmani i madh?rish?m (1520-1566) i kishte p?rjashtuar nga taksat dhe bile u kishte dh?n? privilegje t? tjera, t? cilat i p?rs?risnin sulltan?t pasardh?s deri nga fillimi i shk. XIX. Disa prej tyre u vendos?n dhe brenda T?rnov?s. Beloni duke udh?tuar p?r n? Konstantinopoli mbi gjurm?t e rrug?s s? vjet?r Egnatia (pjes?n e saj t? shtruar me gur? e v?rejti n? fush?n e Komotinis? n? drejtim t? Kipsal?s)", takon grupe t? m?dha "shqiptar?sh..."...epiriot? n? Turqi dikur quheshin edhe arvanit? si njoh?s t? gjuh?s shqipe: dhe n? m?nyr? mos p?rfill?se n? momente z?m?rimi kuptohet se quheshin arvanit? prej grek?ve, deri n? vitet e fundit. E nj?jta ngat?rres? nd?rmjet fiseve epirote dhe ilire duhet t? ishte edhe n? koh?n e lasht?. Fshatar? ose argat? si? i quanin, po ktheheshin n? atdhe t? tyre. K?ta ishin pun?tore stinor? q? punonin n? ver? si armanxhinj? (fshir?s guri) dhe korr?s n? pronat e turqve dembela t? Maqedonis?, Thrak?s dhe t? Anadollit. Ishin shum? t? varf?r, pothuajse t? gjith? t? zbathur, pun?tor? t? fort? dhe kursimtar?... Esht? nj? realitet fakti se banor?t e k?tyre krahinave p?r 2000 vjet ushtronin zejen e muratorit dhe emigronin, Vakallopullos Apostol Istari tu neu elenizmu, fq.362-264, Thessalonik 1964. Rreth tre vjet m? par?, populli i qytetit t? Beratit festoi me entuziaz?m p?rurimin e uj?sjell?sit t? ri at? t? Bogov?s 35 km i gjat?. Uj?sjell?si i ri i qytetit t? Beratit i p?ruruar n? vitin 1988 ?sht? nj? vep?r me r?nd?si n? shkall? komb?tare. Menj?her? mund t? sjell?sh nd?rmend uj?sjell?sin e vjet?r t? mesjet?s vep?r e arkitetkit Mimar Kasemit nga Gramshi, q? u rrit dhe u m?sua n? Berat. Uj?sjell?si ishte nj? vep?r q? historia e ka sh?nuar, ky p?rcillet tek ne si trash?gim kulturor me goj?n e udh?tar?ve t? huaj. Ai jetoi deri von? dhe arkeolog?t po b?jn? p?rpjekje p?r restaurimin e tij, n? miniatur?. Kjo vep?r arti me harqe e kolona e fundit t? shek. 17, me kalime e nd?rtime me gur? t? skalitur i dha uj? qytetit. Berati t?r? jet?n kishte mbetur pa uj?, ndon?se ujin e kishte te k?mb?t, megjithat? e p?rfundoi uj?sjell?sin e ri, Bogov? ?Berat q? i jep qytetit uj? t? ftoht? dhe t? rrjedhsh?m nga mali i Tomorrit. (Xh. Lleshi, Kultura e nj? qyteti t? kulturuar, n? "Kushtrimi", 30 Mars 1988, f.2. Monumentet e qyteteve orientale m? t? r?nd?sishme pas faltoreve, jan? ?esmat; gjithashtu nd?r fshatra gjenden shum? ?esma t? bukura. ?esmapunuesit me terezitje, p?rb?jn? nj? korporat? pothuajse e t?ra nga shqiptar?t nga treva e Dropollit, n? veri-per?ndim t? Janin?s, e cila ushtron mjeshtrin? brez pas brezi nga babai tek djali n? t?r? perandorin?. Ky fis n? t? v?rtet? ka fituar nj? aft?si t? madhe n? artin e sjelljes s? ujit m? pak shpenzime nga distanca shum? t? larg?ta; ata z?vend?sojn? zakonisht uj?sjell?sat me kanale t? hapura me tubacione me terezitje dhe p?r t?i dh?n? ujit vrullin e humbur n? rrafshin?, ata nd?rtojn? punime n? form? piramide hidraulike t? quajtura "taksim". Piramida t? tilla gjenden n? t? gjith? gadishullin ballkanik. C. Robert, Les slaves de Turquuie, Paris, 1852, I, f.48-49. Kurse Baironi dhe Hobhause-ni kur po udh?tonin p?r n? Janin? n? tetor t? vitot 1809 shkruajn? "shkelim tok?n e Lunxh?ris? t? gjelb?r dhe pyjore, nd?rsa brigjet p?rball?, matan? Drinos jan? t? zhveshura. N? Lunxh?ri t? dy anglez?t flen? n? Qestorat, q? autor?t e quajn? gabimisht Qesorat; k?tu ?do send i duket m? i bukur, m? i past?r, m? i qytet?ruar dhe njer?zit m? krenar?, m? burra se ata q? kishte par? rreth Janin?s. Pasi flen? n? Erind, udh?tar?t arrijn? n? qytetin e Aliut; Rev. Dituria, 1927, nr. 9-11, f. 325. Dijetari anglez Spencer thot? se shqiptar?t e mal?sive "i njihnin mir? p?rpar?sit? e ujitjes dhe n? kopshtet e tyre" nuk ishin t? panjohura shum? prej frutave m? t? zgjedhura t? Europ?s Per?ndimore". Prandaj ai reklamonte s? Shqiptaria ?sht? vendi q? duhet vizituar prej botanist?ve dhe kop?shtar?ve. Kultura popullore, 1986, 1, f.174-5. n?n perandor?t grek? t? Bizancit, shqiptar?t nga treva e Lunxhit ishin t? vetmit specialist? q? g?zonin t? drejt?n e ushtrimit t? zejes s? ?esmaxhiut n? Konstantinopol, kurse pas r?nies t? k?saj q?ndre n? dor?n e turq?ve ata u vun? n? sh?rbim t? tyre, ata ruajt?n disa nga privilegjet q? kishin patur m? par?. A. F. Andreossy, Voyage... f.234. Tregtar?t e kuajve ishin kryesisht shqiptar?, nd?rsa sh?rbyesit e stallave ishin jevgj. Qysh n? vitin 1528 druvar?t dhe tregtar?t e l?kurave ishin prej fisi shqiptar?sh, n? vitin 1583 p?rmeden shqiptar?t si sapunb?r?s. Si gdhend?s guri ishin maqedon?s t? krishter? na thot? baroni Tott. Numri i an?tar?ve ishte i kufizuar n? disa esnafe. K?shtu u ruajt?n uj?sjell?sit e Stambollit prej nj? esnafi t? posa??m, i cili ishte i p?rb?r? gjysma prej turq?ve dhe gjysma prej shqiptar?ve. N? familjet e shqiptar?ve zanati trash?gohej, por kur je familje e shuante, at?her? asnafi kishte t? drejt? t? shiste vendin. H. Sehurtz, Die bazare und zunfte, in "Zeitschrift fur sozial?issenschaften", Berlin 1903, nr. VI, f.702. Identile me uj?sjell?sat me harkada t? nd?rtuara nga lunxhiot?t n? Stamboll dhe n? viset e tjera t? Ballkanit, por kishte pran? Madridit. Arab?t q? vinin nga shkret?tirat e Saharas? ku problemi i ujit ishte pika m? nevralgjike e jet?s, soll?n n? Europ? edhe kultin p?r ruajtjen, p?rdorimin dhe zbulimin e ujit, t? cilin e vesh?n me kultin e shenjt?. E nj?jta gj? ndodh me vendet Nordike q? kishin kultin e diellit sepse kishin t? pamjaftueshme k?t? burim natyral jete. Dalta e artistit anonim ka goditur pa pushim mbi gurin e rr?mbyer nga shkrepat dhe dalngadal?, n? m?nyr? t? p?rsosur i ka dh?n? atij form?n e bukur t? kapitaleve... Dalta e mjeshtrit popullor me plot shkatht?si e me durim t? jasht?zakonsh?m, ka krijuar mbi drurin, rrafshin e par? t? dytin dhe t? tretin q? harmonizohen n? mes tyre me gjith? t? stilizuara duke b?r? zogj, figura njer?zish, etj. Ashtu si lunxhiot?t edhe p?rmetar?t nuk e nd?rpresin rrug?n e njer?zve q? shkonin n? Turqi e ve?an?risht n? Stamboll. Kjo dukuri del m? tep?r n? pah n? shek. 17 dhe nga fillimi i shek. 18. Gjat? k?tyre shekujve u b?n? shum? nd?rtime dhe duheshin krah pune, por edhe n? m?rgim fshatar?t nuk i shp?tuan shfryt?zimit feudal. N? Stamboll ku nj? pjes? e mir? e tyre ishin p?rmetar?, duke qen? t? pak?naqur nga shfryt?zimi, mor?n pjes? n? l?vizjen e madhe antifeudale (kundra sulltan Ahmetit III). Kjo ishte nj? l?vizje e fuqishme qytetare q? shp?rtheu me 1730 n? Stamboll n?n udh?heqjen e Patrona Halilit me origjin? shqiptare. Nj? pjes? e tyre, si? thot? S. Fraseri n? Kamusul "Alam-ishin p?rmetar?. Kjo tregon jo vet?m numrin e madh t? p?rmetar?ve q? m?rgonin n? Stamboll, por dhe bot?n e madhe shpirt?rore t? tyre dhe pasionin p?r nj? jet? t? lir? e pa shtypje. P?r ustallar?t epirot?-shqiptar? dhe maqedonas shih G. Mega, i quajturi qytet?rim i p?rbashk?t. Te poezia popullore n? "Epitiris tu llaografiku Arhiju", nr. 6(1950-1951), f. 300. Uj?mbledh?s i frenuar nga disa (penda) e madhe Belgradit shp?rndante qetas ujin e lumit me t? njajtin em?r ku ndodheshin edhe k?mb?t e ur?s q? mban kanalin e ujit q? shp?rndahej pastaj n?p?r Stambol. Kjo ?sht? nj? vep?r madh?shtore e arkitektur?s hidraulik? e nd?rtuar nga dora dhe mendja e k?tyre mjeshtrave shqiptar? (Kazim ?e?en, Mimar Sinan ve kirk?esme tesisleri. Istambull 1988, 134). Q? shqiptar?t u grumbulluan shum? her?t n? Stamboll kjo duket q? n? vitet 20 t? shek. 16 kur sulltan sulejmani I p?r t?u hakmarr? kundra disa grabit?sve q? kishin pla?kitur sht?pit? e nj? tregtari t? krishter?, n? pamund?si p?r t? gjetur fajtor?t e v?rtet?, masakron n? m?nyr? barbare dhe pa t? drejt? me 1528 rreth 800 shqiptar?ve si t? dyshimt? t? k?saj vepre. (J. Hamer, "Storie..." Tomo XI, f.120; holl?sira rreth k?saj ngjarje shih t? D. Cantemir, Istoria imperiuliu ottoman, f. 265-267. Labova e Libohov?s, fshat n? rrethin e Gjirokastr?s nga Juglindja n? shpatin e malit Bureto mbi lumin e Suh?s, deg? e Drinos, p?rb?het nga dy lagje: lagja e sip?rme dhe lagja e poshtme. Labova ?sht? vendbanim i hersh?m. Kalaja e vjet?r e qujtuar sot Paleokast?r, me sa duket i sh?rbente qytetit t? lasht? lunxhiot t? Antigones?. Jan? gjetur pjes? kolonash, mozaik?, etj. N? periudh?n biznatine deri n? mes t? shek. XX quhej Labova e kryqit. Kisha e Sh?nm?ris? e Labov?s e shek. XIII ?sht? vep?r e krijuar nga nj? shkoll? arkitekture n? Shqip?rin? e Jugut. Vlera kan? veshja me tulla e pjes?s s? sip?rme t? monumentit dhe ikonostasi prej druri i vitit 1805. Vep?r e mjesht?rave lunxhiot? jan? dhe hapja dhe nd?rtimi i puseve. Nga t? dh?nat e banor?ve m? t? moshuar, nga m?nyra e punimit, puset e fshatit Dhravjan jan? nd?rtuar nga mjeshtrat e rrethit t? Kor??s. Puset e vjetra n? fshatrat Dhrovjan i sip?rm dhe i posht?m jan? vep?r e k?tyre mjesht?rve. Nd?rtimi i puseve n? k?to fshatra i p?rket periudh?s nga ?ereku i par? i shek. XIX deri n? fillim t? shek. XX. Nq Berat n? zon?n fushore nj? p?rhapje t? gjer? kan? patur p?rdorimi i puseve. Tuneli mbrojt?s mbitok?sor p?r marrjen e ujit prej kalas? n? lumin e Osumit ishte nj? m?nyr? m? pak e p?rdorshme p?r sigurimin e ujit p?r k?ta banor? kjo rrug? p?rdorej zakonisht n? koh? lufte. N? kala dhe m? pak n? lagjen Mangalem p?rdoreshin sterat e ujit. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 10 08:18:15 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 10 Apr 2002 05:18:15 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Balkan Parliament 2002, 11-16.10.2002, AUBG, Blagoevgrad Message-ID: <20020410121815.84539.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> linda peia wrote: From linda peia Sun Apr 7 16:54:02 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: linda peia Date: Sun, 7 Apr 2002 16:54:02 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [balkans] CfA: Balkan Parliament 2002, 11-16.10.2002, AUBG, Blagoevgrad Dear students, It gives us pleasure to invite you to the second Balkan Parliament Assembly, which will take place during October 11-16, 2002 at the American University in Bulgaria. The Balkan Parliament is an international annual event, ?where open minds of today and tomorrow meet to create networks, perspectives, solutions, and beginnings.? This year, the Balkan Parliament will gather more than 40 students and distinguished academics, diplomats, and businessmen for a stimulating and exciting six-day program. The event core activity is the Balkan Parliament Simulation, which parallels the institutional structure of the European Parliament and Council of Ministers and which challenges the participants to role-play the leaders of their countries in a dynamic setting of negotiation, diplomacy and conflict resolution. Workshops, presentations, field trips and informal groups activities combine to give the forum its spirit of open-mindedness and leadership. The selected students receive a certificate and a full grant, covering accommodation and board. Travel expenses will be totally reimbursed to students from the Balkans, and partially (up to $ 150-200) to all other students. Interested students may also obtain a one-credit academic transcript from the American University in Bulgaria for the university?s one-credit fee. Eligibility Undergraduates and recent graduates in the field of the Humanities and the Social Sciences are eligible. Highly qualified graduate students and students in other fields of study may apply as well; preference and priority will be, however, given to undergraduate students in Humanities and Social Sciences. Application Requirements (1) Pre-selection Phase ? Application Form. Download at: http://www.aubg.bg/balkanparliament ? CV/Resume ? Letter of intent Deadline: 30th June 2002 Pre-selection Results: 15th July 2002 (to be posted on the website) (2) Final Selection Phase Pre-selected participants will be assigned an ?alter ego? (actor role) for the Balkan Parliament Simulation, according to the specific student?s academic background and preference. The final selection will be based on a 1000-word essay presenting the position that the student will take during the simulation exercise from the perspective of the actor s/he will play in the simulation. Deadline: 15th August 2002 Final-selection Results: 31st August 2002 (to be notified by e-mail) All materials should be submitted via e-mail to: balkanparliament at yahoo.com The event is organized by the Balkan Parliament International Committee, which acts within the framework of the AUBG Association for Security and Cooperation in the Balkans. The event partners are the Open Society Institute in Budapest ? through the International Higher Education Support Program, the American University in Bulgaria (AUBG), and the Center for European Programs in Sofia (CEP). Website: http://www.aubg.bg/balkanparliament Sincerely yours, The Balkan Parliament Board ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor ---------------------~--> Buy Stock for $4 and no minimums. FREE Money 2002. http://us.click.yahoo.com/k6cvND/n97DAA/ySSFAA/ffOolB/TM ---------------------------------------------------------------------~-> _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 10 22:32:41 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 10 Apr 2002 19:32:41 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Conference on International Justice, War Crimes and Terrorism Message-ID: <20020411023241.94328.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Valbona Sherifi wrote: From Valbona Sherifi Mon Apr 8 16:04:27 2002 Reply-to: From: "Valbona Sherifi" To: , CC: Subject: Conference on International Justice, War Crimes and Terrorism Date: Mon, 8 Apr 2002 19:04:27 -0400 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Conference on International Justice, War Crimes and Terrorism to be hosted by Social Research and to be held at the New School University in New York City, April 25th through the 27th See below for details: "International Justice, War Crimes and Terrorism: The U.S. Record", a three-day conference at the New School University, places the September 11th terror attacks in a global and historical context. Speakers will address events in Vietnam, Bosnia, Rwanda, Kosovo, New York, and other places, discussing how the national and international community, including the United States, responded to the devastating events in their own and other countries, through legal, political, military, and other means. The conference has been organized by Dr. Arien Mack, Editor of Social Research journal, and others at the Graduate Faculty. "We are defining terrorism as acts of violence against innocent civilians, which may or may not be part of an officially declared war," said Dr. Mack, Marrow Professor of Psychology at the Graduate Faculty and director of the Social Research conference series. "The conference presents a wide-angle view on how war crimes and terrorism are and ought to be dealt with, and reinforces the University's commitment to advancing the possibility of global justice and the protection of human rights." CONFERENCE AGENDA THURSDAY, APRIL 25th Session I. "Just and Unjust War" 10:00 - 1:00 p.m. Speakers: J. Bryan Hehir, President, Catholic Charitites Amb. Richard Holbrooke, Former Permanent United States Representative to the United Nations Michael Walzer, Author, Just and Unjust Wars; Professor, School for Social Sciences, Institute for Advanced Study Moderator: Martin Peretz, Chairman and Editor in Chief of the New Republic Session II. "The Training of the Military: National Law and Teaching the Geneva Conventions" 2:00 - 5:00 p.m. Speakers: Col. Charles Garraway, Directorate of Army Legal Services, Ministry of Defence, Great Britain Col. Anthony E. Hartle, Professor of Philosophy and English, United States Military Academy Col. Hays Parks, Special Assistant to the Judge Advocate General of the Army at the Pentagon Moderator: Arthur C. Helton, Director, Peace and Conflict Studies, Council on Foreign Relations Session III. Keynote Address: "Terrorism" 6:00 - 7:30 p.m. Bob Kerry, President, New School University; former United States Senator from Nebraska FRIDAY, APRIL 26th Session IV. "International Law and Justice" 10:00 - 1:00 p.m. Speakers: Gary Bass, Assistant Professor of Politics, Princeton University Richard J. Goldstone, Justice, South African Constitutional Court; Chief Justice, International Criminal Court for Rwanda and Kosovo Stephen Holmes, Professor of Law, New York University Moderator: Andrew Arato, Hirshon Professor of Sociology, Graduate Faculty, New School University Session V. "Punishment of War Crimes and Atrocities: International and National Tribunals" 2:00 - 5:00 p.m. Speakers: Aryeh Neier, President, Soros Foundations and Open Society Institute Samantha Power, Executive Director, Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, Kennedy School of Gov't., Harvard University Amb. David Scheffer, Former Ambassador at Large for War Crimes Issues Patricia Wald, Former Judge, International Criminal Tribunal, The Hague Moderator: Kenneth Roth, Executive Director, Human Rights Watch Session VI. "Defining and Responding to Terrorism" 6:00 - 9:00 p.m. *Note: This session only will be held in Swayduck Auditorium, 65 Fifth Avenue, between 13th and 14th Streets. Speakers: Philip Gourevitch, Author and staff writer at the New Yorker magazine Michael Ignatieff, Director, Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, Kennedy School of Gov't., Harvard University Anatol Lieven, Author and Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace David Rieff, Journalist and Senior Fellow of the World Policy Institute, New School University Moderator: Samantha Power SATURDAY, APRIL 27TH Session VII. "Where Do We Go From Here? New and Emerging Issues in the Prosecution of War Crimes and Acts of Terrorism: A Panel Discussion" 10:30 - 1:00 p.m. Speakers: Richard J. Goldstone, Aryeh Neier, David Rieff, Patricia Wald, Michael Walzer Moderator: Theodor Meron, Denison Professor of Law, New York University; American judge,UN War Crimes Tribunal, The Hague Speakers are subject to change, for more up-to-date information or for reservations, please visit www.socres.org/justice/register.htm or contact the Social Research conference office: Social Research - International Justice Conference New School University 65 Fifth Avenue, Room 375 New York, NY 10003 Phone: (212) 229-2488 Fax: (212) 229-5476 E-mail: socres at newschool.edu The conference is organized by Arien Mack, Editor of Social Research and Marrow Professor of Psychology at the Graduate Faculty of New School University. The conference will be held at John L. Tishman Auditorium, New School University, 66 West 12th Street, New York City, with the exception of Session VI, which will be held in Swayduck Auditorium, 65 Fifth Avenue, between 13th and 14th Streets. Contact: Kim Overdyck MA Peace Studies : University of Notre Dame 820 N Notre Dame Avenue Apt.4a South Bend IN 46617 219 - 2350075 overdyck.1 at nd.edu --------------------------------- Get more from the Web. FREE MSN Explorer download : http://explorer.msn.com --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 11 16:36:37 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 11 Apr 2002 13:36:37 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Reinhard Mohn Fellowship Message-ID: <20020411203637.87139.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Mon Apr 8 02:30:54 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Mon, 08 Apr 2002 11:30:54 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Reinhard Mohn Fellowship Ladies and Gentlemen: We would like to take this opportunity and draw your attention to an innovative fellowship program set up by our company and kindly ask for your help in promoting this program internationally: On his 80th birthday, the entrepreneur and philanthropist Reinhard Mohn received the "Reinhard Mohn Fellowship" as a gift from the Bertelsmann AG executive board. The fellowship pays tribute to his lifetime achievements by sponsoring dedicated people to follow in Reinhard Mohn's footsteps. We have chosen an innovative and progressive approach to sponsorship: each year, we will select between five and seven talented people from all over the world, who will spend 12 months in the Bertelsmann group, going through a demanding Fellowship program. The Reinhard Mohn Fellowship is intended for people who have initiated, led or impelled innovative projects: leaders and entrepreneurial talents from all sectors of society - business, the public and non-profit sectors, science, culture, sports, or social services. In this particular case, degrees and academic merit are of secondary importance - the important thing is that their projects have made a discernible contribution to society. Fellows are given the opportunity to obtain valuable knowledge and expertise and build up extensive networks through selective training and a wide range of project work in a variety of divisions and at different locations within our global media company. Thus equipped, they are expected to expand on their existing potential and apply it to projects in their own field of activity. On top of this, they will become familiar with a philosophy of leadership that will serve both as an example and as motivation. At Bertelsmann, we not only appreciate the success of our corporate culture and leadership philosophy, but would also like to pass it along true to Reinhard Mohn's intention. Interested persons may apply until June 1, 2002. At the end of July 2002, the Fellows will be named by a Jury at a selection convention. The Jury consists of outstanding public personalities who represent the spirit and attitude we are looking for in our Reinhard Mohn Fellows. We kindly request that you use the network at your disposal to call attention to the Reinhard Mohn Fellowship and the opportunities it has to offer. More detailed information is available from our website: www.reinhard-mohn-fellowship.com If you have any further questions about the program, please contact us by e-mail or regular mail. I would be delighted to also personally talk to you about this wonderful opportunity. Kind regards, Dr. Anette Bickmeyer Program Director Email: Info at reinhard-mohn-fellowship.de Bertelsmann AG Reinhard Mohn Fellowship Postfach 111 33311 G?tersloh Germany Phone: +49 (0) 5241-80-89214 Fax: +49 (0) 5241-80-6620 _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 12 11:41:46 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 08:41:46 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Recent Reports on SEE Message-ID: <20020412154146.9376.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue Apr 9 00:48:52 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 09 Apr 2002 09:48:52 +0200 Subject: [balkans] Recent Reports on SEE 1. Serbia and Montenegro (CAP) 2. Potential Trade in Southeast Europe: a Gravity Model Approach (WIIW) --------------------------------- 1. Serbia and Montenegro For all the talk of "history in the making" in first reactions to the agreement between Belgrade and Podgorica, the spotlight is actually on the dustbin of history: Milosevic's "Third Yugoslavia" is dead and there will be no more incarnations. First reactions to the new-born "Serbia and Montenegro" covered a whole spectrum of emotions, ranging from "a freak of a state" or "a rotten compromise" to "a new beginning." Fact is that Javier Solana seems to have found a middle way in-between federation and confederation - at least for the time being. In three years (at the most!), the day of reckoning will come. For the moment, the political deadlock has been broken and a window of opportunity has been created for reform policies and regional co-operation. A comparison between the agreement of 14 March and the two "platforms" that defined the negotiating positions one and a half years ago throws the embedded compromises and innovations into relief. A second comparison with the political realities in Belgrade, Podgorica ? and Pristina reveals the agreement's limitations and deficits. Despite all sobering thoughts, however, the symbolic value and regional consequences of this "small step" should not be dismissed too lightly: The dice have been cast and political actors will have to reposition themselves accordingly. See: http://www.cap.uni-muenchen.de/aktuell/positionen/2002_04_meurs.htm The appendix to the working paper includes the full text of the Djukanovic platform, the Kostunica/Djindjic reply and the 14 March agreement as well as an issue-by-issue comparison of the three documents. P o s i t i o n Serbia and Montenegro One Small Step for Mankind, One Giant Leap for the Balkans? Download (97 KB, PDF-Format): Full Version (with Appendix) By Wim van Meurs - 8. April 2002 --------------------------------- 2. WIIW: Potential Trade in Southeast Europe: a Gravity Model Approach Potential Trade in Southeast Europe: a Gravity Model Approach by Edward Christie WIIW Working Paper No. 21, March 2002 35 pages, EUR 8.00 (free PDF download from the WIIW website) For summary see http://www.wiiw.ac.at/news.html Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 12 11:43:41 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 08:43:41 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Fellowship in European security and defence policy, Prague Message-ID: <20020412154341.29200.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Mon Apr 8 08:52:40 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Mon, 08 Apr 2002 17:52:40 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Fellowship in European security and defence policy, Prague Datum: Fri, 5 Apr 2002 11:41:23 +0200 Position of Pre-doctoral Research Fellow in European security and defence policy Application deadline 15 May 2001. Appointment as of 1 September 2001. A pre-doctoral research fellow is required for the project "Bridging the Accountability Gap in European Security and Defence Policy" (ESDP Democracy)for up to 24 months at the Institute of International Relations, Prague (IIR). The researcher will be one of several 'pre-' and four 'post-doc' researchers in ESDP Democracy. The researcher will share in the responsibility for IIR's link to the other partners, for the accession countries and civil-military relations aspect of the programme and for the organisation of commo n workshops. One workshop on "ESDP and accession countries" will be organised by IIR in 2003. The researcher will assist the post-doc research fellow in organising this workshop. At IIR the researcher will be working with one 'post-doc' research fellow of the ESDP Democracy project and several IIR researchers, focusing on European security and defence policy and civil-military relations. The researcher is expected to develop her/his own project within the programme in co-operation with partner institutions and subject to approval by IIR. The project should study aspects of the ESDP that are relevant to EU accession countries and how these relate to the democratic accountability of the European security and defence policy. We also expect the researcher to contribute to other related ongoing projects at IIR. The successful candidate will have: * A university degree in a relevant field. (Diploma and CV should be attached to application.) * Keen interest in security and defence policy and/or means to ensure democratic accountability in this area. Selected work in this area (article/chapter, thesis etc.) of the candidates may be attached. * Fluent or very good English. Other languages are preferable but not required. * Organisational skills, initiative and the will and ability to work as part of a team. * Enrolment in a University PhD program or planning to do so by September 2002. The project is financed by the Research and Training Network (RTN) of the European Commission, and follows RTN rules of employment. This means that the researcher must be un der 35 years of age at the time of appointment (exceptions are made for military or alternative ser vice and childbirth). The researcher must be a national of the EU or an Associate country or have b een resident in the EU-area for the previous five years. However, Czech citizens cannot apply for t he 'pre-doc' position hosted by IIR, and neither can others who have been living continuously in th e Czech Republic for 12 of the last 24 months prior to the appointment. IIR will be granting salaries according to RTN rules. Gross monthly salary is in the range of EURO 1,000 (minimum) and 1,250 (maximum) depending on experience. Czech social and health security compu lsory contributions apply. IIR is an equal opportunity employer and women are especially encouraged to apply. The project is described on the RTN web site: www.esdpdemocracy.net. For more information on RTN job at IIR please contact Radek Khol, e- mail: khol at iir.cz Applications with diploma, CV, a brief note on current research and an article/chapter of own choice should be marked "ESDP Democracy" and posted to IIR Director: Jiri Sedivy, Institute of International Relations, Nerudova 3, Praha 1-Mala Strana,118 00, Czech Republic. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 12 20:43:34 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 17:43:34 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Muzeumet e Korces - KJ Message-ID: <20020413004334.88621.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Muzeu i Korces drejt rrenimit Korce - Qyteti i Korces si nje vendbanim me kulture te vjeter e me pozite te tille gjeografike ku gershetohen nje sere vlerash dallohet apo me sakte eshte shquar per disa muze tetij. Nder to eshte edhe muzeu arkeologjik, i cili per nga ana arkitekturore e nderteses konsiderohet edhe nje monument kulture i klasit te pare. Por problemi me kete muze, ashtu si me disa te tjere ne qytetin e Korces, qendron ne drejtimin e godines, e cila nuk eshte restauruar qe nga viti 1970. Arkeologu Petrika Lera, e paraqet mjaft te rende gjendjen e nderteses dykateshe te muzeut arkeologjik, e cila ka filluar te shkaterrohet. Sipas tij, nderteses i eshte demtuar tavani, i cili ka rrezik te shembet pas renies se suvave, por ne gjendje te mjerueshme jane edhe dritaret e dyert e vjetra te muzeut. Te ndodhur para nje situate te tille, punonjesit e muzeut arkeologjik jane detyruar te arkivojne te gjithe fondin e muzeut ne fjale. Jane hequr vitrinat per t'i shpetuar nga ndonje shembje e papritur e godines. Gjate kohes qe jane shfaqur reniet e suvave, nga ana e drejtuesve te muzeut jane bere disa kerkesa ne institutin e Monumenteve te Kultures, si dhe Ministrine e Kultures per dhenie fondesh per restaurimin e muzeut. Deri tani, sic bejne te ditur burime te tij, nuk ka patur asnje sinjal pozitiv per cfaredolloj fondi. Nderkohe, edhe Bashkia e Korces nuk e ka perfshire Muzeun arkeologjik ne ndonje projet per mirembajtje. Dhe si per ironi te gjendjes ne te cilen ndodhet ky muze, shteti harxhon fondet per te paguar qirane ish-pronarit te nderteses karakteristike. Eshte fakt se ne 10-12 vitet e fundit, pothuaj te gjithe muzete e Korces kane arritur ne nje gjendje te mjerueshme. Nga afro 8 muze qe kane funksionuar ne kete qytet, aktualisht qendrojne ende te hapur vetem dy prej tyre: Muzeu i Mesonjtores se Pare Shqipe dhe ai Ikonografik. Nderkaq jane mbyllur, kane nderuar destinacion ose jane ne prishje e siper muzeu i luftes, ai etnografik, shtepia muze e patriotit Mihal Grameno, duke shtuar ketu edhe muzeun arkeologjik. Qyteti i Korces, krahas humbjes se vlerave te pazevendesueshme muzeale, rrezikon tani te mbetet edhe pa godinat e ketyre muzeve qe jane pjese e kultures dhe traditave te qytetit. Tedi Blushi --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 12 20:49:05 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 17:49:05 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] GJendja civile e Fierit - Korrieri Message-ID: <20020413004905.4447.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Greqizohen fieraket me vendim te Keshillit Bashkiak Greqizohen fieraket me vendim te Keshillit Bashkiak Ne mbledhjen e keshillit bashkiak te Bashkise se Fierit te bere pak dite me pare ndermjet shume problemeve, te cilave u dha zgjidhje ishte edhe miratimi i ndryshimit te emrave dhe te mbiemrave te 65 personave, qe ndodhen ne emigrim ne Greqi. Keshtu, shume persona nga Bajram u bene Thanas apo nga Zeqine ne Dhimitra. Kerkesat ishin bere nga vete qytetaret, por te bente pershtypje se te gjithe ishin ne Greqi dhe vetem 65 prej tyre ndryshuan emrin per muajin prill te vitit 2002. Ne vendimet e rajoneve, te cilet i kishin paraqitur kerkesen keshillit bashkise ishte cikluar per problemin ne fjale se, per efekt emigrimi ne Greqi. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 12 21:02:06 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 18:02:06 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Reportazh per Saranden - Tema Message-ID: <20020413010206.90181.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Reportazh nga Saranda N? ?Shk?mbin e p?llumbave? nuk ulen m? p?llumbat Altin Xhaferi M?ngjesi n? Sarand? vjen nj? er? t? mir? algash dhe jodi. Nga ato er?rat q? t? b?jn? t?i mbush?sh fort mushkrit? e t? duket se t? zgjasin jet?n. N? dim?r Saranda ?sht? ndryshe. Nuk ka thuajse asgj? prej asaj q? mund t? kesh? njohur n?p?r stin?t e plazhit. Nj? zgjim i vonuar, dembelos?s. Vet?m aty rreth or?s 09:00 rrug?t sikur nisin t? gjall?rohen nga pak. Edhe n? kafet? buz? detit, at?her? duket se t? z? syri ndonj? klient t? rrall?. Kafet? dhe restorantet jan? gati bosh thuajse gjat? gjith? dimrit dhe duket se jetojn? kot gjith? k?ta muaj n? pritje t? stin?s s? ver?s. Se njer?zve vet?m n? ver? u bie mendja p?r Sarand?n. Saranda ?sht? si puna e syrit. R?nd?sin? ia din? ata q? s?e kan?. Ndaj dhe vendasve nuk iu b?n p?rshtypje dhe aq bukuria si? do t? mahniste t? ardhurit. Dhe k?ta t? fundit rrall? ndodh t? mos mahniten para hapjes s? beft? t? gjirit t? kalt?r. K?shtu ka qen? gjithnj?. T? gjith? ata q? vijn? mahniten nga pak para bujaris? s? natyr?s dhe para pap?rgjegj?sis? s? njeriut. Q? nga italian?t e luft?s s? par? q? e quanin Santa Quaranta (shenjti i dyzet?) tek grek?t q? e quajt?n si dhe sot Saranda, tek fashist?t q? e quajt?n Porto Eda e gjer tek leb?rit e zbritur p?r t? dim?ruar bag?tit? q? e quajn? n? dialektin e tyre Sar?na. T? gjith? sikur desh?n t? l?n? pas di?ka nga vetja. Madje mbr?mjeve bregut t? detit nd?rsa h?na lahet nudo n?p?r uj?ra, t? ngjan se mund t? takosh nga pak prej t? gjith?ve q? kaluan. Edhe n?se nuk ndesh shenjtin e dyzet? me nj? shandan n? dor? dhe me nj? kryq n? tjetr?n, do t? ndesh?sh patjet?r siluet?n e lagur t? Eda Musolinit me bluz?n ushtarake t? lagur, t? ngjitur fort pas formave t? bukura t? gjirit. Qyteti me 20 000 banor? n? let?r dhe m? pak se dhjet? mij? aktualisht, n? dim?r ?sht? v?rtet ndryshe. I heshtur. I trisht?. Si i harruar. Madje m? shum? se qytet, n? dim?r i p?rngjet nj? fshati t? madh indiferent q? jeton sipas parimit ?t? dal? ku t? dal?? e ku e vetmja ngjarje e dit?s mbetet ardhja e nj? trageti nga Korfuzi me emrin ?Kaliopi? q? krejt rast?sisht mban emrin e n?n?s s? Anastas Angjelit, teto Kaliopit ku Fatos Nano ka b?r? trim?rin? m? t? fundit t? tij, ngr?nien e fasuleve. Nga ajo koh? shum? gj?ra jan? m? ndryshe. As Nano nuk ha m? fasule, por as teto Kaliopi nuk gatuan m? fasule n? sht?pin? e saj, duke i konsideruar ato nj? ushqim t? denj? p?r t? varf?rit, brek?grisurit.Vet?m Saranda ?sht? po ajo, e trishta n? dim?r dhe gazmorja n? ver?, ve?se m? e plakur, m? e rrudhur, m? me halle. N? tregun e vog?l t? qytetit shiten fare pak gj?ra t? denja p?r nj? qytet turist?sh si? pretendon t? jet? Saranda. Kryesisht brek?, kanatiere, sytiena t? varura n? ca spango t? koklavitura si p?r t?iu th?n? vizitor?ve se jan? duke sh?titur n? nj? qytet q? i kan? r?n? t? brendshmet n? fund t? k?mb?ve, si dhe ca tufa presh?sh e spinaqi tmerr?sisht t? shtrenjt? q? tregtohen p?rtok? buz? trotuarit. As suvenir?, as imitime sendesh karakteristike, as copa kujtimesh nuk mund t? marr?sh dot me vete prej k?tu.N?se ke qen? si turist n? Sarand?, s?ke me se i bind t? tjer?t, ve?se po t? besuan ngaq? je disi m? i palar? nga her?t e tjera dhe disi m? i lodhur p?r shkak t? rrug?s s? keqe. Madje as peshk nuk gjen. Fuqia bler?se ?sht? aq e vog?l saq? s?ia vlen t? peshkosh gjith? nat?n n?p?r uj?ra e lag?shtir?. Saranda n? dim?r i ngjan nj? guaske bosh ose m? mir? nj? zogu t? lagur q? drith?rohet prej t? ftohtit dhe q? mezi pret ver?n t? shpuplohet, t? shkund? krah?t n?n diell duke shp?rndar? p?rreth nj? shi st?rkalash uji e p?r t? nisur mandej fluturimin. Por gjer at? dit? duket se nuk do ta arrish kurr?. Marsi i ?plakave? si? i thon? vendasit ka ngrir? s?rish gjith?ka dhe iu ka kujtuar vendasve se nuk duhet t? k?naqen kaq shpejt dhe t? mos b?hen gati para kohe p?r fitimet e dy muajve m? t? cilat duhet t? han? pastaj gjith? pjes?n tjet?r t? vitit. Saranda n? dim?r ?sht? tjesht nj? qytet me det ose e th?n? krejt that?, ?sht? vet?m Sarand?. *** P.K. ?sht? nga ata pak fatlum? sarandiot? q? ka pun? dhe n? dim?r. Se n? Sarand? nuk ka pun? n? k?t? stin?. Madje dhe ata q? kan? lokalet me meny peshku buz? detit, n? dim?r i mbajn? hapur kot ngaq? s?kan? ??pun? tjet?r t? b?jn?. Ose n? pritje t? ndonj? ?peshku? t? ardhur nga rrethet, t? cilit ia rrasin sa krahu p?r t? mbuluar me t?, t? gjitha shpenzimet e radh?s. ??t?i b?sh, lufta p?r mbijetes? ?sht? e eg?r dhe ata shpesh gjenden para asaj dilem?s q? gjendet shpesh gjahtari, t? vras? apo t? shoh? f?mij?t e tij t? vdesin urie. Dhe para nj? alternative t? till?, sigurisht q? duhet t? zgjedh?sh t? dyt?n. Por P.K. e ka nj? pun?, ndon?se jo kushedi se ?far?. Ai punon n? varrezat e qytetit, varrmih?s, apo di?ka e p?raf?rt, p?r llogari t? nj? shoq?rie private varrimesh. Ndon?se nuk ?sht? i k?naqur se tani puna ka r?n?. E bashk? me t? dhe t? ardhurat se pronari paguan me cop?. Eh koh? e begat? ishte ajo ?97-ta! At?her? po, q? kish pun?. Po prap? me shpresa rrojm?. Tani q? u ngrit Stefani, besoj do na shtohet puna. Se kur ngrihet Fanja dhe ne t? varrezave me qar dalim. Kur u b? Fanja kryetar i shoqat?s ?Vullnetar?t e Enverit? n? Sarand?, nuk dol?m keq. Edhe n? ?97-?n kur ngriti Fanja Komitetin e Shp?timit, prap? me qar dol?m ne t? varrezave. At?her? e b?ra shtes?n e sht?pis? ku nxjerr ndonj? lek gjat? beharit. E ??r?nd?si ka kush vritet, n? ?sht? turk apo kaur, si? i thon? n? Sarand?, r?nd?si kan? cop?t se ?do cop?, do t? thot? par?.E di si e qante me ligje nj? nga k?to plakat labe t? zbritura n? Sarand? vitet e fundit?! ?Qani moj kaurka qani, / ua prishi (vrau) djemt? Stefani, / Stefan ?ip? pilurioti, / hak?n t?n? ta marrt? zoti!? Po zoti duket se nuk d?gjon nga ai vesh. Duhet t?i dal?sh nga krahu tjet?r. E ndoshta Zoti nuk i do m? fukarenjt?, ?sht? b?r? dhe ai me t? pasurit. Se jeta ?sht? b?r? llogari dhe me ta i bie m? mir? dhe vet? zotit. Ja shihe Fanen ti! Ja priste m?ndja njeriu t? ngrihej aq lart nj? njeri si Fanja! Se e kam njohur q? shpejt Fanen un?, q? kur qe n? grumbullim. Pa ??iu b?nte bag?tive, sa ne ka ngr?n?. Aq sa kur doli ai ligji i Saliut p?r genocidin e byroist?ve, pata frik? mos e zinte dhe Fanen p?r genocid ndaj bag?tive. Se ka shtypur shum? Fanja. Pastaj i vajta ca koh? pas dhe me shoqat?n e ?Vullnetar?ve t? Enverit?. Aq kuptonim at?her?. Gjindje pa shkoll?, mor mik. Na dukej se do t? b?hej hataja. Kujt ja merrte m?ndja se t? vdekurit do m? duheshin nj? dit? m? shum? se t? gjall?t. Nj?soj si Fanes, se ndaj e b?n? minist?r. Ai s?i hynte n? pun? as dreqit, po i hyk?rka Majkos. Pun? e tij. I paft? hajrin. Ose sherrin, se Fanja sherret di t? b?j? mir?, p?r t? tjera s?e ke.Toka e b?r? varrez? ?sht? nj? shk?mb ku varri do shum? mund p?r t?u hapur. Ndaj dhe pun?tor?t e varrezave nuk i hapin dot t? thella, po rreth gjysm? met?r dhe pastaj i derdhin beton p?rsip?r duke e sh?mb?llyer varrin me nj? bunker nga t? koh?s s? Enver Hoxh?s. Po fundja ??duhet. Se mos marrin vesh gj? t? vdekurit. Nd?rsa murin e varrezave duket se leb?rit e zbritur e p?rdorin n? vend t? tabel?s s? dikurshme t? emulacionit socialist ku shkruajn? parrulla kund?r pushtimit t? Sarand?s prej Angjel?ve. Nuk thot? asnj? prej parrullave, ?posht? PS apo PD? si kudo n? Shqip?ri, por parrullat kan? nj? doz? nacionalizmi t? fyer. Duket se k?tu tek muri i varrezave, kan? ngritur frontin shqiptaro-grek t? luft?s s? kushedi se sat?, q? kund?rshton tendenc?n greqizuese q? ndihet kudo n? qytetin-port, banor?t shqiptar? puro q? s?i kan? ndryshuar ende emrat. Ve?se duket se nuk jan? n? koh?. Andej posht? nga kasabaja ka koh? q? shitet me dhrahmi, blihet me dhrahmi, flitet greqisht dhe lekun shqiptar ta flakin p?r turiri, si nj? gj? pa vler?. E p?r kund?rpesh? n?p?r rrugica sheh tabela me ?djath? lab?rie?, ?mish kurveleshi?, polic? e kambist? nga Lab?ria. Duket se nj? luft? e ftoht?, e pashpallur, zhvillohet prej vitesh midis tyre ku her? triumfon nj?ra e her? tjetra. N? fakt fati i Sarand?s, i till? ka qen? n? vite, i ngarkuar me batic? e zbatic? greke n? breg. Grek?t, her? dynden k?tu dhe duket se e kan? gjith?ka t? tyren dhe pik?risht kur iu ik?n frika, at?her? i detyrojn? shqiptar?t t? kthehen andej nga erdh?n. Nj? luft? e pashpallur q? s?dihet me sakt?si n? cilin vit ka filluar dhe n? cilin do t? mbaroj?, ashtu si? nuk dihet se kur do t? marrin fund pun?t atje lart n? qeveri me t? qen?t pro grek e pro italian. N? Sarand? zbresin komitetet N? qend?r t? qytetit n? nj? godin? t? vjet?r me shkall? guri t? gdhendur ndodhet nj? pllak? q? tregon se m? 1909 Demo Emini ?liroi Sarand?n. Pllaka ?sht? q? nga koha e Enver Hoxh?s dhe askush nuk ?sht? kujtuar, as ta heq?, as ta rivler?soj?. Madje dhe k?nga i k?ndohet akoma ?K?rceu gjer n? Sarand?, prishi hyqymet dhe bank??.Komiti Demo Emini nga Nivica e Kurveleshit vet?m me n?nt? vet?, i zboi turqit nga Saranda n? em?r t? asaj q? ai e quante Komitet Shqip?ria e Lir?. Dhe meq? erdhi gjer aty pasi zboi hyqymetin, ishte q? ishte, i futi nj? t? shqyer dhe bank?s, n? em?r t? komitetit. Saranda asokohe ishte nj? fshat i madh me kryeqend?r Delvin?n dhe jo kjo e sotmja, e lakmuara nga t? gjith?. Shum? e shum? vite m? pas nj? komitet tjet?r me emrin e ngjitur vet? ?i shp?timit publik? do ta vidhte s?rish Bank?n e shtetit dhe do t?iu kallte flak?n nd?rtesave t? hyqymetit.Mesa duket Sarand?n, qenka e shkruar, ta djegin her? pas here komitetet q? zbresin nga malet. Komitetit t? fundit q? ende nuk dihet se nga kush i shp?toi dhe paskan qen? t? rrezikuar, sarandiot?t, ende s?i kan? ngjitur ndonj? pllak?, por gjithsesi gjurm?t ende duken n? godinat publike t? nxira nga flaka. Madje i ka dal? dhe era asaj pune. Duket se asnj? prej godinave t? djegura n? ?97 nuk ?sht? djegur pa nj? orientim. T? gjitha godinat e djegura asokohe po blihen tani p?r nj? cop? buk?. ?Hotel Turizmi? i djegur u ble p?r 50 milion lek? dhe tani mbi t? po ngrihet nj? perandori e t?r? prej mermeri e poseduar nga njer?z t? af?rt me politik?n. Komisariati i policis? n? qend?r t? qytetit q? nxin ende prej tymit ?sht? bler? p?r 170 milion lek? prej Angjel?ve dhe nj? sekretari t? lart? t? PS. Biblioteka e qytetit buz? detit u ble po prej Angjel?ve, thon? vendasit dhe n? vend t? saj tani ngrihet nj? godin? luksoze. Tani ia kan? v?n? syrin Repartit zjarrfik?s, t? cilin duan ta nxjerrin diku jasht? qytetit pran? varrezave p?r ta bler? dhe at?. Mafia duket se i ?sht? ngjitur Sarand?s si k?pusha deles. K?tu pleksen interesa ekonomike t? politikan?ve t? majt?, saq? k?tej e kupton m? mir? se pse po ndahen keqas atje lart tek kubeja e kuqe. Ndarja ka filluar k?tu, n? qytetin e vog?l buz? detit p?r vende t? bekuar me emra si ?shk?mbi i p?llumbave?, ?hotel turizmi?, ?biblioteka?, ?komisariati?, ?sht?pia e oficer?ve? n? murin e t? cil?s komitetasit e fundit me origjin? nga Salaria kan? shkruar me th?ngjill ?e z?n?? dhe kan? ikur n? kushedi ??luft? tjet?r, por q? pla?k?n e luft?s q? kan? l?n? pas, nuk guxon t?ua trazoj? askush. Dritaret e saj ende jan? t? mbyllura me mure tullash prej atyre q? b?n? luft?n e q? iu takon dhe pla?ka e luft?s. Se Saranda ?sht? b?r? pla?k? lufte q? e posedon m? i forti.N? Sarand? shteti ?sht? nj? hi? q? s?e pyet m? njeri. Nj? shtet brenda shtetit i ngritur brenda k?tyre dy vjet?ve t? fundit duket se ?sht? rregullatori i v?rtet? i t? gjithave. Nj? shtet paralel q? s?duket, por ndjehet. Tre njer?z t? fuqish?m me lidhje me politik?n duket se jan? pronar?t e v?rtet? t? Sarand?s s? shekullit t? ri apo t? milleniumit si? iu p?lqen ta thon? s? fundi p?r mod?. Njer?zit i dallojn? nga fytyra dhe kur s?ua din? emrat. Nj? fytyr? kuq dhe flok? bardh?, nj? tjet?r flok? zbardhur e fytyr? nxir? dhe nj? i tret? akoma me flok? dhe fytyr? t? zez?. Nj? kombinim fatal p?r qytetin e vog?l. Ata q? klonojn? qenie q? e trembin njer?zimin do ta kishin zili k?t? kombinim t? rastit. Rasti ?sht? mbreti i bot?s. Pa bekimin e tyre asgj? nuk l?viz n? qytetin port. N?se do t? nis?sh nj? bisnes nuk duhet t? shkosh n? bashki por tek treshja e ?miqve t? Sarand?s?. I vetmi biznes q? mund t? b?sh pa lejen e tyre h? p?r h? ?sht? vet?m shtesa e pallatit t?nd ku ata ende s?kan? interesat e tyre ekonomike p?r momentin.Ato q? thot? e di Fatos Nano s?jan? as gjysma e atyre q? thon? e din? sarandiot?t. Edhe n?se do t? nis?sh nj? biznes t? paligjsh?m si, fjala vjen, t? fus?sh cigare apo t? nxjerr?sh miell, jo buk? natyrisht, duhet t? marr?sh leje p?r t? mos hyr? n? linjat e tyre. Ndryshe shkon tek varreza n? kod?r pa e kuptuar e pa e pasur hi? n? plan p?r t? vdekur s? af?rmi. Ata jan? shteti i v?rtet? q? t? b?n me par? ose t? falimenton varret sipas sjelljes dhe sipas meritave t? luft?s ose kahjes politike. T? luft?s s? fundit natyrisht. N? ?Shk?mbin e p?llumbave? nuk ulen m? p?llumbat N? gjirin e bukur pas qytetit ?sht? nj? heshtje e kobshme. Jo pse af?r tij jan? varrezat e njer?zve, por se ?sht? dhe nj? varrez? tjet?r, varreza e marin?s shqiptare. N? nj? liman t? qet? t? b?r? enkas p?r paqe nuk dihet ??mendje djall?zore vendosi dikur marin?n luftarake ose anijet e luft?s. Tashm? nga krenaria e dikurshme e atdheut t? fortifikuar nga deti ka mbetur vet?m nj? grusht hekurishtesh si skelete q? koten mbi uj?. Nj? dragamin? e vjet?r ruse dhe pes? kat?rsilurues t? vegj?l dergjen n?n diell dhe n? pesh?n p?rfundimtare t? ndryshkut dhe t? humbjes. Kund?rajror?t mbi trupin e tyre tashm? jan? vet?m hekurishte mbi t? cilat rrotullohen ca f?mij? gjith? qurre e zhul. Nuk kan? m? flamur mbi vete si? mbajn? mjetet e b?ra enkas p?r fitore luft?rash. Ndoshta iu vjen turp ta ngren? q? nga hera e fundit kur u vun? mbi krye s?dihet pse nj? flamur t? nj? shteti fqinj?. Nga ajo koh? s?e mor?n dot m? veten. Hekura hesapi. Nuk mund t? m?sohen me k?t? ulje ngritje flamujsh si njer?zit. I ka depresionuar historia e tyre e dhimbshme hiq e v?r, e flamur?ve q? nuk mund t? jen? thjesht nj? cop? lecke e lyer me boj?. T? gjith? i kemi parasysh pamjet e televizioneve greke me ca djem t? hardallosur me ballin e lidhur me shami q? derdhnin prej k?tyre kund?rajror?ve, batare t? panevojshme drejt qiellit. Sikur donin t? vrisnin zotin. Tashm? shum? prej atyre djemve prehen pak metra m? lart, brenda murit t? varrezave, pa e kuptuar dot pse luftuan, p?r k? luftuan dhe ??k?rkonin. Ky ndoshta do t? jet? pengu i vet?m p?r t? cil?n nuk arrin t?i tret? dheu, megjith?se dhe varret kan? fare pak dh? n? kodr?n e Sarand?s. Vet?m beton dhe shk?mb sikur duan t? ta b?jn? dhe prehjen e fundme me t? dhimbshme.Ata djem q? ngrinin flamurin grek mbi kat?rsiluruesit e marin?s nuk i njihte askush gjer at?here n? Sarand?. Nuk dihej nga vinin e ??k?rkonin. Dhe sarandiot?t ende s?e din? pse u b? gjith? kjo. ?ipa, Qilimi e t? tjer?t ik?n n? Tiran? dhe u b?n? deputet?, k?shtu q? nuk pat?n koh? t?iu shpjegonin gj? Sarandiot?ve. E ndoshta dhe k?t? s?arrijn? ta p?rtypin dot siluruesit e ndryshkur t? gjirit t? bukur. Nuk dihet gjer kur. Ndoshta gjer dit?n kur t? vij? nj? pushtetar e ta b?j? restorant lundrues dragamin?n e vjet?r q? vjen er? urin? ushtar?sh. Historia p?rs?ritet dhe thon? q? her?n tjet?r merr trajta qesharake. K?shtu ishte dhe k?saj here. Kur zbrisnin komitetet e Demo Eminit n? Sarand? nj?ri prej Qilim?ve ngriti i pari flamurin n? Delvin?, por at? shqiptarin ama. Shum? vite m? von? vjen nj? tjet?r komitet dhe nj? tjet?r Qilim q? ngre flamurin e huaj. Pun? shqiptar?sh, hajde e merri vesh nes?r kur t? shkruhet historia me gjith? qilim?t brenda! Nj?ri v? nishanet e shtetit, tjetri heq nishanet e shtetit, p?r t?i b?r? spaleta lufte mbi supet e tij. Hajde gjeje ku mbaron komikja e ku fillon marr?zia. Por Lufta ka mbaruar dhe fitorja h? p?r h? u p?rket atyre q? guxojn? t? par?t. Qilim?ve t? dyt?. T? tjerat l?rua per?ndive. Tani lufta h? p?r h? b?het m? larg. Tek ?Shk?mbi i p?llumbave?. Atje ku p?llumbat s?guxojn? m? as t? ulen q? kur u ul?n korbat e zinj t? politik?s. Aty nuk ulen as ngrihen flamur? e prap? dihet kush e fitoi e kush e humbi. Ai q? e humbi ?betej?n e Shk?mbit t? p?llumbave? thon? se ka marr? inat t? madh atje lart n? Tiran? dhe do t? b?j? nj? referendum. Me em?r tjet?r p?r pjes?n q? i takon prej Shk?mbit t? p?llumbave. Ai q? e fitoi betej?n k?rkon ta ngrij? referendumin p?r nja tre kat?r muaj sa t? rregullojn? dokumentat e shk?mbit, por ngrirja nuk realizohet p?r shkak t? munges?s kronike t? korrentit. Zor se mundesh t? ngrish gj?sendi n? k?t? koh? pa drita. Nuk ka paqe p?llumbash gjersa dhe ai t? marr? pjes?n e tij t? shk?mbit. Se k?shtu vijn? pun?t. Aty s?ka m? ideale por vet?m interesa dhe komunist?t idealist? ngjajn? tani me ato racat e rralla t? peshkut q? po shkojn? p?rdit? drejt zhdukjes. N? merkato ka dal? njeriu racional i llogarive t? sakta. Thon? se gjer dje ishte koha e maskarenjve, por atdheu ishte i shqiptar?ve, tani zor se e thua dhe k?t?, se edhe atdheu ?sht? b?r? i tyre pasi e kan? bler? vende vende. N? sht?pin? e Teto Kaliopit nuk hahen m? fasule Saranda fle her?t n? mbr?je. Rrug?t boshatisen aty rreth shtat?s dhe mbr?mja nuk ka m? er? algash dhe jodi por er? dinamiti nga gjuetia e paligjshme e peshkut. Dritat e qytetit zgjaten e zgjaten mbi sip?rfaqen e l?muar t? detit duke t? sh?mb?llyer me ca fasha t? p?rgjakura vende vende prej h?n?s q? p?rpiqen me k?t? t? fshehin posht? tyre plag?t e qytetit. Se qyteti ka aq shum? plag? sa ai vet? e di, sa nuk gjen fash? t?ia mbuloj? t? gjitha. Nata ?sht? e trafikant?ve tashme. Ato pak gomone q? s?dihet ku qen? fshehur gjat? dit?s nisen p?r rrug? pa e ditur n?se do t? kthehen n? m?ngjes. Se k?shtu e kan? k?to pun? me kok? n? torb?. Nga hoteli luksoz me kat?r yje n? an?n tjet?r derdhet nj? lum? tingujsh muzike q? t? japin p?rshtypjen e rreme se k?tu mund t? jetosh i lumtur. Ose s? paku i k?naqur, meq? lumturia ?sht? nj? nocion mjaft abstrakt. Vet?m ata q? jan? gjithnj? k?tu mund t? t? thon? se nuk ?sht? krejt ashtu.N? sht?pin? e teto Kaliopit ka koh? q? nuk gatuhen m? fasule si dikur. Jo vet?m p?r arsyen q? e dim? t? gjith? se prodhojn? gazra q? ndotin atmosfer?n q? dhe k?shtu s??sht? m? pak e ndyt?, as p?r shkak se mysafiri i lart? nuk bujti m? tek sht?pia e saj, ngaq? nuk fitoi dot pjes? tek Shk?mbi i p?llumbave, por dhe p?r arsye se tani sh?ndeti ?sht? b?r? di?ka me e vyer dhe konsumohen ushqime greke brenda afateve rigoroze t? garancis?. K?to vitet e fundit jeta ?sht? b?r? di?ka me e vyer se dikur dhe n? fund t? fundit sikur ia vlen p?r t? jetuar. L?vizja p?r katarsis q? thuhet se do na shp?toj? t? gjith?ve, k?tu n? qytetin port ka nj? em?r t? ndrysh?m nga ai i grek?ve t? lasht? dhe quhet shqip ?pordh? me rigon?. T? tjerat merren vesh. E nd?rsa ik?n i pafuqish?m p?r t? ndrequr di?ka n? k?t? xhung?l t? b?r? me leje e pa leje p?rtyp n?p?r mend krahasimet letrare q? t? ka z?n? veshi n?p?r vite p?r qytetin e vog?l me ?charme? vajze. Dhe n? ?ast i zhvler?son n? vetvete t? gjitha. M? shum? se m? gjith?ka tjet?r perla e fundit t? Shqip?ris? t? ngjan me nj? adoleshente t? bukur me fytyr? e faqe t? nxir? nga ato q? dalin mbr?mjeve buz? detit p?r t?u nisur n? an?n tjet?r t? detit, q? pasi jan? p?rdhunuar e rrahur n? grup, nisen p?r t? shitur trupin n? vise t? tjera e p?r t? majmur dhunuesit e tyre apo si? i quajn? OJQ-t?, - tutor?t. Dhe tutor?t k?tu tani i njohin t? gjith?, ashtu si? njohin nga nxirja e syrit t? bukuroshes s? radh?s grushtin demokratik t? secilit prej tyre. N? barkun e zi t? ?Kaliopit? tjet?r futen nj? nga nj? njer?z e makina duke marr? dhe kursimet e tyre t? t?rhequra me ngut prej bank?s s? kursimeve. Ikin. Pa e kthyer kok?n pas. N? nj? bot? tjet?r ku iu duhet t? shesin t? vetmen pasuri q? u ka mbetur, muskujt e trupit. E nuk din? si t?i thon? qytetit q? deri dje ka qen? i tyre, por q? sot ka pronar? t? rinj. Mirupafshim apo lamtumir?. N? k?t? bot? t? mbrapsht? ku askujt s?ja merrte mendja t? b?nte pronar?t bujq dhe bujqit e dikursh?m pronar?, nuk ka m? vend p?r ta. Nes?r ?Kaliopi? do t? kthehet s?rish. T? g?lltis? t? tjer? vendas. Gjersa nj? dit? t? jen? larguar t? gjith? dhe Saranda t?iu mbetet pronar?ve t? rinj q? e kan? bler? e q? do ta nxjerrin n? pun? si? nxirren vajzat e bukura dhe kjo dit? nuk duket larg --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 12 22:30:44 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 19:30:44 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Takim me Ambasadore - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020413023044.13769.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Kryeprokurori Sollaku takon ambasadorin amerikan dhe grek Limpreht: Politika, larg prokuroris? TIRAN? - ?Politika nuk duhet t? nd?rhyj? n? hetimet e prokuroris??,- tha dje ambasadori i SHBA-s?, Jozef Limpreht, pas takimit me kryeprokurorin Theodhori Sollaku. Sipas tij, ?sht? domosdoshm?ri mosnd?rhyrja e udh?heq?sve politik? n? pun?n e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Gjat? takimit, i cili u zhvillua dje n? ambientet e Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme, Limpreht ishte i shoq?ruar edhe nga k?shilltari politik i Ambasad?s Amerikane, Thomas Jadzgerdi. Ambasadori Limpreht i shprehu kryeprokurorit Sollaku gatishm?rin? e Qeveris? Amerikane p?r t? ndihmuar organin q?ndror t? akuz?s. Kjo ndihm? mund t? jet? juridike, n? materiale dhe trajnime t? ndryshme n? luft?n kund?r krimit t? organizuar, korrupsionit e trafiqeve t? t? gjitha llojeve. Limpreht pohoi se qeveria Amerikane, n? kuadrin e bashk?punimit, ?sht? e gatshm? q? t? ofroj? mb?shtetjen e saj edhe n?p?rmjet bashk?punimit t? organit t? akuz?s shqiptare me FBI-n?, (Zyra Federale e Hetimeve n? SHBA). Nga ana e tij, kryeprokurori Sollaku deklaroi se ?Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme ?sht? angazhuar p?r t? kryer me p?rgjegj?si detyr?n n? luft?n kund?r korrupsionit, krimit t? organizuar, trafiqeve njer?zore, t? drog?s etj?. P?r k?t? q?llim, sipas kryeprokurorit Sollaku, k?rkohet mb?shtetje edhe nga struktura t? tjera shtet?rore p?r t? luftuar fenomenet negative e n? ve?anti korrupsionin. P?r ta forcuar akoma m? tep?r luft?n kund?r k?tyre krimeve, kryeprokurori Sollaku, i k?rkoi ambasadorit amerikan q? nj? s?r? prokuror?sh dhe oficer?sh t? policis? gjyq?sore shqiptare t? trajnohen n? SHBA. Ky ishte edhe takimi i par? q? kryeprokurori i ri, Theodhori Sollaku, zhvillon me ambasadorin e Shteteve t? Bashkuara t? Amerik?s, Jozef Linpreht. Po dje Sollaku ?sht? takuar edhe me ambasadorin grek n? Tiran?, Iliopulos, me t? cilin ka zhvilluar nj? bised? me dyer t? mbyllura p?r shtypin. P?r k?t? takim z?dh?n?si i Prokuroris? s? P?rgjithshme, Agim Neza, nuk ka pranuar q? t? prononcohet apo t? jap? ndonj? detaj rreth tij. E.Janina --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Apr 13 19:54:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 13 Apr 2002 16:54:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Recent Links on SEE Message-ID: <20020413235404.25391.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Tue Apr 9 00:49:16 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Tue, 09 Apr 2002 09:49:16 +0200 Subject: [balkans] Recent Links on SEE 1. Coalition for International Justice 2. Actualit?s des ?tudes balkaniques --------------------------------- From: "Judith Armatta" I just wanted to let you and the list know about the new website of the Coalition for International Justice. With the beginning of the Milosevic trial, we initiated a trial monitoring project here at the ICTY. Our goal is not to report every detail of the trial, but to make it more understandable to a lay audience. Therefore, we might discuss a particular legal procedure or explain what is happening from a legal point of view. The website is currently in English and what is termed at the ICTY "BCS" (formerly known as Serbo-Croatian). We hope to add an Albanian translation as well. The website is: www.cij.org --------------------------------- 2. Nous vous informons de la mise en ligne d'une nouvelle rubrique sur le site de l'AFEBalk : "Actualit?s des ?tudes balkaniques" : http://www.afebalk.org/actualites/news.php Vous y trouverez l'information sur les colloques, les conf?rences, les s?minaires, les appels ? contribution ou ? articles, les nouvelles parutions, etc. Les messages de la liste de diffusion "Etudes sur les Balkans" y seront archiv?s. Vous avez ?galement la possibilit? de nous signaler tout ?v?nement en remplissant le formulaire pr?vu ? cet effet. Sur la premi?re page, vous acc?derez aux 10 nouvelles les plus r?centes, les pr?c?dentes figurant dans les archives interrogeables par mots cl?s. Parmi les fonctionnalit?s de cette rubrique : affichage des nouvelles en format d'impression et possibilit? de les signaler ? d'autres personnes (voir les icones en bas de page). Association fran?aise d'?tudes sur les Balkans Maison des Sciences de l'Homme Bureau 108 54, bd Raspail F-75006 Paris e-mail : infos at afebalk.org Site Internet : http://www.afebalk.org/ --------------------------------- Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Apr 14 09:24:01 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 14 Apr 2002 06:24:01 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Patten's speech Message-ID: <20020414132401.70274.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Western Balkans Democracy Forum Speech by The Rt Hon Chris Patten, CH Western Balkans Democracy Forum - Thessaloniki, 11 April 2002 - SPEECH/02/150 - Check against delivery --------------------------------- I am delighted to be able to take part in your meeting this evening. This week like most of my weeks has had a strong Balkan flavour. On Monday, I met Deputy Prime Minister Labus and President Djukanovic in Brussels. On Tuesday, I presented our first annual report on the Stabilisation and Association process to which I shall return in a moment - to the Commission. Yesterday, Javier Solana and I discussed the Balkans with Colin Powell in Madrid. This morning I was in Sarajevo and Mostar, seeing some of our housing projects there. I visited our Reconstruction Agency here in Thessaloniki this afternoon. Now I am here, and tomorrow I will be discussing with your Prime Minister and Foreign Minister the great opportunity that the Greek Presidency of the EU gives us to take all this work forward. At a time of deep crisis in the Middle East, what does this show? That while the Balkans may have slipped off the nightly TV news, they have not diminished in importance for the EU. Our job here is not yet done. Peace is not yet irreversible and self-sustaining. The task of building strong states, of establishing the rule of law, of fashioning effective institutions in which all citizens have confidence, regardless of their ethnicity, is making headway, but it all takes a very long time Our aims in the Balkans Far from getting out of the Balkans, the EU is getting more and more deeply involved in the region. Our policy amounts not to an exit strategy, but to an entry strategy a strategy to help the Balkan countries themselves become members, one day, of the EU. Two years ago, the European Union explicitly recognised Albania, BiH, Croatia, FRY and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia as potential candidates for membership, and put in place a policy the Stabilisation and Association process - to help turn that dream into a real possibility. Romania and Bulgaria are already candidate countries in their own right. Recent progress It is early days, but the policy is beginning to work. The explicit destination has given the region a sense of direction, and a sense of momentum. The Balkans today, as the United States Institute for Peace observed in a paper recently, are in better shape than they have been for a decade. Compared to only two years ago, the situation has been transformed. Every country has a democratic government. Milosevic is on trial. Serbia and Montenegro are being reconciled. Kosovo has held its first elections, and set up institutions of provisional self- government. Croatia is welcoming back tourists, and winning at Wimbledon and the Olympics. Bosnia has just picked up an Oscar. Tremendously talented peoples are starting to be associated with success again. This is not the Balkans of just a few years ago. But, I am sure you would acknowledge, is it not yet the European Union. The region remains desperately weak and vulnerable. Corruption and organised crime have descended like carrion crows. They pose a huge threat to the security of the European Union itself. The challenges ahead In some ways, the really hard work is only just beginning, as our first annual report on the Stabilisation and Association process makes very clear. The report is a frank assessment of the situation in the region, and in each country, as we see it. The main challenges identified are clear: Entrenching the rule of law throughout the region, upheld by professional police forces and reliable courts and judges Tackling organised crime and corruption Building strong public administrations Securing a free media throughout the region, as a bulwark for liberty Turning economies based on socialist central planning into free market economies in which enterprise can thrive under the law, and in which barriers to legitimate regional trade are steadily eliminated Reconnecting regional energy, transport and other links Forging a climate of trust so that regional co-operation becomes as second nature as it is within the EU. The Stabilisation and Association Agreements and the whole process of preparing for, negotiating and then implementing them drive this process forward. These Agreements are extremely demanding because they are not just frameworks for dialogue and for good relations: they are milestones on the path to possible future accession. The agreements therefore draw heavily on our experience in preparing the existing candidate countries for membership. Signatories undertake to align their entire legal and economic frameworks with that of the EU. They begin to take on the core obligations of EU membership, and to put in place a network of co-operation and free trade agreements with their immediate neighbours. In the last two years we have negotiated and signed agreements with Skopje and Zagreb. We have worked intensively with reformers in Albania to prepare that country to start negotiations. Two years ago we set out in a so-called 'road map' the practical steps Bosnia and Herzegovina needed to take before we could consider negotiating a Stabilisation and Association Agreement . Since democrats have taken office in Belgrade, we have been working hard, through the mechanism of the Consultative Task Force, and through our assistance programme, to prepare for negotiations. Next steps So where do we go from here? Our priorities for the coming months are simply stated. We will continue to work with Croatia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia on the implementation of their SAAs, setting up the apparatus that will enable us to give detailed policy advice, and equip us to work with the countries effectively in implementing their own reform agendas. Croatia has been making good headway. But, as our recent report highlights, Zagreb needs to overcome its reservations about regional co-operation, and devote more attention to implementing, and not just discussing, institutional reform especially in the court system and the judiciary. In the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, we expect all parties to continue to adhere scrupulously to the implementation of the Ohrid Agreement. Our assistance will continue to depend on that. But we also expect the government to move ahead with implementing the SAA and, in so doing, to return to the path of integration with Europe. All parties in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia tell the EU they are committed to that. Let them show it by implementing the agreement. The EU has lived up to the promises it made on assistance for the implementation agreement, not least at the Donors' Conference we arranged with the World Bank last month. Huge sums were raised at that conference. We expect the money every euro of it to be properly spent. And we are determined to see in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and indeed throughout the region, a really determined effort made to root out corruption. Corruption poisons political and economic life throughout the region: it has got to be tackled by with total and unstinting resolve. We hope to be able to start negotiating an SAA with Albania soon. But how soon is soon will depend to a great extent on Albania. While I welcome the fact that recent political developments have generally taken place within the constitutional framework, they have not burnished Albania's image in the EU. Rather they have vindicated the warning the Commission gave about the need to strengthen Albania's chronic lack of institutional capacity when we recommended to the Council that it should authorise the start of SAA negotiations. My message to Albania is very simple: prove the doubters wrong. Deliver real reform on the ground if you want the EU to begin negotiations on an SAA. That will be the yardstick by which the EU will judge Albania, not the eloquence of Albanian Ministers visiting EU capitals. Bosnia and Herzegovina has now completed 9 of the 18 measures listed in the road map, with many on the verge of completion. Good, but not good enough. If, as I hope and expect, BiH can conclude those six or seven points by mid year, we could have a further Consultative Task Force before the summer break. We would then look sympathetically at the progress made and, if we judged it sufficient, we could proceed with a feasibility study in the autumn and, if it was positive, and if the Council agreed to it, get into negotiations next year. That is my hope. But for that to happen, Bosnia and Herzegovina will have to show real determination in finishing the road map before the summer, and a determination to make faster progress towards integration with the EU. With sufficient political will, there is absolutely no reason why Bosnia's leaders shouldn't be able to do that. I hope that the voters will insist that they do. And what of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia? The FRY has made immense progress in the 18 months since Milosevic's departure, metamorphosing from pariah to partner in just a few months. The economic team in charge in Belgrade are impressive. Inflation in Serbia is down from 116% in 2000 to under 40% in 2001. Bold fiscal reforms have streamlined the tax system, reducing the number of taxes from 200 to just 6. The FRY has joined almost all international organisations. So much for the good news: but serious problems still confront the reformers. Recent events have shown, to a frankly alarming extent, how much still needs to be done to reform the military and security services, and bring them under proper civilian control in line with EU standards. Equally, if the FRY is to proceed along the path of European integration, then full and consistent co-operation with the ICTY is an obligation, not an optional extra, for the FRY, as it is for BiH and Croatia as well. Non-co-operation would be a serious brake on our relations. So I welcome the fact that the law on co-operation with the Tribunal was adopted in Belgrade this afternoon. This is significant step forward. Now we need to see it translated into action without delay; and we need to see that co-operation cover all those indicted by the Tribunal. We very much welcome too the agreement signed last month between Serbia, Montenegro and the Federal authorities. The EU was happy to play midwife to the birth of that agreement. Now we look to the parties to it to nurture it, and to put it into practice. The EU will be happy to continue to help in that. We will, for our part, be ready to offer technical and political assistance to help resolve problems that arise. We will do that, gladly. But we cannot substitute for the central role of the parties themselves. This is their agreement, and it cannot work without their good will and their good faith. They will now be called upon to show in even greater measure the sense of imagination, the generosity of spirit, and ultimately the power of leadership that they did in reaching the agreement in the first place. I hope that they will. Because the agreement could and should represent a turning point in the Balkans - an example of how sensitive political problems can be dealt with by sitting down and talking, instead of standing up and shooting. I very much hope this agreement will serve to speed up the process of EU integration for Serbia and Montenegro. If all goes well, as I said to Deputy Prime Minister Labus and to President Djukanovic, we hope to finish the Consultative Task Force process by the summer, do a feasibility study by the end of the year, and start SAA negotiations under the Greek Presidency. In Kosovo, the EU pillar of UNMIK is spearheading reconstruction and economic recovery, and in mentoring the new institutions dealing with finance, trade and industry. It is a tribute to the EU pillar's work that the 2002 Kosovo Consolidated Budget can meet all recurrent expenditure from domestically generated revenue. Seven commercial banks are operating in Kosovo, the euro is in use throughout Kosovo, and a proper market oriented framework of legislation is being put in place. 35,000 private enterprises have now signed up to the UNMIK business registry. Much still needs to be done to ensure sustainability, to establish an effective legal basis for privatisation, to improve the management of public utilities, including energy. But very solid progress has been made. The EU's contribution: bigger and better It is up to Belgrade and Podgorica, just as it is up to Tirana, to Zagreb, to Skopje, to Sarajevo, to get on with reform themselves. We cannot do it for them. But we can offer our total support, and we are. The scale of the EU's total engagement in the region is bigger now than it has ever been, and it is still continuing to grow, if not in financial terms, then certainly in political terms. We are involved at every level. Strategically, by holding out the prospect of potential membership in the long term, and much closer association with the EU in exchange for reform in the short term. Militarily, by supplying 38,000 peace-keeping troops from EU Member States, the bulk of the total. Politically, by taking a very active role in the affairs of the region, including in responding to crises like in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Southern Serbia, or in helping to find solutions to sensitive political questions like the relationship between Serbia and Montenegro. Institutionally, by working across the board to build strong institutions, so that these countries can manage their own affairs, uphold the rights of their citizens, and tackle organised crime. Economically, by assisting with economic reform, by providing substantial budgetary assistance, and above all, by taking the radical step of opening the entire EU market to exports from the Balkans, without, at this stage, demanding reciprocal concessions in return. Financially, by backing our policy with enormous financial help extending over many years. We are spending some ?800m in the Balkans this year, and have allocated some ?4.65billion up to 2006. This region is receiving some of the highest per capita assistance in the world, comparable to the levels we are giving to the candidate countries. Delivering results on the ground Everywhere you go in the Balkans today, there is evidence of this strategy being implemented. You see it in physical reconstruction the bridges that EU money has re-built across the Sava from Croatia to Bosnia, for example, or the operation we are funding to clear the Danube. You see it in the excellent work of the European Agency for Reconstruction. You see it in the 16,500 homes we have rebuilt in Kosovo, or in the 380km of roads we have repaired, or in the 30% increase in main crop yields our agricultural support has delivered. You see it in the major improvements we have made to energy, water supply and sanitation facilities, or in the 600 schools we have refurbished in Serbia, or in the homes we have built for returning refugees in Bosnia. You see it in the airport terminals we have rebuilt at Sarajevo or Mostar. You see it in the high profile crisis management negotiations led by the EU, with NATO and the US, in Southern Serbia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and in the energetic work of the EU's Special Representative in Skopje, Alain Le Roy, helping to facilitate the implementation of the Ohrid Agreement; and in the fact that the incoming High Representative in Bosnia, Lord Ashdown, will also be designated a Special Representative of the EU. You see it in the myriad meetings and task forces taking place under the Stabilisation and Association process. You see it in the customs assistance missions we are running in Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania, from the new equipment we are supplying to help police the 5000 kms of new borders across the region, to the advice on integrated management techniques. You see it in the help we are offering to reform the judiciary in Bosnia, Croatia and Albania, or in our help for returning refugees region-wide. You see it in the advice we are giving in Belgrade and other capitals on how to make laws business friendly and in line with EU standards. You see it in our massive budgetary assistance to help governments cope with the strains on their public finances, or our humanitarian aid to help those in dire need. You see it in the nearly 800 conflict damaged homes we have repaired in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia since the summer, or in the restored electricity and water supplies in Aracinovo or Kumanovo and Tetovo. In January 2003 the EU's effort will step up a further big notch when we take over the international policing mission in Bosnia from the UN, and the EU has made clear its readiness in principle to take over Operation Amber Fox from NATO. All of this adds up to a formidable commitment to the Balkans, evidence of the leadership role the EU is determined to play in rebuilding the region. Now that the emergency phase is by and large over, more and more of our assistance is directed towards institution building. Our priorities aren't plucked from thin air. They respond directly to the preoccupations of people across the Balkans, as a fascinating poll last week by the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance made clear. It showed that people in the Balkans are most worried about are what people everywhere are most worried about: secure jobs, a decent standard of living, public security and honesty in public life. They have immense distrust in their current institutions: only 17% of people in Croatia, for example, said they trusted the courts, while only 12% trusted the government in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and only 19% trusted local authorities in Serbia. We hear that message, we hear it loud and clear. Our priorities are the people's priorities: creating effective institutions, the rule of law, beating crime and corruption, and generating jobs. We are getting a lot better at deploying the enormous resources at the EU's command from political influence to trade measures, from humanitarian aid and reconstruction support to confidence building measures, from technical expertise to policing capacity faster and in a more integrated way. We showed that in the crises in Southern Serbia and in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, where the Commission's aid programmes have been carefully tailored to support the Union's diplomatic efforts; or earlier in our Energy for Democracy or media support programmes in Serbia. These were political programmes as much as they were economic: designed to promote democracy and regime change. In the coming months, we need to build on the progress of the last two years, by deepening still further the special relationship between the EU and the countries which are part of the Stabilisation and Association process To that end, the Commission proposed last week the development of the Zagreb process into a regular political forum in which EU Ministers would meet their senior colleagues from the region on a regular basis. We are open as to how frequently such meetings would occur, and at what level: but we think that they would be valuable. We need, too, to keep up and to strengthen international co-operation in the region. I am very aware that the EU cannot do everything on its own, nor would it wish to. This is a team effort, of which the EU is a leading player. But we will only succeed as a team. There is a particularly important role for the Stability Pact, in stitching together the web of regional co-operation without which the Stabilisation and Association process will fail, and helping to ensure the wider international effort actively supports the integration of the Balkans with Euro Atlantic structures. The new Stability Pact Special Co-ordinator, Dr Busek, brings very great experience to bear on these issues. He has set out a clear agenda for the Pact in the coming months: we will give it our full and enthusiastic support. We will also continue to work extremely closely with NATO, with the OSCE and with the United States across the whole region, including in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, where our co-operation last summer was a model of its kind. Indeed, our co-operation with the US in the Balkans in the last two years, and also with NATO, has been a real success story. Without it, the progress that has been made would simply not have been possible. We must make sure it continues. Conclusion Even before the horror of 11 September, the recent tragic history of the Balkans had shown to Europe and to the wider international community the danger that failed, or failing, states can pose to our stability and security in this small and interconnected world. The Balkans have demonstrated how instability is contagious, how quickly someone else's problem can become everyone's problem. They have reminded us that it is less costly - in political or financial capital, and above all in blood - to take early and decisive action, rather than prevaricate until matters have spiralled out of control. It is worth noting that our intervention in Fyrom has cost just a fraction of our effort in Kosovo or Bosnia. In the wake of September 11, these are all lessons that plainly have a wider application. They have reminded us and this too has wider application that standing up for our values when they are in danger, standing up for democracy, for others' rights, for justice, is not flabby idealism: it is a matter of hard security, and profoundly in our self-interest. The choice for us in this case is very clear: either we export stability to the Balkans, or the Balkans export instability to us. I know which I would prefer. There is one more lesson I take from the Balkans today: never, never, never give up. Because what is happening in this region today shows how it is possible to turn failed states into successful states, how it is possible to fashion hope out of despair, how it is possible to make a difference. We have a long way to go in the Balkans: but we are getting there. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jetkoti at hotmail.com Fri Apr 12 21:28:15 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli) Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 19:28:15 -0600 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] How about a new Holocaust from the Semites...to other Semites Message-ID: The Independent Israel to bury dead from 'massacre' camp 12 April 2002 Israel will bury Palestinians killed in the West Bank refugee camp of Jenin, the army said today, prompting Palestinian allegations that Israel had killed hundreds of civilians and was trying to hide the bodies. Army spokesman Brigadier General Ron Kitrey denied the Palestinian accusations of a cover-up, but said collection and burial of the bodies in Jenin would begin today. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon refused to give US Secretary of State Colin Powell a deadline for the end of the offensive in the Palestinian terriroties. He said at a joint news conference with General Powell after their much-awaited meeting: "Israel is conducting a war against the Palestinian infrastructure of terror and hopes to end it as soon as possible." Gen. Powell said the United States understood Israel's need to defend itself, but added that "eventually the parties must talk, the parties must have negotiations." He said he did not come away from the meeting with a timetable for an Israeli withdrawal. He is expected to meet Yasser Arafat tomorrow at his headquarters in Ramallah, where the Palestinian leader has been confined with aides to three rooms by Israeli forces who invaded the compound two weeks ago. In Gaza City, an effigy of Gen. Powell was burned in an anti-U.S. protest by thousands of Palestinians. Brig. Kitrey told Israel Army radio today that hundreds of Palestinians had been killed in Jenin. But the army subsequently contacted news organisations to say that he meant hundreds had been killed and wounded. He said the bodies from the Jenin fighting would be buried at a special cemetery in the Jordan Valley where Lebanese fighters killed in cross-border clashes have been buried in unmarked graves. "The terrorists we found with guns we are going to bury in what we call the enemy cemetery site," he told The Associated Press. "The civilians we will try to give back to the Palestinians." He alleged Palestinian Red Crescent officials have rejected an Israeli offer to retrieve bodies from the camp. However, Dr. Hussam Sharkawi of the Red Crescent said that for several days the Israeli army has blocked his group from entering the camp. "This is part of their disinformation campaign to hide something," Dr Sharkawi said. The Red Cross also said it and other aid groups, including the Red Crescent, had been denied permission by Israel to enter the camp. The organization's communication coordinator, Alexandra Matijevic, said the Red Cross has been shut out of the camp for three days and has been unable to confirm conflicting casualty claims. Palestinian Cabinet Minister Saeb Erekat repeated accusations the Israelis were trying to cover up the killing of civilians. "They want to hide their crimes, the bodies of the little children and women," he told The Associated Press. Mr Erekat said that Gen. Powell should visit the Jenin camp and witness the "war crimes." Though the army reported sporadic fighting in the Jenin area, the last significant pocket of gunmen surrendered to Israeli troops on Thursday. Jenin effectively has been closed to journalists during most of the fighting, so allegations of massacres and mass burials could not be independently confirmed. Journalists who entered the camp briefly Thursday saw no bodies, and the army would not explain where they were. Also from the Middle East section. Jerusalem suicide bomber kills six Israel buries the bodies, but cannot hide the evidence Woman suicide bomber strikes as Powell sees Sharon International force must be deployed, says Annan Explosion at Tunisian synagogue was a deliberate attack, claim Germans -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Sat Apr 13 08:38:05 2002 From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church) Date: Sat, 13 Apr 2002 08:38:05 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Speaker needed in Pittsburgh Message-ID: <20020413.084352.-238643.17.albboschurch@juno.com> Subject: Albanian speaker needed in Pittsburgh If anyone is aware of someone who may be interested in doing some professional work in Albanian speaking and translation in the Pittsburgh area, beginning late Spring or early Summer this year, please write to me privately. Priest Thomas Soroka Orthodox Church in America tomsoroka at yahoo.com http://www.stnicholas-oca.org From albboschurch at juno.com Sat Apr 13 08:29:12 2002 From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church) Date: Sat, 13 Apr 2002 08:29:12 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Orthodox Christian Easter Date: May 5, 2002 Message-ID: <20020413.084352.-238643.14.albboschurch@juno.com> Albanian Orthodox Archdiocese in America Boston, Massachusetts For your information. 1. For Orthodox Christians there are these conditions for determining the Easter ( Paschal ) Date: The commemoration of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ is determined to be celebrated on: a.) The First Sunday, after b.) The First Full Moon, after c.) The Spring Quinox, and d.) Always following the conclusion of Passover. 2. In other Christian Churches, sometimes Easter precedes, sometimes follows, and sometimes it is at the same time as Passover. With the Orthodox, it is always after Pesach's conclusion (maybe even long after.) 3. Furthmore, at some point in history, the Jews changed their calendar ( prob updated it from Julian to Gregorian, not sure. Both of which are off, but the Julian moreso. We need another update today, I'm told. ) Orthodox Christians however, employ the Jewish calendar used at the time when Jesus lived. In Early Christian times, the principal site for precise determinations was accorded to the Church of Alexandria (Egypt), owing to that historic city's fame as an astronomical, academic and scientific center of research. Even to this day, the Church of Alexandria (and its methods ) continues to be relied upon to determine the Easter date. Recently, a congress of Orthodox theologians have prepared an analysis and recommendations for a Common Celebration of Pascha for all Christians. It has yet to be discussed fully by worldwide Orthodoxy and its promulgation is yet under advisement. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jetkoti at hotmail.com Sun Apr 14 01:12:20 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com) Date: Sun, 14 Apr 2002 01:12:20 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: War Crimes Tribunal Becomes Reality, Without U.S. Role Message-ID: <20020414051220.84F9358A4F@email5.lga2.nytimes.com> This article from NYTimes.com has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com. Just in case any one interested in the subject missed it. I was inspired to forward this article I read yestrday after attending a lecture this evening by the 1987 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, Oscar Arias. jetkoti at hotmail.com /-------------------- advertisement -----------------------\ Enjoy new investment freedom! Get the tools you need to successfully manage your portfolio from Harrisdirect. Start with award-winning research. Then add access to round-the-clock customer service from Series-7 trained representatives. Open an account today and receive a $100 credit! http://www.csfbdirect.com/b4.htm \----------------------------------------------------------/ War Crimes Tribunal Becomes Reality, Without U.S. Role April 12, 2002 By BARBARA CROSSETTE UNITED NATIONS, April 11 - More than half a century after it was proposed in the ruins of World War II, the world's first permanent court for the prosecution of war criminals and dictators became a reality today as the United States stood on the sidelines in strong opposition. The treaty that established the court, which is expected to take shape in The Hague over the next year, went into effect after the 60th nation had ratified it. The court closes a gap in international law as the first permanent tribunal dedicated to trying individuals, not nations or armies, responsible for the most horrific crimes, including genocide and crimes against humanity. Until now, just ad hoc courts like the Nuremberg trials after World War II and the Balkans tribunal that is now sitting in judgment on Slobodan Milosevic, the former Yugoslav president, have done that work. "The long-held dream of the International Criminal Court will now be realized," Secretary General Kofi Annan said at a news conference in Rome, where 120 countries first agreed in 1998 to set up the tribunal. "Impunity has been dealt a decisive blow." But the Bush administration again demonstrated its readiness to go it alone when it deems necessary, boycotting the ceremony here that celebrated the birth of the court. That attitude has prompted concern in Europe and elsewhere over a new American unilateralism. The establishment of the court has been broadly welcomed by most democratic nations, American lawyers' associations and human rights groups. But it has an implacable foe in the Bush administration, which argues that the court will open American officials and military personnel in operations abroad to unjustified, frivolous or politically motivated suits. The court will assume jurisdiction over charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed after July 1 of this year. Washington fears that a country as powerful as the United States, with its unchallenged military might and troops around the world, would be uniquely vulnerable to prosecutions. In theory, any American, from high-ranking officials like the Secretaries of Defense or State to soldiers in the field, could be accused of a crime. President Bush appears to be on the verge of not only renouncing the tribunal, but also removing the signature of the United States from the treaty. Even so, no country is deemed to be outside the court's jurisdiction. American participation would strengthen the court considerably, and by not taking part the United States will lose influence over court proceedings. The United States signed the treaty for the court in December 2000 in the last days of the Clinton administration. Bush administration officials say it will never be sent to the Senate for ratification. Congress has passed a law to forbid Americans at all levels of government to cooperate with the new court, and the United States is trying - so far without success - to insist on exemptions for Americans from its jurisdiction. Today, five members of Congress, led by Henry J. Hyde, chairman of the House International Relations Committee, sent a letter to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell requesting that he ask the Security Council to write into every future peacekeeping resolution a grant of absolute immunity from the court for Americans who take part in operations. That would start with a renewal of the international force for Bosnia in June. The New York City Bar Association was one of many organizations that wrote to Mr. Bush this week urging a reconsideration of what is apparently a decision to renounce the court treaty. The action, the president of the lawyers' group, Evan A. Davis, said would "weaken U.S. international standing at the very time we need international cooperation for the war against terrorism." The United States ambassador for war crimes, Pierre-Richard Prosper, said in a conference call from Washington with reporters that Mr. Bush had not decided to "unsign" the treaty. But all his comments on the relations, or lack of them, between the United States and the court point to that end. Symbolically, the American seat at the ceremony today was empty. It was a ceremony, Mr. Prosper said, "that we felt there was no need for us to attend, and there was no role for us to play." Mr. Prosper seemed to rule out allowing the treaty to remain in limbo, perhaps to be reconsidered by a future administration. "Our position is that we continue to oppose the treaty and do not intend to become a party," he said. "It is important that our position is made clear and that we operate here in good faith and not create expectations in the international community that we will be a party to this process in the near term." Asked whether the United States would cooperate in handing over war criminals or information for prosecutions, Mr. Prosper said, "We have no obligation to the court." David J. Scheffer, who signed the treaty for the United States as the ambassador for war crimes in the Clinton administration, said in an interview today that backing out now was "a very ill-advised strategy." "The only reason you would unsign the treaty is if your intention was to wage war against the court," Mr. Scheffer said. "If your intention is not to wage war against the court but rather to try to preserve American interests, defend American interests, protect American interests, then the best strategy would be to remain as a signatory." Michael Posner, executive director of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, said in an interview that unsigning the treaty would set a terrible precedent. "No American president in 200 years has unsigned a treaty, as far as we can find," he said. "It would also send a signal to other governments around the world that treaties they signed are unsignable." Most democratic nations and all European Union countries have ratified the treaty - except Greece, which is in the process of doing so - along with Canada, New Zealand and a number of African, eastern European and central Asian countries. Israel has signed it but not ratified. Egypt, Iran and Syria have signed. India and Pakistan have neither signed nor ratified. Besides the United States, other powerful nations have held themselves aloof, as well. Russia has signed but not ratified. China has done neither. European allies have been among those trying to convince the United States that many safeguards are built into the court that can prevent frivolous or politically inspired prosecutions. Most cases will be brought by a chief prosecutor or the Security Council. A pretrial review panel will be able to throw out charges. Moreover, the court will be required to allow national courts to handle cases in the first instance. Mr. Prosper said today that those steps were not enough. "The point is that we do view the safeguards as being insufficient," he said. Mr. Annan tried to calm American fears today. "The court will prosecute in situations where the country concerned is either unable or unwilling to prosecute," he said. "Countries with good judicial systems who apply the rule of law and prosecute criminals and do it promptly and fairly need not fear. "I don't think this a court that is going to run amok." http://www.nytimes.com/2002/04/12/international/12COUR.html?ex=1019761140&ei=1&en=7368a4132c524d09 HOW TO ADVERTISE --------------------------------- For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters or other creative advertising opportunities with The New York Times on the Web, please contact onlinesales at nytimes.com or visit our online media kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo For general information about NYTimes.com, write to help at nytimes.com. Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company From jetkoti at hotmail.com Sun Apr 14 01:30:10 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli) Date: Sat, 13 Apr 2002 23:30:10 -0600 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: America must see that Sharon is the problem The Middle East conflict cannot be resolved while the Israelis are led by a man who sees military force as the only instrument of policy. Observer Worldview Avi Shlaim (Avi Shlaim is a professor of International Relations at Oxford and the author of The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (2000)) Sunday April 14, 2002 The Observer When running for Prime Minister in February of last year, Ariel Sharon, Israel's ferocious hawk, tried to reinvent himself as a man of peace. Against the background of the al-Aqsa intifada, which he had helped to trigger by his provocative visit to Haram al-Sharif (Temple Mount), he ran on a ticket of peace with security. In his first year in power, Sharon has achieved neither peace nor security but only a steady escalation of the violence. In the last two weeks Sharon has revealed himself once again as a man wedded to military force as the only instrument of policy. The 74 year-old Israeli leader has been at the sharp end of confrontation with the Arabs for most of his life. The hallmarks of his career are mendacity, the most savage brutality towards Arab civilians, and a persistent preference for force over diplomacy to solve political problems. These features found their clearest expression in the invasion of Lebanon in 1982 which Sharon masterminded as defence minister in Menachem Begin's Likud government. The war that Sharon is currently waging on the West Bank, fraudulently named 'Operation Defensive Shield', is in some ways a replay of his war in Lebanon. It is directed against the Palestinian people; it stems from the same stereotypes that the Palestinians are terrorists; it is based on the same denial of Palestinian national rights; it employs the same strategy of savage and overwhelming military force; and it displays the same callous disregard for international opinion, international law, the UN, and the norms of civilised behaviour. Even the principal personalities are the same: today, as in 1982, Ariel Sharon confronts Yasser Arafat. The invasion of Lebanon was not a defensive war but a war of deception. Sharon obtained cabinet approval for a limited military operation against the PLO forces in southern Lebanon. From the beginning, however, he planned a much bigger operation to serve broader geostrategic aims. The principal objective of Sharon's war was to destroy the PLO as a military and political organisation, to break the backbone of Palestinian nationalism, to spread despair and despondency among the inhabitants of the West Bank, and to pave the way to its absorption into Greater Israel. A second objective was to give Israel's Maronite allies a leg-up to power, and then compel them to sign a peace treaty with Israel. A third objective was to expel the Syrian army from Lebanon and to make Israel the dominant power in the Levant. Under Sharon's devious direction, an operation that was supposedly undertaken in self-defence developed into a merciless siege of Beirut and culminated in a horrendous massacre in the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila which led to the removal of Sharon from the ministry of defence. In his crude but relentless propaganda war, Sharon tries to portray Arafat as the master terrorist who orchestrates the violence against Israel and secretly encourages suicide bombings by Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. To be sure, Arafat is not above using violence. Nor has he done as much as he could to curb the activities of the Islamic militants. Yet Arafat is the leader who persuaded his movement to abandon armed struggle and adopt the political path in the struggle for independence. By signing the Oslo Accord in 1993, and clinching it with a hesitant handshake, he and Yitzhak Rabin undertook to resolve the outstanding differences between their two nations by peaceful means. Until the assassination of Rabin two years later, Arafat proved himself an effective partner on the road to peace. The subsequent decline of the Oslo peace process was caused more by Israeli territorial expansionism than by Palestinian terrorism. Israeli settlements on the West Bank, which Sharon's government continues to expand, are the root of the problem. Ever the opportunist, Sharon was quick to jump on the bandwagon of America's 'war against terror' in the aftermath of 11 September. Under this banner, Sharon has embarked on a sinister attempt to destroy the infrastructure of a future Palestinian state. His real agenda is to subvert what remains of the Oslo accords, to smash the Palestinians into the ground, and to extinguish hope for independence and statehood. To add insult to injury, he wants to remove Yasser Arafat, the democratically elected leader and symbol of the Palestinian revolution, and to replace him with a collaborationist regime which would serve as a sub-contractor charged with upholding Israeli security. What Sharon is unable or unwilling to comprehend is that security cannot be achieved by purely military means. The only hope of security for both communities lies in a return to the political track, something that the champion of violent solutions has always avoided. Consequently, Sharon's second war, like his first, is doomed to failure. If the history of this conflict teaches anything, it is that violence breeds more violence. Many people who do not necessarily support Sharon's brutal methods nevertheless have sympathy for Israel's predicament. They point out that the suicide bombs against innocent Israeli civilians pre-dated the incursion of Israeli tanks into West Bank towns and villages. Israel's illegal occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, however, goes back to 1967 and constitutes the underlying cause of Palestinian frustration, hatred, and despair of which the suicide bombs are only the cruelest manifestation. They say that Hamas and Islamic Jihad deny altogether Israel's right to exist. These are, however, the extremist fringes. The savage treatment meted out by Sharon to the Palestinians is self-defeating precisely because it undermines moderates and strengthens extremists. One of the most disturbing aspects of the current crisis is America's complicity in the Israeli onslaught. One might have expected George Bush Jr. to resume the even-handed policy of his father towards Arabs and Israelis. Instead, he has reverted to a blatantly pro-Israeli policy reminiscent of the Reagan years. Although America is a signatory to the Oslo Accord, Bush has abandoned the Palestinian side. Sharon is holding Arafat hostage in his headquarters in Ramallah, depriving him of food, water, medicines and telephone lines. The only concession that the American President has managed to extract from the truculent Israeli Prime Minister is a promise not to kill the Palestinian leader. The Israelis have destroyed much of Arafat's police force and security services, leaving him with a mobile phone. Under these conditions the embattled Palestinian leader does not have the means to prevent suicide attacks even if he had the will to do so. In an apparent reversal of American policy a week ago, President Bush called on Sharon to pull out his troops from the Palestinian towns and villages. Sharon insisted they would stay as long as necessary to accomplish their mission of uprooting the infrastructure of terror. Secretary of State Colin Powell was dispatched to the region to broker a ceasefire and restore the political track. He is unlikely to get far with Sharon unless he backs up his words with the threat to cut economic and military aid to Israel. The death toll in 'Operation Defensive Shield' is more than 200 Palestinians and 60 Israelis. How many more lives will have to be sacrificed before the Americans understand that General Sharon is part of the problem, not the solution? Special reports Observer Worldview Special report: Israel & the Middle East Middle East in crisis 14.04.2002: Hopes rise as Arafat condemns terrorists 14.04.2002: Peter Beaumont: Ten-day ordeal in crucible of Jenin 14.04.2002: Saudi diplomat's poem for killers 14.04.2002: Arafat's terror statement 14.04.2002: Sharon divides world's Jews Comment special: the way out? 14.04.2002: Avi Shlaim: America must see that Sharon is the problem 14.04.2002: Gareth Evans: How to solve the Middle East crisis 14.04.2002: Gerd Nonneman: The roots of Palestinian despair 14.04.2002: Leader: Sharon must listen Recent comment 07.04.2002: Amos Oz: An end to Israeli occupation will mean a just war 07.04.2002: Will Hutton: Reason with your heart, Mr Sharon 31.03.2002: Ian Gilmour: let there be justice for all, Mr Bush 07.04.2002: Leader: Bush must go the extra mile 31.03.2002: Leader: Sharon must heed his ally >From the archive 04.06.1967: David Astor: Two wronged peoples (1967) How the crisis developed: key moments 07.04.2002: Pull back, Bush orders Sharon 07.04.2002: The inside story: Why Bush finally stepped in 31.03.2002: Calendar of horror in the Holy Land 07.04.2002: Front line life of an Irish peace crusader 31.03.2002: Israelis execute Arafat's elite guards 31.03.2002: How trapped leader survived bombing 31.03.2002: Defiant Israel ignores UN's demands to pull back forces 13.03.2002: Full text: UN resolution 1397 31.03.2002: UN resolution on the Middle East 31.03.2002: Graham Usher: On the streets of Jerusalem 10.03.2002: Journalist sows the fragile seeds of peace 10.03.2002: World reaction to the Saudi peace plan 10.03.2002: Fear splits Israel's ranks 17.03.2002: Graham Usher: Innocent draw breath as dust of war settles 24.02.2002: Focus: They talk of peace but are preparing for war More from Peter Beaumont 07.04.2002: Peter Beaumont meets the Israeli soldiers 31.03.2002: I saw the bodies, killed by a shot to the head 31.03.2002: Peter Beaumont: two weak leaders talk tough 05.04.2002: 'America has no credibility' 05.04.2002: Smuggled into hospital in an ambulance under a pile of corpses 04.04.2002: Fear stalks the streets of Bethlehem 03.04.2002: 'I never thought they would fire live rounds' 03.04.2002: Israeli tanks take war into Manger Square 02.04.2002: Palestinians kill suspected collaborators 17.02.2002: Peter Beaumont: The new anti-semitism? 24.02.2002: The big issue: Is anti-Zionism anti-Semitic? 24.02.2002: Letters extra: Israel and anti-Semitism 27.01.2002: Peter Beaumont: Is this the end for Arafat? 24.02.2002: Peter Beaumont: Sharon brings only insecurity -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 15 05:06:34 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 15 Apr 2002 02:06:34 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Southeast European Student Initiatives Message-ID: <20020415090634.28595.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Apr 10 10:40:22 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Wed, 10 Apr 2002 19:40:22 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Southeast European Student Initiatives Open Society Institute (OSI) Higher Education Support Program (HESP) Southeast European Student Initiatives (SESI) 2002 The International Higher Education Support Program (HESP) of the Open Society Institute (OSI) invites concept papers for cross-border student initiatives from and within the following Southeast European academic communities: Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia. The aim of the Southeast European Student Initiatives (SESI) is to address systemic changes in higher education by involving students in the democratization, modernization, and innovation of the educational process and by enhancing cross-border co-operation of students in the Southeast European region. SESI 2002 invites students to submit CONCEPT PAPERS on the following issues: Democratization, modernization, and innovation of the higher education process 1. Students' participation in governance of higher education institutions (student councils and other student governing structures) 2. Students' evaluation of teaching and/or curriculum in humanities and social sciences (ideas should lead towards innovation of teaching and/or curriculum, interdisciplinary initiatives and programs, towards flexible and market-oriented programs of life-long education, and alike) 3. Ideas on prevention and elimination of corruption in Southeast European higher education, and protection of students' rights Access to higher education in Southeast Europe 1. Ideas for improvement of equal access to higher education with a special focus on access to higher education of minority groups (Roma, other minorities, disabled etc.) 2. Ideas related to improvement of financing of higher education (introduction of tuition, voucher system, student loans, etc.) The concept ideas must meet the following requirements: * be initiated, and eventually implemented, primarily by undergraduate students; * involve cross-border cooperation of undergraduate students; * involve an educational component (such as workshops, lecture series, seminars, summer schools, round tables, open forums, discussion groups etc.); * include a discussion of projected outputs * be from the following academic communities of Southeast Europe: Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia. Preference will be given to ideas: * with a potential to make an impact in several or all countries of Southeast Europe, * focusing on or involving minorities, * initiated within or focusing on existing educational structures, * focusing on or initiated from outside the capital cities. Applications must include: * Completed Information Sheet (available at the web-site: www.osi.hu/hesp) * A Concept Paper in English (description of the project idea, up to 1000 words) including the general idea of the future project proposal, a brief description of planned activities, description of the managing structure envisaged, curriculum vitae of project leaders, information on possible partnerships and cooperation, and expected outcomes of the project. Selection procedure: An International Expert Committee will do the selection in two stages. In the first stage the Committee will select the most promising concept papers (ideas) and invite selected applicants to develop full project proposals. Successful candidates from the first stage will have the opportunity to work on developing their project proposals, based on the selected concept papers, with the help of SESI experts. The results of the first stage of selection will be announced in late July 2002. Selected applicants will be invited to submit full project proposals by the end of September 2002, for the second stage of selection. Final results on selected project proposals will be announced in fall 2002. Financial support will be provided only for projects selected in the final competition. Deadline for submitting concept papers is May 15, 2002. Concept papers should be submitted to: Open Society Institute -HESP, N?dor utca 11. ,1051 Budapest, HUNGARY Senior Program Manager Ms. Zorana Gajic Telephone: (36-1) 327 31 47; Fax: (36-1) 327 38 64; e-mail: zorana at osi.hu HESP WebSite: http://www.osi.hu/hesp _________________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Get your free @yahoo.com address at http://mail.yahoo.com Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 15 05:07:25 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 15 Apr 2002 02:07:25 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfP: Speaking Truth to Power, 30.1.-1.2.2002, Savannah, Georgia Message-ID: <20020415090725.268.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Apr 10 10:42:30 2002 To: balkans at yahoogroups.com From: Florian Bieber Date: Wed, 10 Apr 2002 19:42:30 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP: Speaking Truth to Power, 30.1.-1.2.2002, Savannah, Georgia From: Harold Cline We welcome participants from all disciplines worldwide. Speaking Truth to Power Call for Presentations and Proposals Georgia (USA) Political Science Association Annual Conference January 30 to February 1, 2003 Savannah, Georgia Deadline for Proposals: September 13, 2002 The general focus of the conference is "Speaking Truth to Power." All other topics will be considered. For information about submitting proposals and presentations or on registration and lodging, contact Harold Cline at hcline at mgc.peachnet.edu or by reply e-mail. Offers to serve as panel chairs and discussants are welcome. The Georgia Political Science Association will assemble for its 2003 Conference at the Mulberry Inn in historic Savannah, Georgia, on January 30-February 1, 2003. Following a 2002 gathering that drew 170 participants from 16 nations, the GPSA foresees an outstanding 2003 conference. The resort area of Hilton Head Island, South Carolina, is only a few minutes from Savannah. http://www.apsanet.org/PS/organizations/state/georgia.cfm _________________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Get your free @yahoo.com address at http://mail.yahoo.com Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 15 20:10:30 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 15 Apr 2002 17:10:30 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Kokkalis Program Upcoming Events Message-ID: <20020416001030.70744.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu wrote: From Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Mon Apr 15 13:19:46 2002 From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu Subject: Kokkalis Program Upcoming Events Date: Mon, 15 Apr 2002 16:19:46 -0400 The Kokkalis Program on Southeast and East-Central Europe invites you to the following events: ________________________ Tuesday, April 16, 2002 4:00 PM The History of Greece and Turkey's Accession to NATO Dr. Ekavi Athanassopoulou, Research Fellow, Bristol University and Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, Athens Cabot Room, Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies, 27 Kirkland St. Harvard University ________________________ Tuesday, April 16, 2002 9:00 PM The Last Temptation of Christ Hellenic Encounters Film Series All films shown at the Carpenter Center for the Visual Arts, 24 Quincy Street, Cambridge. Hellenic Encounters has been co-sponsored by The George Seferis Chair of Modern Greek Studies and the Harvard Film Archive. ________________________ Friday, April 19, 2002 4:15 PM The Balkans: Present and Future H.E. Petar Stoyanov, President of Bulgaria 1997 - 2002 Lower Auditorium, Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies, 27 Kirkland St. Co-sponsored with the Minda de Ginzburg Center for European Studies ________________________ For more information please visit http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/kokkalis --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 16 19:03:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 16 Apr 2002 16:03:29 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: CfA: Study at the 2nd Pristina Summer University, 15.7.-2.8.2002 Message-ID: <20020416230329.73037.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Academic Training Association wrote: From Academic Training Association Wed Apr 10 08:44:35 2002 To: From: "Academic Training Association" Date: Wed, 10 Apr 2002 17:44:35 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfA: Study at the 2nd Pristina Summer University, 15.7.-2.8.2002 ? High-quality academic courses, taught by 30 international professors! ? 100 Scholarships available for students from South East Europe! ? No tuition fees! ? Limited participation - register now! Between 15 July and 02 August 2002, the University of Pristina (UP) and the Academic Training Association (ATA) will organise the second international summer university in Pristina for 600 participants. Take part in one of the 30 high-quality academic courses, taught by 30 international professors! Take part in the largest Summer University in Europe! No tuition fees! The programme will provide 30 intensive courses in Law, Economics, Business, Sociology, Political Science, Engineering, Natural Sciences & Mathematics, English Language and Arts. Courses are taught in English and successful participants receive an official ECTS compatible 'Summer University Certificate'. Besides an academic programme, a recreational programme will be organised. At the moment it is not yet possible to apply for the Summer University. On the 1st of May, we will start the registration process of students. Until this time, you can leave your name and email address on our web-site and we will send you an email as soon as the registration starts. You can then return to this web-site to apply. Visit www.academictraining.org right now ! Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 16 19:05:14 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 16 Apr 2002 16:05:14 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conference on the Balkans in France Message-ID: <20020416230514.90217.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Yves Tomic wrote: From Yves Tomic Mon Apr 15 00:33:42 2002 To: From: "Yves Tomic" Date: Mon, 15 Apr 2002 09:33:42 +0200 Subject: [balkans] CfP : Etudes balkaniques : ?tat des savoirs et pistes de recherche, Paris, 19-20.12.2002 Premi?res rencontres des ?tudes balkaniques en France " Etudes balkaniques : ?tat des savoirs et pistes de recherche " (Paris, 19 et 20 d?cembre 2002) APPEL A CONTRIBUTION Les 19 et 20 d?cembre 2002, ? Paris, l'Association fran?aise d'?tudes sur les Balkans (AFEBalk) organise, avec le soutien du Minit?re fran?ais de la Recherche, des rencontres des ?tudes balkaniques. Celles-ci ont pour but de rassembler, dans une perspective pluridisciplinaire et europ?enne, des chercheurs, enseignants et ?tudiants en sciences sociales travaillant sur les Balkans. Elles visent en outre ? renforcer la visibilit? des ?tudes balkaniques en France, et ? favoriser les ?changes avec les milieux universitaires et scientifiques des Etats du Sud-est europ?en et de l'Union europ?enne. Les rencontres des 19 et 20 d?cembre 2002 ?tant les premi?res du genre, elles seront organis?es autour d'une probl?matique large : " Etudes balkaniques : ?tat des savoirs et pistes de recherche ". Il s'agit de permettre au plus grand nombre de participer ? ces rencontres, de dresser un panorama des savoirs et des recherches en cours, et de d?gager les pistes de recherche et les synergies possibles, tant en France qu'? l'?chelle europ?enne. Organisation g?n?rale des rencontres Les rencontres comprendront une s?ance pl?ni?re consacr?e aux perspectives des ?tudes balkaniques en Europe, ainsi que neuf ateliers th?matiques. Ceux-ci dureront trois heures, seront ouverts ? tous et d?buteront par la pr?sentation de plusieurs contributions individuelles, en fran?ais ou en anglais. Les th?mes retenus sont les suivants : 1.. h?ritages byzantin et ottoman ; 2.. Balkans et relations internationales ; 3.. fronti?res et territoires ; 4.. migrations et diasporas ; 5.. urbanit? et ruralit? ; 6.. identit?s et pratiques religieuses ; 7.. identit?s de genre et de g?n?ration ; 8.. r?formes ?conomiques et politiques sociales ; 9.. h?ritages et sorties du communisme. Cette liste pourra ?voluer en fonction des propositions de contribution individuelle qui parviendront au comit? d'organisation. Propositions de contribution individuelle Les personnes souhaitant intervenir dans un des ateliers propos?s doivent, avant le 30 mai 2002, faire parvenir au comit? d'organisation un bref r?sum? de leur contribution (200 ? 400 mots), et pr?ciser l'atelier th?matique dans lequel elles souhaitent intervenir, soit par e-mail (rencontres2002 at afebalk.org), soit par courrier postal ? l'adresse suivante : Association fran?aise d'?tudes sur les Balkans (rencontres 2002) Maison des sciences de l'homme - bureau 108 54, Boulevard Raspail F-75 006 PARIS Si le nombre de propositions s'av?rait trop ?lev? pour certains ateliers th?matiques, le comit? d'organisation se r?serve le droit d'en limiter le nombre, soit en en affectant certaines ? d'autres ateliers, soit en proc?dant ? une s?lection des intervenants. Prise en charge des frais de voyage et de s?jour Une prise en charge des frais de transport et de s?jour (trois nuits d'h?tel) est pr?vue pour les intervenants venant de province ou des Balkans, ou ?tant originaires d'un Etat balkanique et r?sidant dans un autre pays europ?en. Le versement de per diem, visant ? couvrir les frais de restauration, est en outre pr?vu pour les intervenants balkaniques. Les personnes souhaitant b?n?ficier de cette prise en charge doivent en faire la demande au comit? d'organisation avant le 30 mai 2002, et joindre au r?sum? de leur contribution un curriculum vitae indiquant entre autres leurs publications et leur niveau de ma?trise de la langue fran?aise. Pour plus d'information Association fran?aise d'?tudes sur les Balkans (rencontres 2002) Maison des sciences de l'homme - bureau 108 54, Boulevard Raspail F-75 006 PARIS infos at afebalk.org http://www.afebalk.org Nota bene Nous remercions les personnes recevant cet appel ? contributions de le diffuser le plus largement possible aupr?s des personnes et des institutions susceptibles d'?tre int?ress?es. Recipients of this call are kindly requested to forward it to all individuals and institutions that could have an interest in it. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 16 21:37:51 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 16 Apr 2002 18:37:51 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "Miqte e Shqiperise" - GSH Message-ID: <20020417013751.65600.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> koment Inflacioni i "miqve" n? Vjen? --------------------------------- P?rgatitja e takimit t? "Miqve t? Shqip?ris?" me klas?n politike shqiptare n? Vjen? tregoi dhe nj?her? se k?tij forumi konsultativ i ka ardhur koha q? t? rresht? s? ekzistuari. Ai mund t? ndryshoj? format por ?sht? e pakonceptueshme q? t? vazhdoj? t? sh?rbej? si nj? tribun? ku t? shprehen dhe q?ndrime q? bien ndesh me interesat e shqiptar?ve. Se ndryshe vet? emri i k?tij forumi do ting?llonte ca cinik. Burime diplomatike b?jn? t? ditur se miqt? real? t? Shqip?ris? kan? shpenzuar shum? energji p?r t? shmangur p?rfshirjen e pretendimeve ruse, ukrainase dhe maqedonase nga projektdeklarata q? hartohej para takimit. P?rfaq?suesit e k?tyre tre vendeve u p?rpoq?n q? t? fusnin n? dokumentin e p?rbashk?t paragraf? t? till? q? synojn? ta paraqesin Shqip?rin? si "vrim?n e zez?" t? Ballkanit. Gjithnj? sipas k?tyre pretedentimeve shteti i shqiptar?ve p?rb?n rrezik p?r sigurin? dhe rendin e vendeve fqinj?. Esht? e qart? se rajoni i Ballkanit shikohet nga optika krejt t? ndryshme madje dhe t? kund?rta nga "fuqit? e m?dha". Por t? pakt?n tribuna e forumit "Miqt? e Shqip?ris? nuk ka pse t? jet? aula ku t? p?rplasen interesat gjeopolitike dhe t? shqiptohen vokacione, t? cilat duke e nxir? Shqip?rin? rreken t? transmetojn? iden? se vendi yn? nuk mund t? jet? pjes? e familjes s? madhe euroatlantike. Kjo bie ndesh me vet? q?llimin p?r t? cilin u shpall krijimi i Grupit. Kat?r vjet m? par?, kur kryeministri i at?hersh?m italian Romano Prodi ndodhej p?r vizit? n? Uashigton bashk? me Klintonin b?ri publik krijimin e "Miqve t? Shqip?ris?". Ky forum u krijua p?r t? koordinuar ndihm?n e gjith? vendeve dhe institucioneve nd?rkomb?tare ndaj nj? vendi q? kishte kaluar nj? kriz? t? thell?. Por realiteti shqiptar ?sht? shum? larg nga ai i kat?r viteve m? par?. Nj? nism? e till? synonte ta b?nte sa m? efikase kontributet ndaj Shqip?ris?. Por ky forum duket se po e zhvler?son q?llimin p?r t? cilin u krijua. Megjith?se ky nuk ?sht? nj? forum vendimarr?s, gjith?sesi ?sht? opinionb?r?s. Duket qart? se kurrfar? kriteri nuk ka patur p?r t'u p?rfshir? n? k?t? forum. P?r sh?mbull ?far? kontributi mund t? ofroj? Ukraina p?r shqiptar?t, natyrisht n?se harrohen arm?t m? t? cilat furnizon qeverin? e Shkupit duke synuar t? mbaj? t? ndezur konfliktin nd?retnik n? Maqedoni. Nga pik?pamje ekonomike, t? ardhurat p?r frym? t? k?tij vendi me nj? infrastruktur? t? rr?nuar jan? shum? m? t? ul?ta se n? Shqip?ri. Ai ?sht? gjithashtu nj? vend ku institucionet nd?rkomb?tare kan? konstatuar se nuk ka nj? zhvillim normal t? demokracis?. Argumenta t? ngjashme mund t? jepen dhe kund?r pranis? ruse, maqedonase n? k?t? Grup. Miqt? real? t? Shqip?ris? po na ndihmojn? pavar?sisht ekzistenc?s s? k?tij forumi, si? na kan? ndihmuar dhe para krijimit t? tij. Prania e Rusis?, Maqedonis? e Ukrain?s nuk besojm? se ?sht? nj? kusht pa t? cil?n SHBA e Bashkimi Evropian, FMN, Banka Bot?rore do hezitonin. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 16 21:38:48 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 16 Apr 2002 18:38:48 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shkaterrimi i Tiranes Message-ID: <20020417013848.93682.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> POLEMIKA Projektuesi i dhjetra nd?rtesave n? mbar? Shqip?rin?, Petraq Kolevica shprehet p?r rrezikun e d?mtimit t? fasadave dhe nevoj?n e dh?nies s? mendimeve nga specialist?t Mjaft me aventur?n e shkat?rrimit t? kryeqytetitLet?r e hapur kryetarit t? Bashkis? s? Tiran?s, zotit Edi Rama dhe jo vet?m atij --------------------------------- Petraq KOLEVICA* Zoti Kryetar! Kam ardhur n? Tiran? m? 1952 nj? djalosh tet?mb?dhjet?-n?nt?mb?dhjet?vje?ar dhe mbeta qytetar i saj p?r plot nj? gjys?m shekulli. Gjat? k?saj kohe kam par? t? ndodhin n? k?t? kryeqytet shum? ?udira, prandaj, tani kam ca t? v?shtir? t? ?uditem leht? nga ndonj? ?udi q? q?llon t? ndodh? k?tu. Mosha ime, profesioni dhe ndihmesa q? kam dh?n? me nd?rtimet n? Tiran?, gjat? nj? karriere profesional? m? se tridhjet?vje?are si arkitekt, besoj se m? jep t? drejt?n t'ju flas dhe t? m? d?gjoni. Vij t? bisedoj p?r gj?ra t? r?nd?sishme, jo t? grindem p?r t'i humbur koh?n vetes dhe ju. Para s? gjithash m? duhet t'ju qart?soj e t'ju siguroj se: 1- Nuk kam ndaj jush as m? t? voglin inat personal. P?r fat t? mir?, timin dhe tuajin, jeta me dallg?t e saj, as na ka afruar, as na ka p?rplasur me nj?ri-tjetrin ndonj?her?. P?r m? tep?r, kam afrimisht mosh?n e babait tuaj, me t? cilin u pata njohur n? koh?n e shpresave t? kota t? "shkrirjes" t? fillimit t? viteve gjasht?dhjet?. Ndonj?se nuk na lidhi ndonj? miq?si e ve?ant?, dhe ec?m n? rrug? t? ndryshme, na mbeti deri n? fund nj? p?rsh?ndetje mir?dash?se. 2. Nuk kam ndaj jush as m? t? voglin mllef politik. Madje, nj? dyzin? vjet m? par?, kur ishit disi m? ndryshe dhe b?nit refleksione, ushqeva ca shpresa. Sa p?r udh?n politike q? kini zgjedhur e nisur koh?t e fundit, do t'i shihni hairin apo sherrin s'm? intereson. Puna juaj. 3. Nuk kam ndaj jush as m? t? vogl?n ambicie p?r postin q? mbani. Mosha, sh?ndeti dhe prirjet e mia s'm? nxisin t? ngre kurthe p?r t'i z?n? vendin ndonj? kryetari Bashkie apo t? luftoi p?r t'ia p?rgatitur at? vend nj? tjetri. Prandaj s'p?rpiqem t'ju demonizoj, po as t'ju mistifikoj. E b?ra k?t? nd?rhyrje t? gjat? p?r t'ju larguar ?do dyshim e keqkuptim rreth problemeve q? do t? trajtoj m? posht?. Pra, le t? hym? n? tem?: Gjat? k?saj kohe q? ushtroni detyr?n tuaj, me aq sa mund t? shoh un?, v? re se jini p?rpjekur t? b?ni mjaft pun? t? mbara, si fjala vjen, rregullimin e disa rrug?ve kryesore dhe trotuareve t? tyre, prishjen e kioskave n? qend?r t? qytetit, fillimin e rregullimit t? disa lulishteve, ve?an?risht ish parkun "Rinia" etj, nd?rsa kam plot rezerva p?r disa gj?ra q? ju guxoni t'i quani "Kthim n? identitet", p?r disa prishje pa kriter gjat? Lan?s q? kan? marr? form?n e sh?mtuar t? nj? histerie shkat?rrimtare t? panevojshme e t? d?mshme etj. P?r k?to gj?ra mbase mund t? shkruajn? t? tjer?. Un? do t? kufizohem t? flas p?r dy probleme q? m? duken t? r?nd?sish?m. Llangosja e fasadave Nisma juaj e rregullimit t? suvatimeve dhe element?ve t? tjer? t? fasadave t? godinave gjat? rrug?s s? Durr?sit e t? Kavaj?s dhe bojatisja e tyre, ishte nj? veprim shu?m i drejt? q? koha e kishte b?r? t? domosdosh?m. P?r kryerjen e k?tyre pun?ve p?rve? pun?tor?ve t? thjesht? ndoshta keni ngarkaur piktor? me diplom? Akademie dhe arkitekt?, por thuhet se gjith?ka b?het n?n frym?zimin, orientimin, drejtimin dhe miratimin tuaj deri n? holl?si. N? qoft? k?shtu, keni meritat q? ju p?rkasin, por mbani dhe p?rgjegj?sin?, p?r gabimet e r?nda q? sipas meje, jan? b?r? n? ato rrug?. P?r k?to gabime do t? flas: P?r t? gjitha godinat n? t? dy an?t e rrug?s s? Durr?sit, nga fillimi n? fund, jan? p?rdorur dy ngjyra: Portokolli e ndezur dhe e verdh? e ndezur, t? njollosura vende-vende me ngjyra dhe m? t? n dezura si jeshile e err?t, blu e thell? dhe ndonj? trek?nd?sh n? ngjyr? limoni gazmor. N? k?t? m?nyr?, t? gjitha godinat jan? veshur me t? nj?jtin kostum. K?shtu, jo vet?m q? u humbet atyre individualitetin dhe ua zbeh?t ose ua zhb?t? vlerat arkitektonike fillestare, por duke qen? t? gjitha godinat t? lyera nj?lloj, duke sikur t? gjitha jan? projektuar nga i nj?jti njeri dhe sikur jan? nd?rtuar n? t? nj?jt?n koh?. S'duhet t? harroni se aty ka godina me vlera arkitektonike t? nd?rtuara nga mezi i viteve 1930 (kat?r- pes? godinat pran? Ministris? s? Arsimit dhe ajo p?rkundrejt Ambasad?s Jugosllave) t? tjerat jan? nd?rtuar n? vitet '50. (ish godina e oficer?ve) dhe t? tjerat- nga arkitekt? t? ndrysh?m n? vitet '60, '70, '80. Juve ju duket sikur e zbukuruat k?t? rrug?, meq? e lyet fund e krye me boj? madje dhe gur?t e tullat e fasadave. N? t? v?rtet? ju e b?t? llum dhe e fsheh?t trash?gimin? nd?rtimore t? saj n?n petkun e uniformitetit gjoja modern. Jam i sigurt se fjal?t e mia t? m?sip?rme po i lexoni me nj? n?nqeshje tall?se. Kjo s'm? prish pun?, po d?gjoni ?'thot? n? librin e tij "Amate l'architettura" njeri nga arkitekt?t modern? m? t? shquar italian? Gio Ponti, autori i grata?ietit Pirelli, n? Milano: "Faqet e rrug?ve nuk jan? m? shirita t? shrregullt, por p?rb?jn? nj? shfaqje nj?sish arkitektonike t? ndara nj?ra nga tjetra, ndryshueshm?rit? e tyre do t? jen? d?shmi t? vlerave t? ndryshme dhe shprehjesh t? ndryshme, t? b?ra nga njer?z t? ndrysh?m dhe epoka t? ndryshme dhe p?rvoja teknike e konceptive t? ndryshme. K?shtu i b?jm? qytetet t? bukur". T? nj?jt?t gabime po b?hen me lyerjet e godinave n? rrug?n e Kavaj?s. Nd?rsa mund t? thuash fjal? t? mira p?r meremetimin dhe lyerjen e fasad?s s? godin?s s? ish stabilimentit "Mihal Duri", pak m? sip?r, tek t? tri kullat e banimit, sheh karikaturizimin e arkitektur?s s? tyre t? thjesht?, por dhe t? nj? godine tjet?r af?r Bank?s Komb?tare, p?r t? cil?n do t? flasim ve?an?risht m? posht?. Gabimet e llangosjes s? fasadave dhe karikaturizimi i arkitektur?s s? fasadave t? tyre arrin kulmin qesharak te blloku i banesave t? Shallvares. Dihet q? ato godina kan? nj? arkitektur? t? stipit butaforik sovjetik q? s'na ka p?lqyer ndonj?here, por t? mos harrojm? se t? tilla nd?rtesa jan? nd?rtuar me qindra n? ish-Bashkimin Sovjetik dhe Evrop?n Lindore t? viteve 1945-60. Ato p?rb?jn? nj? epok? t? nd?rtimeve n? ato vende dhe tek ne dhe kur b?hen riparime apo lyerje, u duhet q?ndruar besnik stilit arkitektonik t? tyre. Duke i shfytyruar fasadat, si? po veprohet tek k?to nd?rtesa, b?het nj? gabim i madh. K?tu gabimi ?sht? edhe m? i r?nd?, se i ka karikaturizuar pamjet e tyre me lloj-lloj njollash e ngjyrash nga limoni te e zeza, e kuqja, grija etj. me t? iclat piktor?t dekorator? treguan paditurin? e tyre t? plot? ndaj arkitektur?s. Sikur t? jetonte i ndjeri arkitekt Gani Strazimiri, viktim? e shkoll?s q? kreu dhe koh?s kur punoi, por q? e dinte mjesht?rin? e atij stili si askush tjet?r, k?ta piktor? nuk do ta kalonin aq leht? masakr?n q? po b?jn? tek banesat e Shallvares t? projektuara prej tij. K?to pak fjal? i thash? p?r t? nderuar t? ndjerin arkitekt Gani Strazimiri, mikun tim mir?dash?s pa interes dhe n? mbrojtje t? vepr?s s? tij q? tashm?, ?sht? jona, duhet t? flasin t? gjith?, jo n? rrug? e n? kafene, por atje ku mbetet e shkruar. S?mundja e llangosjes s? fasadave me ngjyra t? ndezura po invadon banesat n? Rr. "Luigj Gurakuqi". Ato jan? projektuar nga arkitekt? koleg? t? mi t? dikursh?m q? p?r fat t? mir?, t? rinj e jan? t? gjall?. Sa s'?sht? von?, duhet ta thon? me z? t? lart? e me shkrim t? qart? n?se e miratojn? at? q? po ndodh tek ato nd?rtesa, apo jan? kund?r. Duhet ta b?jn? k?t?, n?se duan t'u ket? hije emri arkitekt q? mbajn?. Epidemia e ngjyrave t? ndezura po p?rhapet dhe n? godinat e reja shum?kat?she, ndoshta si imitim i thjesht?, ndoshta p?r t'ia b?r? qejfin kryetarit, p?r t? mos u hapur ndonj? telash t? kot?. K?shtu Tirana, qytet mesdhetar, q? duhej t? kishte- si? i ka pasur jet'e mot - ajo dhe gjith? Shqip?ria si dhe gjith? qytetet e Mesdheut, godina me ngjyra krejt t? ?elura, mori ngjyrat e ndezura q? p?lqehen e p?rdoren n? banesa popujsh t? vendeve me klim?, trash?gimi historike e kulturore krejt t? ndryshme nga tonat dhe si pasoj?, kan? shije ndaj s? bukur?s krejt t? ndryshme nga e jona. Me asi ngjyrash s'duhet t? g?njehemi e t? themi q? Tirana b?het gjoja moderne. Duke p?rdorur k?to ngjyra, ju s'mund t? shfaj?soheni apo t? fshiheni prapa th?nies s? njohur latine: De gustibus et coloribus on disputandum. Jo, zot?rinj! Kjo vlen vet?m kur lyeni sht?pin? tuaj. Lyjeni me ?do boj? q? t'u p?lqej? dhe e mbaj?i me sh?ndet, por kur merrni p?rsip?r t? lyeni nj? qytet t? t?r?, s'mund t? dhunoni shijen e p?rgjithshme t? formuar nga nj? kultur? qytetare shum?vje?are p?r t? mos th?n? shekullore. Larg duart nga blloku i banesave mbrapa Bank?s Komb?tare! Tani dua t? v? n? dukje p?rdhunimin e arkitektur?s dhe shfytyrimin e fasad?s s? nj? blloku banesash q? ka lidhje t? forta me krijimtarin? time projektuese si arkitekt. Fjal?n e kam p?r bllokun e banesave mbrapa Bank?s Komb?tare. Ai bllok ?sht? nd?rtuar gati dyzet vjet m? par? dhe deri m? sot nuk e ka pasur t? nevojshme as t? lahej, as t? lyhej. Q?ndroi i past?r dhe i pa?ngjyrosur dhe k?shtu do t? vazhdonte t? q?ndronte edhe p?r nj? gjys?m shekulli, n? mos m? shum?, po t? mos d?mtohej nga njer?zit q? jan? aleat?t m? t? eg?r t? koh?s shkat?rrimtare. "Bukuria ?sht? materiali m? i q?ndruesh?m". K?to godina, me bukurin? e tyre, e provuan edhe nj? her? k?t? th?nie t? vjet?r. "L'arcitecture chante" thot? Le Corbusier- Arkitektura k?ndon. Ka dyzet vjet q? ky bllok po k?ndon k?ng?n e tij t? heshtur, por k?t? k?ng? ia nd?rpren? tani ca bojaxhinj q? derdh?n mbi paditurin? e tyre t? mjer?. Ata po ia p?rdhunojn? arkitektur?n e qart? duke e ngarkuar e ngat?rruar me element? t? pakuptimt? q? e karikaturizojn? dhe e veshin me rroba kllouni, si? po veshin dhe nd?rtesa t? tjera n? Tiran?. Me k?to veprime ata u b?n? vazhduesit qesharak? t? p?rdhunuesve t? projektit dhe t? nd?rtimit t? k?tyre godinave n? koh?n e diktatur?s komuniste. Ndokush q? k?rkon t? dij? m? shum? mbi ndodhit? e at?hershme, le t? lexoj? librin tim "Arkitektura dhe diktatura". P?r lexuesit e sot?m, do t? tregoj shkurt historin? tragjikomike q? ka shoq?ruar k?to godina dhe mua deri m? sot: Dyzet vjet m? par?, un?, nj? inxhinier i ri nj?zetetet?vje?ar p?r t? mbrojtur projektin e k?tij blloku, p?rplasesha me dy nga m? t? pushtetshmit e asaj kohe, S. Koleka dhe M. Shehu q? me mosh? ishin nja nj?zet e pes? vjet m? t? m?dhenj se un?. Tani, p?r t? mbrojtur k?to godina, m? duhet t? p?rplasem me m? t? pushtetshmit e sot?m, q? jan? nja nj?zet e pes? vjet m? t? rinj se un?. Deri m? sot, p?r k?to nd?rtesa, kam d?gjuar fjal? t? mira, madje, disa koleg? dashamir? q? e ?mojn? t? bukur?n, me t? par? q? po c?nohej arkitektura e tyre, m? telefonuan t? alarmuar e t? indinjuar p?r sa po ndodhte. T? tjer?, ndoshta kaluan aty pari dhe b?n? sikur nuk e pan?. T? tjer?, ndoshta mund t? ken? buz?qeshur me lig?si. Sikushdo vepron sipas nd?rgjegjes s? vet. Un? e shoh me qet?si. Dikur e b?ra detyr?n time. Luftova sa munda p?r mbrojtjen e arkitektur?s s? k?tij blloku. Madje i pata kushtuar dy-tre vjet t? rinis? sime. Tani s'?sht? m? i imi. Q? prej dyzet vjet?sh i p?rket Tiran?s. Ajo le ta mbroj?. - N?se Tirana ka arkitekt? q? e mbajn? at? em?r me dinjitetin q? meriton, do t? din? ?'t? b?jn?. - Kam d?gjuar se Shoqata e Arkitekt?ve shqiptar? ?sht? riorganizuar, ka zgjedhur organet drejtuese. N?se v?rtet funksionon si shoqat? arkitekt?sh, e di ?'duhet b?r?. - S? fundi, do t'i kujtoja mikut tim t? vjet?r, Drejtorit t? ri t? Institutit t? Mbrojtjes s? Monumenteve t? Kultur?s, se ky bllok banesash ?sht? nd?r t? par?t me arkitektur? moderne t? nd?rtuar tek ne pas m? se nj? dhjet?vje?ari nd?rtimesh me stilin e arkitektur?s sovjetike. P?r k?t? arsye them se, n? mos krahas, t? pakt?n pas g?rmadhave t? kalave, meriton t? mbrohet, kjo godin? q? ?sht? nj? monument kulture i llojit t? vet. Ky bllok banimi tashm? ka hyr? n? historin? e arkitektur?s moderne shqiptare dhe askush s'mund ta nxjerr? prej atje dhe po t'i ver? minat e ta shemb?. - N?se K?shilli Bashkiak ende ka njer?z q? din? t? shohin e t? mendojn?, duhet t? largojn? urgjentisht duart e k?tyre barberin?ve t? rinj dhe t? urdh?rojn? t'u kthehen godinave vlerat arkitektonike t? m?parshme, pa as m? t? voglin ndryshim. Turpi dhe faji do t? jet? i atyre q? do t? b?jn? sikur nuk pan? e nuk d?gjuan. Duke p?rfunduar po u kujtoj t? gjith? k?to fjal? t? Gio Pontit: "S'kemi ve?se qytet?rimin ton? p?r t? shp?tuar qytet?rimin ton?". * Arkitekt --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jetkoti at hotmail.com Mon Apr 15 13:16:07 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli) Date: Mon, 15 Apr 2002 11:16:07 -0600 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fw: The Jewish Question Message-ID: ----- Original Message ----- From: Xhuliana Agolli To: albsa-info at alb-net.com Sent: Monday, April 15, 2002 11:04 AM Subject: Fw: The Jewish Question For those who are trying to understand the current situation in the Middle East, the US relationship with Israel, and, in the process, are becoming seriously interested in the "Jewish Question", the links below should be informative and inspiring for more research. While doing some research myself for most of this Sunday, and perusing many websites like the ones below , it became clear to me once again that in order to get a better (and truer) understanding of this dark abyss that is the earth and its self-proclaimed "masters", one needs to hit the Jewish books themselves, i.e. those on Jewish Law, the Talmud exclusively, Maimonides' Guide for the Perplexed (of which I've read only parts, and which I've completely failed to understand), the Torah to a lesser degree (e.g. the first five books of the Old Testament), and other "great" Jewish books. http://www.jewwatch.com http://www.jerusalemites.org/intro.html http://www.abbc.com/ http://www.abbc.com/islam/english/toread/jewras.htm http://www.abbc.com/islam/english/books/jewhis/jewhis1.htm http://www.abbc.com/islam/english/toread/frnklin.htm http://www.abbc.com/historia/zionism/quotes.html http://www.stormfront.org/jewish/talmud.html http://www.abbc.com/historia/zionism/index_books.html http://www.usd230.k12.ks.us/PICTT/timelines/crimesagainsthumanity.html http://www.israelinsider.com/index.htm http://www.jpost.com/ http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/imt/proc/count4.htm http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/genocide/docments.htm Apparently, according to the author the website below, Jewish newspapers acroos the world and particularly here in the United States (of/for Israel) seem to be nothing less than "The Hope of Israel". It makes sense. http://dansims.home.mindspring.com/newsp.htm#netherlands -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 06:50:38 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 03:50:38 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: PhD Studentships, European Studies, Belfast Message-ID: <20020417105038.24253.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> David Phinnemore wrote: From David Phinnemore Fri Apr 12 08:11:01 2002 To: balkans From: David Phinnemore Date: Fri, 12 Apr 2002 16:11:01 +0100 Subject: [balkans] CfA: PhD Studentships, European Studies, Belfast The Institute of European Studies at The Queen's University of Belfast invites applications from candidates wishing to commence doctoral studies in the 2002/2003 academic year. The Institute is a Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence and was recently awarded a grade of 5A in the Research Assessment Exercise. Supervision is available in a wide range of areas, covering both the study of the European Union and European Studies more broadly defined. Full staff details, including areas of research expertise, may be found at . It is expected that the Institute will be able to offer approximately three full studentships in the coming year, covering full fees and maintenance (subject to satisfactory progress) for the three-year course of study. Scholarships are awarded on a competitive basis through a Faculty selection procedure. Application forms and guidance notes may be downloaded from the web site of Queen's University's Research and Regional Services Office at . Please note that while some categories of award are restricted to European Union nationals, a limited number of awards have annually been made available to non-European Union students. Applications for admission and guidance notes may be obtained from the Institute Secretary, Mrs. Ruth McDowell at or may be downloaded at . Programme enquiries may be directed to the Institute's Postgraduate Research Tutor, Dr. Robert Harmsen at . The deadline for receipt of admissions applications is 15 May 2002. The deadline for the receipt of funding applications is 4 June 2002. Full details are available on the relevant forms. Yahoo! Groups SponsorADVERTISEMENT _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 22:45:58 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 19:45:58 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: An interesting article on Albania Message-ID: <20020418024558.52137.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> FT WEEKEND - THE FRONT LINE: Albania's new model army of post orphans: Yellow-jacketed motorcyclists are delivering more than mail, they're pointing the way to a more lawful country, says Simon Kuper Financial Times; Apr 13, 2002 By SIMON KUPER Sending a letter in Tirana, capital of Albania, is a challenge. Albanians habitually build houses without bothering to tell the authorities and so there are many streets with neither name nor official existence. Nor is the Albanian postal service the sort of lean, mean machine that might be able to deal with this. A year ago, a big company or embassy wanting to send letters and bills would often use its own drivers. Delivery might take days - if the driver managed to find the address at all. Anyone who had a letter for Bajram Curri, capital of Albania's bandit country, probably did not bother to send it. But now, the problem is being solved by orphans; they are pointing the way to a new, slightly more lawful Albania. Yellow-jacketed orphans on motorcycles can these days be seen bouncing down Tirana's bumpy streets delivering the mail. This is the Youth Albania Parcel Service, or Yaps, founded by Unicef and a few big companies struggling to do business in Albania. Being an Albanian orphan may be the hardest life in Europe. To be an orphan here means not only that your parents are dead, but that no other relative would take you in. Orphans are dumped in an unheated concrete building they call the "White House", and can seldom find work. In Albania, where nearly half the population is unemployed, people reserve jobs for their relatives. The modern Yaps office on the fringes of Tirana has the no-nonsense efficiency of a police station on a US television show. The radio operator actually was a policeman until he was shot and became paraplegic. On his wall is a map of Tirana, but many addresses are not on it. The real map is in his head: he knows streets and buildings he has never seen. On the day I visit it is a Muslim holiday, but even so, three couriers are hanging around the office. They like it here. Arjan, a dark-skinned 23-year-old who is both orphan and gypsy, talks me through his routine with clients. He recites it like a catechism. "I usually say, 'I am from Yaps, there is mail for me'." Arjan gets paid by the number of items he delivers, which is good because Yaps is growing almost daily. "I have two other brothers and the three of us all eat together. I'm really keen to do as many services as possible," he says. Arben, the manager, who speaks fluent Italian and some English (Albanians have an eerie facility for languages), is running around excitedly. After just six months, Yaps is nearing break-even point. It recently did a deal to deliver 1,000 pieces of mail a month for the US embassy. "It's a very, very good client, American embassy. Tssh!" raves Arben. Does it pay its bills? "It's not a problem." Are there any problem payers? "Italian embassy! Three months not paying." In February Yaps delivered more than 3,000 pieces of mail, with a peak on Valentine's day, not just because of lovers' cards and letters but because it was also the day Vodafone Albania sent out bills to its mobile-phone subscribers. George Daniolos, executive director of Vodafone Albania, had discovered that "the Albanian post is not the best or the most reliable service". The orphans proved more energetic. "They went around asking people in the street if they knew certain addresses. Now practically more than 95 per cent of our bills hit their target. So we know that if a bill is not paid, it is not because it was not delivered," he says. Daniolos, who began as a client of Yaps, was so impressed he joined the board. If it appears that Yaps was founded by foreigners to serve foreigners, there is some truth in that. Albania as a whole can sometimes seem an unofficial western colony. But Yaps has a few Albanian clients and even board directors, and in terms of the country's future, they are the ones who matter. Albanian business is barely a decade old - there was none under the communist dictator Enver Hoxha - and social business is even newer. Like early capitalists everywhere, Albanian businessmen have been more robber baron than philanthropist. Yaps is the first social business in the country's modern history. But Marsel Skendo, chairman of ADA Holding, a Danny de Vito-lookalike who is Albania's Rupert Murdoch, says it is the start of a trend. Having made some money, Albanian businessmen now want to live in a peaceful society. "Everybody wants to be a king, but it's impossible to be a king in a kingdom that doesn't exist. We are willing to reduce the margin of a win and to live in a softer community," says Skendo. And the businessmen want higher social status. In Albania, fairly or not, they are not considered men of honour. But to join the board of Yaps is to bracket yourself with western companies such as Coca-Cola or KPMG, which were among the service's founders. The head of Unicef Albania, Roberto Laurenti, imagines a time when Albania and the Balkans will be full of social businesses such as Yaps. At the White House one Sunday, the orphans are making plans. For years they have lived in this concrete building with the word "KLINTON" scrawled on the front wall, where they have to leave the doors open because of the stench from the toilets, and their only heating appliances are a couple of pet dogs. But now they are saving money. What for? "A house," they chorus. They plan to live in it together, a family of orphans in a slightly better Albania. * Michael Prowse is away. Copyright: The Financial Times Limited 1995-2002 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 22:47:30 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 19:47:30 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: The Balkans Forum: April 23, 2002, 4 to 6 p.m., Georgetown University Message-ID: <20020418024730.21166.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Sarah Peterson wrote: From Sarah Peterson Wed Apr 17 14:47:09 2002 Subject: The Balkans Forum: April 23, 2002, 4 to 6 p.m., Georgetown University Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 17:47:09 -0400 From: "Sarah Peterson" PREVENTION AND PRACTICE: THE BALKANS FORUM Organized jointly by Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, Georgetown University's Center for Eurasian, Russian, and East European Studies, and Search for Common Ground Session 16 The Legacy of the Use of Force: The Balkans and Beyond Tuesday, April 23, 4 - 6 p.m. Georgetown University - 205 Old North Building With a presentation by Ambassador Avis Bohlen Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control and Former U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria In previous sessions of the Balkans Forum, some participants have argued that the "Powell Doctrine," which mandates use of force only as a last resort, is not applicable in the Balkans. Had military force not been applied relatively early in Kosovo, the argument goes, there would be no Albanians left there today. Furthermore, the delay in military action in Bosnia and the concurrent humanitarian crisis were widely criticized by analysts and observers both inside and outside government. Once military operations were underway, NATO relied exclusively on airpower to complete its policy objectives of ending the war. This decision was both maligned and applauded by informed opinion makers. As a result of these inconclusive aspects of NATO engagement, commentators and policymakers alike continue to draw conflicting conclusions from the past decade of U.S. military intervention in Southeast Europe. Two prominent points of contention are the principle of force as a last resort and the effectiveness of sole reliance on airpower. This conflict has the potential of clouding the lessons of U.S. and European military engagement in the Balkans and effectively impeding future policy. The upcoming session of the Balkans Forum will focus on the legacy of the use of force in the Balkans and its implication for future U.S. and European engagement. Ambassador Bohlen will illuminate key lessons provided by the U.S. military experience that could inform future military and political planning worldwide. Ambassador Avis Bohlen, a career Foreign Service Officer, was sworn in on November 24, 1999 as Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Arms Control. Prior to this position, she most recently served as U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria (1996-1999) and before that, as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Paris (1991-1995). Since entering the Foreign Service in 1977, she has had several assignments in the Bureau of European Affairs. She has also served on the Policy Planning Staff and as Executive Director on the U.S. Delegation for Nuclear and Space Talks in Geneva. The discussion will be held Tuesday, April 23, from 4 - 6 p.m. at Georgetown University (205 Old North Building). Directions to the Georgetown Campus follow. _________________________ In its second year, the Balkans Forum brings together a diverse group of experts-academics, activists, policy makers, and practitioners-for sustained dialogue on U.S. policy in the Balkans. Each monthly session is organized around a brief presentation from one or two Balkan specialists followed by a roundtable discussion. The theme for the 2001-2002 session of Balkans Forum is "Learning Peace in the Balkans." While the experience of building peace in the Balkans has been significant, it has not proven to be cumulative. Lessons learned in some instances have not always been replicated in others. During this year of the Balkans Forum, we will examine the strategic choices-and the outcomes of those choices-made by international actors in their attempts to prevent deadly conflict in the region. We hope you will join us for what promises to be a fascinating conversation. Please contact Sarah Peterson at Search for Common Ground by April 22 at speterson at sfcg.org or call +1 (202) 777-2206 to reserve a space at the April 23 Balkans Forum. Regards, Andrew J. Loomis Program Manager Search for Common Ground Ana Cutter Program Officer Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs Directions: If you are taking a taxi or parking off campus, enter the Georgetown Campus at 37th Street and O. The pathway will go between two buildings (Healy Building on your left, and Copley Hall on your right). About 20 yards ahead on your left you will see large stairs leading to Old North. Room 205 is located on the second floor. If you are parking on campus, use the University entrance at Canal or Prospect Streets. Follow the driveway/access road past the large construction site (as a reference, you will see tennis courts to your left). You might be prompted to take a ticket as you enter the University and pay when you leave (please be sure to mention that you attended the Balkans Forum to get the flat rate of $4 for the evening). To get to 205 Old North, exit the parking lot by the ICC building (red brick modern-looking building) go down the hill and follow the path that curves around a small Jesuit cemetery (a tall dorm building will be to your right). Take the stairs on your left, which lead to the top of the hill. Keep walking straight about 50 yards and you will see stairs on your right leading to Old North. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 23:10:36 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 20:10:36 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Para vendimit te Gjykates Kushtetuese Message-ID: <20020418031036.24901.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Faqja 4 - POLITIKEmydate = new Date();myday = mydate.getDay();mymonth = mydate.getMonth();myweekday= mydate.getDate();weekday= myweekday;myyear= mydate.getYear();year = myyear;if(myday == 0) day = " E Diele, " else if(myday == 1) day = " E Hene, "else if(myday == 2) day = " E Marte, " else if(myday == 3) day = " E Merkure, " else if(myday == 4) day = " E Enjte, "else if(myday == 5) day = " E Premte, "else if(myday == 6) day = " E Shtune, "if(mymonth == 0) month = "Janar "else if(mymonth ==1) month = "Shkurt "else if(mymonth ==2) month = "Mars "else if(mymonth ==3) month = "Prill "else if(mymonth ==4) month = "Maj "else if(mymonth ==5) month = "Qershor "else if(mymonth ==6) month = "Korrik "else if(mymonth ==7) month = "Gusht "else if(mymonth ==8) month = "Shtator "else if(mymonth ==9) month = "Tetor "else if(mymonth ==10) month = "Nentor "else if(mymonth ==11) month = "Dhjetor"document.write(" "+ month);document.write(myweekday+", " + year +""); Prill 17, 2002 Kushtetuesja rrezikon Meidanin?uka: N?se kthehet Rakipi Presidenti t? largohet --------------------------------- TIRANE "Meidani t? jap? dor?heqjen. Un? kam besim te presidenti dhe ai do ta b?j? k?t?", ky ?sht? reagimi jo pak ironik i deputetit socialist Lek? ?ukaj. Ky q?ndrim i tij niset nga fakti se Gjykata Kushtetuese pritet t? b?j? publik nj? vendim, ku e shpall antikushtetuese vendimin e presidentit p?r t? shkarkuar Arben Rakipin nga posti i kryeprokurorit. ?ukaj e ?on edhe m? tej iden? e tij t? hedhur disa jav? m? par? q? n? koh?n kur n? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese mbronte k?rkes?n e 29 deputet?ve socialist? q? k?rkonin interpretimin e Kushtetut?s p?r nenet ku planifikohet shkarkimi i kryeprokurorit, an?tar?ve t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese dhe t? gjykat?s s? Lart?. Sipas tij, dor?heqjen duhet ta jap? edhe personi q? e k?shilloi p?r ta marr? k?t? vendim. I pyetur se kush ?sht? ky person, ?ukaj thot?: "Kryeprokurori aktual dhe ish-k?shilltari juridik i presidentit". Deputeti socialist Lek? ?ukaj k?t? ide t? tij e ka dh?n? edhe m? par?, por ajo u la n? harres? p?r shkak vones?s s? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese p?r dh?nien e vendimit. Dihej q? Gjykata kishte caktuar Gjergj Sulin, an?tar t? saj, si relator p?r k?rkes?n e b?r? nga ish-kryeprokurori Arben Rakipi. Nd?rsa Sokol Sadushi, an?tar i po k?saj gjykate, ishte relator i ??shtjes q? lidhej me k?rkes?n e 29 deputet?ve socialist?. M?sohet se trupi gjykues ka b?r? disa seanca n? lidhje me k?t? ??shtje dhe pritet q? vendimi p?r to t? shpallet nj?her?sh, mbase brenda jav?s. Dikush e interpreton vones?n edhe me p?rfundimin e takimit t? miqve t? Shqip?ris? n? Vjen?. Dor?heqja ?sht? rruga m? e mir? q? deputeti i PS-s? dhe kryetari i Komisionit parlamentar t? Mandateve dhe Rregullores i propozon presidentit Meidani p?r t? shlyer gabimet e mundshme. Gjihthmon? pas vendimit t? Kushtetueses n? favor t? Rakipit. Ndon?se Meidani ?sht? n? fund t? mandatit t? tij, sipas ?ukajt mund t? b?j? q? kjo dor?heqje t? jepet mbase edhe n? fund t? mandatit, pas dy muajsh. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 23:22:00 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 20:22:00 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Riviera e Jonit - GSH Message-ID: <20020418032200.98002.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Faqja 21 - KULTUREmydate = new Date();myday = mydate.getDay();mymonth = mydate.getMonth();myweekday= mydate.getDate();weekday= myweekday;myyear= mydate.getYear();year = myyear;if(myday == 0) day = " E Diele, " else if(myday == 1) day = " E Hene, "else if(myday == 2) day = " E Marte, " else if(myday == 3) day = " E Merkure, " else if(myday == 4) day = " E Enjte, "else if(myday == 5) day = " E Premte, "else if(myday == 6) day = " E Shtune, "if(mymonth == 0) month = "Janar "else if(mymonth ==1) month = "Shkurt "else if(mymonth ==2) month = "Mars "else if(mymonth ==3) month = "Prill "else if(mymonth ==4) month = "Maj "else if(mymonth ==5) month = "Qershor "else if(mymonth ==6) month = "Korrik "else if(mymonth ==7) month = "Gusht "else if(mymonth ==8) month = "Shtator "else if(mymonth ==9) month = "Tetor "else if(mymonth ==10) month = "Nentor "else if(mymonth ==11) month = "Dhjetor"document.write(" "+ month);document.write(myweekday+", " + year +""); Prill 17, 2002 Operator?t turistik? t? Korfuzit, t? shtun?n n? Butrint Fshatrat e bregdetit jonian s? shpejti Monument Kulture --------------------------------- an.mi. SARANDE Fshatrat e bregdetit t? Sarand?s do t? shpallen s? shpejti Monument Kulture. Specialisti i Ateljes? s? Monumenteve t? Kultur?s n? Sarand?, Telemak Llahanaj, b?ri t? ditur p?r "Gazet?n" se projekti p?rkat?s ?sht? nd?rmarr? pas nj? studimi t? disa specialist?ve t? k?saj fushe. Llahanaj shtoi se "ajo q? ka r?nd?si n? kompleksin e fshatrave t? Rivier?s joniane, jan? ve? t? tjerash aspektet arkitekturore, nd?rtimet origjinale n? gur? dhe dru, rrugicat e kalldr?mta, kishat dhe objektet e tjera t? kultit, etj". P?rfshirja e k?saj zone si zon? Monument Kulture sipas specialist?ve do t? krijoj? mund?sin? e ruajtjes s? vlerave t? m?sip?rme, parandalimin e tendenc?s s? p?rhapur p?r nd?rtime pa kriter me beton etj. Nga ana tjet?r, rreth 60 p?rfaq?sues t? agjensive turistike m? n? z? t? ishullit helen t? Korfuzit (Greqi), do t? vizitojn? qytetin antik t? Butrintit dhe vlerat e tjera arkeologjike n? periferi t? Sarand?s. Lajmi b?het i ditur nga drejtori i Parkut Komb?tar t? Butrintit, Auron Tare. Burime t? k?saj zyre pohuan se kjo vizit? ?sht? kuror?zimi i bashk?punimit dhe ftes?s q? Parku i Butrintit u b?n fqinj?ve t? agjensive turistike nga Korfuzi, n? kushtet kur rreth 80 p?r qind e turist?ve t? huaj q? frekuentojn? Sarand?n dhe Butrintin vijn? pik?risht nga ishulli grek. Disa nga agjensit? e m?sip?rme jan?: FirstChoise, Neekerman, TUI, Thomson, etj. Tare tha se "Drejtuesit e k?tyre agjensive p?rfaq?sojn? kompanit? m? t? fuqishme turistike nga Europa Veriore. Nd?rkaq Butrintit dhe rrethinave t? tij, q? aktualisht p?rfshihen n? Parkun Komb?tar t? Butrintit u jan? kushtuar shkrime t? her?pashershme n? disa organe t? shtypit per?ndimor. Vet?m pak koh? m? par? Zyra e Butrintit p?rfundoi nj? Marr?veshje p?r nxitjen e turizmit n? rajonin e Butrintit dhe Sarand?s. Q?llimi i vizit?s s? p?rfaq?suesve t? zyrave turistike t? Korfuzit dhe i Marr?veshjes s? m?sip?rme m?sohet t? jet? sensibilizimi i opinionit t? ishujve jonian? me vlerat dhe pasurit? e rralla arkeologjike dhe t? monumenteve t? kultur?s n? k?t? rajon. Butrinti ?sht? e vetmja qend?r e trash?gimis? kulturore bot?rore n? rajon e shpallur nga UNESCO. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 23:24:16 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 20:24:16 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Doing Business in Tirana Message-ID: <20020418032416.80279.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> ALBANIA TIRANA TRANSPARENCY PROJECT Grant No.: TF050034GENERAL PROCUREMENT NOTICE --------------------------------- The Government of Albania is finalizing a Grant Agreement from the Netherlands and administered by International Development Association (IDA) in the amount of US$ 614,000 equivalent toward the cost of the Tirana Transparency Project, and it intends to apply the proceeds of this Grant to payments for goods, works, related services and consulting services to be procured under this project. The project will include the following components: o Consulting services for design, test, and analysis Citizens' Report Card; Local Consultanting services to create a municipal strategy, administer and analyse the CRC; International consultant to build capacity of municipal stakeholders to access and use information generated; Consultant to design computerisation strategy for citizens information center. o Equipment for citizens information center: and local government staff (work stations, printers, scanner, servers, copiers, furniture, UPS, software, internet access faxes, cabling, phones, supplies and consumables; Furniture (desks, chairs, book shelves, brochure stands, etc.) o Works for small rehabilitation of the centers' main hall of Tirana Municipality. Procurement of contracts financed by the credit will be conducted through the procedures specified in the World Bank's Guidelines: Procurement under IBRD Loans and IDA Credits, January 1995 (revised January and August 1996, September 1997 and January 1999), and is open to all bidders from eligible source countries as defined in the guidelines. Consulting services will be selected in accordance with the World Bank's Guidelines: Selection and Employment of Consultants by World Bank Borrowers, January 1997 (revised September 1997 and January 1999). Specific procurement notices for contracts to be bid under the World Bank's international competitive bidding (ICB) procedures and for large-value consultants' contracts will be announced, as they become available, in Development Business and in local newspaper. Interested eligible bidders who wish to be included on the mailing list to receive an invitation to bid under ICB procedures, and interested consultants who wish to receive a copy of the advertisement requesting expressions of interest for large-value consultants' contracts, or those requiring additional information, should contact the address below. Project Implementation Unit Ministry of Finance Bulevardi "Deshmoret e Kombit" Tirana, Albania Tel: +355 42 27941 Fax: +355 42 27941 E-mail: rtpiumof at icc-al.org --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 23:25:27 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 20:25:27 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Opinion nga Nafiz Bezhani - GSH Message-ID: <20020418032527.85358.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> OPINION Shkruan Nafiz Bezhani, ish-kryetari i Komisionit te Kontrollit t? Figurave Shtet?rore. "Ja ?far? mendoj un? p?r deklarat?n e Haxhis?, kreun e Sh?rbimeve Sekrete, liderin e PD, p?r Tropoj?n dhe djemt? e saj" "Dosja Klosi" dhe apeli i sinqert? q? i b?j politik?s --------------------------------- Nga Nafiz BEZHANI Gjat? pes? viteve t? fundit, hapa dhe verifikova shum? dosje me vepra makabre t? shtetit diktatorial, t? cilat m'u rishfaq?n si ?nd?rr e keqe e asaj t? kaluare t? zez?, ku sundonte intriga, urrejtja , hakmarrja dhe krimi. Kur erdhi dita e fundit e Komisionit q? un? drejtova, thashw me vete; shp?tova! Mos u pafsha m? boj?n dhe mos u d?gjofsha m? z?rin dosjeve t? diktatur?s. Por disa dit? m? par?, n? organet e ndryshme t? shtypit e t? medias, shp?rtheu me buj?, si bubullim? vere, nj? lajm sensacional p?r nj? dosje, t? quajtur "Dosja Klosi". Njeriu q? ?sht? marr? me dosjet nuk mund t? mos hap? syt? e t? shikoj? me dyshim dhe sy kritik ?do detaje, nuk mund t? mos emocionohet nga pasakt?sit? q? v?ren dhe q? ngjall?n hijen tragjike t? dosjes s? diktatur?s.Dhe nuk mund ta fshehesh ate tronditje t? ligjshme, at? mosbesim dhe at? neveri q? pushtoi ndjenjat e mia n? ato ?aste. Dosja "Klosi", nuk mund t? dallonte nga ato dosje q? kisha hapur dhe kontrolluar un?, me plot shpifje, intriga, fakte t? sajuara sipas d?shirave e planeve t? caktuara, dosje q? kishin vet?m nj? q?llim: t? realizonin politik?n destabilizuese n?p?rmjet krijimit t? urrejtjes, armiq?sis? dhe hakmarrjes midis njer?zve. N? fshatin tim, Fterr?, qarkullon nj? k?shill? e urt?: p?r mikun, qoft? edhe p?r v?llain, mos i v?r t? dy duart n? zjarr, ruaje nj?r?n! "Por n? nj? rast te till?, kaq t? past?r, do t? kishte vend t? kap?rceheshin edhe kufijt? e k?saj k?shille kaq t? m?n?ur. P?r mua, portreti i zotit Fatos Klosi, u skalit n? marr?dh?niet institucionale tep?r korrekte, gjat? pes? viteve t? fundit, vite shum? t? v?shtira p?r mua dhe p?r at?. Pik?risht n? k?to marr?dh?nie, krijova bindjen e plot? se kisha t? b?ja me njeriun e ndersh?m, me gen fisnik, me zem?r t? madhe, mendje t? ftoht?, t? kulturuar dhe human. Me k?t? njohje kam patur kurajon p?r t? deklaruar "shyqyr zotit q? kemi Fatos Klosin p?r kryetar t? k?tij institucioni kaq t? r?nd?sish?m. P?r "Dosjen Klosi", k?to dit? jan? dh?n? vler?sime t? ndryshme. Si njeriu i dosjeve t? diktatur?s, m? ka b?r? p?rshtypje t? ve?ant? arsyetimi politik se kjo "dosje" b?n pjes? n? nj? program t? gjer? politik, t? hartuar e t? proklamuar nga opozita. Por un?, jasht? k?tij koncepti politik, d?shiroj t? shpreh mendimet e mia, thjesht?sisht si qytetar, nd?rsa pjes?risht t? specialitetit tim, si jurist. E rikonstruktojm? ngjarjen me deklarat?n q? b?ri i pandehuri Ismet Haxhia para trupit gjyq?sor, me an?n e t? cil?s implikon Kryetarin e SH.I.SH, zotin Fatos Klosi, si nxit?s p?r nj? krim t? pa kryer, kund?r Kryetarit t? Partis? Demokratike , zotit Sali Berisha, p?rcaktuar qart?sisht koha, kur ai do t? vizitonte Vlor?n. T? habit fakti q? vet?m disa or? pas k?saj deklarate, zv. kryetarja e Kuvendit, zonja Jozefina Topalli, duke tentuar t? nd?rpres? punimet e Kuvendit, paragjykon dhe vler?son t? mir?qen? k?t? deklarat?, me llogjik?n e saj, dhe k?rkon me urgjenc? diskutimin e ??shtjes n? seanc? speciale t? Kuvendit. Nga q?ndrimi i saj i prer? dhe me ton tejet t? ashp?r, mund t? dilet n? p?rfundim se p?r t? nuk kishte r?nd?si fakti n?se ajo deklarat? duhet t? verifikohet paraprakisht nga organe t? posa?me, nuk kishte r?nd?si fakti q? kjo deklarat? b?het nga nj? person i prezumuar fajtor p?r krime t? r?nda, si vras?s apo bashkepun?tor n? vrasjen e deputetit Hajdari, nuk kishte r?nd?si fakti q? ky i pandehur gjat? disa muajve n? pro?eset hetimore dhe gjyq?sore ka provuar se deklarata t? tilla kan? synim p?rfitime personale, sepse shpifja ?sht? arma e fundit e t? humburve, nuk kishte r?nd?si fakti q? nj? deklarat? e till?, shum? e r?nd?sishme, c?non dinjitetin e personaliteteve t? larta dhe aktivitetin e institucioneve q? ata drejtojn?, nuk kishte r?nd?si fakti q? kjo deklarat? mund t? b?het p?r q?llime m? t? thella, pik?risht n? prag t? Takimit t? Vjen?s, ndoshta p?r t? nxir? artificialisht para opinionit nd?rkomb?tar faqen e Shqip?ris?, apo p?r t? ashp?rsuar m? tej klim?n e jet?s shqiptare. Dhe, pa iu n?nshtruar nj? gjykimi t? but? e ligjor, n? nj? mjegullnaj? artificiale dhe t? pakuptimte, bien me fuqin? m? t? madhe k?mbanat e alarmit, duke krijuar artificialisht ndjenja t? nxehta e t? ashpra. Degjoj televizor?t q? nuk pushojn? s? trumbetuari k?t? "dosje", lexoj gazetat pa p?rjashtim me tituj bombastik? n? faqet e para dhe pyes: Po sikur edhe un? do t'i pranoja t? mir?q?na deklaratat denigruese t? disa sigurimsave p?r personalitete t? shquara, pa i verifikuar me kujdes dhe p?rgjegj?si, t'i quaja ato t? v?rteta dhe t'i publikoja , ?do t? ndodhte vall?? Nuk ka asnj? dyshim se do t? ndizeshin flak?t e urrejtjes p?r nj?ri-tjetrin dhe do t? k?rkohej shpagim i eg?r, shpagim me gjak, ashtu si? ndodh n? disa zona veriore. Publikut i kam dh?n? rast t? njoh? disa nga k?to figura t? paraqitura si viktima n? librin tim "M?katar?", por natyrisht ka edhe shum? t? tjer?, q? nuk e kan? koh?n p?r t'u b?r? publike. Ata jan? verifikuar me p?rgjegjesi dhe me nd?rgjegje, pa patur parasysh ngjyrat e kostumit t? politik?s s? tyre, duke ruajtur n? maksimum edhe nderin dhe dinjitetin e tyre. E pra, p?rse ndodh ndryshe me "Dosjen Klosi"? P?r mendimin tim, deklarata e zonj?s Topalli n? Parlament, ve?an?risht k?rkesat e saj ekstreme dhe t? paligjshme, "p?r nj? diskutim urgjent n? Kuvend p?r pushimin e Z.Fatos Klosi dhe p?r t? b?r? denoncimin e tij p?r t'u ndjekur penalisht", jan? t? nxituara. Esht? krejt?sisht pa kuptim dhe ngjall keqardhje fakti q? nj? personalitet i till? i beson deklarat?s s? nj? personi t? prezumuar kriminel, e merr at? si t? sakt? dhe k?rkon menj?her? q? ??shtja t? shqyrtohet n? Parlament p?r t? vendosur jo vet?m shkarkimin e kryetarit t? SHISH-it, por edhe denoncimin e tij p?r ndjekje penale. Nj? q?ndrim i till? ekstremist, pa asnj? baz? ligjore dhe logjike, sipas mendimit tim, mund t? ket? vet?m tre shpjegime, t? cilat nuk besoj se i p?rkasin zonj?s Topalli, e cila njihet si grua e emancipuar, e kulturuar dhe e formuar politikisht. N? radh? t? par?, t? krijohet p?rshtypja se nj? inskenim kaq i trash? duhet t? ket? autor ordiner, q? nuk njohin ligjet dhe parimet e shtetit demokratik. N? radh? t? dyt? nje q?ndrim i till? mund t? jet? pasoj? e nj? bashk?punimi me autorin e prezumuar fajtor. N? radh? t? tret?, q?ndrime t? tilla jan? metoda t? veprimtaris? t? disa figurave politike q? k?rkojn? t? nxjerrin p?rfitime t? caktuara nga marr?dh?niet e ndera politike dhe nga shteti i destabilizuar. Kuvendi, si organi m? i lart? i pushtetit shtet?ror, ka t? drejt? t? ushtroje kontroll dhe t? marr? ?do vendim n? interes t? efektivitetit t? veprimtaris? t? institucioneve, ka t? drejte t? shkarkoj? jo nj? Arben apo Fatos, por figurat m? t? r?nd?sishme t? shtetit. Por Kuvendi ka miratuar edhe Kushtetut?n, ku jan? shprehur qart? t? drejtat e ?do qytetari p?r t'u mbrojtur. Kuvendi ka miratuar edhe aderimin e shtetit ton? n? Konvent?n Europiane t? t? drejtave dhe lirive themelore t? shtetasve, ku shprehet qart? e drejta p?r t'u d?gjuar dhe p?r t'u mbrojtur. Kuvendi ka miratuar Traktatin e Helsinkit apo Kart?n e Kombeve t? Bashkuara, ku t? drejtat e njeriut z?n? vendin kryesor. E, pra, n? qoft? se k?to akte jetike p?r shtetin demokratik do t? shkeleshin nga vet? deputet?t, a mund t? pretendohet p?r shtet ligjor e demokratik, apo p?r t? shkuar n? Europ?. Cilido deputet q? shp?rdoron besimin e popullit duke shkelur mbi k?to akte-themel t? shtetit ligjor e demokratik, duhet t? marr? p?rgjegj?si t? r?nd?. Me status t? deputetit nuk duhet kuptuar e drejta e tij p?r t? b?r? ?'t? doj? e p?r t? th?n? ?'t? doj?, por p?r t? respektuar me p?rsosm?ri dhe korrekt?si normat ligjore, ve?an?risht ato q? kan? t? b?jn? me t? drejtat e njeriut. Statusi i deputetit presupozon stadin m? t? lart? t? nd?rgjegjes, t? kultur?s, t? edukat?s dhe moralit t? shoq?ris?, ai nuk pranon c?nim t? nderit dhe dinjitetit t? personit, nuk pranon fjalor vulgar dhe fyes p?r personin, si "trumcak" apo "terrorist", p?r deri sa kriteret demokratike t? Kushtetut?s dhe ligjeve tona nuk lejojn? as p?r t? pandehurit fjalor t? till?. Ndon?se krimet e tyre jan? evidente, deri n? dh?nien e vendimit gjyq?sor ata mund t? quhen fajtor, por t? pandehur ose fajtor t? prezumuar. D?shiroj t? b?j t? qart? se duke shprehur k?to mendime, n? asnj? m?nyr? nuk kam nd?rmend t? mbroj Fatos Klosin, por demokracin? dhe ligjin. N? qoft? se p?r Fatos Klosin do t? dalin n? rrug? ligjore, prova bind?se p?r faj?sin? e tij, personalisht, do t? shprehem i pari p?r d?nimin e tij. Por n? asnj? m?nyr? nuk mund t? pajtohem me q?llimin keqdash?s t? ndonj? deputeti p?r t? n?p?rk?mbur nj? personalitet t? lart? mb?shtetur mbi baz?n e d?shmis? t? nj? pandehuri p?r krime t? r?nda, veprim q? nuk mund t? shpjegohet ndryshe, ve?se si nj? akt antidemokratik q? fyen r?nd? shtetin shqiptar, si shtet ku kriminel?t b?jn? ligjin. K?to konkluzione shpreh?n shqet?simin tim t? madh p?r praktikat q? p?rdor Kuvendi. Dhe k?to jan? deklarata t? sinqerta q? nxiten nga motive t? past?rta t? nj? persekutuari politik, q? provoi eg?rsin? e regjimit monist p?r 35 vjet, n? terrorin e nj? urdh?ri makab?r t? Mehmet Shehut, drejtuar Komitetit t? Partis? dhe organeve t? diktatur?s me k?t? p?rmbajtje: Nazif Bezhani, armik i Partis?, t? t?rhiqet zvarr? si krimb dhe t? p?rplaset gur? m? gur?! Si i till?, jam i vendosur t? denoncoj ?do form? arbitrariteti apo vep?r antiligjore dhe anti demokratike, t? tipit fashist apo monist . K?to parime i kan? t? shenjta dhe i mbrojn? me fanatizem t? gjith? t? persekutuarit politik, p?r t? ruajtur fitoret e arritura. Un? kam respekt t? madh p?r t? persekutuarit demokrat, ve?an?risht p?r Mand?l?n ton?, zotin Pjet?r Arbnori, i cili nuk resht p?r t? dh?n? kontributin e tij n? zbutjen e klim?s politike, n? interes t? kombit. Jam i sigurt? se gjykimi i tyre i but? e i ligjsh?m, do t? fitoj? mbi vrazhd?sin? inat?ore t? cilitdo politikani q? trash?gon shfaqje t? ideologjis? diktatoriale. Duke e gjykuar mbi baz?n e ligjeve t? llogjik?s formale akuz?n q? i b?het zotit Klosi, "p?r t? vrar? Kryetarin e Partis? Demokratike gjat? vizit?s q? do t? b?nte ai n? Vlor?", nuk mund t? krijosh asnj? dyshim mbi absurditetin e k?saj deklarate. Ky gjykim rezulton nga kjo analiz?:Vizita e Berish?s n? Vlor? i kushtoi shtetit shpenzime t? pallogaritshme vet?m p?r mbrojtjen e jet?s s? tij. I gjith? populli ndoqi i habitur masat e shumta q? ishin marr? p?r t? siguruar k?t? vizit?. Sipas disa deklaratave at? dit? u mobilizuan mbi 9000 shikas dhe polic, n?n v?zhgimin e rrept? t? kryetar?ve t? tyre. At?her? si mund t? besohet q? pik?risht at? dit? Kryetari i SH.I.K-ut paska patur p?r q?llim t? merrte jet?n e z.Berisha?! E dyta: kush do t? p?rfitonte n? rast se at? dit? do t? vritej Kryetari i Partis? Demokratike? Dyshimet mund t? r?ndonin m? shum? mbi figur?n e ndonj? demokrati q? synonte t'i zinte vendin, por kurrsesi mbi Fatos Klosin, sepse p?rgjegj?sia kryesore p?r k?t? krim do t? binte mbi t? dhe n? asnj? m?nyr? nuk mund t? shp?tonte nga kjo p?rgjegj?si. Por duhet shtuar edhe nj? fakt tjet?r:Dihet se n? Vlor? ka patur shum? njer?z q? rrezikonin seriozisht jet?n e Berish?s, t? cil?t at? dit? u izoluan nga policia dhe SH.I.K. Por prov? e till? qesharake q? t? shton bindjen n? falsitetin e deklarat?s t? zotit Haxhia ?sht? edhe akuza q? i b?het nj? t? panjohuri q? i paska ofruar edhe nj? snajper p?r t? kryer aktin kriminal. Si ?sht? e mundur q? nj? person i panjohur i cili akoma nuk ?sht? identifikuar t? guxoj? p?r t'u futur n? nj? afer? t? till? kriminale?! P?rse i pandehuri e ruajti at? deri n? dit?t e sotme?! Gjykoj se politikan?t duhet t? nxjerrin konkluzione nga nj? situat? kaq e tensionuar n? Shqip?ri, nuk duhet t'i hedhim benzin? zjarrit. P?r mendimin tim ka shum? shkaqe nga t? cilat vuan ky popull, por faj?sia troket vet?m n? dyert e politik?s. N? t? shumtat e rasteve ?sht? politika ajo q? nd?rsen njer?zit n? krim apo q?ndron sehirxhi p?rball krimeve. Le t? marrim p.sh. ngjarjet tragjike n? Tropoj?. Gjat? pes? vjet?ve t? fundit p?r motive politike jan? vrar? aq shum? djem tropojan? sa nuk jan? vrar? n? t? gjitha rrethet e Shqip?ris? t? marrura s? bashku. A nuk p?rb?n kjo nj? tragjedi t? pashembullt q? shkakton dhimbje t? thell? tek ?do shqiptar? A nuk p?rb?n kjo nj? shembull t? keq n? opinionin bot?ror dhe nj? prov? t? zez? q? tregon se shqiptar?t nuk jan? t? zot? t? qeverisin veten? A nuk b?n kjo nj? njoll? p?r historin? e ndritur t? Shqip?ris? q? i ka dh?n? 35 kryeministra Perandoris? Turke dhe ka q?n? djepi i pregatitjes t? kuadrove p?r vendet fqinj?? I b?j apel politikan?ve, t'i th?rrasin mendjes, p?r t? mos e l?n? vendin t? vuaj? m? gjat?. Nj? rol i till? historik, do t'u takonte demokrat?ve, p?r ta filluar nga zona m? e nxeht?, nga Tropoja. Jam i bindur se Zoti Berisha, si bir i Tropoj?s, ndien dhimbje t? thell? p?r t?. Por Tropoja nuk pret q? njer?zit t? derdhin lot, por vepra t? guximshme e t? sinqerta, p?r t'u dh?n? fund akteve tragjike q? kan? terrorizuar gjith? rrethin dhe m? gjer?, p?r t'u dh?n? fund p?rpjekjeve t? disa politikan?ve q? i p?rdor?n tropojan?t si "mish p?r top" p?r interesat e tyre t? ul?ta. Un? kam bindje se Zoti Berisha mund t? hidhte nj? hap t? till? vendimtar, n? nj? "takim n? bes? t? tropojan?ve", sipas tradit?s s? kuvendeve t? burrave t? mal?sis?, p?r t? vulosur nj? pakt historik kund?r gjakderdhjes, t? ?do forme, p?r t? vulosur edhe nj? vendim tjet?r historik, sipas t? cilit Partia e tropojan?ve do t? jet? Tropoja, sh?rimi i plag?ve t? saj, nd?rtimi dhe lul?zimi i saj, n? zbatim t? ligjeve t? shtetit shqiptar. N? kushte t? tilla tropojan?t do t? ken? me siguri ndihm?n e shtetit t? tyre, por organizator?t e ringjalljes s? Tropoj?s mund t? llogarisin edhe nj? llotari komb?tare p?r n?vojat emergjente t? saj. Dhe kjo kart? do t? legjitimonte Berish?n si protagonist i unitetit jo vet?m i Tropoj?s. Ky legjitimim buron nga sinteza popullore: "Ai q? nuk qeveris dot sht?pin? e tij nuk pranohet p?r kryeplak!" Jam i bindur se suksesi i nj? politike t? till? do t? ndikonte pozotivisht p?r t? shkrir? akujt polar? t? politik?s, q? fatkeq?sisht sundojn? aktualisht t? gjith? Shqip?rin?. Ndoshta me nj? politik? t? till? t? urt?, edhe sikur t? b?hej rrokad? n? drejtimin e shtetit, ?ka nuk mund t? p?rjashtohet, do t? gjykohej ndryshe edhe "terroristi" Fatos Klosi, i cili ndoshta mund t? mos ishte nj? kryetar i SHIK-ut si? mbeti homologu i tij n? Amerik?, George Tenet. Por me siguri do t'i k?rkohej t? mbetej k?shilltar specialist i Kryetarit demokrat. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 23:28:50 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 20:28:50 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] SHekulli - para vendimit te Gjykates Kushtetuese Message-ID: <20020418032850.58589.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Kushtetuesja nuk ka marr? vendim p?rfundimtar p?r shkarkimin e Rakipit. Gjat? konsultimeve atij i ?sht? dh?n? e drejt? Votimi paraprak, pro Rakipit An?tar?t: Asgj? nuk ?sht? vendosur, gj?rat mund t? ndryshojn? Arion Sulo TIRANE - Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk ka marr? ende nj? vendim p?rfundimtar rreth ??shtjes s? shkarkimit t? ish-prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m, Arben Rakipi. Pas nj? votimi paraprak t? n?nt? an?tar?ve ka rezultuar se 7 prej tyre jan? shprehur se ?Shkarkimi i Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m nga Kuvendi ?sht? antikushtetues?, nd?rsa vet?m 2 jan? shprehur se ky veprim ?sht? n? p?rputhje me Kushtetut?n. Lajmin e dhan? dje burime t? besueshme nga Gjykata Kushtetuese, t? cilat theksuan se ?an?tar?t ndodhen n? faz?n e konsultimit dhe vet?m k?to dit? mund t? hartohet nj? projektvendim, i cili pas shqyrtimit b?het vendim?. Gjithsesi, shumica e an?tar?ve t? k?saj gjykate, si Tefta Zaka, Alfred Karamu?o, Kujtim Puto, Zija Vuci, Gjergj Sauli, Sokol Sadushi etj, t? kontaktuar dje nga ?Shekulli? u shpreh?n se ?Edhe ne kemi d?gjuar rreth z?rave se kemi marr? nj? vendim. Por kjo nuk ?sht? e sakt?. Ne ndodhemi n? faz?n e diskutimeve dhe shqyrtimit t? dy k?rkesave q? na kan? ardhur q? prej tre dhe dy jav?sh. P?r asnj? rast nuk kemi konkluduar me vendim?. Sipas k?tyre an?tar?ve, gjykata do t? shprehet kur t? ket? nj? vendim p?rfundimtar dhe se pik?pamjet dhe mendimet e an?tar?ve, normalisht mund t? ndryshojn? pas ?do konsultimi. Votimi paraprak Edhe pse zyrtarisht asgj? nuk ?sht? vendosur, pak dit? m? par? an?tar?t e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese kan? b?r? nj? votim, q? ata n? procedur?n e tyre t? zakonshme e quajn? votim paraprak. ?Ne kemi diskutuar dhe kemi b?r? nj? votim paraprak p?r ??shtjen e procedurave t? shkarkimit t? ish-prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m, Rakipi. Nga ky votim q? nuk ?sht? zyrtar ?sht? par? se shkarkimi ?sht? cil?suar jo kushtetues. Por pas votimit kalohet n? projktvendim, i cili ende nuk ?sht? b?r?. Gjat? shqyrtimit t? projektvendimit votat dhe balanca e tyre mund t? ndryshoj??,-shtuan dje burime nga Gjykata Kushtetuese. Sipas an?tar?ve t? k?saj gjykate, sot an?tar?t do t? mblidhen p?r t? vijuar diskutimet dhe ndoshta p?r t? hartuar projektvendimin dhe dat?n e shpalljes s? vendimit. Por, edhe pse nj? votim paraprak ?sht? b?r?, tani ??shtja mbetet hartimi i projektvendimit. ?Ne nuk kemi ende nj? projektvendim. Kur ta kemi do t? diskutojm? mbi t?. Informacion tjet?r p?rve? atij t? vendimit nuk lejohet t? dal? ?,-u shpreh dje an?tarja e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, Zaka. Sipas burimeve nga Gjykata Kushtetuese, z?rat se ky institucion ka marr? nj? vendim kan? dal? n? faz?n e konsultimeve. ?Kan? qen? dy dit? kur gjat? k?tyre konsultimeve shumica e an?tar?ve vler?soi se shkarkimi i Arben Rakipit nuk ka qen? n? p?rputhje me Kushtetut?n, por kjo nuk do t? thot? se kjo situat? nuk mund t? ndryshoj??,- u shpreh?n dje an?tar?t t? gjykat?s. Nd?rkaq sipas nj? an?tari tjet?r t? Kushtetueses, Sokol Sadushit, ende nuk ?sht? vendosur as data e shpalljes s? vendimit. ?Data shpallet vet?m kur ?sht? gati vendimi. Ne jemi n? faz?n e konsultimeve dhe me ligj k?to konsultime dhe raportet q? dalin prej tyre jan? konfidenciale?,-u shpreh ai. Dje, kryetari i gjykat?s, Fehmi Abdiu nuk ka qen? i pranish?m n? zyr?n e tij duke e shtyr? dhe nj? dit? tjet?r shqyrtimin e dh?nien e p?rgjigjes p?r dy k?rkesat e b?ra rreth ??shtjes ?Rakipi?. N?se Gjykata Kushtetuese edhe n? hapat e tjer? t? saj do t? respektoj? kahun q? ka dal? n? konsultimet e k?tyre dit?ve, at?her? pritet q? n? politik?n shqiptare t? krijohet nj? p?shtjellim jo i vog?l. I pari q? duhet t? filloj? t? zgjidh? l?mshin n?se Kushtetuesja shprehet kund?r shkarkimit t? Rakipit, ?sht? presidenti Meidani. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 23:36:15 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 20:36:15 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Privatizimi i Albtelekomit Message-ID: <20020418033615.42858.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Telekom dhe p?rgjegj?sia para publikut Nga Dr.Zef Pre?i Privatizimi i shoq?ris? Alb-Telekom p?rb?n padyshim nj? nd?r ??shtjet themelore t? privatizimit t? sektor?ve strategjik? t? ekonomis? son? publike. Kjo p?r nj? num?r arsyesh: s? pari, sepse p?rfaq?son nj? deg? monopol q? ndodhet n? duart e shtetit. S? dyti, sepse veprimtaria e k?saj kompanie ?sht? fitimprur?se si p?r shkak t? pozit?s s? saj n? treg, ashtu edhe p?r faktin se n? mbar? bot?n gjat? dekad?s s? fundit ?sht? v?n? re nje "boom" i v?rtet? n? teknologjin? e informacionit. S? treti, me industrin? e telefonis? lidhen jo vet?m interesat e vendit ton? p?r t? siguruar veprimtarin? normale t? ekonomis? son? komb?tare dhe disa burime shtes? n? t? ardhurat e buxhetit t? shtetit, por edhe nj? s?r? interesash ekonomike dhe politike t? vendeve fqinje. S? kat?rti, p?rvoja e privatizimeve q? jan? kryer deri m? sot n? ekonomin? ton? komb?tare duke p?rfshir? edhe telefonin? e l?vizshme (celulare) ?sht? me tep?r negative sesa pozitive dhe ka ?uar n? zhvendosjen e monopoleve shtet?rore t? natyrshme, t? trash?guara nga ekonomia e centralizuar, n? monopole dhe n? oligopole t? reja private, madje edhe n? shnd?rrimin e k?tyre t? fundit n? instrumente t? fuqishme t? nd?rhyrjes mbi k?t? ekonomi. S? pesti, situatat e paqendrueshme t? rajonit t? Ballkanit gjat? 3 - 4 viteve t? fundit dhe procesi politik i brendsh?m nuk kan? mund?suar nj? funksionim normal t? tregjeve, gj? q? do t? thot? se shoqerit? e m?dha private q? pritej te investonin n? k?t? rajon duke p?rfshir? edhe vendin ton?, nuk kan? qene t? interesuara t? rrezikonin parat? e tyre n? nj? treg t? pasigurt, nd?rsa pasurit? e ?mueshme t? k?tyre vendeve sic ?sht? telefonia fikse, nuk jane ?muar me at? vlere q? do t? merrnin n? nj? situat? m? t? mir?. S? fundi, pas nj? dekade tranzicioni mund dhe duhej q? vendi yne t? braktiste nj?her? e p?rgjithmon? tez?n e privatizimeve politike p?r interesa kryesisht elektorale dhe t? individ?ve apo t? klaneve vendase dhe t? huaja t? lidhura me politik?n dhe t? p?rqafonte at? t? privatizimeve ekonomike, d.m.th q? kan? n? themelin e vet efektivitetin, leverdin? publike dhe rritjen e konkurueshm?rise n? p?rgjith?si. Pas k?tij aresyetimi, nuk besoj se ka shum? vend p?r t? p?rdorur termin zvarritje n? privatizimin e shoq?ris? Alb-Telekom. Sepse qeveria dhe institucionet e ngarkuara me privatizimin jan? p?rgjegj?se p?rpara publikut, dhe ?do nxitim mund t? ?oje n? t? nj?jtat rezultate si? ka ndodhur me telefonin? e levizshme; mund t? k?naqen disa individ?, mund t? sigurohet nj? mb?shtetje politike e p?rkohshme ndaj tyre a t? ruhen me fanatiz?m per nj?fare kohe interesa t? caktuara politike, por kurrsesi nuk do t? p?rmbushen detyrimet kushtetuese, morale, politike dhe komb?tare t? qeveris? s? radh?s ndaj qytetar?ve t? vendit t? vet. Ne fund t? fundit, privatizimi ka kuptim n?se zgjerohet z?nia me pune e qytetareve qe presin p?r vite p?r nje vend pune, sepse ata jane n? nj?fare kuptimi pronar? t? ligjsh?m t? asaj pasurie komb?tare q? disponon vendi n? nj? koh? t? dh?n?. Kjo do t? thote edhe se n?p?rmjet privatizimit mund dhe duhet t? p?rmiresohet menaxhimi i nje shoq?rie publike si? ?sht? Alb-Telekomi pas kalimit t? saj ne duart e privat?ve dhe p?rmiresim i menaxhimit do t? thote n? m?nyr? te nj?kohshme si shtim i t? ardhurave n? buxhetin e shtetit n? krahasim me periudhat e m?parshme, ashtu dhe zgjerim e p?rmir?sim i sh?rbimit telefonik e ulje e kostos se tij p?r qytetar?t p?rfitues t? ketij sh?rbimi. Privatizim do t? thote hyrje e teknologjis? bashk?kohore ne vend dhe jo thjesht shfryt?zim i asaj qe kalon ne duart e privat?ve ndryshe ?fare gjendet n? momentin e privatizimit. Gjithashtu, privatizim do te thot? qe aft?sia eksportuese e vendit t? rritet me shpejt?si dhe ekonomia komb?tare e dominuar nga sektori privat t? jet? e aft? t? konkuroj? ne ekonomine globale, te gjeneroj? stabilitet, mir?qenie dhe shpres? p?r qytetar?t e vet. Sipas mendimit tim, p?rpara se te hidhen hapa te tjer? ne procesin e privatizimit t? shoq?rise Alb-Telekom, duhet te marrin p?rgjigje te drejtp?rdrejt? te pakt?n disa ??shtje themelore t? tilla si: si do t? veprohet me p?rfshirjen ne privatizim t? kapitalit vendas, pasi dihet se thuajse t? gjitha skemat e derisotme t? privatizimit e kan? p?rjashtuar p?r shkaqe ende t? pashpjeguara kete mund?si; cila do te jete rruga apo skema m? e efektshme e privatizimit, d.m.th do t? ndiqet formula e debatuar gjer?sisht vitin e kaluar e privatizimit t? menj?hersh?m d.m.th sipas asaj formule t? caktuar n?n presionin politik te qeveris? se asaj kohe apo do t? privatizohen pjes? t? caktuara te aksioneve te kesaj shoq?rie, d.m.th do t? ecet duke testuar tregjet dhe te ecet me hapa te matur p?r t? maksimizuar p?rfitimet ne interes te ekonomis? komb?tare. Personalisht jam ne favor te rrug?s s? dyt? apo te ?far?do varianti qe merr ne konsiderat? edhe aktivizimin edhe t? tregut te kapitaleve n?p?rmjet k?tij privatizimi. N? k?t? kuptim, e konsideroj positive qe institucionet qeveritare po debatojne p?r t? gjetur rrug?t m? t? efektshme p?r t? realizuar privatizimin e shoq?rise Alb-Telekom, pa c?nuar interesat afatgjat? te rritjes ekonomike te vendit. D?mi nga zvarritja - ?sht? e v?rtet? se ekonomis? s? vendit tone i jane shkaktuar d?me te shumta nga qeverisja jo efektive e saj p?r periudha t? gjata kohe, nga infiltrimi ne vendimmarrje i interesave t? klaneve te biznesit, t? lidhura ose jo me qarqet politike, infiltrimi i interesave ekonomike dhe strategjike t? vendeve fqinje kryesisht atyre greke, etj., qe t? marra s? bashku kan? rritur koston e procesit te tranzicionit, kan? zgjeruar problematik?n e k?tij procesi sidomos ne drejtim te pranis? se gjer? te ekonomis? s? zez? dhe asaj kriminale, e mbi te gjitha, kane ngadal?suar kap?rcimin epokal ne ekonomin? e tregut pas p?rvojes s? dhimbshme t? centralizimit te burimeve ekonomike dhe vendimmarrjes mbi to n?n rregjimin e shkuar totalitar socialist. Nd?rsa p?rsa i takon vones?s ne privatizimin e shoq?rise Alb-Telekom mendoj se kjo ka patur dy an?. Ana pozitive q?ndron ne faktin se per here te pare nje vendimmarrje kaq e r?nd?sishme ?sht? debatuar dhe po debatohet ende m? shum? profesionalisht sesa politikisht dhe ka ngjallur interes publik per te ardhmen e pasurive komb?tare. Ne kete menyr? mendoj se ?sht? rritur presioni publik mbi qarqet politike dhe vete qeverin? per t?iu shmangur vendimeve te nxituara apo m? keq t? imponuara nga brenda e nga jasht? apo p?r motive t? rastit. Ana negative mendoj se qendron ne faktin se qeveria e m?parshme, n?p?rmjet nj? vendimmarrjeje kryesisht politiko-elektorale-propogandistike, t? dyshimt? e t? nxituar dhe pa argumentet e pamjaftueshme mbi privatizimin e shoq?rise Alb-Telekom, e ka vene qeverin? e sotme ne nj? pozit? te v?shtire ne marr?dheniet e saj me institucionet financiare nd?rkomb?tare. Kjo sepse konsiderimi i privatizimit te k?saj shoq?rie si nje prioritet dhe vendosja e afateve kohore per kete qellim, ka cuar ne rrezikimin e t? ardhurave buxhetore t? vitit ne vazhdim me t? gjitha rrjedhojat q? sjell ky mosrealizim. Por nxitimi p?r ta ?hequr qafe? nj? pasuri aq t? ?mueshme dhe t? pap?rs?ritshme mund t? jete dhe m? i d?msh?m. Dhe ne kete rast demi nuk ?sht? vetem per disa milion? dollar? qe pritet t?i shtohen buxhetit (askush nuk mund te thote se me c?mjesht?ri ?sht? kalkuluar shuma e te ardhurave buxhetore nga ky transaksion, kur dihet se kete e percakton tregu dhe ne vendet me kushte te ngjashme me Shqip?rin? nga shitja e telefonis? fikse jane siguruar qindra e miliarda dollar? amerikane), por edhe p?r rrezikun qe te mos kete asnje efekt ne p?rmir?simin e sh?rbimit, ne rritjen e konkurrences n? tregun e sh?rbimit telefonik fiks dhe do t? mund?soje k?shtu ndoshta edhe infiltrimet qe u p?rmenden m? lart. Th?n? ndryshe, nxitimi ne realizimin e privatizimit apo privatizimi me ?urdher dite? i shoq?rise Alb-Telekom mund t? ?oje ne luajtjen e se nj?jtes dram?, pavar?sisht se ne skenen politike shqiptare mungojne aktor?t qe e pergatiten. Albtelekom dhe borxhet ? ??shtja e borxheve te shoq?rise Alb-Telekom ndaj kompanis? se privatizuar AMC dhe atyre qe t? tretet duke p?rfshir? edhe institucionet shtet?rore i kan? asaj duket se ?sht? nje ??shtje mjaft e nd?rlikuar. Ajo t? sjell nd?rmend tere tablon? e dhimbshme te procesit te privatizimeve ne ekonomin? tone komb?tare. Kjo ecuri fillon me menaxhim te papergjesh?m, me thellim te humbjeve financiare, me investime te pamenduara, me humbje te prestigjit n? treg, me p?rkeq?sim te marr?dhenieve me klientet/konsumator?t, etj. P?r fat te keq, k?shtu duket se po ndodh edhe me shoq?rine Alb-Telekom. Askush nuk ka shpjeguar deri me sot se mbi cilen baze juridike dhe interesat e kujt kane mbrojtur ajo ushtri n?pun?sish te ulet e te larte, te paguar nga shteti shqiptar dhe mbase edhe nga kompanit? e huaja q? lakmojne blerjen e telefonise fikse te cilet kane ideuar, mb?sht?tur juridikisht, ekonomikisht dhe politikisht marr?veshje qe cenojne interesat e kompanis? dhe te vete shtetit; p?rse jan? shkarkuar brenda nje kohe t? shkurt?r drejtues te lart? te te shoq?rise pa analizat e mjaftueshme dhe publike; p?rse nuk ka ushtruar detyrat q? i ka ngarkuar ligji k?shillit mbikqyr?s t? k?saj kompanie n? ushtrimin e t? drejtave pron?sore ne em?r dhe p?r llogari te shtetit shqiptar te deleguara nga qeveria, e ?perse? te tilla ka plot. Shqip?ria ?sht? nder ato pak vende te botes qe edhe pse ?sht? shume e varfer, ligjet, vendimet e qeverise apo edhe kontratat e rendesishme me efekt financiar ne ekonomine kombetare diskutohen ?post factum? dhe ndoshta pa asnje mund?si rishikimi a plotesimi per te harmonizuar interesat e pal?ve pa krijuar penalitete n? d?m t? k?saj ekonomie, por asnj?here p?r llogari te p?rgjegj?sve politike a te drejtuesve te larte qe i krijojne keto detyrime. Shembulli i depove te naft?s ne Portin e Durresit dhe pasojat qe kane krijuar per investimet ne Korridorin e Tet? ?sht? i mjaftuesh?m per te kuptuar se si ?sht? menaxhuar dhe menaxhohet kjo ekonomi. Ndon?se deri me sot mungon duksh?m transparenca ne procesin e privatizimit te shoq?rise Alb-Telekom dhe burime te ndryshme japin shifra te ndryshme mbi veprimtarin? dhe gjendjen financiare te k?saj kompanie, nje gj? ?sht? e sigurt: shkalla e penetrimit t? telefonis? fikse (numri i telefonave p?r nj?mij? familje) ?sht? ende shume e ul?t, larg parametrave t? vendeve t? zhvilluara dhe kjo veprimtari ?sht? aktualisht n? pozita monopolistike n? treg, si dhe ?mimet me t? cilat e ofron sh?rbimin e vet jane tep?r t? larta. Kjo do te thote se ekziston nj? treg potencial p?r zhvillimin e shpejt? t? saj, se edhe ashtu si? ?sht? nuk mund t? prodhoj? humbje financiare, se veprimtaria e saj e derisotme sidomos investimet qe jane kryer e po kryhen duhet t? analizohen me profesionaliz?m dhe n? m?nyr? transparente, se nga privatizimi i k?saj kompanie jan? t? gjitha gjasat q? nj? pjes? e kapitaleve t? shqiptar?ve apo t? bizneseve t? tyre t? shnd?rrohen n? aksione t? kompanis?, p?r t? mos e gjykuar nes?r si privatizimin e ?shanseve t? humbura?. Vendit nuk i duhen reforma p?r hir te reformave, por reforma t? thella qe sjellin p?rfitime n? radh? t? par? p?r qytetar?t e vet. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From pilika at yahoo.com Wed Apr 17 09:52:25 2002 From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika) Date: Wed, 17 Apr 2002 06:52:25 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fw: The Jewish Question In-Reply-To: Message-ID: <20020417135225.77905.qmail@web14204.mail.yahoo.com> Falemnderit per informacionin, por nuk besoj se eshte e nevojshme te studiosh tekstet parahistorike e mesjetare cifute per te kuptuar gjendjen ne Lindjen e Mesme. Gjithe informacioni i nevojshem, per ata si puna e Kruzose, mund te gjendet ne nje dokumentar ose liber me autor asnjeanes. Personalisht rekomandoj dokumentarin e PBS te vitit 1997. Xhuliana Agolli wrote: ----- Original Message ----- From: Xhuliana Agolli To: albsa-info at alb-net.com Sent: Monday, April 15, 2002 11:04 AMSubject: Fw: The Jewish Question For those who are trying to understand the current situation in the Middle East, the US relationship with Israel, and, in the process, are becoming seriously interested in the "Jewish Question", the links below should be informative and inspiring for more research. While doing some research myself for most of this Sunday, and perusing many websites like the ones below , it became clear to me once again that in order to get a better (and truer) understanding of this dark abyss that is the earth and its self-proclaimed "masters", one needs to hit the Jewish books themselves, i.e. those on Jewish Law, the Talmud exclusively, Maimonides' Guide for the Perplexed (of which I've read only parts, and which I've completely failed to understand), the Torah to a lesser degree (e.g. the first five books of the Old Testament), and other "great" Jewish books. http://www.jewwatch.comhttp://www.jerusalemites.org/intro.htmlhttp://www.abbc.com/http://www.abbc.com/islam/english/toread/jewras.htmhttp://www.abbc.com/islam/english/books/jewhis/jewhis1.htmhttp://www.abbc.com/islam/english/toread/frnklin.htmhttp://www.abbc.com/historia/zionism/quotes.htmlhttp://www.stormfront.org/jewish/talmud.htmlhttp://www.abbc.com/historia/zionism/index_books.htmlhttp://www.usd230.k12.ks.us/PICTT/timelines/crimesagainsthumanity.htmlhttp://www.israelinsider.com/index.htmhttp://www.jpost.com/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/imt/proc/count4.htmhttp://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/genocide/docments.htm Apparently, according to the author the website below, Jewish newspapers acroos the world and particularly here in the United States (of/for Israel) seem to be nothing less than "The Hope of Israel". It makes sense.http://dansims.home.mindspring.com/newsp.htm#netherlands --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 18 23:01:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 18 Apr 2002 20:01:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Doing Business in Albania - Soros Message-ID: <20020419030104.89440.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> FONDACIONI SOROS Lajm?rim i Fondacionit Soros --------------------------------- FTESE PER PROJEKTE NE FUSHEN E EKONOMISE Programi i reform?s Ekonomike i Shoq?ris? s? Hapur p?r Shqip?rin? (Fondacioni Soros ju fton t? aplikoni pran? k?tij programi me projekte n? fushat e m?poshtme: o Zhvillimi i kapaciteteve t? shoqatave t? biznesit n?p?rmjet: o Nismave q? synojn? krijimin dhe leht?simin e komunikimit mes k?tyre shoqatave dhe qeveris? o Nismave q? rrisin rolin p?rfaq?sues t? k?tyre shoqatave n? p?rpunimin e politikave ekonomike o Trainimit, shk?mbim p?rvoje me vendet e rajonit o P?rmir?simit t? legjislacionit n? favor t? zhvillimit t? biznesit dhe t?r? ekonomis? s? vendit o Rritja e nd?rgjegj?simit dhe njohurive mbi ekonomin? e tregut n?p?rmjet: o Sigurimit dhe leht?simit t? marrjes s? informacionit p?r krijimin e zhvillimin e biznesit t? vog?l dhe t? mes?m o Studimeve profesionale mbi mund?sit? potenciale t? zhvillimit t? ekonomis? n? Shqip?ri e ve?an?risht t? biznesit, rrug?t p?r p?rmir?simin e sektor?ve ekzistues t? ekonomis?, si dhe mbi problemet q? frenojn? investimet e huaja n? Shqip?ri o Debateve me q?llim zhvillimin e sektor?ve t? ve?ant? t? ekonomis? Preferohen projekte konkrete e t? detajuara q? sigurojn? nj? impakt t? drejtp?rdrejt? mbi komunitetin. Jan? t? ftuar t? aplikojn? shoqatat e biznesit/OJQ - t? q? operojn? n? fush?n e ekonomis?, agjensi, dhoma t? treg?tis?, institucione publike etj misioni i t? cilave ?sht? zhvillimi ekonomik i vendit. T? interesuarit duhet t? paraqiten pran? sekretaris? s? Fondacionit Soros p?r t? t?rhequr formular?t si dhe p?r t'u njohur me kriteret e aplikimit. Formular?t dhe gjith? dokumentacioni mb?shtet?s duhet t? paraqiten jo m? von? se 13 Maj 2002 pran? sekretaris? s? Fondacionit Soros n? adres?n e m?poshtme: Fondacioni Shoq?ria e Hapur p?r Shqip?rin? (Fondacioni Soros) Rr. Pjet?r Bogdani Pall 23/1, Tiran? Tel 234621/234223/235856/248213 Fax: 235855 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 19 10:26:29 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Apr 2002 07:26:29 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gjykata Kushtetuese Message-ID: <20020419142629.67008.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Kushtetuesja: Shkarkimi i Rakipit, i parregullt Lajmi i ores 3:55 PM Ish-kryeprokurori RakipiTIRANE (19 Prill) - Gjykata Kushtetuese e quan shkarkimin e ish-prokurorit Arben Rakipi t? parregullt . Pas interpretimit t? neneve 128, 140 dhe 149 t? Kuhtetut?s: vendimi p?r shkarkimin e Rakipit ?sht? i parregullt. Gjykata Kushtetuese e ka marr? vendimin pasi ka pranuar k?rkes?n e 29 deputet?ve socialist? t? cil?t kishin b?r? ankim n? lidhje me procedurat e shkarkimit t? ish-kryeprokurorit Arben Rakipi. Me an? t? k?tij vendimi, Gjykata Kushtetuese detyron Kuvendin p?r rifillimin nga e para t? procedurave, q? shkarkuan para disa dit?sh Rakipin. Nd?rkoh? n? fillim t? jav?s q? vjen kjo gjykat? do t? marr? vendimin edhe p?r ankes?n e depozituar vet? nga ish-kryeprokurori, i cili pretendon t? jet? shkarkuar padrejt?sisht. ad/ko (BalkanWeb) Shkarkimi i Rakipit, Kushtetuesja pranon k?rkes?n e deputet?ve Lajmi i ores 3:10 PM TIRANE (19 Prill) - Gjykata Kushtetuese ka marr? vendim para disa minutash, q? t? pranoj? k?rkes?n e 29 deputet?ve socialist? t? cil?t kishin b?r? ankim n? lidhje me procedurat e shkarkimit t? ish-kryeprokurorit Arben Rakipi. Me an? t? k?tij vendimi, Gjykata Kushtetuese detyron Kuvendin p?r rifillimin nga e para t? procedurave, q? shkarkuan para disa dit?sh Rakipin. Nd?rkoh? n? fillim t? jav?s q? vjen kjo gjykat? do t? marr? vendimin edhe p?r ankes?n e depozituar vet? nga ish-kryeprokurori, i cili pretendon t? jet? shkarkuar padrejt?sisht. dxh/an (RASH/BalkanWeb) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 19 20:21:58 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Apr 2002 17:21:58 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Vendimi i Gjykates Kushtetuese - Zeri i Popullit, 20 prill 2002 Message-ID: <20020420002158.3972.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Ja vendimi i plot? i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese p?r interpretimin e tre neneve t? Kushtetut?s sipas k?rkes?s s? 30 deputet?ve t? Parlamentit shqiptar Vendim "n? em?r t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?" Gjykata Kushtetuese e Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, e p?rb?r? nga: Fehmi Abdiu Kryetar i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese Zija Vuci, An?tar i " " Gjergj Sauli, An?tar i " " Alfred Karamu?o, An?tar i " " Kristofor Pe?i, An?tar i " " Kujtim Puto, An?tar i " " Tefta Zaka, An?tar i " " Petrit Pllo?i, An?tar i " " Sokol Sadushi, An?tar i " " me sekretare Arbenka Lalica, n? dat?n 25.03.2002, mori n? shqyrtim n? seanc? gjjyq?sore me dyer t? hapura ??stjen nr.59 Akti i p?rket: K?rkues: Nj? grup deputet?sh t? Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris?, p?rfaq?suar nga Lek? ?uka Subjekte t? interesuara: 1. Kuvendi i Shqip?ris?, n? mungese 2. Presidenti i Republik?s, n? munges? 3. Gjykata e Lart?, p?rfaq?suar nga avokati Krenar Lolo?i 4. Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m, zoti Arben Rakipi Objekti: Interpretimi p?rfundimtar i neneve 128, 140, 149, pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s s? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?. Interpretimin p?rfundimtar t? neneve 128, 140 dhe 149 pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s, t? cilat parashikojn? rastet e shkarkimit t? gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, t? gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? dhe t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, k?rkuesi e ka kufizuar kryesisht n? interpretimin e dy momenteve kryesore q? kan? t? b?jn?: - me kuptimin e shkaqeve dhe t? motiveve t? shkarkimit q? lidhen me termat kushtetuese "akte e sjellje q? diskreditojn? r?nd? pozit?n dhe figur?n..." e gjyqtarit e t? prokurorit, si dhe "shkelje t? r?nda t? ligjit gjat? ushtrimit t? funksioneve..." nga Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m; - me kuptimin e procedurave q? duhen t? ndjek? dhe respektoj? Kuvendi p?r verifikimin dhe v?rtetimin e shkaqeve p?r shkarkim t? gjyqtar?ve t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, t? gjyqtar?ve t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? dhe t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. K?rkuesi pretendon se procedura q? duhet t? ndjek? Kuvendi n? k?to raste ndikon drejtp?rdrejt n? garantimin e statusit kushtetues t? k?tyre organeve dhe mosrespektimi i rregullave t? saj mund t? krijoj? precedent? t? rreziksh?m p?r respektimin e Kushtetut?s. P?rfaq?suesi i Gjykat?s s? Lart?, parashtroi pretendimet e tij vet?m p?r kuptimin kushtetues t? nenit 140, duke u p?rq?ndruar n? k?to momente: - P?rmbushja nga ana e Kuvendit e detyr?s p?r t? provuar dhe v?rtetuar n?se ekziston ndonj? nga shkaqet q? parashikohen n? Kushtetut? p?r t? vendosur shkarkimin e gjyqtarit, i jep veprimtaris? s? tij disa tipare t? ngjashme me veprimtarin? gjyq?sore, pra ai kryen nj? veprimtari quasi gjyq?sore; - Angazhimi i Kuvendit n? seancat plenare p?r t? shqyrtuar shkeljet e kryera nga nj? gjyqtar pa u shoshitur m? par? n? komisionet, ad hoc t? Kuvendit, p?rgjith?sisht mund t? ?oj? n? marrje vendimesh t? nxituara dhe t? pabazuara juridikisht; - Pavar?sisht se procedura p?r shkakimin e gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? ?sht? e mang?t ajo nuk mund t? mbushet me asnj? lloj vendimi gjyq?sor. Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m, e p?rmblodhi opinionin e tij kryesisht n? procedur?n q? kishte ndjekur Kuvendi gjat? seanc?s plenare t? marrjes s? vendimit p?r propozimin p?r shkarkim t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Gjykata Kushtetuese pasi d?gjoi relatorin e ??shtjes Sokol Sadushi, p?rfaq?suesin e k?rkuesit, t? subjekteve t? interesuar dhe analizoi ??shtjen n? t?r?si, V?ren K?rkesa e nj? grupi deputet?sh, t? cil?t p?rb?jn? jo m? pak se nj? t? pest?n e deputet?ve t? Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris?, ka p?r objekt interpretimin e neneve kushtetuese q? parashikojn? rastet se kur mund t? shkarkohen gjyqtar?t e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, gjyqtar?t e Gjykat?s s? Lart? dhe Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m. Arsyen e paraqitjes s? k?rkes?s, k?rkuesi e ka motivuar me faktin se n? praktikat parlamentare t? m?parshme jan? krijuar keqkuptime, t? cilat kan? sjell? dhe moszbatimin n? t? t? nj?jt?n m?nyr? t? procedurave p?r shkarkimin e k?tyre funksionar?ve t? lart?. K?rkuesi, n? k?rkes?, i referohet procedurave q? jan? ndjekur gjat? nj? mocioni t? paraqitur para afro nj? viti p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m dhe t? mocionit p?r shkarkimin e tre gjyqtar?ve t? Gjykat?s s? Lart?, ndaj t? cil?ve Kuvendi ka mbajtur nj? q?ndrim konkret. N? seanc?n gjyq?sore, p?rfaq?suesi i k?rkuesit ju referua gjithashtu, duke shprehur ku d?shtimet e tij edhe procedur?s q? kishte ndjekur Kuvendi gjat? shqyrtimit t? mocionit t? paraqitur lidhur me propozimin p?r shkarkim t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m gjat? s? cil?s, sipas tij, jan? shfaqur mendime t? ndryshme n? lidhje me kuptimin e dispozit?s si n? kuptimin material ashtu edhe procedural. Q?ndrimet q? ka mbajtur Kuvendi n? t? gjitha rastet q? lidhen me procedurat e shkarkimit t? k?tyre funksionar?ve t? lart?, t? cilat kan? marr? nj? zgjidhje p?rfundimtare pasi jan? konkretizuar me vendime, jan? konsideruar p?r k?rkuesin si m?nyra t? ndryshme interpretimi t? neneve 140 dhe 149 pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s. Grupi i deputet?ve, duke mos qen? i qart? p?r nenet kushtetuese t? sip?rcituara, por duke patur edhe nj? mendim t? ndrysh?m p?r kuptimin e shkaqeve kushtetuese, si dhe t? procedur?s q? duhet ndjekur n? k?to raste, ka k?rkuar kryerjen e interpretimit p?rfundimtar t? k?tyre dispozitave t? Kushtetut?s nga Gjykata Kushtetuese. N? k?to kushte: - p?rderisa nga praktikat e m?parshme parlamentare dhe q?ndrimet jan? mbajtur rezulton se dispozitave konkrete t? Kushtetut?s i jan? b?r? interpretime q? shprehen n?p?rmjet vendimevet? Kuvendit; - duke qen? se p?r k?to dispozita ka edhe nj? q?ndrim tjet?r t? ndrysh?m nga i pari, i shprehur n? k?rkes?n e nj? grupi deputet?sh t? Kuvendit t? cil?t i kan? inicuar k?t? proces kushtetues, Gjykata Kushtetuese konkludon se kryerja e nj? interpretimi p?rfundimtar t? neneve 128, 140 dhe 149 pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s b?het e domosdoshme pasi krijon mund?sin? e m?njanimit t? mosmarr?veshjeve apo paqart?sive q? mund t? lindin nga zbatimi n? praktik? i tyre. Nenet 128 dhe 140 t? Kushtetut?s jan? formulime t? nj?jta, sepse p?rmbajn? kat?r shkaqe kushtetuese, n? t? cilat duhet t? bazohet Kuvendi p?r t? motivuar vendimin p?r shkarkimin e gjyqtar?ve t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese dhe t? Gjykat?s s? Lart?, nd?rsa neni 149 pika 2 parashikon rastet p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, pra t? cilat vet?m nj?ri prej tyre ?sht? i ndrysh?m nga t? parat. Nga t? gjitha shkaqet p?r shkarkim t? k?tyre funksionar?ve t? lart? q? parashikohen n? k?to nene kushtetuese, dy prej tyre dhe konkretisht "kryerja e nj? krimi" dhe "paaft?sia mendore e fizike", jan? t? tilla q? nuk mund t? v?rtetohen drejtp?rdrejt nga Kuvendi, pasi ato k?rkojn? q? paraprakisht t? konstatohen dhe t? v?rtetohen nga organe kompetente. ??shtja paraqitet m? e v?shtir? n? aspektin e interpretimit t? termave kushtetuese akte e sjellje q? diskreditojn? r?nd? pozit?n dhe figur?n e gjyqtarit e t? prokurorit si dhe shkelje t? r?nda t? ligjit gjat? ushtrimit t? funksioneve nga Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m. P?r interpretimin e k?tyre normave, Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk merr p?rsip?r t? kryej? rolin e legjislatorit pozitiv, duke parashikuar nj? p?r nj? t? gjitha rastet q? mund t? p?rfshihen n? k?to shkaqe kushtetuese, sepse do t? ishte e pamundur nj? gj? e till? nd?rkoh? q? Kushtetuta, ligjet, apo edhe vendimet gjyq?sore nuk mund t? kodifikojn? me sakt?si aktet e sjelljet q? diskreditojn? r?nd? pozit?n dhe figur?n e gjyqtarit a prokurorit, apo rastet se kur ligji ?sht? shkelur r?nd?. Interpretimi q? Gjykata Kushtetuese i b?n dispozitave apo termave konkrete t? Kushtetut?s ka p?r q?llim q? n? m?nyr? analitike t? jap dhe t? p?rcaktoj? kriteret, konceptet baz? si dhe parimet mbi t? cilat duhet t? mb?shtetet organi kompetent p?r t? konkluduar lidhur me aplikimin e shkakut t? p?rshtatsh?m kushtetues p?r shkarkimin e gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, t? gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? si dhe t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Veprimet apo mosveprimet e k?tyre funksionar?ve t? lart? t? shtetit, t? cilat mund t? p?rfshihen n? shkaqet kushtetuese q? sh?rbejn? p?r shkarkimin e tyre, jan? t? tilla q? mund t? vler?sohen rast pas rasti nga vet organi q? kryen k?t? procedur? shkarkimi. Megjithat?, n? ?do rast, ato jan? t? lidhura me sjelljet e parregullta e t? padenja q? k?ta funksionar? t? lart? kryejn? jo vet?m gjat? ushtrimit t? detyr?s dhe p?r shkak t? saj, por edhe jasht? detyr?s, me abuzimin apo dhunimin q? ata i b?jn? besimit publik dhe q? lidhen kryesisht me d?met q? ata i sjellin shoq?ris? dhe shtetit. Aktet dhe sjelljet e padenja q? ata kryejn? duhet t? jen? aq serioze, t? ken? diskredituar aq r?nd? figur?n dhe pozit?n e gjyqtarit apo prokurorit dhe t? ken? ulur dinjitetin e organit q? p?rfaq?sojn?, sa t? detyrojn? organin kompetent p?r t? marr? mas?n e largimit nga detyra. Nisur nga p?rmbajtja e nenit 149 pika 2 Kushtetut?s, q? parashikon nd?rmjet shkaqeve t? tjera p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m edhe shprehjen "shkelje t? r?nda t? ligjit gjat? ushtrimit t? funksioneve t? tij", Gjykata Kushtetuese arsyeton se kuptimi i sakt? dhe i drejt? i saj i p?rdorur n? k?t? dispozit? kushtetuese arsyeton se kuptimi i sakt? dhe i drejt? i saj i p?rdorur n? k?t? dispozit? kushtetuese; por edhe n? t? tjera, duhet t? analizojn? dhe vler?sohet n? t?r?si nga disa faktor? q? kan? t? b?jn? me r?nd?sin? e shkeljes s? ligjit, pasojat e ardhura apo q? mund t? vinin nga kjo shkelje, koh?vazhdimin e k?tyre pasojave dhe t? v?shtir?sive p?r riparimin e tyre si dhe vet? q?ndrimin subjektiv q? mban personi konkret ndaj shkeljes s? kryer dhe pasoj?s s? ardhur. Gjithashtu, shprehja e "r?nd?", p?rdorur si p?r rastin e diskreditimit t? pozit?s dhe figur?s s? gjyqtarit e t? prokurorit, ashtu dhe t? shkeljes s? ligjit, i sh?rben nj?koh?sisht organit kompetent q? fillon procedurat e shkarkimit p?r t? dalluar k?to veprime nga sjelljet e nj? kategorie m? t? leht?, t? cilat nuk mund t? p?rdoren p?r t? motivuar shkakun e shkarkimit. M?nyra e formulimit n? Kushtetut? t? shkaqeve p?r shkarkim, duket sikur e l? t? hapur dhe t? diskutueshme b?rjen e interpretimeve pa fund t? rasteve q? mund t? klasifikohen nga praktika parlamentare si shkelje e r?nd? e ligjit, apo akte e sjellje q? diskreditojn? r?nd? pozit?n e figur?n e gjyqtarit e prokurorit. Megjithat?, jurisprudenca gjyq?sore dhe ve?an?risht shqyrtimi i deritanish?m apo edhe n? t? ardhmen nga Gjykata Kushtetuese i rasteve konkret?, t? cilat lidhen me k?to koncepte kushtetuese, sigurisht q? do t?i japin nj? kuptim m? t? plot? dhe m? t? qart? k?tyre shkaqeve kushtetuese. Gjykata Kushtetuese, n? analiz? t? m?tejshme t? k?tyre koncepteve kushtetuese, ?mon t? nevojshme t? argumentoj? se kuptimi i termave kushtetues q? lidhen me shkaqet e shkarkimit duhet par? e lidhur ngusht? me gjith? procesin ligjor q? ndjek Kuvendi n? rastet kur inicon procedurat p?r shkarkim t? gjyqtar?ve t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese t? gjyqtar?ve t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? dhe t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. N?se gjyqtari i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, i Gjykat?s s? Lart?, apo Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m rezulton se ka shkelur Kushtetut?n, se ka kryer akte q? diskreditojn? r?nd? pozit?n dhe figur?n e tij ajo ka shkelur r?nd? ligjin, marrja e mas?s s? shkarkimit nga Kuvendi ?sht? e lidhur domosdoshm?risht me kryerjen e procedurave p?rkat?se. Funksioni q? kryen Kuvendi n? k?t? rast ?sht? i nj? natyre t? ve?ant?. Procesi i realizuar prej Kuvendit ndryshon nga gjith? veprimtaria e tij e zakonshme si nj? organ q? miraton ligje. Ky proces ligjor q? ?sht? nj? proces gjykimi disiplinor dhe ngjash?m me procedurat hetimore administrative ka parimet e veta, t? cilat lidhen me verifikimin, analiz?n dhe v?rtetimin e atyre shkaqeve konkret? q? kan? sh?rbyer p?r organin kompetent p?r t? marr? mas?n e shkarkimit nga detyra t? gjyqtarit apo prokurorit. Dispozitat kushtetuese objekt interpretimi jan? materiale e procedurale dhe kan? p?r q?llim t? p?rcaktojn? n? m?nyr? taksative raste klasike se kur mund t? shkarkohen gjyqtar?t apo Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m. EKzistenca e k?tyre shkaqeve kushtetuese p?r shkarkim p?rb?n nj? garanci m? shum? p?r funksionet q? ata kryejn?, por edhe p?r vet institucionet kushtetuese q? ato p?rfaq?sojn?. K?to nene kushtetuese kan? l?n? n? vler?simin e Kuvendit si karakterin dhe r?nd?sin? e shkeljes s? kryer, ashtu edhe faktin n?se akti apo veprimi, ?sht? i asaj natyre q? mund t? diskreditoj? figur?n e gjyqtarit apo t? prokurorit. Ajo q? n?nkupton dispozita kushtetuese ?sht? q? rasti konkret p?r shkarkim duhet t? ket? ndodhur dhe t? jet? i v?rtetuar si i till?. Pik?risht ky konkluzion del nga interpretimi q? i b?het fjalis? s? dyt? n? nenet 128 e 140. Gjykata Kushtetuese duke shqyrtuar vendimin e Kuvendit q? ka shkarkuar gjyqtarin, v?rteton n?se ekziston shkaku i shkarkimit. Pra, ajo v?rteton n?se Kuvendi ka vepruar n? p?rputhje me Kushtetut?n, rregulloren dhe me ligjet p?rkat?se dhe n?se ai ka respektuar t? gjitha procedurat p?r ta motivuar, argumentuar dhe arsyetuar plot?sisht vendimin e shkarkimit. N?p?rmjet k?tij kontrolli konstitucional q? kryhet mbi vendimin e Kuvendit, Gjykata Kushtetuese shqyrton jo vet?m procedur?n e shkarkimit, por edhe thelbin e ??shtjes. Prandaj, me q?llim q? vendimi i Kuvendit t? jet? sa m? i bazuar dhe t? mos rr?zohet si antikushtetues, ai duhet t? ket? plot?suar t? gjitha element?t e domosdosh?m t? nj? procedure korrekte, sepse mjafton mosrespektimi i procedur?s dhe i form?s s? nxjerrjes s? nj? akti, q? ai t? konsiderohet i pavlefsh?m. P?rsa i p?rket nenit 149 pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s, Gjykata Kushtetuese e ?mon se ?sht? Presidenti i Republik?s organi kompetent i ngarkuar nga Kushtetuta p?r t? kryer nj? verifikim nga pikpamja kushtetuese t? shkaqeve si dhe t? procedurave t? ndjekura nga Kuvendi p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Ky konkluzion del nga m?nyra e formulimit t? k?tij neni kushtetues n? t? cilin p?rdorimi i shprehjes: "mund t? shkarkohet", do t? thot? se vendimi i Kuvendit p?r propozimin e shkarkimit t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m nuk ?sht? p?rfundimtar, por ?sht? vet?m inicimi i nj? procedure shkarkim, bazueshm?ria n? ligj dhe n? Kushtetut?n e t? cil?s vler?sohet n? k?t? rast nga Presidenti i Republik?s. Nisur nga sa u parashtrua m? lart, Gjykata Kushtetuese e sheh t? nevojshme t? v?r? n? dosje element?t baz? t? nj? procedure ligjore, q? lidhen me m?nyr?n e inicimit t? procedur?s p?r shkarkim, kuourimin e nevojsh?m p?r vendimmarrjen, shkaqet ligjore p?r shkarkim, si dhe organin q? vendos p?rfundimisht p?r to, jan? t? parashtruara p?rgjith?sisht n? Kushtetut?. Megjithat? nj? rregullimi t? m?tejsh?m ato e gjejn? n? ligje baz?, si? ?sht? rasti i kuourumit t? domosdosh?m q? nevojitet p?r inicimin e procedurave p?r shkarkim t? gjyqtar?ve t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese. P?rsa i p?rket an?tar?ve t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? nuk ka ndonj? rregullim ligjor p?r inicimin e procedur?s p?r shkarkimin e tyre. Gjithashtu edhe p?r propozimin p?r shkarkim t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, Ligji "P?r organizimin dhe funksionimin e Prokuroris? n? Republik?n e Shqip?ris?", nuk parashikon element?t baz? t? procedurave. E vetmja referenc? kushtetuese q? mund t? b?het p?r k?t?rast ?sht? neni 78 pika 1 e Kushtetut?s ku parashikohet rregulli i p?rgjithsh?m, (me p?rjashtim t? rasteve kur Kushtetuta parashikon nj? shumic? t? cil?suar) lidhur me votat e nevojshme q? i duhen Kuvendit p?r t? marr? vendim. N? kushtet kur n? Kushtetut?, apo edhe n? ligjet e tjera momentet thelb?sore n? nj? procedur? nuk gjejn? rregullim t? holl?sish?m, at?her? Gjykata Kushtetuese ?mon t? nevojshme t? theksoj? se k?to rregulla proceduriale nuk mund t? plot?sohen n?p?rmjet vendimit t? saj interpretues. Interpretimi, si funksion dhe metod?, ka v?nd p?r nj? norm? ekzistuese kur ka paqart?si n? kuptimin e saj dhe jo p?r t? plot?suar boshll?kun, sepse p?rndryshe Gjykata Kushtetuese do t? vihej n? pozicionin e gabuar t? krijuesit t? norm?s juridike, funksion, q? si? dihet, i p?rket ligjv?n?sit. Megjithat?, Gjykata Kushtetuese n?nvizon se pavar?sisht nga kjo m?nyr? rregullimi n? Kushtetut? apo n? ligj t? procedurave t? shkarkimit t? gjyqtarit apo prokurorit, kjo nuk e pengon Kuvendin t? adoptoj? rregulla t? ve?anta p?r ?do rast konkret, apo p?r t? gjitha rastet n? t?r?si, por gjithmon? duke respektuar parimin kushtetues, at? t? nj? procesi t? rregullt ligjor. Standartet e gjith?pranuara demokratike, t? cilat kan? gjetur vendin e tyre n? Kushtetut?, si dhe nj? s?r? vendimesh t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, kan? p?rcaktuar dhe konsoliduar nj? s?r? element?sh t? procesit t? rregullt ligjor, mungesa e t? cil?ve zhvler?sojn? si procedurat ashtu edhe vendimet e marra nga cilido organ. Argumentimi i shkeljeve q? atribuohen, respektimi gjat? shqyrtimit t? parimit t? ndarjes s? pushteteve, njohja paraprake e personit ndaj t? cilit k?rkohet t? merret masa e shkarkimit me materialet q? e ngarkojn? at? me p?rgjegj?si, respektimi i t? drejt?s p?r t?u d?gjuar dhe mbrojtur me an?n e dh?nies s? sqarimeve paraprake ashtu dhe gjat? shqyrtimit t? ??shtjes, jan? disa nga element?t baz? q? garantojn? t? drejt?n kushtetuese t? cilitdo p?r nj? proces t? rregullt, si nj? e drejt? themelore, c?nimin e s? cil?s, jurisprudenca e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese e ka identifikuar n? ?do rast, si shkelje t? Kushtetut?s. Nga e gjith? kjo analiz? kushtetuese, e cila nuk krijon ndonj? norm? t? re juridike, por q? p?rb?n ve?se nj? arsyetim logjik dhe interpretativ t? neneve 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2 n? v?shtrim dhe me dispozitat e tjera t? Kushtetut?s, Gjykata Kushtetuese arrin n? p?rfundimin se k?rkesa ?sht? e drejt? dhe duhet pranuar. P?r k?to arsye, Gjykata Kushtetuese e Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, duke u bazuar n? nenet 124 dhe 132 t? Kushtetut?s s? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris? dhe n? nenet 71, 72 e 79 t? ligjit nr.8577, dat? 10.02.2000 "P?r organizimin dhe funksionimin e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?", me shumic? votash, Vendosi Interpretimin brenda kufirit t? objektit t? k?rkes?s t? neneve 128, 140 dhe 149 pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s n? k?t? m?nyr?: 1. Shprehja "akte e sjellje q? diskreditojn? r?nd? pozit?n dhe figur?n..." parashikuar nga nenet 128, 140 dhe 149, pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s, p?rmbledh n? vetvete nj? s?r? element?sh, t? cil?t mund dhe duhet t? identifikohen rast pas rasti nga organi p?rkat?s q? merr vendimin p?r shkarkimin e gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, t? gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? dhe Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Ato jan? t? lidhura me aktet dhe sjelljet e parregullta e t? padenja q? k?ta funksionar? t? lart? kryejn? gjat? ushtrimit t? detyr?s, p?r shkak t? saj, por edhe jasht? detyr?s. K?to veprime apo mosveprime q? analizohen n? baz? t? rrethanave t? kryerjes s? tyre, momentit subjektiv si dhe nga d?met q? ato i sjellin shoq?ris? e shtetit, jan? t? asaj natyre q? e b?jn? t? pamundur kryerjen e m?tejshme t? funksioneve kushtetuese nga k?to subjekte. 2. Shprehja "shkelje e r?nd? e ligjit gjat? ushtrimit t? funksioneve" nga Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m, parashikuar nga neni 149, pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s lidhet me nj? s?r? element?sh q? kan? t? b?jn? me ato shkelje t? dispozitave ligjore t? kryera gjat? ushtrimit t? detyr?s dhe p?r shkak t? saj. K?to shkelje marrin karakterin e r?nd? t? tyre lidhur ngusht? me r?nd?sin? e ligjit t? shkelur, me pasojat e ardhura, apo q? mund t? vinin nga shkelja, me frekuenc?n e shkeljes, koh?vazhdimin e pasojave dhe t? v?shtir?sive p?r riparimin e tyre, si dhe me q?ndrimin subjektiv q? mban autori i shkeljes kundrejt saj dhe pasoj?s s? ardhur. 3. N? p?rcaktimin e procedurave t? shkarkimit t? gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, t? gjyqtarit t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? dhe t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, organet p?rkat?se duhet t? respektojn? rregullat p?rkat?se p?r aq sa parashikohet n? Kushtetut?, n? ligjet organike t? tyre si dhe n? aktet e tjera ligjore. N? nd?rmarrjen e procedurave p?r shkarkimin e k?tyre funksionar?ve, kusht thelb?sor mbetet respektimi i t? drejt?s kushtetuese p?r nj? proces t? rregullt ligjore parashikuar nga neni 42/1 i Kushtetut?s. Ky vendim ?sht? p?rfundimtar, i form?s s? prer? dhe ka fuqi prapavepruese. Tiran? m? 19.04.2002 Nr.59 i Regj.Themeltar Nr.75 i Vendimit --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 19 20:30:48 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Apr 2002 17:30:48 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Las Vegas Sun Message-ID: <20020420003048.59382.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Today: April 19, 2002 at 10:00:23 PDT U.N. To Indict Kosovo Albanian PRISTINA, Yugoslavia- The chief U.N. prosecutor said Friday that a Balkan war crimes tribunal that has so far focused on Serbian suspects may finish investigations into ethnic Albanian rebels in Kosovo later this year and hand down indictments. Carla del Ponte met top Kosovo officials at the end of a three-day Balkan tour in which she pressed governments in Bosnia and Serbia to hand over indicted suspects for trial in The Hague, Netherlands. The U.N. war crimes tribunal has been criticized for alleged bias against Serbs. Most of those indicted for crimes in the Croatian, Bosnian and Kosovo wars are Serbs held responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilians. No ethnic Albanian has been publicly indicted so far for wrongdoing. But Del Ponte said her investigators hoped to finish probes later this year into three cases involving suspects from the Kosovo Liberation Army, a rebel group that fought for independence of the Yugoslav province. "I'm sure that this year we will issue the first indictment," she said. Standing at her side, Michael Steiner, the top U.N. official running the province, said his mission will offer full support to prosecute those responsible for war crimes, regardless of their origin. "There is no nationality when it comes to war crimes," Steiner said. Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova and Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi pledged their support. "We have said before that no one stands above the law," Rexhepi said. "The tribunal has the right to investigate in every place where the fighting took place." NATO's air war in 1999 ended former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's crackdown on ethnic Albanians that left at least 10,000 of them killed. Milosevic is currently on trial in the Hague. A committee gathering information on crimes against humanity and violations of international law in Belgrade says 3,276 Serbs and other non-Albanians are missing since the 1998-2001 conflict in Kosovo. Most of the victims were killed or abducted after NATO-led peacekeepers and the United Nations took over the province in June 1999, according to the committee. On Friday, assailants hurled a hand grenade into the last Serb-owned restaurant in the predominantly ethnic Albanian town of Presevo in southern Serbia, near the Kosovo border. No one was injured, but the restaurant was ruined, a Yugoslav government statement said. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 19 20:34:05 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Apr 2002 17:34:05 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Corruption Case Message-ID: <20020420003405.85103.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> KENYA: Former World Bank Official Pleads Guilty To Corruption Former World Bank official Gautam Sengupta has pleaded guilty to charges of corruption before a U.S. Federal Court, according to a statement made yesterday by the bank. Sengupta admitted that while supervising from Washington an urban transport project in Kenya, he agreed to pass on a request from a Kenyan government official involved in the project for a $50,000 kickback. Sengupta has not yet been sentenced for his actions. The bank also said that its own investigation, launched in March 2001, showed that two of the contracts for the Kenya Urban Transport Infrastructure Project were given to a company that had paid bribes to one of its employees and a Kenyan official. The bank severed funding for the project last October and handed the case over to the U.S. Department of Justice after finding evidence of corruption. The bank statement did not say when it is likely to resume disbursements of the project's remaining $21.6 million. The Kenyan government is conducting its own investigation (Nairobi Daily Nation, April 19). --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 19 22:01:52 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Apr 2002 19:01:52 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Privatizimi i BK-se - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020420020152.96762.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Bankat greke mbet?n dje p?rfundimisht jasht? procesit t? privatizimit t? bank?s m? t? madhe n? Shqip?ri Privatizimi i BK-s?, grek?t jasht? N? gar? jan? dy banka italiane, nj? austriake dhe nj? kroate Nj? acarim i paqart? mb?rtheu zyrtar?t e shtetit menj?her? pas hapjes s? zarfave dhe p?rgjat? t? gjith? paradites asnj? zyrtar nuk pranonte t? fliste. Ministri i Financave, Kastriot Islami, deklaroi p?r median se emrat e bankave kandidate do t? mbahen sekret. Pasdite u njoftua se bankat greke jan? p?rjashtuar Gert Osmani Alban Gjoni Bankat greke, p?rfundimisht, jan? jasht? gar?s p?r privatizimin e bank?s m? t? madhe n? Shqip?ri, Bank?s s? Kursimeve. Lajmi u dha dje p?r ?Shekullin? nga burime t? mirinformuara pran? Bank?s s? Kursimeve. Nj? bank? greke, emri i s? cil?s nuk publikohet, shprehu dje zyrtarisht interesimin p?r blerjen e Bank?s s? Kursimeve bashk? me dy bankat italiane, nj? bank? austriake dhe nj? bank? kroate, por u skualifikua q? n? ?astin e par?. Pas k?saj, kat?r bankat e tjera, ?San Paoli IMI? dhe ?Intesa SPA? nga Italia, ?Bank of Austria? nga Austria si dhe nj? bank? nga Kroacia do t? vazhdojn? gar?n deri n? 17 qershor kur do t? hedhin n? tryez? ofertat financiare dhe do t?i japin fund ??shtjes s? privatizimit t? k?saj banke. P?r sistemin financiar shqiptar hapen dyert e diversifikimit t? origjin?s s? kapitalit t? sistemit bankar, duke i dh?n? ?frym? per?ndimore? ekonomis? s? vendit ton?. Gjat? muajve t? fundit, p?rpjekjet e qarqeve greke p?r t? sht?n? n? dor? Bank?n e Kursimeve dhe Bank?n Komb?tare Tregtare qen? shtuar duksh?m. Vet?m para disa muajsh, qeveris? shqiptare i ishte hedhur n? tryez? nj? ide p?r ndarjen rajonale t? sh?rbimeve qeveritare q? kryhen n?p?rmjet BK-s? dhe dh?nien e k?tyre sh?rbimeve bankave t? tjera. Grek?t, aktualisht, zot?rojn? 12 p?r qind t? tregut bankar n? Shqip?ri. Blerja e Bank?s s? Kursimeve nga nj? vend per?ndimor, si Austria apo Italia, i hap rrug?n regjistrimit t? Shqip?ris? n? list?n e ?tregjeve emergjente?, pra t? vihet n?n sh?njestr?n e investitor?ve potencial? per?ndimor?. Gjithashtu, blerja e BK-s? nga nj? vend pa interesa t? drejtp?rdrejta politike mbi Shqip?rin?, rrit shanset e p?rdorimit t? bank?s m? t? madhe n? Shqip?ri vet?m p?r q?llime biznesi. Enigma e sekretit t? ofertave Zyrtarisht, dje u hap?n zarfat dhe Komisioni i Vler?simit t? Ofertave p?r privatizimin e Bank?s s? Kursimeve m?soi emrat e bankave pretendente. Nj? acarim i paqart? mb?rtheu zyrtar?t e shtetit menj?her? pas hapjes s? zarfave dhe p?rgjat? t? gjith? paradites asnj? zyrtar nuk pranonte t? fliste. Ministri i Financave Kastriot Islami deklaroi p?r median se emrat e bankave kandidate do t? mbahen sekret. Nuk ?sht? e qart? n?se ky sekret rrjedh nga ndonj? detyrim ligjor apo nga nj? ndryshim plani menj?her? pas hapjes s? zarfave. Pasditen e djeshme, situata u qet?sua dhe disa burime njoftuan se bankat greke mund t? konsiderohen p?rfundimisht jasht? procesit t? privatizimit t? BK-s?. Ministri i Financave u nis dje drejt Uashingtonit p?r t? marr? pjes? n? takimin e pranver?s t? komitetit t? Breton Udsit si dhe t? negocioj? me Bank?n Bot?rore dhe Fondin Monetar Nd?rkomb?tar p?r dy marr?veshjet e reja trevje?are. Bankat q? dje shpreh?n interesin p?r blerjen e BK-s? do t?i n?nshtrohen procesit t? kushteve ligjore p?r blerjen e BK-s? si dhe do t?u krijohet mund?sia p?r t? njohur n? thell?si dhe nga af?r k?t? bank?. Ato duhet t? paraqesin deri m? 17 qershor t? k?tij viti ofert?n financiare, planin e zhvillimit t? BK-s? pas privatizimit si dhe sasin? e aksioneve q? duan t? blejn?. Pas hapjes s? ofertave, n? 17 qershor do t? b?het vler?simi p?rfundimtar dhe do t? p?rcaktohet fituesi. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 19 22:10:13 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Apr 2002 19:10:13 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Poll results - The Times Message-ID: <20020420021013.14274.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> The Times (London) April 19, 2002, Friday Group holds no terror for Greeks John Carr Athens: Almost a quarter of Greeks claim broadly to agree with the extremist political views of the November 17 terrorist group that has murdered 23 diplomats, policemen and businessmen in its 27 years of activity, according to a local survey (John Carr writes). Published in Press, a media magazine, the survey also showed that one third of Greeks did not think that the organisation should give itself up or face justice, while one third would not attach the label "terrorist" to it. The figures could help to explain why, nearly two years after the group's murder of the British military attache Brigadier Stephen Saunders, attempts to bring the killers to justice have failed. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Apr 19 23:22:24 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 19 Apr 2002 20:22:24 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Njoftim per demshperblim - GSH Message-ID: <20020420032224.2490.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> FONDI AUSTRIAK I VLLAZERIMIT --------------------------------- Asistenc? p?r skllev?rit dhe puntor?t me m?ditje t? rregjimit nacional-socialist n? territorin e sot?m t? Austris? Ligji Austriak p?r Fondin e Vllaz?rimit parashikon asistenc? vullnetare p?r skllev?rit dhe puntor?t me m?ditje t? rregjimit nacional-socialist n? territorin e sot?m t? Republik?s s? Austris?. E drejta p?r asistenc?: a) Puntor?t me m?ditje T? drejt?n p?r asistenc? e kan? personat, t? cil?t jan? detyruar t? punojn? me forc? nga rregjimi nacioanl-socialist n? industri, ekonomi ose n? sektor?t publik si dhe n? bujq?si n? territorin e sot?m t? Republik?s s? Austris?. Gjithashtu t? drejt?n p?r asistenc? e kan? personat, t? cil?t jan? detyruar t? punojn? forc?risht nga rregjimi nacioanl-socialist n? territorin e sot?m t? Republik?s s? Austris? p?r arsye politike, p?r arsye te prejardhjes, t? fes?, komb?sis?, orientimit seksual, p?r arsye t? t? metave trupore dhe mendore, p?r arsye t? p?rkat?sis? asociale ose q? kan? pasur t? b?jn? me eksperimentet mjeksore. b) Puntor?t skllev?r T? drejt?n p?r asistenc? e kan? personat, t? cil?t n? territorin e sot?m t? Republik?s s? Austris? kan? punuar forc?risht si skllev?r n? kampet e p?rq?ndrimit apo n? burgje t? ngjashme me to. K?to kampe p?rq?ndrimi ose t? tilla t? ngjashme p?rfshijn? vecan?risht kampet, n? t? cilat jan? deportuar n? vitet 1944/1945 n? territorin e sot?m t? Austris? puntor? skllev?r cifut? nga Hungaria dhe q? jan? shfryt?zuar n? rrethinat e Vjen?s ose n? nd?rtimin e murit juglindor. Nuk kan? t? drejt?n p?r asistenc? t? burgosurit n? kampin e p?rq?ndrimit n? Mauthausen dhe n? filialet e tij si dhe n? filialet e kampit t? p?rq?ndrimit n? Dachau, edhe pse k?to kampe kan? q?n? n? territorin e sot?m t? Austris?. K?to persona mund t? marrin asistenc?n nga Fondacioni " Erinnerung, Verantwortung und Zukunft". Femij?t, t? cil?t jan? deportuar me nj?rin nga prind?rit, si dhe f?mij?t, t? cil?t kan? lindur gjat? koh?s s? shfryt?zimit t? n?n?s p?r pun? t? detyrueshme, kan? gjithashtu t? drejt?n p?r asistenc?. N.q.se personi q? ka t? drejt?n p?r asistenc? ka vdekur me ose mbas dat?s 15. Shkurt 2000, at?her? n? vend t? tij mund t? p?rfaq?sohen trashigimtar?t sipas t? drejt?s q? i jep ligji n? vendin e tyre. Afati i d?rgimit t? k?rkes?s mbaron me dat? 27. N?ntor 2002 ?sterreicher Vers?hnungsfonds Postfach 44 A-1011 Wien Tel. +43 1 51360 16, Fax: +43 1 51360 16 15 http:/www.versoenungsfonds.at --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Apr 21 20:07:09 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 21 Apr 2002 17:07:09 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "Friends of Albania" nga Zef Mazi- Shekulli Message-ID: <20020422000709.92927.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Grupi i Miqve - ?lavdia? e fundit Nga Zef Mazi Grupi i ?Miqve? u mblodh n? konferenc?n e tij t? 6-t? dhe shpresoj t? fundit. Ashtu si edhe pes? her? t? tjera, ai b?ri konkluzionet, t? cilat ishin p?rgatitur me par? nga prezenca (lexo:amb.ahrens).?Miqt? ?, si? pritej ,nuk mor?n parasysh asgj? serioze nga 12 propozimet e Shqip?ris? (me p?rjashtim t? vet?m dy pikave absolutisht an?sore, sa p?r t? th?n? ). Ndodhi k?shtu, sepse Shqip?ria p?rs?ri ishte ?jasht? ?, edhe pse Ahrensi p?rpiqet t? justifikoj? se ishte ?brenda?. Mos harrojm?, kjo ndodh n? nj? organizat?, e cila q? nga koncepti i saj n? vitin 1975, ka funksionuar dhe funksionon vet?m mbi baz?n e gjith?p?rfshirjes, t? konsesusit t? t? gjith?ve. Kjo ?sht? raison d?etre ?i saj. Vet?m n? rastin e Shqip?ris? dhe t? grupit t? ashtuquajtur t? ?Miqve? t? saj nuk ka qen? k?shtu. Nd?rsa Ahrensi vrapon p?r n? Tiran?, ndoshta para se t? mb?rrinin shqiptar?t nga Vjena, p?r t? organizuar konferenc? shtypi p?r publikun ton?. Ai nuk ngurron t? b?j? justifikime se sa mir? shkuan pun?t n? Vjen?, se sa shum? ka ndihmuar dhe po ndihmon grupi, dhe t? b?j? paralajm?rime se po prish?t grupin, ose k?t? di?ka t? ngjashme me prezenc?n, Shqip?ria nuk do t?i ket? pun?t mir?! Ahrensi harron se n? fund t? fundit ka t? b?j? me nj? shtet sovran (ndon?se n? v?shtir?si) q? n? OSBE ?sht? pjes?tar me t? drejta t? barabarta me t? gjith? t? tjer?t, p?rfshir? t? drejt?n e vot?s dhe t? vetos. P?r t? vazhduar m? tej mendimin, ai ofron forma t? tjera t? tij, si? mund t? ishte nj? b?rtham? e grupit n? Tiran?, tashm? nuk ka asnj? dyshim se atij grupi p?rfundimisht i ka kaluar ora (ndon?se p?r mua ai asnj?her? nuk ka pasur or?). Ai duhet shb?r? pavar?sisht nga tentativa dhe p?rpjekjet si ato t? Ahrensit a t? ndonj? tjetri, vet?m e vet?m p?r ta mbajtur ende gjall?, qoft? duke p?rdorur si karrem pjes?marrjen e Shqip?ris? tani e tutje. Ai grup t? kujton Londr?n e vitit 1913, dhe si u veprua me shqiptar?t asokohe! Ky grup, pa asnj? hezitim, duhet t? pushoj? s? ekzistuari. Kjo ?sht? klima q? predominon edhe midis delegacioneve t? OSBE ?s? n? Vjen?. Pozita dhe opozita ?sht? mir? t? konvergojn? n? k?t? pik? dhe t? mos manipulohen n? q?ndrime t? kund?rta n? em?r t? bashk?punimit me nd?rkomb?tar?t, p?r ta mbajtur at? gjall?. ??ndodhi n? Vjen?? Prezenca p?rgatiti projekt-konkluzionet. M?sohet se ato Ahrensi i ?shiti? te kryesia e OSBE-s?, si material bruto p?r t?u p?rpunuar m? tej nga ?Miqt??. Ai nuk donte t? ngat?rrohej m? me to, sepse nuk donte t? vazhdonte t? shfaqej n? syt? e shqiptar?ve si ?djali i keq?. N? mbyllje t? mandatit t? shtyr?, ai paska vendosur t? l?r? p?rshtypje t? mira! Personalisht mendoj se nuk po largohet duke l?n? em?r t? mir? ose ndonj? mik t? v?rtet? n? Shqip?ri. Ai nuk po largohet si duhej t? largohej, ve?an?risht nj? gjerman prej vendit ton?, por ndoshta atij nuk i duhen miqt? shqiptar?. Ka t? tjer? nga fqinj?t tan?, kryesisht ata n? veri. M?sohet se disa nga ?Miqt?? n? mbledhjet dhe konsultimet informale p?r p?rfundimet, kan? qen? n? gar? kush e kush t? shtoj? sa m? shum? t? zeza p?r Shqip?rin?. Sa m? shum? t? shtohen ato p?r Shqip?rin? (tabela e qitjes) aq m? shum? pak?sohen ato (s? paku teorikisht-politikisht) nga vendet e ?kontribuesve?. Nj? shekull t? p?rkryer t? k?tij zelli prej ?miku?dha n? k?t? drejtim p?rfaq?suesi i Maqedonis? dhe ndonj? tjet?r, duke v?n? n? v?shtir?si jo t? vogla an?tar?t e tjer? t? grupit, dhe ato q? nuk ishin n? t? nj?jtin mendim. Konkluzioni i konkluzioneve: N? Shqip?ri ?far? nuk b?het, t? gjitha t? k?qijat jan? grumbulluar vet?m n? Shqip?ri, q? nga krimi i organizuar, korrupsioni, prostitucioni, trafiqet e njer?zve, drog?s dhe arm?ve, kufijt?, pakicat, drejt?sia, energjetika, deri tek larja e parave, etj. Dhe me t? gjitha k?to merret ?n? m?nyr? profesionale? prezenca e OSBE-s? dhe ?Miqt??. Vet?m kopshtet e f?mij?ve kan? mbetur pa u futur n? planin e aktiviteteve t? tyre! T? tilla fenomene ndodhin kudo, bile disa prej tyre shum? m? tep?r se n? Shqip?ri, p.sh. organizata terroriste fam?keqe ?17 n?ntori?, ?Kammorra? dhe Mafia ,?Skinheads? t? organizuar edhe n? parti politike, brigada nacionaliste, t? tjera si ETA, IRA, krimi i organizuar dhe vrasjet e shumta politike, nuk jan? krijuar e nuk jan? t? organizuara e funksionojn? nga Shqip?ria. N? vendet ku ato ekzistojn?, jan? t? organizuara dhe operojn?, nuk thuhet se ka krim t? organizuar, n? ato vende nuk ?sht? d?rguar OSBE, apo nj? Ahrens, p?r t?i evidentuar t? gjitha e p?r t? ndihmuar n? kap?rcimin e situat?s. Shembull tjet?r, korrupsioni: ?sht? e v?rtet? q? ai ?sht? n? nivele tep?r t? larta dhe n? forma skandaloze. Ai medeomos duhet luftuar dhe eleminuar. Mesa duket kjo qeveri nuk ?sht? n? gjendje t? b?j? k?t? gj?, por mos harrojm? se korrupsion ka kudo. Por korrupsioni n? ato vende, p?r shkak t? shifrave marramend?se dhe nivelet q? kap, nuk ?sht? i till?! P?r t? p?rdoren terma t? tjera si ?provizim?, ?kaucion?, ?komision?, ?shp?rblim?, etj., por jo korrupsion. Personat dhe firmat e p?rfshira n? t?, p?rdorin me leht?si parajsat fiskale, si ishujt e Kanalit (Xhersej, G?rnsej, dhe ishulli Man), Luksemburgu (vend an?tar i BE-s? ) Qipron(vend i asociuar n? Be), etj. k?to realitete t? jet?s s? p?rditshme, dhe shum? t? tjera si ato t? p?rmendura n? konkluzionet e ?Miqve? tan?, n? p?rmasa shum? m? t? m?dha, p?r pranin? e OSBE-s? apo p?r OSBE-n? nuk ekzistojn? ato, vet?m tek ne ekzistojn? n? form?n e nj? liste t? gjat?, dhe ato duhen zgjidhur p?rmes nj? ?grupi miqsh?. Qesharake! Turp t? luhet dhe t? lejohet t? luhet k?shtu me nj? vend n? em?r t? ndihm?s dhe bashk?punimit! Fjala e Ahrensit n? plenaren e grupit t? ?Miqve? ishte mb?shtjell? me vellon e grisur t? retorik?s keqardh?se por shpres?dh?n?se. Fjala mund t? prek? vet?m ?ilimijt? (e politik?s). Ajo ting?llon si qarjet dhe shpresat e krokodilit kur ballafaqohen me konkluzionet e grupit. Shum? gj?ra pask?shin ndryshuar nga koha kur ka ardhur ai, duke l?n? t? n?nkuptohet ?p?r t? mir??. Kjo b?het si p?r t?u ?shfaq?suar? p?r ato q? thuhen n? konkluzionet e grupit, dhe p?r t? th?n?: k?to jan? mendimet e mia, jo ato t? grupit. N?se ?sht? k?shtu, p?rse nuk thot? se nuk ?sht? dakort me ato pika, ose disa prej tyre? Apo nuk mund t? nd?rhyj? n? at? pik?, sepse ato jan? konkluzionet e takimit unanime t? grupit? Po t? krahasosh konkluzionet e takimit t? par? t? grupit me t? fundit sheh se problemet, t? k?qijat n? Shqip?ri, jan? shtuar. Mos ka ardhur kjo edhe si kontribut i miqve? Prezenca e OSBE-s? n? Shqip?ri ka 12 zyra rajonale, m? shum? se n? ?do vend tjet?r, me nj? p?rjashtim, si? e kam ngritur edhe n? nj? artikull tjet?r, askush nuk mund t? thuhet sakt? se me ?far? merren ato zyra dhe persona, ?far? b?jn? ato specifikisht. Ky proliferim zyrash duhet absolutisht i pakuptimt? dhe i pajustifikuar. Duket qart? q? OSBE-ja n? Shqip?ri nuk ka mandat dhe program t? fokusuar, nuk ka prioritete. Ajo merret me gjith?ka dhe ?sht? e shp?rndar? kudo. Asnj? shtet nuk do t? lejonte nj? situat? t? till?. ?sht? e mira q? t? identifikohen s? bashku me autoritetet tona ekzekutive dhe politike, nj? num?r i kufizuar fushash ku OSBE-ja v?rtet ka kompetenc? dhe mund t? ndihmoj?, dhe t? fokusohet vet?m tek ato dy ose tre fusha. Pa dashur t? prek ask?nd, duhet t? shikohet q? edhe cil?sia, p?rgatitja profesionale dhe p?rvoja e an?tar?ve t? prezenc?s t? jet? n? nivelin q? k?rkon ndihma q? duhet p?rcjell?, dhe jo t? d?rgohet kushdo q? ?sht? ?i lir?? n? shtetet an?tare. K?shtu ndihma do jet? m? reale dhe e efektshme. Vendi yn? ka nevoj? p?r ndihm? t? till?, t? p?rcaktuar dhe definuar sakt?, t? fokusuar specifikisht n? ato fusha ku ekspertiza lokale mungon ose ?sht? e kufizuar. Ky shqet?sim, se prania n? Shqip?ri duhet t? fokusoj? veprimtarin? e saj, ?sht? ngritur n? OSBE dhe shtete t? m?dha, si SHBA-ja. Ajo duhet b?r? p?rmes nj? ridimensionimi t? zyrave rajonale, p?rfshir? shkurtimin e tyre pa frik? n? mas?n mbi 50% dhe rishikimin e mandatit t? pranis?. Mos harrojm?, se n? Memorandumin e Mir?kuptimit p?r vendosjen e pranis? n? Shqip?ri, mos gaboj, ?sht? e shkruar se zyrat rajonale happen (lexo: edhe mbyllen) me miratimin e vendit prit?s. ?do mision i k?saj natyre nuk mund t? jet? i p?rhersh?m. Di?ka nuk do t? ishte n? rregull n? rast se ai nuk p?rfshin n? mandat edhe nj? strategji largimi (exist strategy). ?sht? mir? q? Ministria e Jashtme t? filloj? t? mendoj? p?r k?to ??shtje dhe t? filloj? konsultimet me shtete t? ve?anta t? OSBE-s?. Kjo gj? duhet b?r? me men?uri, pa u ngutur, pa zhurm?, p?r t? mos qen? as t?rthorazi jo produktive p?r vendin ton?. Artikullshkruesi nuk e ka takuar asnj?her? Ahrensin, dhe nuk ka absolutisht asnj? problem personal me t?. Po ashtu, nuk ka r?nd?si ?far? mendon dhe thot? Ahrensi p?r t?. R?nd?si ka q? k?to probleme jan? reale, jan? k?shtu, dhe duhen par? me kujdes pa humbur koh?, q? vendit t?i b?het sh?rbimi i duhur afatgjat?. Imazhi i tij duhet t? ngrihet duke mos qen? m? n? rend t? dit?s, n? fokus t? organizatave nd?rkomb?tare dhe t? mediave, dhe jo si? thuhet se kur je n? fokus, n? v?mendje, i ke pun?t mir?. ?sht? e kund?rta! Ndihma duhet t? jet? e v?rtet? dhe e efektshme, n? barazi dhe respekt t? plot? midis shteteve sovrane, n? p?rputhje me t? gjitha standartet dhe kartat nd?rkomb?tare. Ndoshta p?r k?to pika Ahrensi do t? mund t? jap? kontribut m? t? mir? n? veprimtarin? e re q? pritet t? filloj? n? nj? NGO (think tank) n? Uashington. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 22 07:10:03 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 22 Apr 2002 04:10:03 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kathimerini Message-ID: <20020422111003.84861.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Solana pushes, Church pulls As European foreign policy chief Javier Solana stepped up pressure on Athens to drop its objections to an EU-NATO deal that could give Turkey a crucial say in military operations in the Aegean and Cyprus, the government yesterday received strong backing from an unexpected quarter. The leader of the Church of Greece, embroiled in a two-year-old feud with the ruling Socialists over the content of state identity cards, said Athens was quite right to resist sanctioning a potentially suicidal agreement. Under a US-brokered deal understood to be backed by all EU members but Greece, a new defence pact between the EU and NATO would allow Turkey a say in the deployment of European military forces in its immediate neighborhood. Athens feels that this would leave it defenseless in the event of a clash with Turkey in the Aegean or Cyprus. ?I want to praise both the government and the opposition for resisting,? Archbishop Christodoulos told a congregation in the central Greek town of Lamia. "Good for them. If we accede, it will be as if we have signed our own death warrant. The Turks will reach as far as Larissa and Lamia.? The deeply eurosceptic church leader said EU and NATO officials were ?hypocrites.? ?They want our signature, and when some problem arises they will leave us on our own again, as was the case in Cyprus and is now in Palestine,? Christodoulos said. In an interview published in yesterday?s Sunday Vima newspaper, Solana warned that failure to reach a swift deal would put paid to a possible EU peacekeeping mission to replace NATO forces in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. ?We are trying to achieve a permanent settlement between the EU and NATO,? he said. ?Whoever does not allow us to reach such a settlement will bear responsibility for the EU?s inability to carry out the mission [in FYROM].? Solana added that ?a functional agreement between the EU and NATO must be achieved as soon as possible... Negotiations will be difficult, but I think they will bear fruit.? --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 22 18:39:42 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 22 Apr 2002 15:39:42 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Amb Avis Bohlen and Nathan Bein, The Balkans Forum, 4/23, 4-6pm, Georgetown Message-ID: <20020422223942.79497.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> PREVENTION AND PRACTICE: THE BALKANS FORUM Organized jointly by Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, Georgetown University's Center for Eurasian, Russian, and East European Studies, and Search for Common Ground Session 16 The Legacy of the Use of Force: The Balkans and Beyond Tuesday, April 23, 4 - 6 p.m. Georgetown University - 205 Old North Building With presentation by Ambassador Avis Bohlen Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control Former U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria And a response by Nathan G. Bein Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosovo desk officer Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy In previous sessions of the Balkans Forum, some participants have argued that the "Powell Doctrine," which mandates use of force only as a last resort, is not applicable in the Balkans. Had military force not been applied relatively early in Kosovo, the argument goes, there would be no Albanians left there today. Furthermore, the delay in military action in Bosnia and the concurrent humanitarian crisis were widely criticized by analysts and observers both inside and outside government. Once military operations were underway, NATO relied exclusively on airpower to complete its policy objectives of ending the war. This decision was both maligned and applauded by informed opinion makers. As a result of these inconclusive aspects of NATO engagement, commentators and policymakers alike continue to draw conflicting conclusions from the past decade of U.S. military intervention in Southeast Europe. Two prominent points of contention are the principle of force as a last resort and the effectiveness of sole reliance on airpower. This conflict has the potential of clouding the lessons of U.S. and European military engagement in the Balkans and effectively impeding future policy. The upcoming session of the Balkans Forum will focus on the legacy of the use of force in the Balkans and its implication for future U.S. and European engagement. Ambassador Bohlen will illuminate key lessons provided by the U.S. military experience that could inform future military and political planning worldwide. Mr. Bein will provide commentary from his perspective inside the Pentagon. Ambassador Avis Bohlen, a career Foreign Service Officer, was sworn in on November 24, 1999 as Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Arms Control. Prior to this position, she most recently served as U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria (1996-1999) and before that, as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Paris (1991-1995). Since entering the Foreign Service in 1977, she has had several assignments in the Bureau of European Affairs. She has also served on the Policy Planning Staff and as Executive Director on the U.S. Delegation for Nuclear and Space Talks in Geneva. Nathan G. Bein is a senior DIA Balkans intelligence analyst and served in that capacity during both the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Serbian ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo. He is currently serving as the Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosovo desk officer in the Eurasia Office, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy. Mr. Bein, a Surface Warfare Officer, recently retired from the U.S. Naval Reserve, having reached the rank of Commander. The discussion will be held Tuesday, April 23, from 4 - 6 p.m. at Georgetown University (205 Old North Building). Directions to the Georgetown Campus follow. _________________________ In its second year, the Balkans Forum brings together a diverse group of experts-academics, activists, policy makers, and practitioners-for sustained dialogue on U.S. policy in the Balkans. Each monthly session is organized around a brief presentation from one or two Balkan specialists followed by a roundtable discussion. The theme for the 2001-2002 session of Balkans Forum is "Learning Peace in the Balkans." While the experience of building peace in the Balkans has been significant, it has not proven to be cumulative. Lessons learned in some instances have not always been replicated in others. During this year of the Balkans Forum, we will examine the strategic choices-and the outcomes of those choices-made by international actors in their attempts to prevent deadly conflict in the region. We hope you will join us for what promises to be a fascinating conversation. Please contact Sarah Peterson at Search for Common Ground by April 22 at speterson at sfcg.org or call +1 (202) 777-2206 to reserve a space at the April 23 Balkans Forum. Regards, Andrew J. Loomis Program Manager Search for Common Ground Ana Cutter Program Officer Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs Directions: If you are taking a taxi or parking off campus, enter the Georgetown Campus at 37th Street and O. The pathway will go between two buildings (Healy Building on your left, and Copley Hall on your right). About 20 yards ahead on your left you will see large stairs leading to Old North. Room 205 is located on the second floor. If you are parking on campus, use the University entrance at Canal or Prospect Streets. Follow the driveway/access road past the large construction site (as a reference, you will see tennis courts to your left). You might be prompted to take a ticket as you enter the University and pay when you leave (please be sure to mention that you attended the Balkans Forum to get the flat rate of $4 for the evening). To get to 205 Old North, exit the parking lot by the ICC building (red brick modern-looking building) go down the hill and follow the path that curves around a small Jesuit cemetery (a tall dorm building will be to your right). Take the stairs on your left, which lead to the top of the hill. Keep walking straight about 50 yards and you will see stairs on your right leading to Old North. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 22 18:49:45 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 22 Apr 2002 15:49:45 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] World Minorities Encyclopedia Message-ID: <20020422224945.99623.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> http://www.fitzroydearborn.com/chicago/minorities/unassigned.php3 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 22 18:58:03 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 22 Apr 2002 15:58:03 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Deklarata e Presidentit Meidani Message-ID: <20020422225803.99727.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Rexhep Meidani Zoti President i Republik?s, cili ?sht? q?ndrimi Juaj pas vendimit t? fundit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese lidhur me Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m? N? rradh? t? par? ky vendim i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese ka karakter interpretues, pra nuk ka forc?n e zbatimit t? drejtp?rdrejt?. Sidoqoft? ai ?sht? mb?shtetur edhe n? Nenin 42/1 t? Kushtetut?s dhe n? fund t? vendimit flitet p?r fuqi prapavepruese t? tij. Do t? thoja q? k?to rreshta natyrisht q? paraqesin probleme: paraqesin probleme sepse Kuvendi i Shqip?ris? n? k?t? periudh? pluraliste 10-vje?are ka shkarkuar Maksim Haxhiajn si Prokuror t? P?rgjithsh?m, ka shkarkuar Zef Brozin, por nj?koh?sisht ka shkarkuar edhe nj? Kryetar t? asaj kohe t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, Rustem Gjat?n. Dhe n?qoft?se duhej t? futej n? fuqi ky vendim me prapaveprim, un? do t? b?ja pyetjen: ??do b?j? ai an?tar i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese q? ka z?vend?suar Rustem Gjat?n? Pra kjo do t? ishte pjesa e filozofis?. P?rsa i p?rket pyetjes konkrete: marr?dh?niet sipas Kushtetut?s s? Shqip?ris? t? Presidentit me Kuvendin jan? t? lidhura ngusht? p?rsa i p?rket institucionit t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Procesi i lirimit nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m dhe procesi i em?rimit t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m kryhet n?p?rmjet dyshes Kuvend-Institucion i Presidentit t? Republik?s. Kjo ?sht? shum? e qart? n? Kushtetut?n e Shqip?ris? dhe n? k?t? pjes? natyrisht q? nuk ka asnj? hap?sir? p?r ta deformuar ose p?r t?i dh?n? interpretime t? tjera. Pra Presidenti i Republik?s ?sht? i detyruar, pavar?sisht vendimeve t? institucioneve t? tjera t? pranoj? vet?m ato gjykime dhe vendime q? merr Kuvendi i Shqip?ris? dhe absolutisht asnj? institucion tjet?r, qoft? ky brenda vendit apo jasht? vendit. ?do vendim i till? detyrimisht duhet t? kaloj? vet?m n?p?rmjet Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris?. Nj? pik? tjet?r: n? qoft? se do t? shtrohej problemi p?r ta analizuar edhe nj?her? nj? vendim t? institucionit t? Presidentit t? Republik?s p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Un? mund t?ju p?rgjigjem se do t? ndiqja t? nj?jt?n rrug? dhe t? nj?jtat procedura dhe nuk do t? lejoja n?asnj? m?nyr? q? n? k?t? detyr? t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Un? mund t?ju p?rgjigjem se do t? ndiqja t? nj?jt?n rrug? dhe t? nj?jtat procedura dhe nuk do t? lejoja n? asnj? m?nyr? q? n? k?t? detyr? t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, mbasi t? m? vinte nj? propozim nga Kuvendi, t? q?ndronte ai individ, i cili n? ballafaqimin me Presidentin, por edhe p?rpara, n?p?rmjet deklaratave n? shtyp, t? thot? q? m? kan? shkarkuar deputet?t q? jan? me dosje. Nj? gj? e till? p?rmban dy element?: elementin e par? t? paaft?sis? s? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m q? ka lejuar t? b?hen deputet? njer?z me dosje q? s?i ka ?uar paraprakisht n? gjykata, si dhe elementin e dyt?; n? qoft? se Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m k?to dosje i ka krijuar kur k?ta kan? qen? deputet?, prokurori ka shkelur ligjin sepse ai nuk mund t? veproj? mbi deputet?t pa k?rkuar paraprakisht heqjen e imunitetit t? tyre parlamentar. Dhe kjo ka qen? p?rgjigja ime n? ballafaqimin me Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m dhe fatkeq?sisht po k?t? gjykim, ish prokurori i p?rgjithsh?m e ka mbajtur edhe n? mjediset e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese dhe kjo e fundit duhet ta konsideroj? k?t? lloj logjike. S? treti, Gjykata Kushtetuese, natyrisht q? ka fuqin? e interpretimit t? Kushtetut?s s? Shqip?ris? dhe t? krijimit t? filozofis? kushtetuese, por n? asnj? m?nyr? nuk duhet t? shqet?sohet m? shum? p?r "??shtje Morina" apo "vajtja n? Golem", karshi filozofis? kushtetuese si? ?sht? p?rsh?mbull aderimi i Shqip?ris? n? Gjykat?n Penale Nd?rkomb?tare q? fillon veprimtarin? e saj m? 1 korrik t? k?tij viti. Po k?shtu Gjykata Kushtetuese e Shqip?ris? ka p?r detyr? t? ndihmoj? institucionet n? zhvillimin dhe konsolidimin e tyre demokratik dhe nuk mund t? arrij? q? t? pezulloj? veprimtari si? ?sht? ajo e Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris?. N? k?t? k?ndv?shtrim gjykoj q? ka teprime dhe ekzagjerime politike p?rsa i p?rket pozicionit dhe Kushtetut?s s? Shqip?ris? dhe un? do t? sugjeroja q? Kuvendi i Shqip?ris? si hap t? par? mund t? b?j? shqyrtimin e ligjit mbi Gjykat?n Kushtetuese p?r t? p?rcaktuar me kompetenc? dhe me nj? sakt?si tep?r shkencore kompetencat e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese q? mish?rohet n? ligjin p?r Gjykat?n Kushtetuese, miratuar rreth dy-tre vjet m? par?, t? shikohet veprimtaria e m?tejshme e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese e natyrisht t? mos arrihet sot n? gjykime t? parakoh?shme p?r t? prekur Kushtetut?n e Shqip?ris?. Pasi t? mbaroj? cikli kushtetues, natyrisht ?do model q? i afrohet edhe modelit amerikan mund t? jet? normal edhe p?r Shqip?rin?. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 22 20:34:37 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 22 Apr 2002 17:34:37 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Archeological Discovery Message-ID: <20020423003437.92845.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Delvina: A prehistoric fortification discovered DELVINA, April 22 (ATA)- by Sh. Hajno- A pre-historic fortification, belonging to the end of bronze period and the beginning of the iron epoch was discovered on Monday some 16 km in the south-east of Delvina. That was announced by an expedition chaired by the vice director of the Institute of Archaeology Ilir Gjipali. According to the chief of archaeology sector of the southern region, with its seat in Saranda, Dhimiter Condi "the prehistoric fortification is located at the top of Koqinolithari peak, about 1000 metres above the sea level, over the village Velahove". The archaeologists said that the findings include walls of 1.7 metres width and length 180 metres as well as a Portico. /s.sh/dori/p.s./ --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 22 22:04:12 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 22 Apr 2002 19:04:12 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noli-Konica - GSH Message-ID: <20020423020412.57317.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> POLEMIKA Polemika n? mes dy politikan?ve dhe shkrimtar?ve m? t? njohur shqiptar?: Konica e Noli. Dy artikujt e tyre t? plot? t? botuar n? "Liria Komb?tare" dhe "Dielli" n? vitet 1925-26 Konica Nolit: "Zogu na mundi se ishte m? i zoti se ne"Ahmed Zogu nga ana tjat?r, me instiktin genial t? tij, e vuri turm?n n?n nj? disiplin? e cila, sado e m?rzitshme, ?sht? m? e dobishme se anarqia jon?. Edhe n? k?t? shesh na mundi Ahmed Zogu. I mir' ai lik. Ahmed Zogu ?sht? mund?s. Ne m? t? mir? se ay jemi t? mundur. I mir?' a i lik, Ahmed Zogu ka fituar besimin e popullit shqiptar dhe jasht? besimin e Fuqive t? mb?dha. Ne m? t? mir? se ay, s'kemi ditur t? fitojm? besimin e k?rkujt. Munt ta urrejm? Ahmed Zogun, po duhet ta njohim se ?sht? m? i zoti, shum? m? i zoti, se ne. N'Amerik?, kan? nj? zakon q? i munduri i sht?rngon dor?n mund?sit. Po ne s'jemi amerikan?. "Battuts et pas contenst" si thot? Frengu me ironi-t? rrahur dhe jo t? k?naqur-neve s'na p?lqen t? heshtim po duam t? dalim n? market? dhe t? z?m? vajtimet --------------------------------- Dashnor Kalo?i N? faqet e sotme speciale t? "Gazet?s", po botojm? nj? polemik? n? mes dy politikan?ve dhe shkrimtar?ve m? t? njohur shqiptar? t? shekullit kaluar: Fan Noli e Faik Konica. Kjo polemik? n? mes k?tyre dy gjigand?ve t? letrave shqipe, ?sht? zhvilluar n? vitet 1925-1926 kur Konica ishte n? Amerik? dhe drejtonte Shoq?rin? "Vatra", kurse Fan Noli ishte vendosur n? Gjenev? dhe drejtonte KONARE-n? (Komiteti Nacional-Revolucionar) q? financohej nga Moska. Debati n? mes tyre nisi pasi m? 16 shtator 1925, Fan Noli botoi i pari n? gazet?n "Liria Komb?tare" t? Gjenev?s, nj? artikull n? t? cilin merrte n? mbrojtje Qeverin? shqiptare q? ai e drejtoi si Kryeminist?r p?r gjasht? muaj. Po n? at? artikull, Noli godiste Zogun e Qeverin? e tij q? kishte riardhur n? pushtet duke e rr?zuar at?, si dhe aludonte hapur p?r ish-mikun e tij Faik Konica, duke th?n? se ai i kishte l?shuar arm?t dhe ishte pajtuar me Ahmed Zogun, i cili kishte qen? armiku kryesor i tyre. Disa koh? pas k?tij artikulli n? gushtin e vitit 1926, Faik Konica i p?rgjigj Fan Nolit duke shkruar n? gazet?n "Dielli" t? Shoq?ris? "Vatra" t? Bostonit, ku ai ishte Kryetar i saj. Si artikulli i Nolit ashtu dhe ai i Konic?s, q? botohen m? posht?, jan? t? plot? dhe pa shkurtime. Noli kund?r Zogut dhe aludimet p?r Konic?n Imzot Noli edhe "Vatra" Gazet?s "Dielli", Boston. "Liris? Komb?tare", Genev?. Zoti Drejtor, m?sova me hidh?rim t? thell? q? Kuvendi i Vatr?s ka v?ndosur t? mabnj? nj? q?ndrim t? paansh?m kundrejt Mydyrit t? Pasi?it, q? quhet-faqe mender- Pres?ident i Republik?s Arnaute. K?t? Atitud? e proponoj Komisioni i vjet?r dhe e p?lqeu Kuvendi p?r dy shkake: 1) se qeveria e kaluar qe aq' e keqe sa e sotmja, 2) se po t? kund?rshtohet qeveria e sotme, munt t? prishet Shqip?ria. As njera prej k?tyre t? dy arsyeve nuk? q?ndron m? k?mb? p?rpara nj? kritike t? paan?shme dhe gjakftoht?. Qeveria e Qershorit 1924 nuk? qe ideale, v?rtet. Mungesat e saj, s'munt t'ja dij askush m? mir? se i n?n?shkruari q? e ka par? maqin?n e saj t? punoj? p?rs'af?rmi. Po, passi t'i ngarkojm? mi kurris kritika mi kritika, duhet t? n?m?rojm? n? favor t? saj ca t? mira p?r faqe t? bardh?: 1) Njerzit e saj qen? patriot? t? kulluar: Hipn? n? fuqi me d?shir?n e popullit dhe pa asnj? ndihm? t? jasht?me. S'kan? dh?n? shteteve fqinj? asnj? cop? t? tok?s shqiptare p?r t? q?ndruar n? fuqi. P?rkund?r fituan p?rfund?risht p?r Shqip?rin? t? kat?rmb?dhjet? fshatrat e Kor??s. 2) Qen? mprojt?s t? pasurive, t? shtetit: Nuku u dhan? kapitalist?ve t? huaj pasurit? e Shqip?ris? p?r t? fituar simpathin? dhe p?rkrahjen e tyre. 3) Qen? t? nder??m: b?n? kyursime t? ?udi?me, lajt?n borxhe prej miliunash t? guvernave t? kaluara dhe ballancuan buxhetin pa kle?ka me nj? tepric? prej nj? miliuni franga ar, vepra keto t? gjitha t? Gurakuqit q? vdiq me 450 lireta n? xhep, t? cilat ia kishte dh?n? hua nj? mik ca dit? m? par?. 4) Qen? liberal: Kishte liri t? plot? shtypi, ndon?se n? koh? t? tyre nuk dolli as nj? num?r gazete i cili t? mos p?rmbante kritika t? ashp?ra kund?r tyre. "Dielli" s'ua kurseu kritikat kurr?, po asnj? her? dhe as nj? num?r nuku u ndalua. 6) Qen? njer?z t? kanunit: Kishin nj? ushtri dhe nj? xhandarm?ri, n? mos ideale dhe moderne, po t? pakt?n Komb?tare dhe t? regullueshme, e cila mpronte kanunin dhe s'i binte n? qaf? popullit. Ja tani pasqyra e qeveris? s? sotme, n? qoft? se munt t? quhet qeveri nj? ?et? e hurit dhe e litarit: 1) Jan? tradh?tor?: Hipn? n? fuqi me ndihm?n e Pasi?it dhe, p?r t? q?ndruar n? fuqi, i fal?n Serbis?, copra t? tok?s shqiptare, t? fituara me nj? mij? mundime. 2) Jan? kusar? t? pasurive t? shtetit: U shesin kapitalist?ve t? huaj pasurit' e shtetit me ryshfete e me kondita skandalloze p?r t? fituar simpathin e tyre. 3) Jan? ?kat?ronj?s: ?kallmojn? buxhetin duke ballancuar me kle?ka p?r sy e faqe, e duke krijuar n? realitet nj? deficit prej tre miliuansh t? pakt?n, i cili do t? rritet me kredite t? pazakonshme. 4) Jan? kriminel?: Me an?n e veglave t? tyre kan? asasinuar prapa kurrizit kat?r patriot? antiserb? si Bajram Curri, Luigj Gurakuqi, Elez Isufi dhe Zija Dibra dhe duzuina t? tjer?, emrat e t? cil?ve ca i dim? dhe ca do t'i m?sojm? m? von?. 5) Jan? tiran?: T? gjitha lirit' e popullit jan? marr? n?p?r k?mb?. Liria e shtypit nuk ekziston. "Dielli" q? mban nj? paan?si mir?das?shme ?sht? ndaluar. 6) Jan? armiq t? kanunit: ?kat?rruan ushtrin? dhe xhandarm?rin? komb?tare dhe l?shuan bashipozuk?t p?r t? shtypur, p?r t? pla?kitur e p?r t? terrorizuar popullin e mjer?. Cili do t? jet? p?rfundimi po t? vazhdonj? ky regim tradh?tor?sh, kusar?sh, kriminal?sh, tiran?sh e bazipozuk?sh? Nj? katastrof? tragjike si ajo e 1914-?s, t? cil?n munt ta refuzojn? t'a shohin vet?m ata patriot? q? jan? verbuar krejt, ata q? u lodh? nga lufta dhe i hodh? arm?t, dhe shtrihen n? gjum?, duke pritur shp?timin nga Fati, dhe nga Zagolli sy-gjarp?r, z?m?r-vrer, gjak-kalbur e shpirt-shitur, nga Esadi i dyt?, i cili ?ier, copton e th?thin kufom?n e Shqip?ris? me eg?rsin? e nj? monstri t? pronjve t? Afrik?s. Ne jemi t? m?ndjes q? coptimi i Shqip?ris? do t? jet? nj? pun' e mbaruar, po t? mos e ?lirojm? nga coptonjsi i saj: Vatra ?sht? e m?ndjes q? coptonjsi s'duhet ngar? dhe rri e paan?shme. Atituda e Vatr?s s'?sht as e m?n?ur, as e hieshme, as e nder?me: S'?sht e m?n?ur, se Zogu u ?porvua n? drit?n e fakteve, e hodhi vet? mask?n, dhe na del p?rpara si? ka g?n? gjithnj?. M? 1914, aliat i Arif Hikmetit dhe partizan i harfeve arabishte, merret vesh me Easdist?t e Shqip?ris? Mesme dhe n? nj? mbledhje solemne t? popullit t? Matit, zbret flamurin e Shqip?ris? dhe ngre flamurin e Turqis? p?r hesap t? Pasi?it: veg?l e serb?ve gjithnj?, ka mundur t'i g?njej? t? gjith? patriot?t, ve? kat?r geg?ve me m?nt si Bajram Curri, Gurakuqi, Mustafa Kmja dhe Elez Jusufi, r?mben fuqin?. Lidhet me Esadist?t dhe u jep shkelmin t? gjith? element?ve t? mira: i mundur dhe i d?buar prej k?tyre, kthehet prap? me fuqi serbe si Esadi dhe nis coptimin e Shqip?ris? sistematikrisht e tamam sipas planit t? tij me ata shok? t? brendsh?m e me ata p?rkrah?s e mirdash?s t? jasht?m. Pra ?sht e pamundur t? jen? me m?nt n? kok? ata q? presin shp?timin pik?risht andej nga vjen coptimi. Atituda e Vatr?s nuk ?sht? e hieshme: Vatra militante, q? ka luftuar p?r idealet e larta patriotike me aq? lavdi, s'munt e s' duhet kurr? t'i hedh? arm?t dhe t? kapitullonj? me Pasi?in e me Esadin e dyt?, dhe t? loz? tangon groteske t? paan?sis?, kur idealet e saj merren n?p?r k?mb? dhe Shqip?ria po greminoset n? varr e n? vdekje t? turp?shme. Atituda e Vatr?s nuk ?sht? e nder?me: Vatra l? n? balt? Vatran?t e Shqip?ris? dhe v? n? gjum? jo vet?m antar?t e saj, po dhe t? gjith? atdhetar?t tosk? e t? padjallzuar, t? cil?t do t? zgjohen kur do t? jet? nofta tep?r von?, kur t'i dogjen p?s?ri sht?pit? e kur t? marrin prap? arratin?. Prita mjaft me shpres?n q? faktet e ashpra t'jua mbushin kok?n q? e keni humbur toruan fare. Po tani s'munt t? hesht? m?. Ndon?se pak von?, Thash? e fola, s'ju kam faj. F.S. Noli. Konica i p?rgjigjet Fan Nolit Shtylla e Faik Konitz?s "Ca njer?z t? lodhur, ca t? tjer? t? trash?" N'artikull kundr? Vatr?s t? botuar te "Liria Komb?tare" (N.8) Fan Noli thot? se ca njer?z, q? kishin l?ftuar gjeri die, sot jan? t? lodhur dhe i hothn? arm?t. Mundet. Po ka edhe ca t? tjer? truri i t? cil?ve ?sht? ntrashur dhe s'jan? t? zot? t? kuptojn? kur nj? lodr? merr funt: M? kujtojn? fjal?n e filosofit gjerman Schopenahuer p?r at? q? vazhdojn? s? lojturi pasi ka r?n? perdia. Un? i lodhur s'jam aspak?, dhe do t'isha gati t? vazhdoja luft?n me forc? t? papak?suar- po t? kish lufta nonj? q?llim. Po q?llim lufta s'ka dhe s'munt t? ket?. Fan Noli dhe un? kemi l?ftuar disa vjet q? t;i japim Shqip?ris? nj? guvern? t? nj? tipi t? p?rparuar. Ahmed Zogu ka l?ftuar p?r nj? guvern? t? nj? tipi m? konservativ. Ahmed Zogu na mundi dhe na mundi me themel. Ndryshimi n? mes t? Fan Nolit dhe meje, ?sht? se un? e di se jemi t? mundur dhe t? mundur paq, kurse ish shoku im s'ka haber q? h?ngr?m dru. Ahmed Zogu na ka mundur n? shesh. Ahmed Zogu dhe ne duallm? p?rpara popullit p?r vot?. Ahmed Zogu mori kurdoher? shumic?n dhe kurdoher? na mundi. Ahmed Zogu me ca bashipozuk? dhe 104 rus? (Nj?qint e kat?r, fakt na burim diplomatik i huaj) na mundi n? shesh t? luft?s, ndon?se ne kishim nj? "ushtri"dhe p?rmi 20.000 vullnetar? gati. Ikm? duke britur se ordit e Serbis? shkeln? Shqip?rin?, kur dijim shum? mir? se ishin vet?m nj? grusht rus?sh. Deshm? t? tregojm? se t? pakt?n n? sheshin e dipllomatis? kem? m? tep?r zot?si se Ahmed Zogu. Po dhe n? k?t? shesh, maloku genial na mundi. Ne ?faqm? zot?sin? q? kemi duke mos e b?r? dot "guvern?n" t'on? t? pranohet dhe t? njihet nga bota e qytet?ruar, duke ?k?naqur me talljet tona n? Genev?, ata nga t? cilat ka nevoj? Shteti yn?, dhe duke v?n? n? dyshim Fuqit? e per?ndimit me intrigat t'ona me Bolshevik?t. Ahmed Zogu, nga ana tjat?r, qe i zoti t? fitoj? besimin e Evrop?s dhe t'Amerik?s n? pak? koh?, e b?ri guvern?n e tij t? pranohet zyrtarisht, ngreu kreditin e Shtetit jasht? dhe fitoj n? syt? e Bot?s emrin e nj? udh?heq?si t? v?rtet?. Ne me frazat tona bombastike, kallm? anarqin? an? mb'an? t? Shqip?ris? kurse st?rvitja jon? intellektuale duhej t? na kishte b?r? t? zot?t, t? pakt?n n? theori, t'i jipnim popullit nj? frym? regulle. Ahmed Zogu nga ana tjat?r, me instiktin genialt? tij, e vuri turm?n n?n nj? disiplin? e cila, sado e m?rzitshme, ?sht? m? e dobishme se anarqia jon?. Edhe n? k?t? shesh na mundi Ahmed Zogu. I mir' ai lik. Ahmed Zogu ?sht? mund?s. Ne m? t? mir? se ay jemi t? mundur. I mir?' a i lik, Ahmed Zogu ka fituar besimin e popullit shqiptar dhe jasht? besimin e Fuqive t? mb?dha. Ne m? t? mir? se ay, s'kemi ditur t? fitojm? besimin e k?rkujt. Munt ta urrejm? Ahmed Zogun, po duhet ta njohim se ?sht? m? i zoti, shum? m? i zoti, se ne. N'Amerik?, kan? nj? zakon q? i munduri i sht?rngon dor?n mund?sit. Po ne s'jemi amerikan?. "Battuts et pas contenst" si thot? Frengu me ironi-t? rrahur dhe jo t? k?naqur-neve s'na p?lqen t? heshtim po duam t? dalim n? market? dhe t? z?m? vajtimet. Po t? kishim prova se populli ?sht? i helmuar nga ndodhja e sot?me dhe pret shp?timin prej nesh, vazhdimi i kund?rshtimit do t? kish nj? kuptim. Por populli ?sht? i k?naqur, dhe pozita e Ahmed Zogut ?sht? e patundshme. E vetma m?nyr? q? t? p?rmbyset Ahmed Zogu, ?sht? nj? kompllot kund?r jet?s s? tij, dhe e di q? k?t? mendim e ushqejn? shum?. Po un? n? kompllote s'b?hem shok i kurkujt: se, p?rve? principeve q? m'a ndalojn?, e di q? fundi do t? jet? ?kat?rrimi i Shtetit. Un?, me budallall?kun t'im, thom se kemi arrijtur n? nj? faz? kritike t? jet?s s? Shqip?ris?: dhe besoj se e vetma m?nyr? p?r t? shp?tuar Shtetin, ?sht? nj? pajtim i ndersh?m i t? mundurve dhe mund?sin. Por ne q? di? e dim? veten, ?sht? nj? ?ap i hidhur. Ata q? s'duan ta b?jn?, le t? vazhdojn? s? gdh?nduri, pish? e s? g?lltituri teneqe vajguri, dhe le t'i v?n? zjarrin Shqip?ris?. Gazeta (me editor t? fsheht?) q? del n? Genev? n?n emrin "Liria Komb?tare" boton n? Nr. 8 nj? artikull t? Fan Nolit kund?r Vatr?s. Nuk do t? humbasim koh? t'i bisedojm? ato q? thot?, se i kemi biseduar disa her? dhe nuk ?sht? nevoja t'i p?rs?ritim: Cili ?sht? ay q? munt t? mbaj? t? qeshurit kur Fan Noli thot? se "Guverna" e Qershorit ka qen? nj? guvern? popullore? Nj? guvern? popullore nuk e mbyll Parlamentin, dhe n? e mbyllt?, nuk? ri pa b?r? menj?her? zgjedhje t? ra. "Guverna" e Qershorit nuk ish tjat?r gj?, ve?se nj? tirani militariste. Lista duhet plot?suar N'artikull t? p?rm?ndur m? sip?r, Fan Noli num?ron fajet e v?rteta ose imaginare t'Ahmed Zogut dhe mir?sit? imaginare ose t? v?rteta t? t? Fan Nolit. Q? t? plot?sohet lista, shtojm? dhe ne ca items. Nd?r t? ligat e Ahmed Zogut duhen n?m?ruar dhe k?to dy: m? 1920, kur Fan Noli vajti n? Shqip?ri, Sulejman Delvina i dha urdh?r policis? t? mos e qas?: policia e p?rzuri Fan Nolin, i cili u kthye n? Bari me vaporin q? kish vajtur. Ahmed Zogu ndodhej asi kohe n? Mat dhe s'dinte gj?sendi. Kur u kthye n? Tiran? dhe m?soj, i qortoj ministr?t p?t mas?n q? kishin marr? kundr? Fan Nolit, t? cilin pak koh? pastaj e thirri t? kthehet n? Shqip?ri. Dy vjet m? von?, miqt e Nolit d?shirojn q? ky t? b?hej mitropolit, po gjejn? kund?rshtime shum? t? mb?dha. ?'t? b?jn?? Ven e i luten Zogut t'i p?rkrah?. Zogu ndon?se e kishte Nolin kund?rshtar, nguli k?mb? q? Noli medoemos t? dorzohej mitropolit, dhe u dorzua. N?r t? mirat e fan Nolit duhen n?m?ruar k?to: vajti n? Gen?v? si "Kryeminist?r" i Shqip?ris?: dhe n? nj? fjal? zyrtare q? mbajti, shau Lidhjen e Kombeve, shau Shtetet e Bashkuara t'Amerik?s , shau t?rthori Inglin?, dhe na b?ri qesharak? n? sy t? bot?s s? qytet?ruar. U kthye n? Shqip?ri, dhe ca jav? m? von? hapi mardh?nie zyrtare me Sovjetin, ndon?se din, ose duhet t? dinte se Rusia Boleshevike ?sht? n? luft? me Fuqit? e per?ndimit q? kan? b?r? dhe njohur Shqip?rin? si Shtet m? vete. Me k?t? ?ap, Noli e shpuri Shqip?rin? mu-n? buz? t? varrit dhe nj? qime af?r vdekjes. Dako II Q? Fan Noli t? mendoj? ndryshe nga ne, q? t? p?rpiqet t? na jap? t? kuptojm? lajthimin t'on? n? qoft? se lajthitemi, ?sht? nj? e drejt? q? nuk ja mohojm?. Atje ku na ?udit t? gjith?ve ?sht? se gjer tani m? Gusht 1925 ka heshtur. I b?m? t? njohur me kabllo q? n? funt t? Sh?n ?ndreut 1924 se organizata jon? ?sht? e m?ndjes q? e hupm? luft?n por nj? guvern? m? t? mir? dhe q? e quajm? p?r detyr? pask?taj t? hapim mardh?nie pajtimi me mund?sin. Sh?tita kollonit? q? t'a parashtroj at? politik? dhe t'u jipja rrastin shqiptar?ve q? t? ?faqnin p?lqimin a mosp?lqimin e tyre. Hapm? shtyllat e "Diellit" p?r ?do bisedim, duke botuar dhe korespodencat me t'? ashp?rat kundr? Guvern?s s? Zogut. M? n? funt erdhi kuvendi i XIV, dhe u shtrua dhe atje ??shtja e q?ndrimit q? duhet t? mbaj? Vatra. N? t? gjitha k?to shtat? muaj, dera ishte e hapur dhe asnjeri s'kish m? tep?r se Fan Noli t? drejt?n t? dhe lirin? q? t? hynte, t? na ?faqte mendimin e tij dhe t? na fitonte me vete. Po Fan Noli s'b?ri z?. Tani q? u mbarua Kuvendi dhe q? u mbyll dera p?r k?t? ??shtje gjer m? Korrik 1926, vet?m tani Fan Noli na del me kund?rshtime jasht? koh?s, posi nj? njeri q? k?rkon t? hyj nga penxheria, dhe p?rpiqet t? prish? disiplin?n e Vatr?s. Me methudha t? padrejta, me methudha q? s'jan? as p?r "Fair" as prej "sport"i. ?'faj tjet?r kish b?r? Dakua? --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 22 23:26:27 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 22 Apr 2002 20:26:27 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Blues - The Independent Message-ID: <20020423032627.68781.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> The Independent (London), April 23, 2002 Copyright 2002 Newspaper Publishing PLC The Independent (London) April 23, 2002, Tuesday SECTION: First Edition; FOREIGN NEWS; Pg. 11 LENGTH: 437 words HEADLINE: THIS EUROPE: DISSONANT CHOIRS IN TUNE WITH THE ALBANIAN TRAGEDY BYLINE: Michael Church In Vlora, Albania BODY: THE SOUTH Albanian port of Vlora is the smuggling capital of the world, with guns, drugs and dangerously overloaded boatfuls of people. Albanians call it the City of Sorrows, because this is where civil war broke out after the collapse of the "pyramid banks" four years ago, and it is still desperately poor. But Vlora has another more romantic claim to fame, as the cradle for a kind of choral singing that may go back 3,000 years. This wildly dissonant music has no parallel on earth. I found Vlora's best choir - Bilbili, The Nightingales' - rehearsing in the employment office. Their female lead, a stunning fortysomething who is a vet, welcomes me with the warning that no nightingales ever sounded like these. She throws out the melody, and a male voice catches it with a sort of musical sigh; a third man makes a high-pitched clucking noise, while a fourth provides a drone. This music accompanies weddings and funerals: for its survival, thank the isolation of the Hoxha years. Their subject matter is love, dead heroes and that mournful Albanian staple, emigration. But these ancient songs can be adapted to topical ends. They sing a lament for 100 emigrants who drowned on a boat that sank between Vlora and Otranto, and they even compose a ditty to mark my visit: these songs are the peasant equivalent of newspapers. The price they extract from me (in addition to a modest fee equivalent to pounds 7 per head) is a feast at a local restaurant, but as they sing throughout the evening, I put my mike on the table and extract my bonus too. My plan was to record several choirs, including the celebrated one from nearby Laparda, but Laparda refuse to share a radio programme with Bilbili. Instead I'm taken to a tiny mountain village called Dukat. A male-voice choir is ready to sing but, when I explain that our recording will be drowned by the noise of a generator, I'm told that if it's turned off the whole village will be without electricity. Impasse? No, their desire to be heard by the outside world prevails, and the village is duly switched off. This polyphony doesn't figure on the musical landscape of the urban young, whose only aspiration is to emigrate. I found just one CD of it in Tirana's best record shop. Vlora's choirs don't want to leave, yet are desperate to spread their message by touring abroad. That can only happen if foreign backers pay. At least they can take comfort from the Albanian proverb: one traveller is lonely, two will quarrel, but three will sing. Michael Church's documentary series Albanian Blues' can be heard on the BBC World Service --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 23 07:32:33 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 23 Apr 2002 04:32:33 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nano ne Shekulli Message-ID: <20020423113233.17848.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> KUR INSTITUCIONET MBROHEN ME LOGJIK? KUND?RINSTITUCIONALE Nga MUSTAFA NANO Neni 132 i Kushtetut?s s? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris? thot?: ?Vendimet e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese kan? fuqi detyruese t? p?rgjithshme dhe jan? p?rfundimtare?. Nuk mund t? gjendet artikulim m? i qart? i pushtetit t? nj? organi kushtetues. Vet?m pak nene t? Kushtetut?s son? jan? kaq t? qart? n? at? q? duan t? shprehin. Mund t? rravgojm? kudo n?p?r faqet e Kushtetut?s p?r t? gjetur nene t? interpretueshme n? m? shum? se nj? m?nyr?, por ky nen ?sht? i painterpretuesh?m. Esht? i qart? bash si nj? krim publik, d.m.th. duket q? ?sht? ashtu si ?sht?. T? gjith? jan? t? vet?dijsh?m p?r k?t? gj?. Ndryshe, nuk do t? lindte ky nervoziz?m i madh pas vendimit t? fundit t? Gjykat?s son? Kushtetuese. N? m?nyr? t? ve?ant?, politika e politikan?t shqiptar?, t? m?suar t? lozin gjith?her?n me gj?ra e mes gj?rash t? interpretueshme, t? m?suar t? komandojn?, t? qeverisin e t? refuzojn? qeverisje ashtu si ua thot? truri, t? m?suar pra t? gjykojn? e t? mos gjykohen, e kan? humbur toruan e jan? b?r? t? pap?rmbajtsh?m n? deklaratat e tyre. Jan? p?rfshir? n? k?t? valle nervozizmi Presidenti, kryetari i Kuvendit, kryetari i opozit?s, kryetar? partish, politikan? t? tjer?. N? t? v?rtet?, si rrall? ndonj?her? tjet?r kan? arsye t? ndihen t? provokuar. E pata paralajm?ruar edhe un? vendimin e pritsh?m t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese si nj? provokacion q? vjen pas nj? beteje t? lodhshme e t? zhurmshme, s? cil?s iu shkua deri n? fund, dhe e cila pati viktimat e fitimtar?t e vet. N?se nj? veprim i till? do t? ishte kryer n? koh?n e duhur dhe n?n nxitjen e nj? raison d??tre-je t? sh?ndetshme, nuk do t? kishim t? b?nim me asnj? provokacion; por veprimi i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese erdhi n? momentin m? t? gabuar. Vonesa, ngadal?sia e pap?rgjegjshm?ria n? dh?nien e k?tij vendimi jan? sa t? duash t? qortueshme, aq sa atributet e kompetencat e k?saj gjykate p?r t? dh?n? vendime t? paapelueshme e p?rfundimtare t? ngjajn? me m?l?it? q?, p?r t?i ruajtur, varen n? qaf?n e ujkut. E megjithat?, p?rtej alegoris? me ujkun, kjo q? ndodhi i ka dh?n? nj? goditje t? r?nd? besueshm?ris? publike t? institucioneve. Pik?risht k?tu ?sht? d?mi m? i madh i k?saj historie. At?her?? Duke iu rikthyer arsyetimit t? fillimit, m? duhet t? them se reagimi politik ka q?n? i ?p?rmasuar dhe jo institucional. Jan? t? pakta mendjet e urta, t? cilat, nd?rsa reagojn?, kan? parasysh se respekti ndaj institucioneve nuk ka lidhje me drejt?sin? apo padrejt?sin? e vendimeve q? merren nga k?to institucione. Dua t? them, se mund t? sulmohet vendimi q? ?sht? marr? nga Gjykata Kushtetuese, por aksioni p?r ta shp?rfillur k?t? vendim, apo m? keq akoma, aksioni p?r ta ?b?r? nga themelet k?t? gjykat?, vjen nga nj? konceptim emotiv e patetik i shtetit t? s? drejt?s dhe i demokracis?. ?Ky ?sht? agresion ndaj parlamentarizmit? ? thon? nj? mori z?rash, duke harruar se n? shtetin e s? drejt?s t? gjith? organet kushtetuese, edhe Parlamenti pra, i n?nshtrohen mekanizmit check & balance. Kjo do t? thot? q? Parlamenti, edhe pse ?sht? n? qend?r t? organizimit t? nj? Republike Parlamentare, (duhet t?) kontrollohet e verifikohet n? veprimtarin? e tij. Dhe k?t? detyr?, sipas Kushtetut?s son?, e kryen Gjykata Kushtetuese, an?tar?t e s? cil?s zgjidhen e shkarkohen nga Parlamenti, gj? q? evidenton mekanizmin q? sapo p?rmend?m: Parlamenti kontrollohet nga Gjykata Kushtetuese, nd?rsa kjo e fundit varet nga Parlamenti. Af?rmendsh, kjo lloj var?sie ?sht? ligjore e kushtetuese, e rrjedhimisht nuk mund t? ngrihet e t? funksionoj? mbi baz?n e emocioneve t? nj?rit apo tjetrit. Sipas t? gjitha gjasave, mekanizmi check & balance ?sht? i aplikuar n? m?nyr? jo dhe aq funksionale n? Kushtetut?n ton?, por kjo nuk do t? thot? se duhet t? heqim dor? nga respektimi i Kushtetut?s dhe i institucioneve kushtetuese. Kjo s?do t? thot? gjithashtu se n? rastin konkret, edhe kur biem dakord q? Gjykata Kushtetuese ?sht? t?r?sisht gabim, kemi t? b?jm? me nj? agresion kund?r parlamentarizmit. Nj? logjik? e till? lind n? bodrumet, ku banojn? qejflinjt? e diktatur?s parlamentare. N? nj? demokraci normale, m? shum? se ndaj nj? veprimi t? gabuar t? nj? institucioni, duhet t? reagojm? ndaj atyre q? b?jn? thirrje p?r t? injoruar institucionet. Nj? gabim i nj? institucioni ?sht? nj? gabim, dhe kaq; n? k?t? rast mund t? themi q? demokracia nuk funksionon si n? vaj. Nd?rsa shp?rfillja e institucioneve ?sht? nj? precedent apo praktik? q? e shnd?rron demokracin? n? iluzore e na hedh n? grack?n e nj? arbitrariteti fatal; n? k?t? rast mund t? themi q? demokracia vdes. ?Duhet ta suprimojm? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese? ? thot? Ngjela, i cili, me stilin dhe kompetenc?n e doktor Adhamudhit, nuk heziton t? na sugjeroj? ?ta krrejm? nj?rin sy, p?r t? shp?tuar syrin tjet?r?. N? rastin m? t? mir?, kjo ?sht? nj? zgjidhje e nj? njeriu p?rtac, i cili na shfryn n? fytyr? t? par?n ide q? i vjen n? mendje. Jan? l?vizje q? b?hen n?n moton ?p?r t? hequr qafe nj? fuksionar, suprimo funksionin?. Ideja p?r t? veshur Gjykat?n e Lart? me kompetencat e gardianit t? Kushtetut?s nuk ?sht? se vjen n? kund?rshtim me teorit? konstitucionale, por nd?rsa Ngjela mund t? na jap? vet?m nj? model praktik t? ngjash?m me at? q? propozon, ne mund t?i japim dhjet?ra modele praktike t? ngjash?m me k?t? q? kemi. P?rve? k?saj, a garanton kjo nj? zgjidhje t? problemeve t? k?saj natyre? Po sikur nes?r Gjykata e Lart? t? nd?rmarr? nj? ?agresion ndaj parlamentarizmit?? Mos duhet t? suprimojm? edhe Gjykat?n e Lart?? Sipas Ngjel?s, po. T? na rroj? Ngjela, pastaj! ?T? rikompozohet Gjykata Kushtetuese? - thot? Mediu. N? kushtet, kur kjo gjykat? e ka humbur n? nj? mas? t? madhe besueshm?rin?, nuk do t? ishte nj? zgjidhje e keqe. Madje, ngjan t? jet? e vetmja zgjidhje e men?ur. Po si? Kjo nuk mund t? b?het me akuzat e Berish?s, t? cilit, t? parat fjal? q? i dalin nga goja n? rrethana t? tilla jan? vrasje, vras?s, gjak, etj. Parlamenti nuk mund t?i futet nj? aventure tjet?r t? diskutueshme, pasi kjo do t? p?rb?nte nj? agresion ndaj institucioneve. Zgjidhjet institucionale do t? ishin dy. S? pari, an?tar?t e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, duke marr? n? konsiderat? realitetin e sot?m t? gj?rave e rrethanave dhe me vet?dij?n p?r t? mos i sh?rbyer nj? konfuzioni politik e institucinal, t? jepnin dor?heqjen. Edhe mund t?u k?rkohet kjo gj? nga t? gjitha an?t. Mund t? duket pak e besueshme q? t? ndodh?, por gjithsesi mbetet si nj? zgjidhje e paqt?. S? dyti, duke patur parasysh q? em?rimi i an?tar?ve t? k?saj gjykate ?sht? b?r? mbi kritere politike, duhet k?rkuar nj? konsensus transversal n? realitetin politik e parlamentar shqiptar p?r t? formuluar nj? lloj impeachment-i. Em?rimi i tyre me kritere politike, n?se pranohet e deklarohet nga PS-ja (nuk ka diskutim q? Abdiu ?sht? nj? socialist i thekur e nj? antidemokrat i t?rbuar), ?sht? nj? argument i mjaftuesh?m p?r t? b?r? at? q? duhet. PS-ja mund ta b?j? k?t? hap n? kuad?r t? nj? reformimi institucional n? Shqip?ri, i cili lipset b?r? me kontributin e opozit?s. Por p?r k?t?, duhet t? evitohen presionet q? vin? nga qendra ?di lottizzazione? apo nga qendra reaksionare brenda PS-s? e brenda shumic?s parlamentare. Duhet t? evitohet gjithashtu formulimi i impeachment-it nga aleanca parlamentare t? ngritura mbi interesa t? dyshimta, si? ndodhi me Rakipin. ??shtja ?sht? t? mos krijohet ideja q? n? themel t? nj? aksioni t? till? ?sht? mbrojtja e interesave t? pista, por q? gjith?ka po b?het n? em?r t? reformimit t? institucioneve. Ndryshe, gabimi do t? ?ndreqej? duke gabuar. Esht? e qart? pra se, sa m? sip?r nuk duhet b?r? p?r t? neutralizuar vendimin q? ka marr? apo q? do t? marr? Gjykata Kushtetuese lidhur me shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, Arben Rakipi. P?rkundrazi, rezistenca ndaj vendimit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, cilido qoft? ky vendim, duhet t? marr? fund; sa koh? q? ekziston kjo gjykat? me k?t? p?rb?rje dhe n? em?r t? respektit p?r institucionet, vendimet e saj duhen zbatuar deri n? nj?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 23 21:44:41 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 23 Apr 2002 18:44:41 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Deklarata e Gjykates Kushtetuese - Z.P. Message-ID: <20020424014441.31317.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> TIRANE - Gjykata Kushtetuese reagoi dje, ndaj deklaratave n? adres? t? veprimtaris? s? saj, duke i cil?suar ato si nj? mori shpifjesh dhe akuzash t? segmenteve t? caktuara t? politik?s e t? disa p?rfaq?suesve t? institucioneve t? r?nd?sishme shtet?rore. "Kjo fushat?, ka p?r q?llim t?i imponoj? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese t? marr? vendime n? kund?rshtim me kompetencat e saj kushtetuese, dhe p?r ta spostuar nga roli i saj si garante p?r respektimin e Kushtetut?s, e p?r interpretimin p?rfundimtar t? saj. Ajo synon gjithashtu t?u imponoj? institucioneve t? pavarura kushtetuese, zgjidhjen e problemeve sipas interesave politike dhe shkat?rrimin e institucioneve demokratike, n?n preteksin e mbrojtjes s? parimit t? parlamentarizmit, t? demokracis? e t? shtetit t? s? drejt?s", thuhet n? deklarat?n e l?shuar dje nga Gjykata Kushtetuese. "Segmente t? politik?s dhe p?rfaq?sues t? Institucioneve, luft?n kund?r Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, kan? filluar ta realizojn? n?p?rmjet denigrimeve me karakter personal, shtremb?rimeve t? q?llimshme ndaj Kryetarit dhe an?tar?ve t? k?tij institucioni, duke synuar paralizimin e pun?s dhe duke c?nuar parimin e paan?sis? s? Gjykat?s, si organ kolegjial n? vendim-marrje", vazhdon deklarata. Pak?naq?sit? ndaj funksionimit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, v?rshuan pas vendimit t? dh?n? fundjav?n e kaluar, nga kjo Gjykat?, p?r Interpretim t? tre neneve t? Kushtetut?s ku p?rcaktohet m?nyra e shkarkimit t? funksionar?ve t? Lart? t? Drejt?sis?. Nga vendimi i Gjykat?s rezultoi se Kuvendi i Shqip?ris? ka shkelur procedur?n gjat? shkarkimit t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, Arben Rakipi, nj? muaj m? par?. N? deklarat?n e djeshme p?r shtyp, thuhet se "Gjykata Kushtetuese, ka shfuqizuar nj? num?r jo t? vog?l ligjesh t? Kuvendit dhe dekrete t? Presidentit, t? papajtueshme me Kushtetut?n, e megjithat? nuk ka patur reagime t? nj? natyre t? till?, si kjo e koh?ve t? fundit, kur Gjykata Kushtetuese n?p?rmjet interpretimit, doli n? mbrojtje t? institucioneve t? shtetit dhe parimeve t? gjith?pranuara t? s? drejt?s nd?rkomb?tare", thuhet n? deklarat?n e firmosur nga n?nt? gjyqtar?t e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese. "N? k?to momente, kur n? t? gjith? Europ?n dhe m? gjer?, ?sht? konsultuar domosdoshm?ria p?r ekzistencen dhe forcimin e gjykatave kushtetuese, kur forca politike dhe institucione t? caktuara tentojn? t? godasin institucionin kushtetues, ne i b?jm? thirrje opinionit publik, dhe sidomos mendimit juridik shqiptar, t? shpreh realisht p?r mbrojtjen e institucioneve t? shtetit t? s? drejt?s", thuhet n? deklarat?n p?r shtyp, e l?shuar dit?n e djeshme, nga Gjykata Kushtetuese. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 25 11:30:39 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2002 08:30:39 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfA: Human Rights and Human Wrongs in Southeastern Europe, 25.8.-8.9.2002, Ohrid Message-ID: <20020425153039.92639.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Florian Bieber wrote: Subject: [balkans] CfA: Human Rights and Human Wrongs in Southeastern Europe, 25.8.-8.9.2002, Ohrid Summer school title ?Human Rights and Human Wrongs in Southeastern Europe? Country Macedonia Location Ohrid Course director Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Benedek Course Coordinator Mag. Minna Nikolova Organizers: European Training and Research Centre for Human Rights and Democracy Graz in cooperation with the Human Rights Focal Point of the University of Skopje and the Human Rights Centre of the University of Sarajevo Contact Information phone: + 43-316-380 3413/25 fax: + 43-316-380 9455 e-mail: summerschool2002 at see-hrc.net e-mail: lf at see-hrc.net e-mail: minna.nikolova at kfunigraz.ac.at Discipline(s) Human Rights Course(s) Offered 1.Theoretical Human Rights Module (morning sessions) 2.Moderated Topical Discussions, Workshops, case-studies and simulation games (afternoon sessions) 3.Group assignments and Participatory exercises (final group project) Dates (duration) 25 August - 8 September 2002 Language(s) of Instruction English Number of Participants 25 participants--advanced (graduate students), teaching assistants, lecturers, NGO trainers or junior scholars and researchers from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova and Albania; exceptions can be made for outstanding candidates from Hungary, the Check Republic and Poland specializing in relevant SEE regional issues Preferred academic background of applicants: law, political science and international relations, journalism, sociology, psychology, history, literature, arts, anthropology, economics or related disciplines The summer course ?Human Rights and Human Wrongs in South-eastern Europe? 25.08.-8.09.2002 in Ohrid, Macedonia will be taking place for second consecutive year and is envisioned as a two-week modular course of lectures, workshop discussions, case-studies, curriculum and project development exercises. A general overview of the UN and the European human rights protection systems with an extensive focus on issues of importance to South-eastern Europe (Dayton Agreement, Kosovo Agreement, Stability Pact) will accompany the interactive methods for learning about human rights. An analysis of the main human rights protection instruments at place, their applicability, effect and implementation in the South-eastern European context will be discussed and assessed. An important accent of the course will be the introduction of innovative HR teaching methodologies, role plays and the development of common project ideas by the course participants. The topics which the course will cover are: ? An introduction to the origins, philosophy and nature of the Human Rights concept ? Identification of current Human Rights issues in South-eastern Europe ? The universal and regional norms for Human Rights Protection in South-Eastern Europe ? The Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and Minority Rights Protection issues in the South-eastern European context ? Ethnicity and Minority Rights Protection in South-eastern Europe ? Discussion on the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees as well as issues related to refugee and internally displaced people flows and returns in South-eastern Europe ? Organized Crime ? Women?s Rights with a special focus on Violence against Women in South-eastern Europe ? Civil Society and Human Rights in the Southeast European Context ? The role of higher education in the development of Culture of Human Rights in South-eastern Europe ? Human Rights education: new technologies and innovative methodologies for teaching Human Rights ? Human rights curriculum development workshop ? Civil Society and Human Rights in a regional perspective ? Venues for Regional Information and Documentation Exchange and Human Rights Centers/info points networking in South-eastern Europe ? An introduction and debate on Human Security as an alternative and complement of the concept of national security ? Human Rights Learning as Strategy for enhancing Human Security ? Stability Pact and the perspectives for regional educational co-operation under Working Table I on Human Rights and Democratization More information and application forms can be downloaded from: www.see-hrc.net Application DEADLINE: 1 June 2002 The Summer School is supported by the European Union, HESP Program of the Open Society Institute and the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs within the framework of the project Establishment and Networking of Human Rights Centers in Former Yugoslav Republics _______________________________________________ Balkan Academic News Post Messages to: balkans at yahoogroups.com Contact Owner at: fbieber at yahoo.com Subscribe: balkans-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Unsubscribe: balkans-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Homepage: http://www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 25 16:01:03 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2002 13:01:03 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Doing Business in Albania Message-ID: <20020425200103.40815.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> ALBANIA HEALTH SYSTEM RECOVERY AND DEVELOPMENT PROJECT --------------------------------- Technical Assistance for strengthening the development of Biomedical Unit of the Tirana University Hospital Centre in Tirana (TUHC) INVITATION FOR EXPRESSION OF INTEREST Credit No.: (3067-0 ALB) 1. This request for Expression of Interest follows the General Procurement Notice for this project which appeared in the "Development Business", Date 30 August 1998. 2. The Republic of Albania has received a Credit from the International Development Association (IDA) toward the cost of the Health System Recovery and Development Project and it intends to apply part of the proceeds of this credit to payments under the contract of Consulting Services for strengthening the development of Biomedical Unit of the Tirana University Hospital Centre in Tirana (TUHC). 3. The Project Co-ordination Unit (PCU) of Ministry of Health (MOH) now invites individual/consulting companies from eligible bidders to express their interest to provide technical advisory support to TUHC, to formalise methods of planning for services, to facilitate rationalisation of services where necessary, and to provide an overall means of managing the health systems' components as needs change. This Consultancy will identify an urgent need to upgrade the capacities in public hospitals to maintain and operate the new investments in medical equipment and facilities. The objectives of the Consultancy are to: (a) Assess the existing medical equipment maintenance and management needs and capacity of TUHC; advice TUHC management and MOH on a sustainable and affordable strategy for ensuring effective maintenance and operation of their medical equipment; (b) Develop a strategy to improve its capacity to assess needs and maintain medical technology; prepare technical standards and specifications for medical equipment, ensuring quality and safety; (c) Design and manage maintenance contracts with the private sector; transfer knowledge in issues of management and maintenance of hospital equipment to the counterparts in MOH and TUHC. It is anticipated that this Consultancy will involve two phases: (i) PHASE ONE: The conduct of interviews and field studies to assess the existing situation in TUHC and policies of the Ministry of Health/International consultants. (ii) PHASE TWO: Assist TUHC management, develop a strategy and implementation plan for acquisition, operation and maintenance of appropriate medical technology and upgrading of the existing capacities of Biomedical Unit of TUHC. 4. Consulting firms will be selected in accordance with the procedures set out in the World Bank's Guidelines: Selection and Employment of Consultants by World Bank Borrowers, January 1997 (revised January 1999) and is open to all consulting individual/companies from eligible source countries as defined in said Guidelines. 5. Interested eligible consultants must provide information indicating that they are qualified to perform the services (brochures, description of similar assignments, experience in similar conditions, availability of appropriate skills among staff, etc). Consultants may associate to enhance their qualifications. 6. The PCU/MOH shall give first consideration to those individual/firms expressing interest, which possess the relevant qualifications, finalising the first phase of selection process with a short list. Short list shall comprise three to six firms. Short listed individual/companies will be notified in writing. 7. Interested consultants may obtain further information from PCU/MOH and expression of interest must be delivered at the address below from 08:30 - 16:00 to the PCU office, (Ministry of Health 4th Floor )before 12:00 (noon) 27/05/ 2002. World Bank Projects Co-ordination Unit Health System Recovery and Development Project Ministry of Health Boulevard "Bajram Curri" Tirana, ALBANIA Tel. Fax. ++355 42 27614; E-mail: pcuhealth at icc.aleu.org --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From jetkoti at hotmail.com Thu Apr 25 17:39:25 2002 From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (LittleStonedSinfulNaggingNymph) Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2002 15:39:25 -0600 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: Once upon a time in Jenin What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin? Just as the world is giving up hope of learning the truth, Justin Huggler and Phil Reeves have unearthed compelling evidence of an atrocity 25 April 2002 Internal links Nurse shot through heart and man in wheelchair among Jenin dead Leading article: Israel must not be allowed to upset the Jenin investigation Israeli tanks enter Hebron The thought was as unshakable as the stench wafting from the ruins. Was this really about counterterrorism? Was it revenge? Or was it an episode - the nastiest so far - in a long war by Ariel Sharon, the staunch opponent of the Oslo accords, to establish Israel's presence in the West Bank as permanent, and force the Palestinians into final submission? A neighbourhood had been reduced to a moonscape, pulverised under the tracks of bulldozers and tanks. A maze of cinder-block houses, home to about 800 Palestinian families, had disappeared. What was left - the piles of broken concrete and scattered belongings - reeked. The rubble in Jenin reeked, literally, of rotting human corpses, buried underneath. But it also gave off the whiff of wrongdoing, of an army and a government that had lost its bearings. "This is horrifying beyond belief," said the United Nations' Middle East envoy, Terje Roed-Larsen, as he gazed at the scene. He called it a "blot that will forever live on the history of the state of Israel" - a remark for which he was to be vilified by Israelis. Even the painstakingly careful United States envoy, William Burns, was unusually outspoken as he trudged across the ruins. "It's obvious that what happened in Jenin refugee camp has caused enormous suffering for thousands of innocent Palestinian civilians," he said. The Israeli army insists that its devastating invasion of the refugee camp in Jenin earlier this month was intended to root out the infrastructure of the Palestinian militias, particularly the authors of an increasingly vicious series of suicide attacks on Israelis. It now says the dead were mostly fighters. And, as always - although its daily behaviour in the occupied territories contradicts this claim - it insists that it did everything possible to protect civilians. But The Independent has unearthed a different story. We have found that, while the Israeli operation clearly dealt a devastating blow to the militant organisations - in the short term, at least - nearly half of the Palestinian dead who have been identified so far were civilians, including women, children and the elderly. They died amid a ruthless and brutal Israeli operation, in which many individual atrocities occurred, and which Israel is seeking to hide by launching a massive propaganda drive. The assault on Jenin refugee camp by Israel's armed forces began early on 3 April. One week earlier, 30 miles to the west in the Israeli coastal town of Netanya, a Hamas suicide bomber had walked into a hotel and blown up a roomful of people as they were sitting down to celebrate the Passover feast. This horrific slaughter on one of the holiest days in the Jewish calendar killed 28 people, young and old, making it the worst Palestinian attack of the intifada, a singularly evil moment even by the standards of the long conflict between the two peoples. Ariel Sharon, Israel's premier, and his ministers responded by activating a plan that had long lain on his desk. Operation Defensive Shield was to become the largest military offensive by Israel since the 1967 war. Jenin refugee camp was high on the list of targets. Home to about 13,000 people, it was the heartland of violent resistance to Israel's 35-year occupation. The graffiti-covered walls bellowed the slogans of Hamas, Fatah and Islamic Jihad; radical Islamists and secular nationalists worked side by side, burying differences in the name of the intifada. According to Israel, 23 suicide bombers had come out of the camp, which was a centre for bomb-making. Yet there were also many, many civilians. People such as Atiya Rumeleh, Afaf Desuqi and Ahmad Hamduni. The army was expecting a swift victory. It had overwhelming superiority of arms - 1,000 infantrymen, mostly reservists, accompanied by Merkava tanks, armoured vehicles, bulldozers and Cobra helicopters, armed with missiles and heavy machine guns. Ranged against this force were about 200 Palestinians, with members of the militias - Hamas, al-Aqsa brigades and Islamic Jihad - fighting alongside Yasser Arafat's security forces, mostly armed with Kalashnikovs and explosives. The fight put up by the Palestinians shocked the soldiers. Eight days after entering, the Israeli army finally prevailed, but at a heavy price. Twenty-three soldiers were killed, 13 of them wiped out by an ambush, and an unknown number of Palestinians died. And a large residential area - 400m by 500m - lay utterly devastated; scenes that the Israeli authorities knew at once would outrage the world as soon as they hit the TV screens. "We were not expecting them to fight so well," said one exhausted-looking Israeli reservist as he packed up to head home. Journalists and humanitarian workers were kept away for five more days while the Israeli army cleaned up the area, after the serious fighting ended on 10 April. The Independent spent five days conducting long, detailed interviews of survivors among the ruins of the refugee camp, accompanied by Peter Bouckaert, a senior researcher for the Human Rights Watch organisation. Many of the interviews were conducted in buildings that were on the verge of collapse, in living rooms where one entire wall had been ripped off by the bulldozers and that were open to the street. An alarming picture has emerged of what took place. So far, 50 of the dead have been identified. The Independent has a list of names. Palestinians were happy, even proud, to tell us which of the dead were fighters for Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Al-Aqsa brigades; which belonged to their security forces; and which were civilians. They identified nearly half as civilians. Not all the civilians were cut down in crossfire. Some, according to eyewitness accounts, were deliberately targeted by Israeli forces. Sami Abu Sba'a told us how his 65-year-old father, Mohammed Abu Sba'a, was shot dead by Israeli soldiers after he warned the driver of an approaching bulldozer that his house was packed with families sheltering from the fighting. The bulldozer turned back, said Mr Abu Sba'a - but his father was almost immediately shot in the chest where he stood. Israeli troops also shot dead a Palestinian nurse as she tried to help a wounded man. Hani Rumeleh, a 19-year-old civilian, had been shot as he tried to look out of his front door. Fadwa Jamma, a nurse staying with her sister in a house nearby, heard Hani's screaming and came to help. Her sister, Rufaida Damaj, who also ran to help, was wounded but survived. From her bed in Jenin hospital, she told us what happened. "We were woken at 3.30 in the morning by a big explosion," she said. "I heard that one guy was wounded outside our house. So my sister and I went to do our duty and to help the guy and give him first aid. There were some guys from the resistance outside and we had to ask them before we moved anywhere. I told them that my sister was a nurse, I asked them to let us go to the wounded. "Before I had finished talking to the guys the Israelis started shooting. I got a bullet in my leg and I fell down and broke my knee. My sister tried to come and help me. I told her, 'I'm wounded.' She said, 'I'm wounded too.' She had been shot in the side of her abdomen. Then they shot her again in the heart. I asked where she was wounded but she didn't answer, she made a terrible sound and tried to breathe three times." Ms Jamma was wearing a white nurse's uniform clearly marked with a red crescent, the emblem of Palestinian medical workers, when the soldiers shot her. Ms Damaj said the soldiers could clearly see the women because they were standing under a bright light, and could hear their cries for help because they were "very near". As Ms Damaj shouted to the Palestinian fighters to get help, the Israeli soldiers fired again: a second bullet went up through her leg into her chest. Eventually an ambulance was allowed through to rescue Ms Damaj. Her sister was already dead. It was to be one of the last times an ambulance was allowed near the wounded in Jenin camp until after the battle ended. Hani Rumeleh was taken to hospital, but he was dead. For his stepmother, however, the tragedy had only just begun; the next day, her 44-year-old husband Atiya, also a civilian, was killed. As she told his story, her orphaned children clung to her side. "There was shooting all around the house. At about 5pm I went to check the building. I told my husband two bombs had come into the house. He went to check. After two minutes he called me to come, but he was having difficulty calling. I went with the children. He was still standing. In my life I've never seen the way he looked at me. He said, 'I'm wounded', and started bleeding from his mouth and nose. The children started crying, and he fell down. I asked him what happened but he couldn't talk. "His eyes went to the children. He looked at them one by one. Then he looked at me. Then all his body was shaking. When I looked, there was a bullet in his head. I tried to call an ambulance, I was screaming for anybody to call an ambulance. One came but it was sent back by the Israelis." It was Thursday 4 April, and the blockade against recovering the wounded had begun. With the fighting raging outside, Ms Rumeleh could not go out of the house to fetch help. Eventually she made a rope out of headscarves and lowered her seven-year-old son Mohammed out of the back window to go and seek help. The family, fearful of being shot if they ventured out, were trapped indoors with the body for a week. A few doors away, we heard the story of Afaf Desuqi. Her sister, Aysha, told us how the 52-year-old woman was killed when the Israeli soldiers detonated a mine to blow the door of her house open. Ms Desuqi had heard the soldiers coming and gone to open the door. She showed us the remains of the mine, a large metal cylinder. The family screamed for an ambulance, but none was allowed through. Ismehan Murad, another neighbour, told us the soldiers had been using her as a human shield when they blew the front door off the Desuqi house. They came to the young woman's house first, and ordered her to go ahead of them, so that they would not be fired on. Jamal Feyed died after being buried alive in the rubble. His uncle, Saeb Feyed, told us that 37-year-old Jamal was mentally and physically disabled, and could not walk. The family had already moved him from house to house to avoid the fighting. When Mr Feyed saw an Israeli bulldozer approaching the house where his nephew was, he ran to warn the driver. But the bulldozer ploughed into the wall of the house, which collapsed on Jamal. Although they evacuated significant numbers of civilians, the Israelis made use of others as human shields. Rajeh Tawafshi, a 72-year-old man, told us that the soldiers tied his hands and made him walk in front of them as they searched house to house. Moments before, they had shot dead Ahmad Hamduni, a man in his eighties, before Mr Tawafshi's eyes. Mr Hamduni had sought shelter in Mr Tawafshi's house, but the Israeli soldiers had blown the door open. Part of the metal door landed next to the two men. Mr Hamduni was hunched with age, and Mr Tawafshi thinks the soldiers may have mistakenly thought he was wearing a suicide-bomb belt. They shot him on sight. Even children were not immune from the Israeli onslaught. Faris Zeben, a 14-year-old boy, was shot dead by Israeli soldiers in cold blood. There was not even any fighting at the time. The curfew on Jenin had been lifted for a few hours and the boy went to buy groceries. This was on Thursday 11 April. Faris's eight-year-old brother, Abdel Rahman, was with him when he died. Nervously picking at his cardigan, his eyes on the ground, the child told us what happened. "It was me and Faris and one other boy, and some women I didn't know. Faris told me to go home but I refused. We were going in front of the tank. Then we saw the front of the tank move towards us and I was scared. Faris told me to go home but I refused. The tank started shooting and Faris and the other boy ran away. I fell down. I saw Faris fall down, I thought he just fell. Then I saw blood on the ground so I went to Faris. Then two of the women came and put Faris in a car." Abdel Rahman showed us where it happened. We paced it out: the tank had been about 80m away. He said there was only one burst of machine-gun fire. He imitated the sound it made. The soldiers in the tank gave no warning, he said. And after they shot Faris they did nothing. Fifteen-year-old Mohammed Hawashin was shot dead as he tried to walk through the camp. Aliya Zubeidi told us how she was on her way to the hospital to see the body of her son Ziad, a militant from the Al-Aqsa brigades, who had been killed in the fighting. Mohammed accompanied her. "I heard shooting," said Ms Zubeidi. "The boy was sitting in the door. I thought he was hiding from the bullets. Then he said, 'Help.' We couldn't do anything for him. He had been shot in the face." In a deserted road by the periphery of the refugee camp, we found the flattened remains of a wheelchair. It had been utterly crushed, ironed flat as if in a cartoon. In the middle of the debris lay a broken white flag. Durar Hassan told us how his friend, Kemal Zughayer, was shot dead as he tried to wheel himself up the road. The Israeli tanks must have driven over the body, because when Mr Hassan found it, one leg and both arms were missing, and the face, he said, had been ripped in two. Mr Zughayer, who was 58, had been shot and wounded in the first Palestinian intifada. He could not walk, and had no work. Mr Hassan showed us the pitiful single room where his friend lived, the only furnishing a filthy mattress on the floor. Mr Zughayer used to wheel himself to the petrol station where Mr Hassan worked every day, because he was lonely. Mr Hassan did his washing; it was he who put the white flag on Mr Zughayer's wheelchair. "After 4pm I pushed him up to the street as usual," said Mr Hassan. "Then I heard the tanks coming, there were four or five. I heard shooting, and I thought they were just firing warning shots to tell him to move out of the middle of the road." It was not until the next morning that Mr Hassan went to check what had happened. He found the flattened wheelchair in the road, and Mr Zughayer's mangled body some distance away, in the grass. The Independent has more such accounts. There simply is not enough space to print them all. Mr Bouckaert, the Human Rights Watch researcher, who is preparing a report, said the sheer number of these accounts was convincing. "We've carried out extensive interviews in the camp, and the testimonies of dozens of witnesses are entirely consistent with each other about the extent and the types of abuses that were carried out in the camp," said Mr Bouckaert, who has investigated human-rights abuses in a dozen war zones, including Rwanda, Kosovo and Chechnya. "Over and over again witnesses have been giving similar accounts of atrocities that were committed. Many of the people who were killed were young children or elderly people. Even in the cases of young men; in Palestinian society, relatives are quite forthcoming when young men are fighters. They take pride that their young men are so-called 'martyrs'. When Palestinian families claim their killed relatives were civilians we give a high degree of credibility to that." The events at Jenin - which have passed almost unquestioned inside Israel - have created a crisis in Israel's relations with the outside world. Questions are now being asked increasingly in Europe over whether Ariel Sharon is, ultimately, fighting a "war on terror", or whether he is trying to inflict a defeat that will end all chance of a Palestinian state. These suspicions grew still stronger this week as pictures emerged of the damage inflicted by the Israeli army elsewhere in the West Bank during the operation: the soldiers deliberately trashed institutions of Palestinian statehood, such as the ministries of health and education. To counter the international backlash, the Israeli government has launched an enormous public-relations drive to justify the operation in Jenin. Their efforts have been greatly helped by the Palestinian leadership, who instantly, and without proof, declared that a massacre had occurred in which as many as 500 died. Palestinian human-rights groups made matters worse by churning out wild, and clearly untrue, stories. No holds are barred in the Israeli PR counterattack. The army - realising that many journalists will not bother, or are unable, to go to Jenin - has even made an Orwellian attempt to alter the hard, physical facts on the ground. It has announced that the published reports of the devastated area are exaggerated, declaring it to be a mere 100m square - about one-twentieth of its true area. One spokesman, Major Rafi Lederman, a brigade chief of staff, told a press conference on Saturday that the Israeli armed forces did not fire missiles from its Cobra helicopters - a claim dismissed by a Western military expert who has toured the wrecked camp with one word: "Bollocks." There were, said the major, "almost no innocent civilians" - also untrue. The chief aim of the PR campaign has been to redirect the blame elsewhere. Israeli officials accuse UNWRA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, for allowing a "terrorist infrastructure" to evolve in a camp under its administration without raising the alarm. UNWRA officials wearily point out that it does not administer the camp; it provides services, mainly schools and clinics. The Israeli army has lashed out at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Palestinian Red Crescent, whose ambulances were barred from entering the camp for six days, from 9 to 15 April. It has accused them of refusing to allow the army to search their vehicles, and of smuggling out Palestinians posing as wounded. The ICRC has dismissed all these claims as nonsense, describing the ban - which violates the Geneva Convention - as "unacceptable". The Israeli army says it bulldozed buildings after the battle ended, partly because they were heavily booby trapped but also because there was a danger of them collapsing on to its soldiers or Palestinian civilians. But after the army bulldozers withdrew, The Independent found many families, including children, living in badly damaged homes that were in severe danger of collapse. The thrust of Israel's PR drive is to argue that the Palestinians blew up the neighbourhood, compelling the army to knock it down. It is true that there were a significant number of Palestinian booby traps around the camp, but how many is far from clear. Booby traps are a device typically used by a retreating force against an advancing one. Here, the Palestinian fighters had nowhere to go. What is beyond dispute is that the misery of Jenin is not over. There are Palestinians still searching for missing people, although it is not clear whether they are in Israeli detention, buried deep under the rubble, or in graves elsewhere. Suspicions abound among the Palestinians that bodies have been removed by the Israeli army. They cite the Israeli army's differing statements about the death toll during the Jenin operation - first it said it thought that there were around 100 Palestinian dead; then it said hundreds of dead and wounded; and, finally, only dozens. More disturbingly, Israeli military sources originally said there was a plan to move bodies out of the camp and bury them in a "special cemetery". They now say that the plan was shelved after human-rights activists challenged it successfully at the Israeli supreme court. Each day, as we interviewed the survivors, there were several explosions as people trod on unexploded bombs and rockets that littered the ruined camp. One hour after Fadl Musharqa, 42, had spoken with us about the death of his brother, he was rushed to the hospital, his foot shattered after he stepped on an explosive. A man came up to us in the hospital holding out something in the palm of his hand. They were little, brown, fleshy stumps: the freshly severed toes of his 10-year-old son, who had stepped on some explosives. The boy lost both legs and an arm. The explosives that were left behind were both the Palestinians' crude pipe bombs and the Israelis' state-of-the-art explosives: the bombs and mines with which they blew open doors, the helicopter rockets they fired into civilian homes. These are the facts that the Israeli government does not want the world to know. To them should be added the preliminary conclusion of Amnesty International, which has found evidence of severe abuses of human rights - including extra-judicial executions - and has called for a war crimes inquiry. At the time of writing, Israel has withdrawn its co-operation from a fact-finding mission dispatched by the UN Security Council to find out what happened in Jenin. This is, given what we now know about the crimes committed there, hardly surprising. Also from the Middle East section. Palestinian teenagers leave Bethlehem church Arafat stages trial of four wanted for Ze'evi assassination Painful questions after slaughter of innocents provokes soul-searching Saudis threaten 'oil weapon' in talks to pressure Bush Palestinian 'court' convicts four over Zeevi -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: jenin250402.jpg Type: image/jpeg Size: 15005 bytes Desc: not available URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Apr 25 21:29:09 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2002 18:29:09 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Vendim Nr. 76 Gjykates Kushtetuese Message-ID: <20020426012909.98124.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Vendim "N? em?r t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?" Gjykata Kushtetuese e Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, e p?rb?r? nga: Fehmiu Abdiu, Kryetar i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese Zija Vuci, An?tar i " " Alfred Karamu?o, An?tar i " " Kristofor Pe?i, An?tar i " " Kujtim Puto, An?tar i " " Tefta Zaka, An?tar i " " Petrit Pllo?i, An?tar i " " Sokol Sadushi, An?tar i " " Gjergji Sauli, An?tar i " " me sekretare Arbenka Lalica, n? dat?n 08.04.2002, mori n? shqyrtim n? seanc?gjyq?sore me dyer t? hapura ??shtjen nr.78 Akti q? i p?rket: K?rkues: Arben Rakipi, p?rfaq?suar nga avokat?t Vangjel Kosta e Edmond Icka. Subjekte t? interesuara: 1. Kuvendi i Shqip?ris?, n? munges? 2. Presidenti i Republik?s, p?rfaq?suar nga Vjollca Uru?i 3. Grupi Parlamentar i Partis? Socialiste, p?rfaq?suar nga kryetari, zoti Arben Malaj 4. Grupi Parlamentar i Partis? Demokratike, n? munges? Objekti: Shfuqizimi antikushtetues i Vendimit nr.20, dat? 19.03.2002 t? Kuvendit t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris? dhe i Dekretit nr.3276, dat? 25.03.2002 t? Presidentit t? Republik?s. Baza ligjore: Nenet 7, 42 151 shkronja "f", 134/1 shkronja "g", 134/2 e 149/2 t? Kushtetut?s. K?rkuesi ka parashtruar n? k?rkes?n e paraqitur se gjat? procedur?s p?r nxjerrjen e vendimit t? Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris? dhe t? Dekretit t? Presidentit t? Republik?s p?r marrjen e mas?s s? shkarkimit nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, jan? shkelur t? drejtat e tij kushtetuese e ligjore nga nj? proces i parregullt ligjor, n? k?to drejtime kryesore: - Nuk ?sht? informuar p?r natyr?n dhe shkakun e shkarkimit nga detyra; - Nuk i ?sht? dh?n? koha e nevojshme p?r p?rgatitjen e mbrojtjes; - Nuk i ?sht? dh?n? mund?sia p?r t?u d?gjuar dhe mbrojtur. Presidenti i Republik?s, n? pozit?n e subjektit t? interesuar, ka pretenduar se k?rkuesi nuk legjitimohet p?r t? paraqitur k?rkes? n? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese dhe se kjo Gjykat? nuk ?sht? kompetente t? shqyrtoj? ??shtjen. Gjykata Kushtetuese pasi d?gjoi relatorin e ??shtjes Gjergj Sauli, k?rkuesin dhe p?rfaq?suesin e tij, p?rfaq?suesit e subjekteve t? interesuara dhe shqyrtoi ??shtjen n? t?r?si, V?ren Me vendimin nr.20, dat? 18.03.2002, Kuvendi i Shqip?ris?, ka vendosur t?i propozoj? Presidentit t? Republik?s, shkarkimin e k?rkuesit Arben Rakipi nga detyra e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, "p?r akte e sjellje q? kan? diskredituar r?nd? pozit?n e prokurorit gjat? ushtrimit t? detyr?s s? tij". Mbi baz?n e k?tij propozimi, Presidenti i Republik?s me Dekretin nr.3276, dat? 25.03.2002, bazuar n? nenin 149/2 t? Kushtetut?s, ka shkarkuar nga detyra Prokurorin e P?rgjithsh?m me motivacion, "p?rakte e sjellje q? kan? diskredituar r?nd? pozit?n e prokurorit". Gjykata Kushtetuese e sheh t? nevojshme q?, para se t? analizoj? pretendimet e k?rkuesit, t? shqyrtoj? dhe t? mbaj? q?ndrim ndaj pretendimeve t? b?ra nga p?rfaq?suesi i Presidentit t? Republik?s si subjekt i interesuar, ve?an?risht lidhur me kompetenc?n e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese n? shqyrtimin e k?saj ??shtje si dhe me legjitimimin e k?rkuesit p?r t? v?n? n? l?vizje k?t? Gjykat?. Pretendimi i subjektit t? interesuar se Gjykata Kushtetuese i mungon kompetenca e gjykimit t? kushtetushm?ris? s? shkarkimit nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m nuk ?sht? i bazuar. Esht? e v?rtet? q? n? baz? t? neneve 90, 115, 128, 140 t? Kushtetut?s, Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, i ?sht? dh?n? kompetenca t? shqyrtoj? shkarkimin nga detyra t? Presidentit t? Republik?s, t? an?tarit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, t? an?tarit t? Gjykat?s s? Lart? e t? organeve t? qeverisjes vendore, por kjo nuk do t? thot? se ky organ nuk ka t? drejt? t? shqyrtoj? ankesat kushtetuese n? raste t? tjera t? parashikuara nga kjo Kushtetut?. Detyra themelore e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, si garant i respektimit t? Kushtetut?s, nuk mund t? interpretohet e kuptohet e kufizuar vet?m n? raport me organet apo funksionet e sip?rp?rmendura, por edhe me ?do individ, kur jan? kushtet e shkronj?s "f" t? nenit 131 t? Kushtetut?s. Duke ju referuar p?rmbajtjes s? neneve 131 shkronja "f" dhe 134 shkronja "g" t? Kushtetut?s, si dhe jurisprudenc?s s? konsoliduar t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, arrihet n? konkluzionin se nd?rsa p?r rastet e subjekteve t? pretenduara m? sip?r, Gjykata Kushtetuese shqyrton si themelin e ??shtjes ashtu dhe procedur?n e zbatuar, n? rastin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, i cili pas shkarkimit nga detyra paraqitet si individ, ajo ushtron kontrollin kushtetues vet?m mbi zbatimin e parimit themelor p?r nj? proces t? rregullt ligjor. Ndaj pretendimit tjet?r t? subjektit t? interesuar sipas t? cilit Prokurori i P?rgjithsh?m nuk legjitimohet t? b?j? k?rkes? n? Gjykat?n Kushtetuese me rastin e shkarkimit t? tij nga Presidenti i Republik?s, kjo Gjykat?s parashtron nj? s?r? argumentesh duke u mb?shtetur n? dispozitat e Kushtetut?s, n? dokumentet nd?rkomb?tare dhe jurisprudenc?n e saj. N? baz? t? neneve 131 shkronja "f" dhe 134 shkronja "g" t? Kushtetut?s, ?do individ ka t? drejt? t?i drejtohet Gjykat?s Kushtetuese kur ai mendon se nga shkelja e parimit p?r nj? proces t? rregullt ligjor, ati i jan? c?nuar t? drejtat kushtetuese e ligjore dhe kur i jan? shterur mjetet e tjera juridike p?r mbrojtjen e k?tyre t? drejtave. E drejta p?r t? qen? Prokuror i P?rgjithsh?m sigurisht q? nuk ?sht? nj? e drejt? themelore, por nga ky pozicion rrjedhin nj? s?r? t? drejtash kushtetuese e ligjore p?r individin, t? cilat synon t?i mbroj? neni 42/1 i Kushtetut?s n?p?rmjet procesit t? rregullt ligjor. Subjekti i interesuar pretendon gjithashtu se dispozita e m?sip?rme mbron vet?m t? drejtat e individ?ve dhe jo t? individ?ve q? kan? qen? t? veshur me pushtet publik, duke ju referuar nj? q?ndrimi t? mbajtur nga Gjykata Evropiane e t? Drejtave t? Njeriut n? ??shtjen "Pellegrin kund?r Franc?s". Gjykata Kushtetuese e ?mon m? t? nevojshme t? theksoj? se ??shtja "Pellegrin kund?r Franc?s" e referuar qoft? edhe si baz? p?r t? nxjerr? p?rfundime teorike, d?shmon t? kund?rt?n e asaj q? pretendohet nga subjekti i interesuar. Gjykata e t? Drejtave t? Njeriut n? Strasburg, problemin e legjitimimit e ka ngritur si ??shtje n? lidhje me nenin 6 t? Konvent?s Europiane p?r t? Drejtat e Njeriut dhe me rastin n? gjykim, por jo n? raport me t? drejt?n komb?tare. Fakt ?sht? se Pellegrin, p?r t? cilin Gjykata Evropiane e t? Drejtave t? Njeriut ngre problemin e legjitimimit p?r n?pun?sin publik, e kishte ushtruar t? drejt?n p?r t?u gjykuar n? t? gjith? hallkat e sistemit gjyq?sor t? vendit t? tij. Gjykata Kushtetuese konstaton se n? ?do rast Konventa Europiane p?r t? Drejtat e Njeriut vendos standartet e domosdoshme dhe garancit? q? ?do shtet kontraktues duhet t? siguroj? p?r t? realizuar nj? proces t? rregullt ligjor dhe jo rrethin e personave q? duhet t? p?rfitojn? prej saj. Ajo ?mon se procesi i rregullit ligjor zbatohet p?r t? gjitha konfliktet q? jan? vendimtare p?r pozicionin juridik t? nj? personi qoft? ai edhe funksionar publik. Pra Gjykata Kushtetuese e shikon pozicionin e funksionarit publik n? k?ndv?shtrimin e garancive q? i siguron Kushtetuta, jurisprudenca e saj e deritanishme dhe fryma e Konvent?s Evropiane p?r t? Drejtat e Njeriut. Gjykata Kushtetuese ka parasysh edhe dallimin q? ekziston nd?rmjet nenit 6 t? Konvent?s Europiane p?r t? Drejtat e Njeriut dhe nenit 42/1 t? Kushtetut?s t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?. Nd?rsa n? Konvent? parashikohet e drejta e individit p?r nj? gjykim t? drejt? penal apo civil, n? nenin 42/1 t? Kushtetut?s dhe n? jurisprudenc?n tashm? t? konsoliduar t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, e drejta e individit p?r nj? proces t? rregullt ligjor nuk ?sht? e kufizuar vet?m n? procesin gjyq?sor, por edhe n? at? me karakter disiplinor administrativ, si? ?sht? rasti n? shqyrtim. N? kund?rshtim me sa pretendohet nga subjekti i interesuar se k?rkuesit nuk i jan? shteruar mjetet e tjera juridike p?r t? mbrojtur t? drejtat e tij, Gjykata Kushtetuese konkludon se Dekreti i Presidentit t? Republik?s p?r shkarkimin nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, si nj? akt individual me karakter administrativ, nuk mund t? trajtohet n? t? nj?jt?n m?nyr? si aktet e tjera administrative, t? cilat shqyrtohen nga gjykata e juridiksionit t? zakonsh?m. Ve?antia e k?tij dekreti t? Presidentit t? Republik?s q?ndron n? faktin se ai ?sht? i lidhur pazgjidhshm?risht me procedurat parlamentare, n? baz? t? t? cilave ka dal? vendimi propozues i Kuvendit, q? ?sht? nj? premis? e domosdoshme p?r nxjerrjen e dekretit. Nga kuptimi i neneve 324-333 t? Kodit t? Procedur?s Civile rezulton se nuk mund t? shqyrtohen nga gjykatat e zakonshme aktet me karakter administrativ t? k?saj natyre, t? cilat jan? rezultat i procedurave parlamentare. N? k?to kushte, Gjykata Kushtetuese i konsideron t? shteruara mjetet juridike q? duhet t? p?rdor k?rkuesi p?r mbrojtjen e t? drejtave t? tij kushtetuese dhe ligjore p?r nj? proces t? rregullt ligjor. Lidhur me pretendimin e k?rkuesit se ?sht? zhvilluar nj? proces i parregullt ligjor gjat? procedur?s p?r shkarkimin e tij nga detyra, Gjykata Kushtetuese ?mon t? theksoj? se ?do organ i pushtetit publik gjat? ushtrimit t? funksionit t? tij kushtetues e ligjor ?sht?i detyruar t? respektoj? standartet e gjith?pranuara demokratike, t? cilat kan? gjetur pasqyrimin e tyre n? Kushtetut?. N? vendimin interpretues nr.75, dat? 19.04.2002, Gjykata Kushtetuese e ka konsoliduar q?ndrimin e saj lidhur me kuptimin e t? drejt?s p?r nj? proces t? rregullt ligjor, duke arsyetuar se njohja paraprake e personit ndaj t? cilit k?rkohet t? merret masa e shkarkimit, me materialet q? e ngarkojn? at? me p?rgjegj?si, respektimi i t? drejt?s p?r t?u d?gjuar dhe mbrojtur, si me an?n e dh?nies t? sqarimeve paraprake ashtu dhe gjat? shqyrtimit t? ??shtjes, jan? disa nga element?t baz? q? garantojn? t? drejt?n kushtetuese t? cilitdo p?r nj? proces t? rregullt, si nj? e drejt? themelore, c?nimin e s? cil?s, jurisprudenca e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese e ka identifikuar n? ?do rast, si shkelje t? Kushtetut?s. Duke ju referuar ??shtjes n? shqyrtim, Gjykat?s Kushtetuese i rezulton se Kuvendi, gjat? procedur?s s? ndjekur p?r shkarkimin nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m nuk i ?sht? p?rmbajtur pik?risht respektimin t? k?tyre standarteve. K?shtu Kuvendi i ka konsideruar t? mir?q?na t? gjitha akuzat e drejtuara ndaj k?rkuesit, duke u mb?shtetur vet?m n? diskutimet e deputet?ve, pa argumentuar shkeljet konkrekte, pa njoftuar rregullisht k?rkuesin p?r p?rmbajtjen e materialit n? ngarkim t? tij, pa i dh?n? koh?n e nevojshme p?r p?rgatitjen e mbrojtjes dhe pa e d?gjuar at? p?r t? parashtruar prap?simet rreth k?tyre akuzave. Konkretisht, seanca e debatit p?r shkarkim nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m u zhvillua n? mbasditen e dat?s 18.03.2002 dhe vazhdoi pa nd?rprerje deri n? or?t e para t? dat?s 19.03.2002. E gjith? procedura u zhvillua rreth nj? relacioni q? shoq?ronte projektvendimin, sepse vet?m n? t? e jo n? mocion p?rmendeshin shkaqet konkrete, p?r t? cilat k?rkohej shkarkimi i Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m nga detyra. Esht? e v?rtet? q? k?rkuesi ?sht? njoftuar nga Kryetari i Kuvendit me shkres?n nr.434/2, dat? 18.03.2002 p?r debatin q? do t? zhvillohej, por ky njoftim, q? m? shum? ?sht? nj? ftes? p?r t? asistuar n? Kuvend, iu dor?zua me mocionin p?rkat?s disa or? p?rpara debatit, pa u shoq?ruar me materialet p?r shkaqet konkrete n? ngarkim t? tij, p?r t? cilat ai k?rkohej t? shkarkohej nga detyra. Gjithashtu, krahas njoftimit t? m?sip?rm, n? t? nj?jt?n dat?, m? 18.03.2002, kur do t? zhvillohej mocioni p?r debat, k?rkuesit i ?sht? d?rguar nga Kuvendi nj? shkres? e dyt? me nr.683 Prot, me t? cil?n njoftohej se n? or?n 17.00 t? k?saj date, t? paraqitej n? Kuvend p?r shqyrtimin e nj? materiali t? prokuroris?, pra p?r nj? ??shtje tjet?r, q? nuk kishte lidhje me mocionin p?r shkarkimin nga detyra. N? k?t? m?nyr?, k?rkuesi ?sht? v?n? n? pamund?si reale p?r t? realizuar t? drejt?n e tij t? mbrojtjes. Pavar?sisht nga m?nyra e rregullimit n? Kushtetut? apo n?ligj t? procedurave p?r shkarkimin nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m, Gjykata Kushtetuese thekson se Kuvendi nuk pengohej t? adoptonte rregulla q? ai mendonte se ishin t? zbatueshme p?r rastin konkret, por gjithmon? duke respektuar parimin kushtetues, at? t? nj? procesi t? rregullt ligjor.Me k?to shkelje ?sht? pajtuar edhe Presidenti i Republik?s, i cili ka miratuar propozimin e Kuvendit p?r shkarkimin nga detyra t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Procedura e ndjekur nga Presidenti p?rmban t? nj?jt?t element? q? kan? c?nuar t? drejt?n p?r proces t? rregullt ligjor. K?rkuesi ?sht? thirrur nga Presidenti para dekretimit t? shkarkimit nga detyra, por nuk rezultoi q? ai t? jet? njohur m? par? me materialin q? p?rmbante shkaqet e shkarkimit t? tij nga detyra, apo q? t?i jet? dh?n? koha e nevojshme p?r t?u p?rgatitur p?r mbrojtje, me q?llim q? Presidenti i Republik?s, n? p?rputhje me Kushtetut?n, t? kishte mund?sin? p?r t? ushtruar kompetencat e tij vendimmarr?se ndaj vendimit propozues t? Kuvendit. Dekreti i Presidentit dhe Vendimi i Kuvendit, q? jan? objekt kund?rshtimi n? k?t? gjykim, ndon?se i p?rkasin dy organeve t? ndryshme kushtetuese, jan? t? lidhura me nj?ri-tjetrin dhe p?rfaq?sojn? nj? proces t? pandash?m. Megjithat? kjo lidhje jo vet?m nuk prek t? drejt?n e Presidentit q? t? verifikoj? vendimin e Kuvendit, por e presupozon dhe e b?n t? domosdosh?m k?t? verifikim. Ky q?ndrim ?sht? mbajtur nga Gjykata Kushtetuese n? vendimin e saj interpretues nr.75, dat? 19.04.2002, n? t? cilin thuhet se, p?rsa i p?rket nenit 149 pika 2 t? Kushtetut?s, "Gjykata Kushtetuese ?mon se ?sht? Presidenti i Republik?s organi kompetent i ngarkuar nga Kushtetuta p?r t? kryer nj? verifikim nga pik?pamja kushtetuese t? shkaqeve si dhe procedurave t? ndjekura nga Kuvedni p?r shkarkimin e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m. Ky konkluzion del nga m?nyra e formulimit t? k?tij neni kushtetues n? t? cilin p?rdorimi i shprehjes "mund t? shkarkohet" do t? thot? se vendimi i Kuvendit p?r propozimin e shkarkimit t? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m nuk ?sht? p?rfundimtar, por ?sht? vet?m inicimi i nj? procedure shkarkimi, bazueshm?ria n? ligj e n? Kushtetut? e t? cil?s vler?sohet n? k?t? rast nga Presidenti i Republik?s". Prandaj roli i Presidentit n? k?t? rast ?sht? p?rcaktues. Detyra e tij si p?rfaq?sues i unitetit t? popullit ?sht? t? mbikqyr? funksionimin normal t? mekanizmave kushtetuese, duke nd?rhyr? p?r eleminimin e mang?sive n? k?t? drejtim. Si konkluzion, duhet theksuar se Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk mori n? shqyrtim se sa t? bazuara n? ligj dhe n? fakt ishin aktet dhe sjelljet diskredituese t? pozit?s s? Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m, sepse ato kan? t? b?jn? me zgjidhjen n? themel t? ??shtjes konkrete. Ajo n? ushtrim t? plot? t? kompetencave t? saj shqyrtoi kushtetutshm?rin? e procedurave t? shkarkimit dhe konkludon se ato kan? qen? n? kund?rshtim me parimet kushtetuese. I p?rket Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris? t? riparoj? k?to shkelje, duke rishqyrtuar ??shtjen n? p?rputhje me parimet kushtetuese dhe normat e gjithpranuara nd?rkomb?tare p?r nj? proces t? rregullt ligjor. P?r k?to arsye Gjykata Kushtetuese e Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, duke u bazuar n? nenet 131, shkronja "f", 132, 134 t? Kushtetut?s s? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris? dhe n? nenin 72, t? ligjit nr.857 dat? 10.02.2000 "P?r organizimin dhe funksionimin e Gjykat?s Kushtetuese t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?", me shumic? votash, Vendosi Shfuqizimin si t? papajtuesh?m me Kushtetut?n e Republik?s s? Shqip?ris? t? Vendimit nr.20, dat? 19.03.2002 t? Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris? dhe t? Dekretit nr.3276, dat? 25.03.2002 t? Presidentit t? Republik?s. D?rgimin e ??shtjes p?r rishqyrtim Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris?. Ky vendim ?sht? p?rfundimtar, i form?s s? prer? dhe hyn n? fuqi dit?n e botimit n? Fletoren Zyrtare. Tiran?, m? 25.04.2002 Nr.78 i Regj.Themeltar Nr.76 i Vendimit --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Games - play chess, backgammon, pool and more -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Apr 28 16:51:40 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 28 Apr 2002 13:51:40 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koci ne Gazeten Shqiptare Message-ID: <20020428205140.6159.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Nano, nga nj? protagonist i mir?pritur n? l?vizjen p?r pastrim ?sht? shnd?rruar n? nj? komprmentues t? saj me q?ndrimet e tyre INTERVISTE/ Flet sekretari i PS: Meidanin nuk e shp?ton Dokle Ko?i: Nano gaboi kur rehabilitoi Angjelin --------------------------------- Altin Kreka TIRANE Petro Ko?i, sekretar organizativ i PS-s?, thot? se Nano gaboi q? rehabilitoi Angjelin dhe Mu?in. N? nj? intervist?, Ko?i thot? se dor?heqja e Namik Dokles nuk e shp?ton dot presidentin Meidani nga p?rgjegj?sia. Ai shpjegon iden? e tij se ky veprim i kryetarit t? Kuvendit mund t? riaktivizoj? interesat joparimore, q? mund t? d?mtojn? edhe qeverin?. Ko?i flet n? em?r t? l?vizjes p?r vet?pastrim n? PS, duke th?n? se ata nuk do t? lejojn? q? kjo qeveri t? d?mtohet si rrjedhoj? e pakteve q? mund t? jen? b?r? nga p?rfaq?sues n? PS. Nd?rsa p?r kryetarin e PS-s?, ai shprehet se Nano e ka kompromentuar r?nd? veten e tij me rehabilitimin q? u b?ri disa emrave n? PS. Dor?heqja e kryetarit t? Kuvendit mund t? sjell? ndonj? kriz? dhe ?far? pasojash mund t? ket? ajo mbi qeverin? apo edhe n?institucione t? tjera? "Rasti i shkarkimit t? prokurorit t? p?rgjithsh?m dhe em?rimi i prokurorit t? ri n? politik?n shqiptare jan? sh?nuar si disa dukuri q?, megjith?se mund t? konsideroheshin si moderne, n? fakt kan? sjell? nj? kompromentim t? saj. Kompromentim q? p?rfshin shumic?n e forcave politike, por kryesisht PS-n? dhe PD-n? n? segmente t? caktuara t? saj, sepse shkarkimi i Rakipit u b? p?r shkak t? bashkimit t? interesave joparimore t? segmenteve t? implikuara n? forcat kryesore t? spektrit politik. Por, nd?rsa m? PS pati nj? reagim nga baza dhe an?tar?sia e saj n? PD nuk pati reagim t? till?, sepse autoritarizimi mbetet dominues n? k?t? parti. Riv?nia e dinjitetit kushtetues nga Gjykata Kushtetuese natyrisht q? ka sjell? reagime te pal?t e implikuara dhe, po t? shikosh, ato jan? v?rtet m? agresive, duke filluar q? nga Berisha dhe deri te Meidani dhe te t? tjer?. Spektakli i dor?heqjes s? Dokles, e cila mbetet p?r t'u b?r? v?rtet?sisht ekzekutive, nuk mund t? mbuloj? k?t? implikim dhe sidomos nuk mund t? mbuloj? p?rgjegj?sin? e Meidanit, sepse ai ?sht? p?rgjegj?si kryesor. Nga pik?pamja kushtetuese ?sht? ai q? vendos dhe ka targ?n p?r t? ekzekutuar nj? q?ndrim t? till? apo kompromentim t? spektrit politik. Pavar?sisht nga k?to q? po ndodhin, p?rgjigjja e Meidanit mbetet n? shesh t? vler?simit politik dhe do t? jet? n? thelbin e konsiderimit ton?, n?se ai do t? ket? kurajon p?r t? kandiduar s?rish p?r president i Republik?s. Esht? normale t? mendohet n?se dor?heqja e Dokles sjell kriza t? m?tejshme. Jo vet?m si dor?heqje nuk sjell kriz?, por mbase p?r interesat joparimore q? mund t? rishfaqen n? gjith? spektrin politik. Kjo mund t? v?r? n? rrezik funksionimin e qeveris? dhe p?rb?rjen e saj dhe shenjat p?r k?t? jan? dh?n?. Ka disa koh? q? protagonist? t? ndrysh?m ish-qeveritar? jan? duke sulmuar qeverin? "Majko". Natyrisht, n? k?t? kor ?sht? edhe Berisha. Mund t? ket? edhe interesa t? tjera, pakte t? pashpallura q? mund t? rrezikojn? qeverin?. Un? dua t? b?j t? qart? se nuk mund t? ket? nj? qeveri t? re, pa nj? konsensus t? t? gith? faktor?ve n? PS. Dhe un? mund t? them n? em?r t? nj? grupi t? fuqish?m q? promovon l?vizjen p?r pastrim t? politik?s, se ne nuk do t? pranojm? asnj? ndryshim n? qeveri dhe asnj? c?nim p?r k?t? qeveri, q? mund t? vijn? nga pakte t? fshehta dhe t? pashpallura". Kush i b?n k?to pakte? "Kam parasysh faktor?t q? lidhjen me karrigen qeveritare, e kan? lidhje patologjike". Do ta mb?shtes? l?vizja juaj nj? kandidim t? kryetarit Nano? "Dua t? sqaroj se pozicionet dhe q?ndrimet e fundit t? Nanos jan? kompromentuese p?r t?. Nga nj? protagonist i mir?pritur n? l?vizjen p?r pastrim ?sht? shnd?rruar n? nj? komprmentues t? saj me q?ndrimet e tyre. Un? nuk jam q? Nano t? rihap? konflikte duke u marr? me emra t? caktuar n? PS, por disa p?rpjekje p?r t? rehabilituar emra n? m?nyr? artificiale jan? kompromentuese p?r at? dhe p?r kandidat?t p?r rehabilitim. Mund t? them q? Nano nuk ?sht? pjes? e l?vizjes son?. Kemi nj? vet?p?rjashtim t? tij, ne e prit?m, por ai u p?rjashtua. Lidhur me kandidimin e mundsh?m t? tij, ne presim q? kandidatura t? shpallet zyrtarisht dhe do t? pozicionohemi vet?m n? at? moment dhe kandidaturat shpallen n?p?rmjet kryesin? n? KPD". K?rc?nohet qeveria nga rehabilitimet q? u b?ri Nano disa ish-ministrave q? i kishte sulmuar? "Qeverin? mund ta rrezikojn? paktet e fshehta dhe bashkimi i interesave personale t? faktor?ve t? caktuar n? PS. Se kush mund t? jen? k?ta, do e provoj? koha. Ne do t? p?rpiqemi q? kjo t? mos ndodh?". Vendimi i Kushtetueses ?sht? i detyruesh?m? "Kur flet Gjykata Kushtetuese t? tjer?t duhet t? heshtin dhe ta respektojn?. S'jam me gjuh?n emocionale, por nuk besoj se Parlamenti do t'i K?rkoj? falje ndokujt. Vet?m vendimi i gjykat?s i k?rkoi falje Kushtetut?s". --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Apr 28 17:49:38 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 28 Apr 2002 14:49:38 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Planespotters Message-ID: <20020428214938.64431.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> The New York Times April 28, 2002, Sunday, Late Edition - Final Section 1; Page 4; Column 1; Foreign Desk Plane-Spotters Found Guilty In Greek Court In Secrets Case By WARREN HOGE LONDON, April 27 A group of British tourists pursuing their hobby of plane-spotting, a pastime as peculiar to Britain and incomprehensible to some foreigners as playing cricket and drinking warm beer, found themselves convicted in a Greek court on Friday on charges of obtaining national secrets. Judge Potoula Fotopoulou in Kalamata, an olive-growing seaside town in southern Greece, showed no sympathy for their argument that they were taking part in an innocent sport. She found eight members of the group guilty of "illegally obtaining state secrets" and six others guilty of aiding them. The first eight defendants were sentenced to three years in jail and the six others to one-year suspended sentences. They were permitted to leave Greece, and they all returned home today. They could be called back for appeal hearings. "I didn't think this could happen in the 21st century in a European country," one of the men, Michael Bursell, 47, of Hull in northeastern England, said on hearing the verdict. Reactions in Britain included incredulity and outrage. Brian Jenkins, a Labor member of Parliament whose constituent Wayne Groves, 38, of Tamworth in Staffordshire, was among the guilty, said, "This is a farce, or rather a Greek tragedy." Plane-spotting and its humbler relative, train-spotting, attract thousands of devotees in Britain. Men and women can be seen at the ends of railroad station platforms with their notebooks and pencils or lined up like soccer spectators alongside landing-strip fences at major airports with their binoculars and listening devices, recording with deliberation and the occasional moment of jubilation the serial numbers and models of locomotives and aircraft. The 14 plane-spotters, 2 of whom are Dutch, were arrested in November at a military base air show to which they had been invited. They were originally charged with the more serious crime of espionage, which carries a 20-year sentence, and held in prison for five weeks. After a flurry of diplomatic exchanges between London and Athens, they were released on bail, and the charges were reduced to "obtaining national secrets." Before their arrests, the group had toured seven Greek air bases, two aircraft museums and a plane scrapyard. Greece bans photography of military installations, and officials there said suspicions were aroused that the visitors were collecting information for neighboring Turkey, Greece's historic enemy. They had returned this week to stand trial, confident that Britain and Greece, both members of the European Union and allies in NATO, would work out a face-saving way to end the encounter. "Greece was supposed to be the birthplace of democracy and justice," said Julie Wilson, wife of another defendant, Christopher Wilson, 46, from Gatwick in West Sussex. Downing Street said on Friday that Prime Minister Tony Blair was closely following the events. "The government has always believed that the response to this case has been disproportionate," a spokesman said. Nikos Papadakis, the spokesman for the Greek Embassy in London, countered, "By all accounts, it was a fair trial." Stephen Jakobi, director of Fair Trials Abroad, said the verdict could have wide repercussions. "I've forecast all along that if the Greeks got this one wrong," he said, "the shock waves would be felt throughout Europe." === Independent on Sunday (London) April 28, 2002, Sunday NEWS; Pg. 11 SPOTTERS SAY THEY WILL APPEAL TO EUROPEAN COURT Jm Paul Coppin: 'decision was made before court hearing' By James Morrison Twelve British plane-spotters convicted in Greece of spying charges returned home yesterday - and immediately vowed to clear their names. Arriving at Luton airport looking dazed and demoralised, they said that they were "horrified" and "devastated" by the judge's decision to sentence six of their number, along with two Dutchmen, to three years in jail. And they declared that they were prepared to take their case all the way to the European courts in pursuit of justice. Paul Coppin, the 45-year-old tour organiser, of Mildenhall, Suffolk, said: "Obviously we are going to appeal, and if we have to take it all the way to the European Court of Justice, then that is what we will do. Even our lawyer, who never seemed to stop talking, was left speechless when the verdict was read out." He added: "We're very angry with the way things went in court. We feel there's been a serious miscarriage of justice. I think the decision had been made before we went into court; our defence was very good." Mr Coppin said that the group would be urging the British Government to put political pressure on Greek ministers to overturn the guilty verdicts. His wife, Lesley, 51, who was one of six plane-spotters to receive a one-year suspended sentence, said: "We have all been left completely devastated by what has happened, and to be quite honest, if I never go to Greece again, or even hear the word, I will be quite happy." The plane-spotters were arrested on suspicion of espionage during an air show held at the Kalamata air base, in southern Greece, last November. They were held in custody for several weeks before being released on pounds 9,000 bail, on condition that they return at a later date to face charges of gathering secret information. While the Greek military alleged that aircraft serial numbers contained in notes taken by members of the group constituted classified information, trial witnesses argued that most of the details were already available in the public domain. == SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) April 28, 2002, Sunday April 28, 2002, Sunday Pg. 24 The Greeks don't have a word for plane-crazy By Kevin Myers Seldom can a collision of cultures produce such a bizarre outcome as the imprisonment for up three years by a court in Greece of the eight British and Dutch plane-spotters. There is almost no meeting between the minds of the accused and the accusers. On the one hand, from a searing climate you have a people who have been in various states of war with their neighbour for the best part of two centuries; and on the other hand you have a group of anoraks from wet and foggy meridians snooping around militarily sensitive air-bases, taking notes. This latter activity is not merely unknown in Greece. It is incomprehensible. And not even the past-time itself, but the very concept to which it belongs is beyond a Greek's understanding. I don't know the Greek for "hobby", but I wager that if it does exist, it is the same as the French and German words for hobby, which are both "hobby". For the very notion of a "hobby", like anorak, belongs almost uniquely to males from a sodden island in the North Sea; trying to describe it to a woman judge in a Mediterranean culture is rather like explaining interplanetary travel to an oyster. The subject of plane-spotting was not the only cultural difference. Throughout the trial in Kalamata, witnesses and lawyers shouted at one another, mobile phones rang and were freely and volubly answered, and in the public gallery conversations continued as if in a cafe, a babble presided over by Judge Poutala Fotopoulou - apparently a dead ringer for Ann Widdecombe - in evident incredulity. Furthermore, this trial took place in a unique context. It has to be remembered that Greece is no ordinary country. The relationships between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland is Noddy and Bigears in comparison to the feelings between Turks and Greeks. Mutual loathing is an obsession; it is the grain around which each shapes the pearl of its identity, especially so for the Greeks, who are almost pathological in their loathing of Turks. Greek air-space is daily buzzed as a matter routine by Turkey, and Greece fighters regularly challenge Turkish air-defences, and do so repeatedly until missile systems are locked on. For strangers to wander around military airfields in the region noting down numbers and types of combat aircraft in such a climate of near-war could only mean one thing to the Greek airforce mind, especially since one of the visitors had not long before been a guest of the Turkish military. Actually, you don't have to be especially cosmopolitan to understand this. At the height of the Cold War, and even allowing for the British comprehension of this strange thing , the "hobby", how would RAF police have responded if parties of Greek planspotters had wandered around RAF bases noting the numbers and dispositions of V-bombers? Probably pretty swiftly and unceremoniously. Where you have military uncertainty, the failure to respond even to trivial provocation is seen to invite further provocation - hence the daily lock-on of missile systems over the Aegean. This isn't just a Greek-Turkish characteristic. Wasn't the failure to apprehend some unauthorised scrap-metal merchants in the Falklands just over 20 years later adjudged to have been a contributory factor to the Argentinian invasion? And wasn't much of the Cold War itself conducted over the North Sea, as long range Russian Bear bombers skirted British airspace, goading RAF Lightnings? So military neurosis might help explain the arrests, and even the subsequent charges, of the Kalamata Eight, though I would dearly have loved to have seen the looks on the Greek air force officers' faces as they listened incredulously to the plane-spotters' accounts of their hobbies. But it doesn't explain the ludicrous findings of the court, nor the savage sentences it handed out. And the conviction of the poor, bored grandmother Leslie Coppin, who spent her time in a car doing crosswords, for aiding and abetting the "spying" is simply grotesque. This is where cultures do not collide, but simply fail to make contact. I am completely unable to see what the judge apparently perceives with crystal clarity. And this is the way of the world: outsiders are often utterly beyond enlightenment with the cultural norms of other societies. The Kalamata Eight - I would guess - would have difficulty understanding the Faroe Islanders' enthusiasm for the harpooning of helpless whales in crowded bays, or the Spanish delight in the ornamental despatch of a bull, or the Brazilian passion for vast semi-nude carnivals, or even the Greek passion for well-groomed elegance, for male posturing and for women with blonde hair and jet-black Groucho Marx moustaches where other people have eyebrows. What would the Greek "Ann Widdecombe" make of an English fox-hunt, or rissoles, or rugby league, or fell-walking, or Black Rod, or a five day cricket test match, or canal-angling, or the Highland games in the rain, or deep-fried battered Mars bars, or Hampstead Heath at midnight, or the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, or Dad's Army? And most perplexing of all, what on earth would she make of the English Ann Widdecombe? [PS]Features: [ES] Letter to the Editor: === Sunday Mirror April 28, 2002, Sunday NEWS; Pg. 19 WE'LL FLIGHT ON; PLANESPOTTERS BRANDED AS SPIES VOW THEY'LL GET JUSTICE Lucy Lawrence RELIEF: Steven Rush is back with daughter Isla, three, yesterday;; HOME: Lesley Coppin arrives back at Luton; SHATTERED: Michael Bursell hugs his wife; DREAM: A boyhood hobby has become a living nightmare for Paul; Coppin BODY: THE planespotters branded spies by a Greek judge flew back into Britain yesterday and admitted: "This is not the homecoming we were hoping for." Tour organiser Paul Coppin said: "It was a travesty and a set-up. The Greeks knew they were going to convict us even before we got into court." Six members of the group including Mr Coppin were jailed for three years by a court in Kalamata, southern Greece. The other six were given one-year suspended sentences following their arrest near a Greek air base last November. Lawyers for the 12 have already lodged an appeal against their sentences. The group will be allowed to remain in Britain pending their appeal - but face paying thousands more in legal costs as they try to clear their names. There were emotional scenes as the group arrived back at Luton Airport were met by family and friends. Among them was Steven Rush, 38, found guilty of aiding and abetting, who was reunited with his three-year-old daughter Isla. Mr Coppin's wife Lesley, of Mildenhall, Suffolk, who was given a suspended sentence,vowed: "If the appeal fails then we'll take the case to Europe. This was not a decision based on the evidence, it was based on the whim of a small town court." Mrs Coppin, who said her husband had been keen on planes since he was a boy, added: "It'll be a struggle but we will take this all the way. The convictions are ridiculous. "We have all been left completely devastated by what has happened and to be quite honest if I never go to Greece, or even hear the word again, I will be quite happy." Fellow planespotter Graham Arnold, who faces three years in jail, added: "There is a real fear that six of us may have to go back to prison. "We spent five weeks in one last year - it's Hell. And the financial burden is horrific, I'm getting poorer by the day." The group already face legal and administrative costs of pounds 17,000 each. Mr Arnold, from Ottershaw in Surrey, said: "Since we were released last year I've been plane spotting in Scotland, Wales, Germany and France. Every other European country recognises the hobby. The Greeks really should drag themselves into the 21st Century. They did have a Greek word for plane spotting in court, so they know it exists. This was a fit-up". The group spent 37 days in jail before being allowed back to Britain to await trial. Since their arrests they have consistently claimed they were only pursuing their hobby. But the court decided the six, who had been jotting down aircraft numbers, were spying. The other six were found guilty of aiding and abetting. A Downing Street spokesman said Tony Blair was "closely" following the case and that the Greek response to it had been "disproportional". Stephen Jakobi, of Fair Trials Abroad, urged the group to forget about taking the case to a higher Greek court and instead concentrate on the European courts. "I don't believe there is a cat in hell's chance of getting anywhere in the Greek courts," he said. === SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) April 28, 2002, Sunday Pg. 05 Planespotters 'facing financial ruin' Defendants' costs of pounds 16,000 each to rise as they vow to appeal against convictions BY DAVID HARRISON THE BRITISH planespotters convicted of spying in Greece said yesterday that they were facing financial ruin as well as the prospect of spending years in jail. The 12, who arrived back in Britain yesterday morning, nevertheless vowed to find enough money to take their appeal to the European Court of Human Rights, if necessary, in their fight to clear their names. Paul Coppin, 46, from Mildenhall, Suffolk, the leader of the group, said that the verdicts were a "disaster" because of the costs involved: "We have got to find huge legal fees again and I don't know how we will do that." The planespotters have already spent nearly pounds 17,000 each in administration and legal costs since they were detained last November. They are each likely to face further costs of at least pounds 10,000. They were held in prison for almost six weeks before being allowed to return to Britain on pounds 9,000 bail each. Yesterday, most of them said they had no idea how they will pay. Six of the Britons were jailed for three years by three women judges at Kalamata district court, while the others were given one-year suspended sentences for aiding and abetting. They were arrested after some had taken down aircraft numbers and used a radio scanner at an airforce open day in Kalamata last November. Lawyers for the aviation enthusiasts immediately announced their intention to appeal, after the two-day hearing, allowing those with custodial sentences to return home. They flew into Luton airport after a two-and-half hour flight from Athens. As they emerged into the terminal, the group angrily denounced the court's verdict as "scandalous", "shambolic" and "a gross miscarriage of justice". Mr Coppin, who received a three-year sentence, said: "We all feel shattered by the verdict. The judges had made up their minds before the trial had even started. "I was horrified by what went on. There was no evidence against us and we were convinced we would win. We were shocked by the verdicts. There was no way that we had a fair trial. They convicted us just to save the face of the Greek airforce." Mr Coppin's wife, Leslie, 51, said that the group would appeal even though it could take up to two years. "The fight goes on," she said. "We will take this all the way to the European Court if we have to." Asked if she had faith in Greek justice, Mrs Coppin said: "We have to appeal through the Greek system first but I would like to have an assurance that the judge will look at the evidence and not just worry about preventing the Greek airforce from looking silly." Yesterday, the crippling costs of the case were an additional concern. The first legal bill for each spotter, covering costs up to December, was for more than pounds 3,000 and they managed to pay this only with help from family, friends and loans. On top of that came the pounds 9,000 bail. Some of the spotters were assisted by newspapers; others again had to use savings or appeal to family. On Friday, during a recess, the planespotters were presented with another legal bill, for more than pounds 4,000. Mr Coppin said: "There are no wealthy people among us. Most of us have no idea where the next pounds 4,000 will come from. The appeal will only add to the bill and this case could bring financial disaster to the members of our group." Mike Bursell, 47, from Swanland, near Hull, said he raised the first pounds 3,000 legal bill and pounds 9,000 bail with help from his family and friends. "I don't know how we will pay the pounds 4,000," he said. Mr Bursell said that the extra bill and the prospect of even more charges gave the planespotters another reason to fight on. "We need to obtain justice and that will also help us to recoup some of the outlay." Peter Norris, 53, an export manager from Uxbridge, Middlesex, said that planespotting was an innocent pastime. "To call it spying is ridiculous. The information they accused us of gathering illegally is freely available on the Internet." Mr Norris said that he would not boycott Greece but added that it was "not a good idea" to go on holiday there. "It's not a safe place where the legal system is concerned," he said. Downing Street said that Tony Blair had raised the case with Costas Simitis, the Greek prime minister. Mr Blair's official spokesman said: "The Government has always believed that the [judicial] response to this case has been disproportionate." A spokesman for the Greek Embassy in London said that the trial had been fair. He said: "I believe that the judiciary carried out the task in a very civilised way." --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From vanchristo at frosina.org Tue Apr 23 12:00:01 2002 From: vanchristo at frosina.org (vanchristo at frosina.org) Date: Tue, 23 Apr 2002 16:00:01 UT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Butrint, an Albanian archaeological wonder, is featured in Leisure & Travel Magazine Message-ID: <200204231600.MAA27949@otis.ziplink.net> An embedded and charset-unspecified text was scrubbed... Name: not available URL: From askende at ati.com Thu Apr 25 18:33:13 2002 From: askende at ati.com (Andi Skende) Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2002 18:33:13 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: Very touching ....but to be fair, let's compare them to the pictures from Haifa, downtown Jerusalem or Tel-Aviv showing decapitated or dismembered bodies of teenagers, mothers and babies after a suicide bombing. I wonder why we do not see much of those....probably because one side has the victim's mentality and always acting as the victim. They are also very good in manipulating the western media (especially the European one) that loves to show the ruins of a building in Jenin even when they very well know that a fight between armed terrorists and IDF took place in that building. But "a naive" western viewer does not see that....all he sees is a ruined building. Jenin was not like that three weeks ago and there were no Israeli troops in Jenin three weeks ago. One things is for sure ....four weeks ago..innocent Israelis were being slaughtered in shopping malls, restaurants and disco bars, day in and day out, by suicide bombers. Why aren't UN and liberal europeans talking about that ? -----Original Message----- From: LittleStonedSinfulNaggingNymph [mailto:jetkoti at hotmail.com] Sent: Thursday, April 25, 2002 5:39 PM To: albsa-info at alb-net.com Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Once upon a time in Jenin What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin? Just as the world is giving up hope of learning the truth, Justin Huggler and Phil Reeves have unearthed compelling evidence of an atrocity 25 April 2002 Internal links Nurse shot through heart and man in wheelchair among Jenin dead Leading article: Israel must not be allowed to upset the Jenin investigation Israeli tanks enter Hebron The thought was as unshakable as the stench wafting from the ruins. Was this really about counterterrorism? Was it revenge? Or was it an episode - the nastiest so far - in a long war by Ariel Sharon, the staunch opponent of the Oslo accords, to establish Israel's presence in the West Bank as permanent, and force the Palestinians into final submission? A neighbourhood had been reduced to a moonscape, pulverised under the tracks of bulldozers and tanks. A maze of cinder-block houses, home to about 800 Palestinian families, had disappeared. What was left - the piles of broken concrete and scattered belongings - reeked. The rubble in Jenin reeked, literally, of rotting human corpses, buried underneath. But it also gave off the whiff of wrongdoing, of an army and a government that had lost its bearings. "This is horrifying beyond belief," said the United Nations' Middle East envoy, Terje Roed-Larsen, as he gazed at the scene. He called it a "blot that will forever live on the history of the state of Israel" - a remark for which he was to be vilified by Israelis. Even the painstakingly careful United States envoy, William Burns, was unusually outspoken as he trudged across the ruins. "It's obvious that what happened in Jenin refugee camp has caused enormous suffering for thousands of innocent Palestinian civilians," he said. The Israeli army insists that its devastating invasion of the refugee camp in Jenin earlier this month was intended to root out the infrastructure of the Palestinian militias, particularly the authors of an increasingly vicious series of suicide attacks on Israelis. It now says the dead were mostly fighters. And, as always - although its daily behaviour in the occupied territories contradicts this claim - it insists that it did everything possible to protect civilians. But The Independent has unearthed a different story. We have found that, while the Israeli operation clearly dealt a devastating blow to the militant organisations - in the short term, at least - nearly half of the Palestinian dead who have been identified so far were civilians, including women, children and the elderly. They died amid a ruthless and brutal Israeli operation, in which many individual atrocities occurred, and which Israel is seeking to hide by launching a massive propaganda drive. The assault on Jenin refugee camp by Israel's armed forces began early on 3 April. One week earlier, 30 miles to the west in the Israeli coastal town of Netanya, a Hamas suicide bomber had walked into a hotel and blown up a roomful of people as they were sitting down to celebrate the Passover feast. This horrific slaughter on one of the holiest days in the Jewish calendar killed 28 people, young and old, making it the worst Palestinian attack of the intifada, a singularly evil moment even by the standards of the long conflict between the two peoples. Ariel Sharon, Israel's premier, and his ministers responded by activating a plan that had long lain on his desk. Operation Defensive Shield was to become the largest military offensive by Israel since the 1967 war. Jenin refugee camp was high on the list of targets. Home to about 13,000 people, it was the heartland of violent resistance to Israel's 35-year occupation. The graffiti-covered walls bellowed the slogans of Hamas, Fatah and Islamic Jihad; radical Islamists and secular nationalists worked side by side, burying differences in the name of the intifada. According to Israel, 23 suicide bombers had come out of the camp, which was a centre for bomb-making. Yet there were also many, many civilians. People such as Atiya Rumeleh, Afaf Desuqi and Ahmad Hamduni. The army was expecting a swift victory. It had overwhelming superiority of arms - 1,000 infantrymen, mostly reservists, accompanied by Merkava tanks, armoured vehicles, bulldozers and Cobra helicopters, armed with missiles and heavy machine guns. Ranged against this force were about 200 Palestinians, with members of the militias - Hamas, al-Aqsa brigades and Islamic Jihad - fighting alongside Yasser Arafat's security forces, mostly armed with Kalashnikovs and explosives. The fight put up by the Palestinians shocked the soldiers. Eight days after entering, the Israeli army finally prevailed, but at a heavy price. Twenty-three soldiers were killed, 13 of them wiped out by an ambush, and an unknown number of Palestinians died. And a large residential area - 400m by 500m - lay utterly devastated; scenes that the Israeli authorities knew at once would outrage the world as soon as they hit the TV screens. "We were not expecting them to fight so well," said one exhausted-looking Israeli reservist as he packed up to head home. Journalists and humanitarian workers were kept away for five more days while the Israeli army cleaned up the area, after the serious fighting ended on 10 April. The Independent spent five days conducting long, detailed interviews of survivors among the ruins of the refugee camp, accompanied by Peter Bouckaert, a senior researcher for the Human Rights Watch organisation. Many of the interviews were conducted in buildings that were on the verge of collapse, in living rooms where one entire wall had been ripped off by the bulldozers and that were open to the street. An alarming picture has emerged of what took place. So far, 50 of the dead have been identified. The Independent has a list of names. Palestinians were happy, even proud, to tell us which of the dead were fighters for Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Al-Aqsa brigades; which belonged to their security forces; and which were civilians. They identified nearly half as civilians. Not all the civilians were cut down in crossfire. Some, according to eyewitness accounts, were deliberately targeted by Israeli forces. Sami Abu Sba'a told us how his 65-year-old father, Mohammed Abu Sba'a, was shot dead by Israeli soldiers after he warned the driver of an approaching bulldozer that his house was packed with families sheltering from the fighting. The bulldozer turned back, said Mr Abu Sba'a - but his father was almost immediately shot in the chest where he stood. Israeli troops also shot dead a Palestinian nurse as she tried to help a wounded man. Hani Rumeleh, a 19-year-old civilian, had been shot as he tried to look out of his front door. Fadwa Jamma, a nurse staying with her sister in a house nearby, heard Hani's screaming and came to help. Her sister, Rufaida Damaj, who also ran to help, was wounded but survived. From her bed in Jenin hospital, she told us what happened. "We were woken at 3.30 in the morning by a big explosion," she said. "I heard that one guy was wounded outside our house. So my sister and I went to do our duty and to help the guy and give him first aid. There were some guys from the resistance outside and we had to ask them before we moved anywhere. I told them that my sister was a nurse, I asked them to let us go to the wounded. "Before I had finished talking to the guys the Israelis started shooting. I got a bullet in my leg and I fell down and broke my knee. My sister tried to come and help me. I told her, 'I'm wounded.' She said, 'I'm wounded too.' She had been shot in the side of her abdomen. Then they shot her again in the heart. I asked where she was wounded but she didn't answer, she made a terrible sound and tried to breathe three times." Ms Jamma was wearing a white nurse's uniform clearly marked with a red crescent, the emblem of Palestinian medical workers, when the soldiers shot her. Ms Damaj said the soldiers could clearly see the women because they were standing under a bright light, and could hear their cries for help because they were "very near". As Ms Damaj shouted to the Palestinian fighters to get help, the Israeli soldiers fired again: a second bullet went up through her leg into her chest. Eventually an ambulance was allowed through to rescue Ms Damaj. Her sister was already dead. It was to be one of the last times an ambulance was allowed near the wounded in Jenin camp until after the battle ended. Hani Rumeleh was taken to hospital, but he was dead. For his stepmother, however, the tragedy had only just begun; the next day, her 44-year-old husband Atiya, also a civilian, was killed. As she told his story, her orphaned children clung to her side. "There was shooting all around the house. At about 5pm I went to check the building. I told my husband two bombs had come into the house. He went to check. After two minutes he called me to come, but he was having difficulty calling. I went with the children. He was still standing. In my life I've never seen the way he looked at me. He said, 'I'm wounded', and started bleeding from his mouth and nose. The children started crying, and he fell down. I asked him what happened but he couldn't talk. "His eyes went to the children. He looked at them one by one. Then he looked at me. Then all his body was shaking. When I looked, there was a bullet in his head. I tried to call an ambulance, I was screaming for anybody to call an ambulance. One came but it was sent back by the Israelis." It was Thursday 4 April, and the blockade against recovering the wounded had begun. With the fighting raging outside, Ms Rumeleh could not go out of the house to fetch help. Eventually she made a rope out of headscarves and lowered her seven-year-old son Mohammed out of the back window to go and seek help. The family, fearful of being shot if they ventured out, were trapped indoors with the body for a week. A few doors away, we heard the story of Afaf Desuqi. Her sister, Aysha, told us how the 52-year-old woman was killed when the Israeli soldiers detonated a mine to blow the door of her house open. Ms Desuqi had heard the soldiers coming and gone to open the door. She showed us the remains of the mine, a large metal cylinder. The family screamed for an ambulance, but none was allowed through. Ismehan Murad, another neighbour, told us the soldiers had been using her as a human shield when they blew the front door off the Desuqi house. They came to the young woman's house first, and ordered her to go ahead of them, so that they would not be fired on. Jamal Feyed died after being buried alive in the rubble. His uncle, Saeb Feyed, told us that 37-year-old Jamal was mentally and physically disabled, and could not walk. The family had already moved him from house to house to avoid the fighting. When Mr Feyed saw an Israeli bulldozer approaching the house where his nephew was, he ran to warn the driver. But the bulldozer ploughed into the wall of the house, which collapsed on Jamal. Although they evacuated significant numbers of civilians, the Israelis made use of others as human shields. Rajeh Tawafshi, a 72-year-old man, told us that the soldiers tied his hands and made him walk in front of them as they searched house to house. Moments before, they had shot dead Ahmad Hamduni, a man in his eighties, before Mr Tawafshi's eyes. Mr Hamduni had sought shelter in Mr Tawafshi's house, but the Israeli soldiers had blown the door open. Part of the metal door landed next to the two men. Mr Hamduni was hunched with age, and Mr Tawafshi thinks the soldiers may have mistakenly thought he was wearing a suicide-bomb belt. They shot him on sight. Even children were not immune from the Israeli onslaught. Faris Zeben, a 14-year-old boy, was shot dead by Israeli soldiers in cold blood. There was not even any fighting at the time. The curfew on Jenin had been lifted for a few hours and the boy went to buy groceries. This was on Thursday 11 April. Faris's eight-year-old brother, Abdel Rahman, was with him when he died. Nervously picking at his cardigan, his eyes on the ground, the child told us what happened. "It was me and Faris and one other boy, and some women I didn't know. Faris told me to go home but I refused. We were going in front of the tank. Then we saw the front of the tank move towards us and I was scared. Faris told me to go home but I refused. The tank started shooting and Faris and the other boy ran away. I fell down. I saw Faris fall down, I thought he just fell. Then I saw blood on the ground so I went to Faris. Then two of the women came and put Faris in a car." Abdel Rahman showed us where it happened. We paced it out: the tank had been about 80m away. He said there was only one burst of machine-gun fire. He imitated the sound it made. The soldiers in the tank gave no warning, he said. And after they shot Faris they did nothing. Fifteen-year-old Mohammed Hawashin was shot dead as he tried to walk through the camp. Aliya Zubeidi told us how she was on her way to the hospital to see the body of her son Ziad, a militant from the Al-Aqsa brigades, who had been killed in the fighting. Mohammed accompanied her. "I heard shooting," said Ms Zubeidi. "The boy was sitting in the door. I thought he was hiding from the bullets. Then he said, 'Help.' We couldn't do anything for him. He had been shot in the face." In a deserted road by the periphery of the refugee camp, we found the flattened remains of a wheelchair. It had been utterly crushed, ironed flat as if in a cartoon. In the middle of the debris lay a broken white flag. Durar Hassan told us how his friend, Kemal Zughayer, was shot dead as he tried to wheel himself up the road. The Israeli tanks must have driven over the body, because when Mr Hassan found it, one leg and both arms were missing, and the face, he said, had been ripped in two. Mr Zughayer, who was 58, had been shot and wounded in the first Palestinian intifada. He could not walk, and had no work. Mr Hassan showed us the pitiful single room where his friend lived, the only furnishing a filthy mattress on the floor. Mr Zughayer used to wheel himself to the petrol station where Mr Hassan worked every day, because he was lonely. Mr Hassan did his washing; it was he who put the white flag on Mr Zughayer's wheelchair. "After 4pm I pushed him up to the street as usual," said Mr Hassan. "Then I heard the tanks coming, there were four or five. I heard shooting, and I thought they were just firing warning shots to tell him to move out of the middle of the road." It was not until the next morning that Mr Hassan went to check what had happened. He found the flattened wheelchair in the road, and Mr Zughayer's mangled body some distance away, in the grass. The Independent has more such accounts. There simply is not enough space to print them all. Mr Bouckaert, the Human Rights Watch researcher, who is preparing a report, said the sheer number of these accounts was convincing. "We've carried out extensive interviews in the camp, and the testimonies of dozens of witnesses are entirely consistent with each other about the extent and the types of abuses that were carried out in the camp," said Mr Bouckaert, who has investigated human-rights abuses in a dozen war zones, including Rwanda, Kosovo and Chechnya. "Over and over again witnesses have been giving similar accounts of atrocities that were committed. Many of the people who were killed were young children or elderly people. Even in the cases of young men; in Palestinian society, relatives are quite forthcoming when young men are fighters. They take pride that their young men are so-called 'martyrs'. When Palestinian families claim their killed relatives were civilians we give a high degree of credibility to that." The events at Jenin - which have passed almost unquestioned inside Israel - have created a crisis in Israel's relations with the outside world. Questions are now being asked increasingly in Europe over whether Ariel Sharon is, ultimately, fighting a "war on terror", or whether he is trying to inflict a defeat that will end all chance of a Palestinian state. These suspicions grew still stronger this week as pictures emerged of the damage inflicted by the Israeli army elsewhere in the West Bank during the operation: the soldiers deliberately trashed institutions of Palestinian statehood, such as the ministries of health and education. To counter the international backlash, the Israeli government has launched an enormous public-relations drive to justify the operation in Jenin. Their efforts have been greatly helped by the Palestinian leadership, who instantly, and without proof, declared that a massacre had occurred in which as many as 500 died. Palestinian human-rights groups made matters worse by churning out wild, and clearly untrue, stories. No holds are barred in the Israeli PR counterattack. The army - realising that many journalists will not bother, or are unable, to go to Jenin - has even made an Orwellian attempt to alter the hard, physical facts on the ground. It has announced that the published reports of the devastated area are exaggerated, declaring it to be a mere 100m square - about one-twentieth of its true area. One spokesman, Major Rafi Lederman, a brigade chief of staff, told a press conference on Saturday that the Israeli armed forces did not fire missiles from its Cobra helicopters - a claim dismissed by a Western military expert who has toured the wrecked camp with one word: "Bollocks." There were, said the major, "almost no innocent civilians" - also untrue. The chief aim of the PR campaign has been to redirect the blame elsewhere. Israeli officials accuse UNWRA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, for allowing a "terrorist infrastructure" to evolve in a camp under its administration without raising the alarm. UNWRA officials wearily point out that it does not administer the camp; it provides services, mainly schools and clinics. The Israeli army has lashed out at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Palestinian Red Crescent, whose ambulances were barred from entering the camp for six days, from 9 to 15 April. It has accused them of refusing to allow the army to search their vehicles, and of smuggling out Palestinians posing as wounded. The ICRC has dismissed all these claims as nonsense, describing the ban - which violates the Geneva Convention - as "unacceptable". The Israeli army says it bulldozed buildings after the battle ended, partly because they were heavily booby trapped but also because there was a danger of them collapsing on to its soldiers or Palestinian civilians. But after the army bulldozers withdrew, The Independent found many families, including children, living in badly damaged homes that were in severe danger of collapse. The thrust of Israel's PR drive is to argue that the Palestinians blew up the neighbourhood, compelling the army to knock it down. It is true that there were a significant number of Palestinian booby traps around the camp, but how many is far from clear. Booby traps are a device typically used by a retreating force against an advancing one. Here, the Palestinian fighters had nowhere to go. What is beyond dispute is that the misery of Jenin is not over. There are Palestinians still searching for missing people, although it is not clear whether they are in Israeli detention, buried deep under the rubble, or in graves elsewhere. Suspicions abound among the Palestinians that bodies have been removed by the Israeli army. They cite the Israeli army's differing statements about the death toll during the Jenin operation - first it said it thought that there were around 100 Palestinian dead; then it said hundreds of dead and wounded; and, finally, only dozens. More disturbingly, Israeli military sources originally said there was a plan to move bodies out of the camp and bury them in a "special cemetery". They now say that the plan was shelved after human-rights activists challenged it successfully at the Israeli supreme court. Each day, as we interviewed the survivors, there were several explosions as people trod on unexploded bombs and rockets that littered the ruined camp. One hour after Fadl Musharqa, 42, had spoken with us about the death of his brother, he was rushed to the hospital, his foot shattered after he stepped on an explosive. A man came up to us in the hospital holding out something in the palm of his hand. They were little, brown, fleshy stumps: the freshly severed toes of his 10-year-old son, who had stepped on some explosives. The boy lost both legs and an arm. The explosives that were left behind were both the Palestinians' crude pipe bombs and the Israelis' state-of-the-art explosives: the bombs and mines with which they blew open doors, the helicopter rockets they fired into civilian homes. These are the facts that the Israeli government does not want the world to know. To them should be added the preliminary conclusion of Amnesty International, which has found evidence of severe abuses of human rights - including extra-judicial executions - and has called for a war crimes inquiry. At the time of writing, Israel has withdrawn its co-operation from a fact-finding mission dispatched by the UN Security Council to find out what happened in Jenin. This is, given what we now know about the crimes committed there, hardly surprising. Also from the Middle East section. Palestinian teenagers leave Bethlehem church Arafat stages trial of four wanted for Ze'evi assassination Painful questions after slaughter of innocents provokes soul-searching Saudis threaten 'oil weapon' in talks to pressure Bush Palestinian 'court' convicts four over Zeevi -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From mentor at alb-net.com Fri Apr 26 17:42:35 2002 From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana) Date: Fri, 26 Apr 2002 17:42:35 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [Kcc-News] Internet unites Kosovo foes: Environmentalists are concerned about pollution Message-ID: >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> READ & DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< --------------------------------------------------------------------- Kosova Crisis Center (KCC) News Network: http://www.alb-net.com --------------------------------------------------------------------- http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/sci/tech/newsid_1939000/1939121.stm Monday, 22 April, 2002, 08:06 GMT 09:06 UK Internet unites Kosovo foes: Environmentalists are concerned about pollution By Alfred Hermida BBC News Online technology staff Albanians and Serbians are putting ethnic enmities behind them and coming together in cyberspace to protect the environment in Kosovo. Environmental groups in the region have taken the first tentative steps towards setting up an electronic network to share resources and information. Activists say that years of conflict in the region have taken their toll on the environment in Kosovo, with polluted rivers, areas stripped of their forests and the capital, Pristina, blanketed in thick smog. They hope to use the internet to highlight the problems and enable Albanian and Serb activists to work together. "It's sort of a success for a multi-ethnic Kosovo," said Blerim Vela of the Regional Environmental Center for Central and Eastern Europe in Pristina, which is co-ordinating the scheme. "We were a bit concerned about how people would react" - Blerim Vela, Sharri.Net "Most of the people don't know there is an environmental problem. "So we decided there was a need for an electronic network so that they can disseminate information about the environmental problems." The network, called Sharri.Net, was set up in February and the organisers aim to have the website up and running by June. 'Serbian courage' Getting Albanians and Serbs to join forces was not easy. The two sides had to overcome years of fear and mistrust. The first step was persuading Serbian environmentalists to take part in a workshop in Pristina last January. It was the first time in three years that a non-governmental group from the northern Serb enclave went to the Kosovan capital. "We were a bit concerned about how people would react," admitted Mr Vela. "We were afraid that some groups might not want to work with them. But they thanked the Serbian non-governmental organisation which showed the courage to come here." Overcoming ethnic differences is only the first hurdle in setting up an electronic network in Kosovo. The region has been devastated by years of violence, ethnic cleansing and guerrilla warfare. Since the end of the fighting, the international community has been investing time and money in rebuilding Kosovo. "The reconstruction process is causing the problems," said Blerim Vela. "A lot of money is put on reconstruction, but not on environmental issues. "But now things are starting to change and major international donors are giving more money to environmental issues." Getting connected Funding for the electronic network is coming from the Norwegian Ministry of Environment and Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At the heart of the proposed electronic network will be a dedicated office in Pristina, available to all environmental groups. They will have four computers, connected to the internet The facility will also offer free advice on setting up computer networks and publishing on the web once a week. The aim is to help groups in Kosovo get online by providing them with second-hand computers, donated by a private Dutch company. In the past, there was only one internet service provider, (ISP), in Yugoslavia, and few Albanians in Kosovo were online. "Now we have four ISPs, which provide very high quality services," said Mr Vela. "People are now using those services and developing websites." ______________________________________________________________ If you wish to unsubscribe, send a blank message to: kcc-news-unsubscribe at alb-net.com , or visit KCC-NEWS's page at: http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/kcc-news From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 29 19:26:04 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 29 Apr 2002 16:26:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dokle - Abdiu ne Koha Jone Message-ID: <20020429232604.78678.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Deklarata e doreheqjes se Kryetarit te Kuvendit te Shqiperise Te nderuar kolege deputete, Po dal perpara jush per here te fundit si Kryetar i Kuvendit te Republikes se Shqiperise, te cilin pata nderin ta kryesoj qe nga 4 shtatori i vitit 2001. E bej kete jo per te luajtur heroin dhe as per t'u paraqitur perpara jush dhe opinionit publik si viktime. Natyrisht nuk e bej kete as per te paguar ndonje bast te humbur me ate qe ende quhet Gjykate Kushtetuese. Nje arsye, dhe vetem nje, me obligon te vij drejt ketij vendimi: ruajtja e dinjitetit te Kuvendit te Republikes se Shqiperise dhe mbrojtja e moralit te tij. Ngjarjet qe kane ndodhur e kane cenuar rende kete dinjitet. Dhe ne moralin tim (e besoj se nuk jam i gabuar), eshte kultivuar parimi se i pari te cilit i takon ta mbroj dinjitetin e nje institucioni, kur ai sulmohet padrejtesisht, eshte kryetari i tij. Qofte edhe duke dhene doreheqje, per t'u treguar Togave te zeza dhe kujtdo tjeter se pushteti eshte i perkohshem ndersa morali i perjetshem. Dikujt mund t'i tingelloje pak absurde; e di. Por absurditeti nuk buron se brendshmi; ai eshte imponuar se jashtmi. Absurditeti vjen nga obligimi per te zbatuar vendimet e Togave te zeza edhe atehere kur ato nuk jane te drejta; edhe atehere kur ato jane sponsorizuar nga politika dhe barone e saj, apo edhe nga barone te tjere me te fuqishem. Dhe ju e dini qe ne kemi pranuar edhe ate lloj vendimi, per te cilin edhe nxenesit e fillores do te na konsideronin se paku te paditur. Kemi zbatuar vendimin e Gjykates Kushtetuese per neglizhimin e afatit 10 ditor per shqyrtimin e dekreteve per emerim dhe shkarkim ministrash, te percaktuar ne menyren me te qarte ne nenin 98, pika 2 te Kushtetutes. Ndersa, sipas Togave te zeza, numri 10 mund te jete edhe 11, edhe 111. Ne kokat e tyre paska nje sistem tjeter numerimi! E c'rendesi ka kjo per Togat e zeza?! Duhej rrezuar qeveria e Ilir Metes dhe ata, si cifuti, konkluduan se nje edhe nje mund te bejne edhe tre. Sipas kesaj logjike te palogjikshme afatet kushtetuese jane nul dhe Parlamenti qe ka mandat 4-vjecar mund te rrije edhe 5 vjet presidenti qe ka mandat 5 vjecar mund te rrije edhe 7 vjet dhe natyrisht ata, Togat e zeza, mund te rrine edhe perjetesisht! Me tej, ne votebesimin e qeverise Majko, duke traumatizuar situaten ata na cuan ne nje absurd tjeter: moren guximin te pezullojne edhe parlamentin, duke treguar analfabetizem te plote ne leximin e nenit 1 te Kushtetutes ("Shqiperia eshte republike parlamentare"), dhe te nenit 2 te saj: ("Populli e ushtron sovranitetin nepermjet perfaqesuesve te tij...") Dhe tani arrijne kulmin: i japin urdhera Kuvendit se si te punoje, si te sillet, si te marre fryme, si ta zbatoje dhe interpretoje Rregulloren e vet. E veshin kete urdher me gjoja kushtetueshmeri, kur e gjithe ceshtja ka te beje me Rregulloren dhe jo me Kushtetuten. Madje arrijne deri aty sa t'i rekomandojne Kuvendit edhe metoden e punes se nje gjykate, ciladoqofte ajo! Duke u rrekur ta bejne kete, nga megallomania (apo nga padia, zoti hetues!) bien dhe brenda. Bien brenda, sepse kur ka vakum Rregullorja, i vetmi organ qe vendos se si mund te procedohet, eshte Kuvendi. Dhe ne kete rast Kuvendi ka vendosur tre here, ne seancat e dates 4, 7 dhe 18 mars, po me te njejten fryme, po me te njejten qartesi! Sa i takon Kushtetutes, dua te nenvizoj nje parim themelor, te sanksionuar ne Nenin 4, pika 3 te saj: Dispozitat e Kushtetutes zbatohen drejtpersedrejti, pervec rasteve kur Kushtetuta parashikon ndryshe. Per shkarkimin e Prokurorit te Pergjithshem ka vetem nje nen (149, pika 2) dhe ai eshte zbatuar ne menyren me adekuate, drejtpersedrejti nga Kuvendi i Republikes se Shqiperise. Te gjitha te tjerat jane sofizma qe nxjerrin ne reliev marredhenie te dyshimta ne labirinthet politiko-juridike; labirinthe qe i kthejne gjerat me kokeposhte, e thene me troc, qe legjislativi te behet gjyqesor dhe gjyqesori te behet legjislativ. Absurditeti me i madh i kushtetutes i asaj qe ende quhet Gjykate Kushtetuese arrin deri aty sa te jap interpretim identik per tre nene te Kushtetutes, nderkohe qe ato kane objekte te ndryshme e per pasoje edhe ndjekin parime te ndryshme. Konkretisht behet fjale per nenin 128, 140 dhe 149. I pari per shkarkimin e anetarit te Gjykates Kushtetuese, i dyti per anetarin e Gjykates se Larte dhe i treti per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem. Ne te tre rastet eshte e drejta e Kuvendit te vendos dhe propozoje shkarkimin. Por menyra e shkarkimit dhe mbrojtja kushtetuese pas shkarkimit ndryshojne kryekeput. Se pari; ne rastin e anetarit te Gjykates Kushtetuese dhe te anetarit te Gjykates se Larte vendimi ne Kuvend merret me 2/3 e votave, ndersa per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem votimi eshte i thjeshte. Se dyti; Ne rastin e anetarit te Gjykates Kushtetuese dhe te anetarit te Gjykates se Larte, "Vendimi i Kuvendit shqyrtohet nga Gjykata Kushtetuese, e cila, kur verteton se ekziston nje nga shkaqet e mesiperme, deklaron shkarkimin nga detyra te anetarit..." te Gjykates Kushtetuese, apo te anetarit te Gjykates se Larte...Per te dy gjykatat, formulimi eshte i njejte pike e presje! Krejt ndryshe eshte shprehur Kushtetuta per Prokurorin e Pergjithshem, i cili mund te shkarkohet nga Presidenti i Republikes me propozim te Kuvendit. Pra duket shume qarte se Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk ka hapesire kushtetuese per te nderhyre ne procesin e emerimit dhe te shkarkimit te Prokurorit te Pergjithshem. Cuditerisht Gjykata Kushtetuese keto parime krejt te vecanta i ka futu ne nje thes. Mbetet vetem te pyesim: eshte prokurori ne thesin e gjykates, apo gjykata ne thesin e prokurorit. Sa i perket "teorizmeve" te Gjykates Kushtetuese per te drejtat e njeriut; ato marrin pergjigje nga Gjykata e te Drejtave te Njeriut ne Strasburg e cila, me precedentet e gjykuar, nuk e konsideron shkelje te se drejtes se njeriut uljen apo ngritjen ne pergjegjesi te nje zyrtari, as venien apo heqjen e gradave te nje gjenerali! Dhe per ta mbyllur komedine kushtetuese, Togat e zeza, ne vendimin e tyre te dates 25 prill 2002 i referohen disa here nje vendimi te tyre te meparshem, te dates 19 prill 2002 i cili, ende edhe sot, nuk ka hyre ne fuqi. Keta jane gjykatesit tane kushtetues! Kerkojne zbatimin e nenit 132, pika 1 te Kushtetutes dhe shkelin piken 2 te po atij neni. U perqendrova ne keta elemente te ceshtjes, te nderuar deputete, per te evidentuar shqetesimin tim, si shtetas i ketij vendi, se mekanizmi qe prodhon mentalitet antidemokratike ende nuk eshte ndaluar. Te gjithe e dime se diktatura burgosi dhe pushkatoi, shkaterroi jete njerezish te pafajshem, varferoi shtepite dhe shpirtrat e shqiptareve, shkaterroi aspiraten properendimore te tyre. Por nje nga elementet me fondamentale te demokracise qe u godit nga diktatura ishte parlamentarizmi. Jo rastesisht njeriu i pare i pushkatuar ishte nje deputet qe mbrojti lirine ne parlament! Vit pas viti, diktatura polli dhe rriti mentalitetin se parlamenti mund te terhiqet per hunde nga sekretaret politike, se qeveria eshte fuqi ekzekutuese edhe mbi parlamentin, se cfaredolloj prokurori mund te kercenoje deputetet, se edhe nje hetues apo spiun gjirizesh vlen me shume se ai te cilit shtetasit e vet i kane dhene mandatin e perfaqesimit. Metastazat e ketij mentaliteti kanceroz per demokracine veprojne ende, sot e gjithe diten. Perndryshe s'do te derdhej kaq shume merak gjoja per te drjetat e nje apo njezete prokuroreve, para se ata te pergjigjeshin per disa pyetje te thjeshta: Po ju zoterinj sa dhe si i keni mbrojtur te drejtat e shqiptareve? A keni zbuluar dhe denuar ndonje nga vrasesit e djemve te Vlores apo te Tropojes, te Permetit apo te Fierit? A keni zbuluar apo denuar ndonje nga grabitesit e pasurise se shqiptareve? A keni zbuluar dhe denuar ndonje nga kodoshet qe shesin vajzat shqiptare neper rruget e botes? A keni zbuluar dhe denuar ndonje nga baronet e droges qe kane punuar perdite nen hundet tuaja? A keni denoncuar ndonjehere ndonje gjykates qe ka falur dhe liruar keta trafikante apo bashkepunetoret e tyre? A keni zbuluar dhe denoncuar qofte edhe nje here, qofte edhe nje vile prokurori apo gjykatesi te ndertuar mbi themelet e ketyre pislleqeve? Dhe me ne fund, e njeheresh me ne krye, a e dini se cfare demi i keni sjelle imazhit te Shqiperise dhe aspirates se saj per t'u integruar ne strukturat euro-atlantike? Vete ish Prokurori i Pergjithshem ne dhjetra raste dhe ne menyre te drejtperdrejte i ka shfaqur metastazat antiparlamentare. Edhe diten qe u diskutua mocioni ndaj tij. Tre here eshte thirrur te vije ate dite ne parlament dhe ka refuzuar me goje e me shkrim. Dhe tani ankohet pse nuk eshte degjuar! Edhe pse eshte pyetur e degjuar nga Kryetari i Shtetit, ai kete e quan takim jozyrtar! Edhe ka guxuar te deklaroje publikisht se kam dosje per deputetet duke shkelur ne menyre flagrante te drejten kushtetuese te Kuvendit dhe tani ankohet kunder tij! Metastazen antiparlamentare dhe antikushtetuese ai e kashfaqur edhe ne komunikimin e fundit zyrtar me Kuvendin, pak dite perpara shkarkimit. Ne nje kerkese te tij, ndersa eshte brenda normaliteitt marrja e autorizimit per heqje imuniteti te nje deputeti; eshte totalisht antikushtetuese kerkesa per arrestimin e tij, sepse neni 73, pika 2 e Kushtetutes e percakton ne menyre taksative qe kjo gje mund te behet vetem pas investigimit mbi ceshtjen konkrete ne menyre te drejtperdrejte me deputetin. Keto sulme kunder parlamentarizmit, ne thelb, jane sulme kunder demokracise. Natyrshem lind pyetja: pse ndodhin keto dhe pikerisht ne keto momente? Gjithsecili ka nje shpjegim individual dhe cdo shpjegim i tille, sigurisht, eshte i pamjaftueshem, por komplementar. Une do te kufizohem vetem duke u treguar titullin e nje libri dokumentar te shkruar nga nobelisti i famshem Gabriel Garsia Marquez, qe sic e dini eshte nga Kolumbia. "Lajmi per nje sekuestro" titullohet libri dhe tregon se si banoret kolumbiane te droges, sekuestruan gazetare e politikane, gjykates e prifterinj, balerina dhe ministra...Dikush po perpiqet te na sekuestroje edhe ne, te dashur kolege deputete, te sekuestroje parlamentarizmin, te sekuestroje Kushtetuten e Republikes, te sekuestroje aspiraten tone per demokraci. Kjo dore duhet te ndalet! Ne radhe te pare kjo i takon Kuvendit te Shqiperise. Prandaj sot une po jap doreheqjen nga detyra e kryetarit te Kuvendit per te mbrojtur ne menyren me modeste dinjitetin e Kuvendit dhe per te shmangur cdo rrezik te krizes midis institucioneve. Per ata qe ende nuk e kane kuptuar thelbin e aktit tim, po u them se ceshtja eshte teper e thjeshte: -duke qene se Gjykata Kushtetuese ka marre nje vendim antikushtetues; -duke qene se ajo i kerkon Kuvendit, te rishqyrtoje vendimin e tij te vonuar me shumice; -duke qene i obliguar si kryetar i Kuvendit te filloj kete procedure, ne kundershtim me bindjet e mia; Doreheqjen time e konsideroj si nje akt te plote te pajtimit te bindjeve te mia me Kushtetuten e Republikes se Shqiperise. Ju faleminderit! === Abdiu: Na sulmojne se nuk durojne cekan mbi koke Z. Abdiu. Dikur keni deklaruar se ne vitin 1992 vete kryetari aktual i PD, Sali Berisha, ju ka propozuar per anetar te Gjykates Kushtetuese. Si eshte e verteta e ketij propozimi dhe pse nuk keni pranuar? E vertete eshte qe ne vitin '92 kur eshte krijuar Gjykata Kushtetuese e Shqiperise, nder kandidaturat qe jane paraqitur nga PD, qe ishte dhe parti ne pushtet, eshte paraqitur dhe emri im si kandidature. Paraprakisht kam konstatuar ne ate kohe, predispozicionin apo gadishmerine e partise ne pushtet per te aktivizuar edhe juriste te opozites edhe mbase kjo mund te kete qene edhe arsyeja qe u mendua se edhe une mund te isha nje nga anetaret e Gjykates Kushtetuese. Kete kerkese une personalisht e kam pritur mire, megjithese isha deputet dhe meqenese kisha vene re se kisha deshire per t'iu rikthyer profesionit tim, me nxiti qe ta mbeshtesja kete kerkese, pra te isha dakort. Por pas shume diskutimesh dhe debatesh ne grupin parlamnetar te Partise Socialiste nuk ishte dakort qe une te behesha nje nga anetaret e Gjykates Kushtetuese. Ky qe edhe konkluzioni dhe pergjigjja qe une i imponuar i dhashe propozimit qe me ishte bere. Pra per pasoje ne ate kohe nuk u pranua ky propozim nga grupi parlamentar i PS dhe nga une vete. Nderkohe qe akuzoheni nga lideri i Partise Demokratike per "ekzekutimin" e nje disidenti. Si mund te mbroheni? E verteta rreth ketij problemi, pas shume vitesh per te cilin une jam akuzuar, duhet te qartesohet. Vite me pare une nuk i kam kushtuar shume vemendje ketyre deklaratave. Qe nga viti 1991, pra kur kam kandiduar per deputete, shpesh nga qarqe te caktuara te kundershtareve politike eshte ngritur ky problem. Por cila ne fakt eshte e verteta? Nuk eshte e vertete absolutisht ajo qe eshte thene nga shtypi, qe une kam qene kryetar i Gjykates se Kukesit, e qe kam gjykuar kete ceshtje. Hazbi Nela eshte deklaruar fajtor nga Gjykata e Kukesit me vendim numer 59, date 24.6.'88 dhe eshte denuar me vdekje. Ka marre kete denim per tradheti ndaj atdheut, ne formen e arratisjes jashte shtetit, per krimin e terrorit dhe per armembajtje pa leje ne baze te neneve 47 germa c dhe 11, 15 pika e pare te Kodit Penal te asaj kohe. Kjo ceshtje ka ardhur ne Gjykaten e Larte ku une isha anetar i kesaj gjykate. Ne kolegjin penal te gjykates se larte, kjo ceshtje eshte shqyrtuar dhe eshte lene ne fuqi vendimi. Ne kolegjin penal pervec meje kane marre pjese si anetar z. Vili Robo, znj.Fatmira Laskaj dhe vendimi eshte lene ne fuqi, pasi eshte konstatuar se ai i kishte kryer veprat per te cilaj akuzohej. Pra dua te theksoj edhe njehere se akuza kryesore per te cilen ai u denua me vdekje ishte krimi i rende i terrorit. Pas kesaj kjo ceshtje ka shkuar ne Presidiumin e Kuvendit Popullo, dhe pasi eshte debatuar gjate per kete ceshtje, i eshte refuzuar kerkesa per faljen e jetes. Kjo eshte e gjithe e verteta per Havzi Nelajn per te cilin shume here mjaft politikane nga PD me kryetarin e tyre ne balle me kane pergojuar pa asnje shkak. Them se ai eshte gjykuar ne baze te ligjit te kohes nga gjykatat kompetente, eshte hetuar nga hetuesia e asaj kohe, eshte akuzuar nga prokuroria e Kukesit eshte pare me vemendje ceshtja e tij nga Gjykata e Larte konform rregullave proceduriale. Dhe per kete e verteta duhet njohur si eshte dhe jo si u intereson disave per sulmet e tyre ndaj meje per motive krejtesisht politike. Ka pak kohe qe flitet nga krahe te ndryshem te politikes per shkrirjen, apo zvogelimin e kompetencave te Gjykates Kushtetuese. Ju si kryetar i kesaj gjykate si do ta komentoni kete "deshire" te politikes? Une nuk deshiroj te merrem shume me deshirat e politikes apo politikaneve te vecante, pasi jam i sigurte qe as deshire e politikes nuk mund te jete. Cilat jane opinionet e mia rreth tezes apo hipotezes per kufizimin e kompetencave te Gjykates Kushtetuese. Dua te theksoj se kompetencat e Gjykates Kushtetuese nuk i ka percaktuar kjo gjykate, nuk i ka percaktuar as ligji per Gjykaten Kushtetuese qe eshte miratuar nga Kuvendi. Kompetencat e Gjykates Kushtetuese jane percaktuar rigorozisht nga Kushtetuta. Pra kur eshte miratuar kushtetuta, kompetencat e saj jane pare e jane kontrolluar nga te gjithe, pra ato jane kompetenca te shprehuara rigorozisht duke menduar se ishin perpara nje konceptimi shume bashkekohor per nje Gjykate Kushtetuese qe te ishte e zonja per te kontrolluar balancuar, e zbutur pushtetet e tjera gjate kontrollit kushtetues mbi ta. Se dyti procedurat jane te zberthyera, ne ligjin per Gjykaten Kushtetuese ku jane trajtuar me hollesi, proceduarat qe ndjek Gjykata Kushtetuese gjate zhvillimit te ceshtjeve qe kane te bejne me kompetencat e saj. Per kete te fundit une dua te theksoj nje fakt qe nuk eshte bere shume publik: ligji per Gjykaten Kushtetuese eshte i pari dhe mbase i fundit, qe gjate legjislatures se kaluar eshte miratuar me konsesusin e 105 deputeteve qe ka pasur Kuvendi diten qe eshte miratuar ky ligj. Eshte miratuar me votat e te majteve dhe te djathteve. Dhe kjo ka te beje me proceduart shume transparente qe u ndoqen gjate kohes se pergatitjes se projektligjit te Gjykates Kushtetuese. Ai projekt eshte perpunuar nen kontrollin, vezhgimin dhe kujdesin e keshillit te Venecias, eshte administruar profesionalizmi i shume specialisteve kushtetues dhe pastaj pasi eshte pergatitur dhe i eshte dorezuar opozites. Verejtjet dhe sugjerimet e tyre, shumica jane te pasqyruara ne ligj. Mund te them se eshte nje nga ligjet me te mira ne Shqiperi, pa patur ndonje paragjykim ose pasion. Ne koncept te pretendosh per te pare nje ligj ose nje tjeter, nuk ka asgje te keqe, sic kane pretenduar personalitete te vecanta. Por gjithmone pretendimet per te ripare ligjet duhet te nisen nga synime konkrete shume domethenese, per te synuar nje ligj me te mire nga ai qe eshte. Une per fat te keq kete tendence nuk e ve re tek ata qe kane bere nje propozim si ky. Me sa kam kuptuar qe te gjithe kane mllef per institucionin, per gjykaten, per kompetencat e saj, per procedurat qe zbaton dhe ngaterrojne kompetencat qe ia ka dhene kushtetuta me ato qe ka ligji p`r Gjykaten Kushtetuese, duke synuar qe qofte nepermjet revizionimit te ligjit, qe eshte me i kollajte se amendimi i Kushtetutes, te revizionojne te rikompozojne apo deri dhe te shkrijne Gjykaten Kushtetuese. Tendencat e sotme apo teorite per shkrirjen e Gjykates Kushtetuese me ngjajne me teorite e 60-70 vjeteve me pare kur ne Gjermani u shkri Gjykata Kushtetuese. Por ky veprim i Hitlerit, mbahet nga gjermanet si nje njolle e zeze e historise se saj. Keto qendrime me kujtojne edhe nje fakt tjeter qe vjen po nga Gjermania. Para 30-35 vjetesh pas nje vendimi te Gjykates kushtetuese nje nga deputetet eshte ngritur e ka thene: "te mos lejojme tete horra te marrin neper kembe politiken gjermane". Nuk dua te besoj se ne jemi 35 apo 60 vjet prapa. Une mendoj se koha flet kunder ketij koncepti. Ne te gjithe Europen, ne dhjetevjecaret e fundit eshte vene re tendenca te krijimit te Gjykatave Kushtetuese, te vleresimeve maksimale qe jane dhene per keto institucione nga personalitetet kryesore te vendeve te tyre dhe organizmat nderkombetare. Kjo fryme dhe kjo ide duhet te ishte dhe duhet te egzistoje edhe ne Shqiperi. Fakti shume domethenes i punes te kesaj gjykate, eshte se nga njeri vit ne tjetrin, puna e saj eshte 13-fishuar krahasuar me vitin e themelimit te saj. Fakti qe vetem pas Kushtetutes se re, kjo gjykate ka shfuqizuar ne 15 raste, 15 ligje te ndryshme dhe dispozita te tyre te vecanta si antikushtetues, deshmon per kete. Fakti qe kjo gjykate gjate kontrolleve per proces te parregullt ligjor qe ka bere mbi veprimtarite e gjykatave te ndryshme ka shfuqizuar dhjetera e dhjetera vendime antikushtetuese, deshmon per kete. Fakti qe para kushtetutes dhe pas kushtetutes ka shfuqizuar akte normative te keshillit te ministrave, deshmon per kete. Pa qene nevoja per te hyre ne hollesira per keto probleme, une them qe e ardhmja dhe perspektiva eshte qe ky lloj kontrolli te jete faktori kryesor i stabilizimit ne vend dhe do te vije dita qe rreth ketij institucioni, rreth ketyre problemeve, shume prej te cilave nuk i kam permendur, njerezit do te kthejne koken per ta respektuar me shume se sot, kete institucion qe disa kerkojne ta fshine nga faqja e dheut. Pavaresisht kesaj qe thate, Meidani, e gjithe opozita dhe nje pjese e maxhorances, sulmojne Gjykaten Kushtetuese, pas dy vendimeve te saj per ceshtjen "Rakipi"...? Aq me keq. Te arrish ne perfundime per te suprimuar, per shkrire, per te rikompozuar, per te ndryshuar ligje apo dhe Kushtetuten nisur nga fakti se te kane pelqyer ose jo nje vendime apo dy apo tre, pra nga interesa te castit dhe interesa qe jane shoqeruar me emocione shume te medha, aq me keq me duket nje gabim shume i rende. Une ne koncept ashtu si cdo jurist tjeter as nuk kam qene dhe as nuk jam kunder per te rikontrolluar, praktikat e institucioneve, per t'i pare, per t'i vezhguar ata dhe veprimtarite e tyre. Por fakti qe ky problem ka lindur krejt papritur dhe krejt pa u menduar mire, vetem si rrjedhoje e qendrimeve te vecanta qe kane personalitete te vecanta per keto vendime konkrete, deshmon per njeanshmerine, subjektivizmin, per qendrime te tyre personale. Rrezikohet parlamentarazmi, eshte deklarata me e fundit pas vendimit te Gjykates qe ju drejtoni, njekohesisht sot Dokle jep doreheqjen. Si do ta komentni? Une nuk dua te beje shume koment pasi kjo pyetje eshte me shume e lidhur me politiken. Une them se parlamentarizmi sigurohet edhe nepermjet kontrollit kushtetues. Eshte kjo e fundit nje faktor i rendesishem qe i ben jehone parlamentarizmit te vertete. Nese duam parlamentarizem me arbitratrite te pakontrolluar, atehere nuk do te flasim per demokraci te vertete. Megjithate une do t'i shmangem kesaj pyetje ashtu si nuk dua te diskutoj per doreheqjen e z. Dokle. Eshte nje problem i tij, megjithese sipas mendimit tim nuk ka asnje shkak te perligjur per te dhene doreheqje. Nuk jam ne gjendje te di te verteten qe mendon z. Dokle. Pas vendimit te dyte per ceshtjen "Rakipi" a keni pasur kontakte me Meidanin, Doklen, Nanon, apo Berishen? Me asnjerin prej ketyre personaliteteve nuk kam pasur kontakte dhe nuk kam pse te kem ndonje predispozicion per te kontaktuar, ashtu dhe nuk ka pse t'u fshihem takimve zyrtare nese me lipset nevoja, por jo per te me treguar se cfare hataje ka bere Gjykata Kushtetuese. Dokle nuk ju ka kerkuar asnje takim? Ju siguroj qe as nuk me ka kerkuar as i kam kerkuar takim. Intervistoi E.A --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Apr 29 19:37:40 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 29 Apr 2002 16:37:40 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nano per doreheqjen e Dokles - Shekulli Message-ID: <20020429233740.148.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> MORALI DHE GABIMI I DOKLES Nga MUSTAFA NANO Dor?heqjet ndodhin rrall? k?tej nga an?t tona. Sidomos kur b?het fjal? p?r poste t? r?nd?sishme t? llojit e t? nivelit t? kreut t? Kuvendit t? Shqip?ris?. N? k?t? kuptim, edhe ngaq? nuk ?sht? ?sht? n? harmoni me mentalitetin e kapjes me thonj e me dh?mb? pas kolltukut, vendimi i Namik Dokles ?sht? disi befasues. Por analiza e k?saj dor?heqjeje nuk mbaron k?tu. Kryetari i Kuvendit, Namik Dokle, e ka shpjeguar dor?heqjen e tij. Thelbi i shpjegimit p?rmblidhet n? fraz?n: "Jap dor?heqjen, sepse nuk mund t? pranoj t? zbatoj nj? vendim antikushtetues t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese". N? nj? p?rqindje t? madhe, duhet besuar se ?sht? v?rtet k?shtu, d.m.th. Dokle ?sht? i bindur se vendimi i Gjykat?s Kushtetuese mbi ??shtjen e Prokurorit t? P?rgjithsh?m ?sht? antikushtetues. N? k?t? kuptim, kjo dor?heqje n? thelb ka vet?m motive morale. Ai as nuk ?sht? i nxitur nga t? tjer?, as nuk e b?n k?t? gjest si pjes? t? nj? loje politike me synime t? caktuara. Esht? thjesht nj? urdh?r q? ka marr? nga nd?rgjegjia e morali i tij politik, si p?r t? na mbushur mendjen se edhe vota e tij pro shkarkimit t? Arben Rakipit, ka t? b?j? me k?t? nd?rgjegjie e me k?t? moral, e jo me interesa e arsye t? tjera t? dyshimta. Ndoshta ?sht? v?rtet k?shtu. Dhe si p?r ta p?rforcuar k?t? p?rshtypje, grupi politik, t? cilit i ka p?rkitur n? betej?n brenda Partis? Socialiste e me ndihm?n e t? cilit u zgjodh kryetar Kuvendi, nuk e ka miratuar k?t? l?vizje t? fundit. Por duke e pranuar k?t? dor?heqje si nj? gjest moral, duhet th?n? me plot goj?n se ?sht? nj? gjest i gabuar. Nuk ?sht? ndonj? gabim q? merr n? qaf? ndok?nd, q? shkakton ndonj? kriz? institucionale, politike apo parlamentare, por sidoqoft? ?sht? nj? gabim. Arsyetimi politik q? b?n Dokle me k?t? rast nuk ?sht? shum? i sh?ndetsh?m. Ai pa ndonj? shkak ndihet i sfiduar dhe i fyer n? nj? plan personal, a thua se shkarkimin e Rakipit e ideoi, e programoi dhe e vuri n? jet? ai dhe vet?m ai. Ai pa t? drejt? i shikon raportet midis institucioneve e pushteteve n?n nj? drit? disi emotive e n? nj? plan shum? t? personalizuar. Nuk ?sht? ?udi t? ket? th?n? me vete: "Edhe k?t? ma b?ri Fehmi Abdiu!" Dhe n?n trysnin? e nj? konceptimi t? till? emotiv t? marr?dh?nieve institucionale, ai ?sht? ndjer? p?rgjegj?s m? shum? se ?'duhet. P?rve? k?saj, Dokle ?sht? ca si tep?r arrogant n? p?rcaktimin si "antikushtetues" t? vendimit t? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese, apo n? trajtimin e l?vizjes s? k?saj gjykate si nj? agresion ndaj Parlamentit. N? fakt, nuk ?sht? ndonj? m?kat t? jap?sh p?rcaktime t? tilla, sidoq? nj? figur? institucionale e rangut t? kryetarit t? Kuvendit, ?sht? mir? t? jet? ca m? shum? skrupuloz. Dua t? them, se Dokle af?rmendsh ?sht? i lir? t? ket? opinionin e tij lidhur me vendimin e Abdiut, ashtu si edhe t? tjer?t kan? q?n? t? lir? t? ken? mendimin e tyre t? ndrysh?m nga i Dokles lidhur me vendimin e Parlamentit, por ??shtja ?sht? q? institucionalisht vet?m Abdiu (n?nkupto Gjykata Kushtetuese) ka detyr?n e t? drejt?n p?r t? dh?n? p?rcaktime t? tilla. Me Kushtetut?n q? kemi (n? nj? far? kuptimi, ?sht? Kushtetuta e b?r? prej Dokles e prej socialist?ve), ?sht? Gjykata Kushtetuese ajo q? ka t? atributin ta interpretoj? Kushtetut?n e t? thot? se ?far? ?sht? kushtetuese e ?far? ?sht? antikushtetuese. N? Shqip?ri mund t? ket? konstitucionalist? shum? t? mir? q? nuk jan? "n?n hyqmin" e Abdiut, gj? q? do t? thot? se jasht? Gjykat?s Kushtetuese mund t? ket? interpretime t? tjera, ndoshta m? t? sakta. E kjo nga ana e vet, nuk do t? thot? asgj?. Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk ?sht? ngritur e kompozuar me synimin q? t? jap? gjykime matematikisht t? sakta, t? cil?t duhet t? duartrokiten. P?rkundrazi, ?sht? ngritur q? t? jap? vendime, t? cilat jan? t? pakund?rshtueshme (t? pakund?rshtueshme, edhe kur jan? apo kualifikohen si t? gabuara). N? k?t? kuptim, nd?rsa ?sht? krejt legjitime t? diskutohet drejt?sia e nj? vendimi t? dh?n? nga Gjykata Kushtetuese, nuk jan? aspak legjitime planet politike q? thurren p?r ta kund?rshtuar k?t? vendim apo p?r t'iu kund?rv?n? vullnetit t? k?saj gjykate. Dokle me dor?heqjen e tij, dashje pa dashje, krijon terrenin, mbi t? cilin mund t? ngrihen plane t? tilla. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Apr 30 22:36:15 2002 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 30 Apr 2002 19:36:15 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare - 1 maj 2002a Message-ID: <20020501023615.23743.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> DOSSIER Historia e n?shtrimit t? Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris? nga qeveria komuniste e Enver Hoxh?s n? shkurtin e 1950. Cil?t ishin klerik?t q? firmos?n Statutin Si e manipuluan komunist?t Kish?n Orthodhokse ShqiptareSi filloi goditja ndaj besimeve fetare n? Shqip?ri dhe p?rse komunist? e filluan me klerin katolik. Si d?shtuan ata me manipulimin e statutit t? bektashijve dhe vrasja e dy klerik?ve n? Kryegjyshat?. Eleminimi i dy Kryepeshkop?ve orthodhoks? Xhuvani dhe Kissi dhe ardhja n? krye e Paisi Vodic?s. Mbajtja e Kongresi i III t? Kish?s Orthodhokse t? Shqip?ris? n? shkurtin e vitit 1950 n?n kryesin? e Kryepeshkopit Vodica dhe kush ishin personalitetet e larta t? Qeveris? Komuniste q? mor?n pjes? aty. Fjala e p?rfaq?suesit t? Qeveris? Adil ?ara?ani dhe si u ndryshua statuti i vitit 1928 q? ishte miratuar nga qeveria e Monarkis? s? Mbretit Zog. ?far? thuhej n? statutin e vjet?r si u ndryshua ai dhe kush ishin klerik?t q? e firmos?n at? --------------------------------- Dashnor Kalo?i Menj?her? pas ardhjes n? pushtet n? fundin e vitit 1944, regjimi komunist dhe personalisht Kryetari i Qeveris?, Gjeneral-Kolonel Enver Hoxha, u kujdes?n dhe filluan marrjen e masave q? krer?t e tre komuniteteve fetare q? ishin n? Shqip?ri: Myslyman, Katolik e Orthodhoks, t? viheshin me ?do kusht n?n kontrollin e tyre dhe t'u sh?rbenin vij?s politike q? do t? ndiqte ai regjim. Goditja e par? filloi ndaj Klerit Katolik me q?nd?r n? Shkod?r, (gj? e cila u b? me porosin? e jugosllav?ve) t? cil?t nuk e pranuan bashk?punimin me komunist?t dhe shk?putjen e tyre nga Vatikani. Si rezultat i k?saj, u pushkatuan dhe u burgosun shum? klerik? katolik?. N? k?t? kontekst dhe p?r t? realizuar n?nshtrimin e tyre, qeveria komuniste i vazhdoi p?rpjekjet e saj n? vitin 1945 me Kryegjyshin e Bektashinj?ve Baba Fejzon, i cili kryesonte Kryegjyshat?n Bot?rore me seli n? Tiran?. Kjo gj? u b? p?r arsye se n?nkryetari qeveris? komuniste, ishte Baba Faja Martaneshi, nj? bektashi tep?r i njohur dhe me influenc? t? madhe n? at? komunitet fetar. P?rpjekjet p?r ndryshimin e statutit t? bektashinj?ve d?shtuan, pasi Baba Fejzo nuk e pranoi t? n?nshkruante at? statut t? manipuluar nga komunist?t dhe e vrau Baba Faj?n e pastaj edhe veten. Pasi nuk ia arrit?n dot t'i n?nshtronin me metodat e manipulimit, komunist?t filluan dhun?n edhe ndaj besimit myslyman e bektashin?jve, duke burgosur e pushkatur shum? prej tyre. Nd?rsa ndaj krer?ve t? besimit katolik dhe myslyman u p?rdor nj? dhun? e eg?r me vrasje, burgosje dhe internime, kleri Orthodhoks u trajtua m? ndryshe sepse nuk pati at? rezistenc? q? b?ri Kleri katolik dhe ai Myslyman. Kjo gj? erdhi edhe si rezultat i ndikimit q? kishte mbi qeverin? shqiptare Jugosllavia dhe Bashkimi Sovjetik, qeverit? e s? cil?s ishin t? lidhura ngusht? me Patriakan?n Orthodhoksve t? Mosk?s. Nisur nga kjo, Kisha Orthodhokse e Shqip?ris?, ishte e para q? u manipulua prej komunist?ve dhe u vu plot?sisht n? sh?rbim t? saj. Nd?rhyrja te Kisha Orthodhokse Pasi kishte burgosur dhe eleminuar Visarion Xhuvanin dhe Kristofor Kissin, dy Kryepiskop?t q? kishin udh?hequr Kish?n Orthodhokse t? Shqip?ris?, qeveria komuniste arriti q? vinte n? krye t? saj At Paisi Vodic?n (babai i Josif Pashkos) i cili nuk kishte asnj? lloj arsimi fetar. Pas k?saj ajo e pati m? t? leht? p?r t? n?shtruar Kish?n Orthodhokse t? Shqip?ris?, gj? e cila filloi n? shkurtin e vitit 1950, kur n? Tiran? u organizua Kongresi i III Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris?, i cili ndryshoi statutin e saj t? vitit 1928 dhe miratoi statutin e ri. N? k?t? Kongres i cili u b? t?rsisht n?n kontrollin e Patriakan?s s? Mosk?s, Kisha Orthodhokse e Shqip?ris? e hoqi nga Statuti i saj i vitit 1928, nenin ku sanksionohej shtet?sia e drejtues?ve t? lart? t? asaj Kishe (p?r Cil?sit? e Peshkop?ve. fq. 9 Art. 16) ku thuhej: "Kryepishkopi, Peshkop?t, Zavend?sit e tyre lokal?, Ikonomi i Madh Mitrofor, Sekretar i P?rgjithsh?m i Sinodhit, si dhe ndihm?sit e Zavend?sit Klerik? t? Kryepishkopit dhe t? Peshkop?ve, duhet t? jen? prej gjaku, gjuhe Shqiptar? si edhe t? ken? n?nshet?sin? Shqiptare". N? statutin e ri q? u miratua nga ai Kongresi, ai artikull u ndryshua plot?sisht dhe n? t? thuhej: "Krahas me zhvillimin e ndjenjave fetare Kisha Orthodhokse Autoqefale e Shqip?ris? do t? zhvilloj? n? besimtar?t dhe ndjenjat e besnik?ris? ndaj Pushtetit t? popullit dhe t? Republik?s Popullore t? Shqip?ris? si edhe ndjenj?n e Atdhe-dashuris? dhe t? p?rforcimit t? bashkimit Komb?tar. Prandaj gjith? funksionar?t dhe personeli i saj, duhet t? jen? shtetas shqiptar, t? ndersh?m, besnik? t? popullit dhe t'Atdheut dhe t? g?zojn? t? gjitha t? drejtat civile". Me an? t? k?tij ndryshimi, qeveria komuniste e Shqip?ris?, realizoi synimet e q?llimin e Mosk?s dhe Patriakan?s Ruse, e cila do ta kishte fare t? leht? q? n? krye t? Kish?s Orthodhokse n? Shqip?ri, t? caktonte nj? njeri t? saj, (jo shqiptar), shtet?sin? e s? cilit (si shqiptar) nuk do t? ishte e v?shtir? p?r t'ia dh?n?. Pra me kapjen e kreut t? Kish?s Orthodhokse t? Shqip?ris?, Patriakana Ruse do t? arrinte at? q? arriti n? t? gjitha v?ndet e tjera t? Europ?s Lindore t? besimit orthodhoks, t? cilat u vun? n? sh?rbim t? saj. Po si u arrit kjo gj? dhe cil?t ishin klerik?t orthodhoks? q? u vun? n? sh?rbim t? qeveris? komuniste me dhun? apo me d?shir?" Aprovimi i projekt-statutit Disa dit? para mbajtjes s? Kongresit, m? 1 shkurt 1950 u mblodh Komisioni p?r hartimin e Statutit t? Kish?s n?n kryesin? e Kryepeshkopit Imzot Paisi Vodoica (Pashko) i cili hartoj nj? proces-verbal ku thuhej: " Vdekje fashizmit. Liri e popullit. Sot dit' e M?rkur?, m? 1 Shkurt 1950 dhe ora 18.30, u mbloth Komisioni p?r hartimin e projekt-statutit t? Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris?, i p?rb?r? prej Kryepiskopit t? gjith? Shqip?ris? Imzot Paisi, n? cil?sin? e Kryetarit, prej antar?ve t? Sinodhit, t? P?rndersh?mit Arhimandrit Dhimit?r Kokoneshit dhe Ikonom At Aristotel Stratos, prej Hir?sis? s? tij Episkopit Irene Banushi, n?n cil?sin? e specialistit p?r ??shtjet kanonike dhe dogmatike, prej Z.Z. Foni Qirko dhe Ilia Kota, n?n cil?sin? e jurist?ve, dhe prej Z. Niko Cane, n?n? cil?sin? e specialistit p?r ??shtjet kanonike dhe dogmatike. Komisioni n? fjal?, pas?i shqyrtoi p?r t? fundit her?, n?n p?r nen dhe n? t?rsi projekt-statutin e p?rgatitur prej tij, vendosi unanimisht t'i parashtrohet Kongresit p?r shqyrtim dhe aprovim projekt-statuti q? i bashkangjitet k?tij vendimi dhe q? p?rmban t? gjith? faqet e tij t? daktilografuara n?nshkrimet e Kryetarit dhe t? Antar?ve t? Komisionit t? p?rb?r? si m? sip?r. Kryetari Paisi Vodica". Ky proces-verbal iu paraqit p?r miratim Kongresit q? i zhvilloi punimet disa dit? m? von?. Po si u mbajt ai Kongres, kush mori pjes? aty dhe ?far? vendimesh mori ai? Mbajtja e Kongresit t? III t? Kish?s Kongresi i III i Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale i Shqip?ris? i zhvilloi punimet n? Tiran? nga data 1 deri n? 5 shkurt t? vitit 1950. Senac?n e par? t? k?tij Kongresi e hapi me nj? fjal? t? shkurt?r Mitropoliti i Tiran?s dhe Durr?sit, dhe Kryepeshkopi i gjith? Shqip?ris?, Hir?sia e tij Paisi Vodica, i cili p?rsh?ndeti delegat?t dhe falenderoi p?rfaq?sin? e Qeveris?, Gjeneral-Kolonel Enver Hoxh?n dhe autoritetet e tjera q? mernin pjes? n? Kongres. Pastaj kryetari i mbledhjes ia dha fjal?n Adil ?ar?anit, Sekretarit t? P?rgjithsh?m t? Kryeministris?, i cili n? em?r t? Qeveris? t? RPSH p?rsh?ndeti Kongresin dhe i uroi suksese n? pun?n e tij. N? fjal?n e tij ?ar?ani p?rcaktoi n? vija t? p?rgjithshme t? drejtat dhe detyrat e Komitetit Orthodhoks t? Shqip?ris?, t? cilat duhet t? ndiqeshin n? kuadrin e kursit t? ri t? regjimit komunist q? ishte vendosur n? Shqip?ri dhe q? udh?hiqej nga Enver Hoxha. M? pas n? cil?sin? e Sekretarit t? P?rgjithsh?m t? Sinodhit t? Shenjt? t? Kish?s Orthodhokse t? Shqip?ris?, z. Niko Cane i paraqiti Kongresit nj? relacion mbi ndryshimin e projekt-statutit, ku n? mes t? tjerash thuhej: "N? em?r t? Sinodhit t? Shenjt?, po i parashtroj k?tij Kongresi p?r shqyrtim dhe aprovim, projekt-statutin m? t? ri t? Kish?s s'on?, t? p?rgatitur prej vet? Sinodhit n? bashk?punim me specialist?t e tjer? mbi ??shtjet kanonike dhe dogmatike. N? p?rpilimin e k?tij projekt-statuti, shok?, jan? marr? parasysh k?ta faktor? kryesor?: 1) Fitorja historike q? korri populli yn? n?p?rmjet luft?s fam?madhe Nacional-?lirimtare, i udh?hequr nga Partija jon? e Pun?s, me n? krye shokun Enver?4) Situata e re q? u krijua n? gjirin dhe n? udh?heqjen e Kish?s me marrjen e frerit kishtar nga ana e popullit dhe me rr?zimin e sistemeve totalitare dhe eksploatonj?s t? krijuar nga jerark? t? degjeneruar dhe renegat? t? interesave t? Kish?s s? popullit ton?, si? ishin Kristofor?t dhe Visarion?t me shok?, t? cil?t n? kund?rshtim t? hap?t me parimet demokratike t? orthodhoksis?, e kishte monopolizuar Kish?n n? duart e nj? klike t? privelegjuar, s? cil?s i sh?rbenin verb?risht. Kisha jon? duhet t? frym?zohet nga ndjenja t? zjarrta atdhedashunije dhe respekti t? pakufish?m p?r Pushtetin e Popullit dhe p?r udh?heq?sit e tij, ndjenja k?to q? dihet t'i nxisi dhe t'i ngrej? lart dhe n? rradh?t e masave, duke u nisur gjithmon? nga parimi se pa atdhe dhe popull t? lir?, nuk mund t? ket? kurr? kish? t? lir?. K?to jan? parimet themeltare q? dallojn? rr?nj?sisht statutin e ri nga ay i vjet?r, i cili nuk ishte gj? tjet?r ve?se nj? statut personal i Zogut dhe Vissarionit q? ekzaltonte e mbronte dy Tiran?, nj?rin n? shtet, dhe tketrin n? Kish? dhe q? mb?shtetste dhe p?rforconte pozitat e nj? klike t? priveligjuar n? gjirin e udh?heqjen e Kish?s t'on?, Statuti, ay q? u p?rdor pastaj si nj? simbol i shenjt? edhe prej Kristoforit, i cili e shpinte ujin n? t? nj?jtin mulli dhe interesat e parimet e t? gjith? tiran?ve, bile me tendenca m? t? theksuara e m? djall?zore prej k?tij nx?n?si t? denj? t? frym?s s? err?t t? fanarit. Sikur t? zbrisnim pak m? posht? e t? qasemi n? Athin?n monarko-fashiste t? tjera bekime dhe k?tu nga ana e udh?heqjes s? Kish?s greke, q? nxiti monarko-fashizmin t? masakroj? popullin grek dhe t? vrasi shqiptar? apo bullagr?t p?r t? rr?mbyer tokat e tyre. Por le t? mos zgjateme m? tep?r n? k?t? drejtim, pse k?t? pun? e b?nte dhe Kristofori me shok? dhe le t? themi me p?rgjegj?si se shumica d?rmonj?se e Kishave ku pushteti nuk ndodhet n? duart e popullit, ku edhe kishat sundohen e udh?hiqen nga renegat?t e popullit dhe pseudofetar?" Mbyllja e Kongresit Pas relacionit t? Sekretari i P?rgjithsh?m Niko Cane, u miratua Projekt-Rezolucioni i Kongres?it t? III t? Kish?s Ortodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris?, ku midis t? tjerash thuhej: "Kongresi u mbajt n? nj? koh? kur populli i Shqip?ris?, i ?liruar qysh prej 6 vjet?sh, n? saj? t? fitores s? shk?lqyer t'Ushtris? Sovjetike t? lavdishme t? prir? nga Gjeniali Stalin, dhe n? saj? t? luft?s s? tij heroike Nacional-?lirimtare, t? prir? nga Komandanti yn? i dashur Gjeneral-Armate Enver Hoxha, ka p?rmbysur regjimet anti-popullore t? tiranis?, t? shtypjes dhe t? ?fryt?zimit, duke marr? Pushtetin n? duart e veta dhe ka d?rrmuar me vendosm?ri sh?mbullore gjith? tentativat e tradh?tar?ve dhe t'armiq?ve t? tij t? brendsh?m dhe t? jasht?m q? synojn? n? m?nur? sistematike dhe djall?zore t'i rr?mbejn? k?t? fitore t? lavdishme, t? korrur me aq sakrific? dhe privacione dhe me mijra d?shmor? dhe heronj. U mbajt n? nj? koh? kur vendi yn?, i prir? nga Qeverija jon? Demokratike, nga Partija jon? e Pun?s dhe Shoku Enver, dhe me ndihm?n e pa?muar t? Bashkimit Sovjetik e t? Madhit Stalin, dhe me ndihm?n e Demokracive Popullore, ka arritur suksese t? m?dha n? zhvillimin e gjith?ansh?m. U mbajt n? nj? koh? kur Atdheu dhe Populli yn?, n?n udh?heqjen e Partis? dhe t? shokut Enver, jan? rradhitur vendosm?risht n? Kampin e pathyesh?m Demokratik dhe anti-imperialist, t? prir? nga Bashkimi i Lavdish?m Sovjetik dhe Madhi Stalin, Kamp i cili rritet e forcohet dita dit?s, nd?rsa kampi anti-demokratik e imperialist, q? p?rfshin forcat e err?sir?s dhe t? skllav?ris?, me n? krye imperializmin amerikano-englez, po g?rryhet dhe d?rmohet nga dita n? dit?. U mbajt s? fundi, n? nj? koh? kur mbar? njerzimi p?rparimtar, ?sht? rradhitur n?n Kampin unik t? paqes, t? dashuris? dhe t? v?llaz?ris?, ku e ka v?ndin dhe kisha jon? e rilindur dhe ku b?jn? pjes? Kishat p?rparimtare t? Bot?s, me n? krye Kish?n e Madhe Orthodhokse Ruse. Kongresi, pasi d?gjoi Referatin e Kryetarit t? Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris?, mbi gj?ndjen e saj qysh prej kohrave t? lashta e deri sot dhe prograqmin e ri t? kish?s s? rilindur, si dhe diskutimet e delegat?ve t? Kongresit, d?non me nj? z? t? gjith? veprimtarin? armiq?sore t'ushtruar prej udh?heqsave t? deridjesh?mn? d?m t? saj, t? popullit dhe Atdheut ton?, aprovon unanimisht rrug?n dhe vij?n nd?rtimtare q? ka caktuar udh?heqja e saj e sotme si dhe Statutin e ri t? Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris?, duke caktuar njikoh?sisht k?to detyra: "1) T? aktivizohet n? nj? m?nyr? t'atill? q? Kisha t? orientohet e t? drejtohet n? rrug?n q? shpie drejt kampit unik t? paqes, n? dashurin? dhe v?llaz?rimin nd?rmjet popujvet, n? krye t? cilit q?ndron Bashkimi i Lavdish?m Sovjetik dhe i Madhi Stalin dhe ku b?jn? pjes? vendosm?risht t? gjith? popujt p?rparimtar? e paqe-dash?s dhe gjith? kishat p?rparimtare, me n? krye Kish?n e Madhe Orthodhokse Ruse?2) Gjith? funksionar?t e Kish?s, klerik? dhe laik, gjith? prift?rinjt? dhe gjith? personeli kishtar, si dhe gjith? antar?t e k?shillave kishtare t? qyteteve dhe katundeve, t? jen? njer?z me ndjenja t? larta patriotike, t? jen? njer?z t? ndersh?m , t? ushqekn? dashuri t? pakufishme p?r republik?n ton? Popullore, p?r Qeverin? Demokratike, p?r Partin? t'on? t? Pun?s dhe udh?heq?sin e saj t? ndritur shokun Enver?4) Kongresi falenderon nga zemra Qeverrin? t'on? Demokratike, Partin? ton? t? Pun?s dhe shokun Enver dhe u shpreh ndjenjat e mir?njohjes s? thell? p?r p?rkrahjen e ndihm?n e madhe morale dhe materjale q? i kan? dh?n? dhe po i japin vazhdimisht Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris?, n? p?rmbushjen e detyrave t? saj karshi popullit dhe atdheut". Kongresi i III i Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris? (n?nshkrimet e delegat?ve) Pasojat e ndryshimit t? Statutit Nd?rhyrja e qeveris? komuniste t? Enver Hoxh?s n? ??shtjet e besimeve fetare dhe ndryshmi i statutit t? Kish?s Orthodhokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris? q? ishte miratuar n? vitin 1928 nga Qeveria e Monarkis? s? Zogut, ishte me pasoja t? m?dha p?r k?to komunitet fetar dhe Shqip?rin?. N? at? statut t? miratuar nga Kongresi i III I Kish?s Orthodhokse, u sanksionua q? n? krye t? asaj kishe mund t? vinte n? Shqip?ri ?do Peshkop i huaj. N? baz? t? k?tij statuti t? vitit 1950, erdhi n? Shqip?ri edhe Hir?sia e tij Anaqstas Janullatis, prania e t? cil?it ngjalli polemika dhe debate t? m?dha t? cilat vazhdojn? ende jo vet?m n? qarqet fetare por dhe ato shtet?rore. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Health - your guide to health and wellness -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed