From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  1 07:04:26 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 1 Nov 2001 04:04:26 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Book Review: Reed, Salonica Terminus, Reviewed by Ferenc  Csortan
Message-ID: <20011101120426.90070.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com>
Subject: [balkans] Book Review: Reed, Salonica Terminus, Reviewed by Ferenc  Csortan
Date: Thu, 01 Nov 2001 09:44:42 +0100
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  1 21:46:13 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 1 Nov 2001 18:46:13 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Kokkalis Program November Events
Message-ID: <20011102024613.30558.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>




The Kokkalis Program on Southeastern and East-Central Europe invites you to
the following events:

____________________________________
POSTPONED - DATE TBA
Tuesday, November 13, 2001

"Balkan Babel: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to
the Insurrection in Kosovo"
Dr. Sabrina Ramet, Professor Department of Political Science & Sociology,
Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Co-sponsored with the Southeast European Study Group, Harvard University
____________________________________
Wednesday, November 14, 2001
3:00 p.m.

"The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: On the Road to Stability?"
A panel of local experts and Macedonian officials (via telephone
conference) discuss the stability of the FYROM.

Littauer Building, Room 280, John F. Kennedy School of Government
____________________________________
Monday, November 29, 2001
6:00 p.m.

"Rethinking the Role of Religion in Modernity: Lessons for the European
Union in the Case of Greece"
Elizabeth Prodromou, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Boston
University

Cabot Building, 7th Floor, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts
University Greek Study Group; co-sponsored by Constantine Karamanlis Chair
at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.
____________________________________





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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  1 22:03:36 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 1 Nov 2001 19:03:36 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Justice despite obstacles
Message-ID: <20011102030336.60213.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

The Christian Science Monitor 
November 1, 2001, Thursday 
EDITORIALS; Pg. 10 

Justice Despite Obstacles 


International efforts to mete out justice to individuals who commit crimes against humanity need to be sustained, no matter how difficult the obstacles. To give up is to invite more such crimes. 
  
That's why the pursuit of Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan, still in its early stages, must persist. 
  
And it's why the work of an international war-crimes tribunal at The Hague continues to be so important. That court, set up under UN auspices to deal with crimes committed in former Yugoslavia, is in the preliminary stages of trying its most notable defendant: Slobodan Milosevic. 
  
Mr. Milosevic, onetime leader of Yugoslavia, is trying to paint the tribunal as a farce. He won't enter pleas, refuses counsel, and harangues the court with charges that NATO was the real criminal in Kosovo and that he was just fighting Albanian terrorism. 
  
The prosecutors' weight of evidence against Milosevic concerning atrocities in Kosovo, as well as in Croatia and Bosnia, won't be reduced by such bluster. While Milosevic's unwillingness to mount a defense makes the court's task harder, it can't dilute the reality that justice is being dealt someone who helped orchestrate ethnic cleansing and mass murders. 
  
Ideally, a day in court would await Mr. bin Laden as well. But the circumstances are utterly different. The regime protecting him, Afghanistan's Taliban, appears impervious to international pressures. Moreover, his supporters aren't the diehard nationalists of one country - like the Serbs under Milosevic - but radicalized co-religionists scattered about the globe. 
  
It took years to bring Milosevic to account. It could take years to stop bin Laden and his terrorist network. Civilization requires it be done. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  1 22:17:01 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 1 Nov 2001 19:17:01 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Rilindja Demokratike
Message-ID: <20011102031701.62144.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>


A eshte Greqia nje komb perendimor?

-Reagimet ne Greqi ndaj 11 Shtatorit 2001 u ngjajne me teper atyre ne Damask se ne Berlin.

Klasa politike greke, per te keqen e saj te madhe, perfundimisht po korr frutet e antiamerikanizmit qe ajo ka toleruar dhe me raste ka perkrahur gjete 20 viteve te fundit. Sipas anketimeve te fundit, Greqia eshte I vetmi vend I NATO-s dhe shtet anetar I Bashkimit Europian ne te cilin menjehere pas tragjedise se 11 shtatorit, shumica e popullsise shpehu ndjenja mospelqimi per SHBA dhe nuk miratoi vendimin e Aleances Atlantike per te sulmuar Talebanet. Ne nje votim anketues te botuar ne nje gazete greke menjehere pas sulmeve, vetem 18.9 % e te anketuarve thane qe ushqenin ndjenja pozitive ndaj SHBA-se dhe banoreve te saj. Nje votim i vecante zbuloi se 25% e te anketuarve thane qe ndjeheshin "te kenaqur" dhe besonin qe "u vu drejtesia ne vend". Per me teper, 30% e te pyeturve thene qe sulmet ishin nje reaksion I perligjur ndaj politikave te SHBA-se. Vetem 10% e te anketuarve pajtoheshin me pikepamjen se Greqia duhet te bashkepunoje ushtarakisht me partneret e saj te NATO-s ne nje fushate te mundshme kundra shteteve qe strehojne terrorizmin. Takis Kafexis, analisti politik qe mbikqyri anketimet, pretendon se ne realitet mbi 40% e te anketuarve ndjeheshin te kenaqur me ate cka ndodhi.

"Fakti qe ata nuk u shprehen keshtu I detyrohej thjesht asaj qe ata e ndjenin se duhej t?I kontrollonin disi pergjigjet e tyre". Greqia, thote ai, thjesht nuk ndan te njejtat vlera dhe perceptime me Perendimin.

Pikepamja qe deri diku vete Amerikanet duhen fajesuar per sulmet terroriste, mbizoteroi neper fjalimet publike qysh ne fillim. Duke mesuar per sulmet terroriste, Arkipeshkopi jashtezakonisht popullor Kristodulos, I Kishes Ortodokse Greke deklaroi se akti terrorist ishte rezultat I "padrejtesise dhe pabarazise" qe pershkon mbare boten. Edhe media, gjithashtu, u bashkua me kete grindje.

Sipas raportimeve te Ass. Press, transmetimet televizive ne Greqi u konsumuan me diskutimet "se nese Amerikes I ra mbi vete ky hall I madh per te lare mekatet politike dhe ushtarake".

Kriminale dhe raciste

Jo shume kohe mbas ngjarjes ne fjale, Qendra per Politiken e re Pavlos Bakojanis ? e mbiquajtur keshtu per nder te viktimes me te shquar te terrorizmit ? I ftoi qytetaret e Athines te merrnin pjese ne nje sherbese perkujtimore per viktimat e sulmeve terroriste. U mblodhen vetem rreth 500 njerez. Perkundrazi, diten tjeter gati 5.000 (pese mije) vete morren pjese ne nje demonstrate te udhehequr nga komunistet kundra SHBA-se duke denoncuar CIA-n per rolin e saj ne aktet terroriste. Nderkohe, pohimet se Izraelitet ishin pergjegjes per 11 shtatorin, ishin kaq mbizoteruese ne seksionet e mediave greke sa qe Ambasada e Izraelit ndermori hapin e pashembullt te denoncimit te atyre pohimeve-akuze mbasi perbenin nje "propagande antisemite, kriminale dhe raciste te ngjashme me ate te nazisteve". Por ndoshta incidenti me I terbuar dhe fyes ndodhi gjate nje ndeshjeje futbolli ndermjet nje klubi grek dhe nje tjetri skocez me 13 Shtator. Tifozet e klubit grek u perpoqen te digjnin flamurin Amerikan para fillimit te ndeshjes dhe fishkellyen ne shenje mosmiratimi gjate nje momenti heshtjeje ne kujtim te viktimave te akteve terroriste ne SHBA.

"Ajo cka ndodhi ne Athine me neveriti mua," tha traineri I ekipit skocez ne nje delkarate dhene Ass.Press.

"Ajo cka me zhgenjeu se tepermi ishte fakti se aty nuk u be asnjelloj perpjekjeje nga ndokush, perfshi edhe policine, per t?I ndaluar ato veprime. Une nuk mund t?a besoja nje ndjenje te tille antiamerikane ne nje vend europian".

Sipas Rihardos Someritis, nje shkrimtar I se perditshmes TOVIMA, kater idete kryesore qe mbizoterojne shpjegimet e turmave greke mbi sulmet terroriste jane:

- Qe ai ishte nje akt I cifuteve, te cilet duan te fuqizojne me tej pozitat dhe interesat e tyre.

- Qe Osama Bin Laden eshte krijim I propagandes se CIA-s.

- Qe akti terrorist eshte pjese e luftes se te shtypurve kundra imperializmit amerikan.

- Qe Greqia nuk kercenohet nga terrorizmi por nga lufta kunder terrorizmit.

Te tilla pikepamje duken si me te aferta me opinionin publik ne Kairo ose Damask se sa me ate ne Berlin apo Rome. Nga rrjedhin keto?

Qysh nga te pakrten mesi I viteve ?70, perceptimi qe ka mbizoteruar te majten politike greke eshte se aspiratat kombetare greke kerkojne nje ndarje me SHBA-ne dhe politikat e saja. Keshtu, gjate gjithe viteve ?80, PASOK-u ne pushtet ndene Andreas Papandreun e beri ceshtje themelore antagonizmin me Perendimin dhe vecanerisht me qeverite amerikane. Ai perkrahu diktaturen e Jaruzelskit ne Poloni, refuzoi te denoje shtypjen e disidenteve ne Bashkimin Sovjetik dhe rrezimin me 1993 te nje avioni Koreano-Jugor, strehoi organizata te vleresuara si terroriste nga Perendimi dhe kundershtoi vendosjen e raketave Cruise dhe Pershing ne europe nga ana e administrates se Reganit. Pastaj gjithashtu, mbas renies se komunizmit ne Evropen lindore rrefenjat antiamerikane erdhi e u biresua edhe nga e djathta politike greke.

Sipas anketimeve te fundit, mbi 50% e konservatoreve greke nuk e duan Ameriken. Shume nga kjo gje u detyrohet ngjarjeve ne Ballkan gjate dekades se fundit. Politikat Amerikane ne Bosnje dhe Kosove u pane gjeresisht si synime per te shkaterruar Orthodoksine Lindore ne vetvete. Perpjekjet e vobekta te qeverise se tashme te Kostas Simitis per te zvogeluar identifikimin e kishes me shtetin ne Greqi, u sulmuan menjehere si te drejtuara nga "Lobi Izraelit" ne Washington, ndersa permbysja e Sllobodan Miloshevicit- e mirepritur ne mbareboten- u pa si nje komplot I lig I CIA-s.

Sot nacionalizmi grek, I perfshire ne nje shkalle te gjere ne gjithe partite greke, eshte njehesuar me anti-amerikanizmin.

"Me te vertete e turpshme"

Te tilla qendrime nuk kalojne pa u vene re si nga mediat perendimore ashtu edhe nga bashkesia e madhe dhe me ndikim Greko-Amerikane ne SHBA. Ne nje ortek letrash te drejtuar se perditmes greke "Kathimerini", greko-amerikanet shrehen zemerimin e tyre ndaj sjelljes se kusherinjve te tyre etnike.

Njeri shkruante se Greqia ka rene "ne fund te kenetes"."Eshte me te vertete e turpshme", shkruante nje tjeter, "qe shtypi kryesor I nje kombi te qyteteruar mundi te gjente menyra per te perligjur sulmet terroriste ndaj civileve te pafajshem". Por ndoshta reagimi me I fuqishem emocional ndaj ngjarjeve ne Greqi erdhi nga Stifen Miller, profesor I arkeologjise klasike ne Berkli (Berkeley).

Mbasi vuri ne dukje se nje pune e konsiderueshme arkeologjike ne Greqi u vu ne jete ne saje te donacioneve private te qytetareve amerikane, ai shtroi pyetjen nese duhet te vazhdoje kjo rrjedhje fondesh mbas njohjes se donatoreve me anketimet greke.

"Mbas perpjeskjes per ta djegur flamurin amerikan, mbas kryeartikujve me fryme antiamerikane ne kaq gazeta te Athines?si mund t?u afrohem atyre donatoreve amerikane dhe t?u kerkoj te vazhdojne perkrahjen per kerkimet arkeologjike ne Greqi? Si mund t?u kerkoj atyre para par t?u perdorur ne nje vend ku amerikanet urrehen?"

Udheheqesit e dy partive kryesore greke shprehin hidherimin e tyre per sulmet terroriste dhe garantuan mbeshtetjen e tyre per perpjekjet e SHBA-se per te luftuar terrorizmin. Megjithate, sic tregojne anketimet, aftesia e tyre per te ndikuar opinionin publik eshte minimale duke pase toleruar per kaq shume vite sulmet nga koleget e tyre kundra politikave amerikane mbi terrorizmit, globalizimin ekonomik, ballkanin, te drejtat e njeriut etj. Ata tani ndoshen ne nje pozicion te pakendeshem sepse u duhet te japin argumente kundra versionit (ballkanik) te tiersmondisme (ideologjia e botes se trete-Gj.Z.) qe perben ideologjine sunduese te Greqise. Gjate gjithe dekades se fundit as edhe nje figure madhore politike greke nuk pati vullnetin, guximin apo prirjen per ta sfiduar anti-amerikanizmin populist te fuqizuar sistematikisht nga shumica dermuese e mediave greke. Ne se sot politikanet greke ndjehen te shqetesuar nga pikepamjet e bashkatdhetareve te tyre, per kete ata duhet te fajesojne vetem vetveten.

Pergatiti Gjergj Zavalani



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov  2 07:47:53 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 2 Nov 2001 04:47:53 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Seminar in Oher
Message-ID: <20011102124753.46860.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 From: "Gjorgji Jovanovski" <iocoesk.g at mt.net.mk>


Dear Sir or Madam,
The Information Office of the Council of Europe in Skopje is organizing a Seminar titled "Non-territorial Plural Development? that will take place in the city of Ohrid (November 22-25, 2001), located on the coast of the famous Macedonian lake. 
The main objective of this event is to stress the need for enhancing the cultural exchange, and intensifying in-depth acceptance of the universal values. It shall also give additional impetus to the multi-ethnic progress in SEE, mobilizing further inter-cultural acquaintance and fostering democratic citizenship, thus offering opportunity to young intellectuals from different European countries to work together towards stability and integration in Europe. 
There are few places empty for interested candidates from: Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia (Kosovo only), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia and Hungary. The profile of the participants we are interested in, is graduate or postgraduate students of Political Sciences and International Law, desirably with affiliated work in NGO or think tank. 
The organizer will cover all travel and accommodation costs. If you would like to take part in this project please send us your application accompanied by your CV as soon as possible. The working language of the Seminar is English.
Look forward to hearing from you.
Sincerely,
Vladimir Ristovski
Director 
Enclosure: Copy of the Programme and Application Form for participation
Non -Territorial Plural Development
Ohrid, November 22-25, 2001.
THE PROGRAMME
e / Time Working program
Day 1 November 22, 2001
19:00 Arrival of participants
19:00-20:30 Opening of the Seminar, participants introduction and presentation of the Seminar program 
Day 2 November 23, 2001
9:30-10:30 Contemporary Ethno-nationalism 
10:30-11:00 Coffee break
11:00-13:30 Basic values consensus 
13:30-15:00 Luncheon
15:00-16:30 Cultural exchange impact to political perceptions
16:30-17:30 Summary of the first working day 
Dinner, Info-market & social evening
Day 3 November 24, 2001
10:00-11:30 Traditions of ethno-religious coexistence in SEE
11:30-12:00 Coffee break
12:00-13:30 Coherence of the systems of values of different civilizations 
13:30-15:00 Luncheon
15:00-16:00 Globalization and local cultures development
16:00-16:30 Coffee Break
16:30-17:30 European Identity 
17:30-18:00 Conclusions & Closing of the Seminar
Dinner 
Day 4 November 25, 2001 
Departure of participants
Experts Team:
Mr. Uffe OESTERGAARD, Professor; Mr. Ivaylo ZNEPOLSKI, Foundation Maison des Sciences de l?Homme et de la Societe Sofia; Mr Gjorge IVANOV, PhD, Professor at the Faculty of Law- Political Sciences Department in Skopje; Mr Ljubomir FRCKOVSKI, PhD, Professor at the Faculty of Law in Skopje; Mr. Denko MALESKI, Ph.D, Professor at the Faculty of Law in Skopje; Mr Ljubomir CUCULOVSKI, PhD, Professor at the Faculty of Philosophy in Skopje. 
(The Team of experts will be completed soon)
APPLICATION FORM
(To be returned by 7 November 2001 at 15.00h )
First Name: 
Last Name: 
Educational background: 
Contact Details: 
?       Address: 
?       Telephone/Fax Number: 
?       E-mail/Web-site: 
Passport: 
?       Passport Number 
?       Expiring Date 
Organization contact details: 
?       Name of Organization: 
?       Address: 
?       Tel/Fax/e-mail: 
Please attach your CV to the Application 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov  2 14:10:34 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 2 Nov 2001 11:10:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Illyria newspaper
Message-ID: <20011102191034.89427.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Sokolrama at aol.com wrote: From Sokolrama at aol.com Fri Nov 2 11:09:02 2001
X-Apparently-To: aalibali at yahoo.com via web11506; 02 Nov 2001 11:09:11 -0800 (PST)
Received: from imo-r03.mx.aol.com (152.163.225.99)
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From: Sokolrama at aol.com
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Date: Fri, 2 Nov 2001 14:09:02 EST
Subject: Re: Radio Free Europe
To: aalibali at yahoo.com
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Me poshte jane tre shkrime te numrit te fundit te Illyrias lidhur me te 
njejten teme. Kam perfshi edhe shkrimin origjinal te IWPR
Sokoli

Anti-Albanian Slurs Fill Milosevic???s Rhetoric

By Sokol Rama

In his third appearance before the UN Tribunal for war crimes in former 
Yugoslavia (ICTY), former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic dismissed the 
tribunal???s indictments calling it a document written at the level of "a 
retarded 7-year-old child." 
In addition, he said that the U.S. government had turned to him for help in 
tracking down bin Laden, who was believed to be behind the 1998 bombings of 
the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. 
"The previous American administration knew that bin Laden was in Albania two 
years after he blew up their embassies and they discussed these facts with me 
and my associates," Milosevic told the ICTY judges.
U.S. and Albanian authorities have repeatedly denied the ill-intended 
Yugoslav and Russian media reports that bin Laden ever visited the country. 
A statement issued by the Albanian government soon after Milosevic???s remarks 
said: "We turn down with disgust this vile concoction, suitable only for the 
person who articulated it." 
"War criminals and the enemies of civilization like Milosevic or bin Laden 
should end up in the defendant's dock and we are convinced that bin Laden 
will soon be held accountable alongside the 'Butcher of the Balkans' 
(Milosevic)," the government statement added.
A staunch U.S. ally, Albania welcomed NATO bombing in 1999 that stopped 
Milosevic's ethnic cleansing campaign against Albanians in Kosova. It has 
strongly backs the ongoing United States campaign against terrorists and the 
countries that support them. Working closely with U.S. and Western secret 
services, Albania's government extradited a number of suspected Islamic 
extremists in 1998 ??? a cooperation that has been regarded as very effective 
and whole-hearted.
"As you are aware, in the past several years the Albanian government has 
taken commendable and concrete steps, applauded by the international 
community, to identify and expel foreign Islamic extremists from its 
borders," Joseph Limprecht, U.S. ambassador to Tirana, told a news conference 
on September 21.
Milosevic's claim that Bin Laden had been in Albania after the bombings of 
two US embassies in east Africa in 1998 clearly has not been substantiated by 
any other source other then his very own brother, Branislav Milosevic, a 
former Yugoslav ambassador to Moscow who currently has taken refuge in 
Russia. The former Yugoslav president obviously has an interest in linking 
his Albanian enemies with the alleged mastermind of the September 11 attacks 
on New York and Washington. 
In addition, Milosevic also unleashed a political tirade at the court, 
alleging that his trial was inciting a wave of terrorism by Albanians in 
southern Serbia. But his claim was rejected by Serbian Deputy Prime Minister 
Nebojsa Covic, who told The Associated Press that "someone misinformed him."
The former Yugoslav president stands accused of responsibility for the deaths 
of thousands of Kosovar Albanians, the deportations of 800,000 people and 
sexual assault by Yugoslav army troops.

Anti-Albanian Slav Propaganda Campaign Targets U.S. Peacekeepers 

Kosova Serbs are mystified by reports that mujahedin have set up a training 
camp in their village.

By Nehat Islami

ROPOTOVA
Bogus reports of bin Laden training camps in Kosova have been made before, 
but the latest claim has taken the Balkan propaganda war to the borders of 
the absurd. 
In the latest round of scare-mongering, it's been alleged that the village of 
Ropotova, in south-east Kosova, is a focal point of the Saudi dissident's 
al-Qaeda network.
Ropotova is, however, an ethnically-Serb village, a place where even a single 
mujahedin would, needless to say, stand out somewhat from the crowd. But try 
telling that to the Russian and Macedonian media
On October 16, the Moscow-based RIA Novosti news agency, citing an unnamed 
correspondent in Kosova, claimed a group of some 50 Algerian and Afghan 
mujahedin were training at a camp in the Kamenice municipality, located in 
the US KFOR sector.
The camp, RIA Novosti alleged, was being run by Ayman al Zawahiri, one of bin 
Laden's closest collaborators and employed as instructors Albanian deserters 
from the Yugoslav army. The trainees, the report went on, would make up 
terrorist units for operations in Kosova and Macedonia.
Three days later, Dnevnik, a leading Macedonian newspaper, quoted "reliable 
sources" as confirming the RIA Novosti reports and pinpointing the location 
of the camp in the village of Ropotova.
The reports failed to mention that Ropotova's 150 homes are all occupied by 
ethnic Serbs, who were mystified how anyone might imagine that their village 
was home to mujahedin - their sworn enemies. "What sort of mujahedin would 
dare to come to our village," one local told me. "Ropotova is surrounded from 
all sides with Serb villages."
Zoran Jovanovic, a Serb municipal official from Kamenice, said, "I am in 
permanent contact with the Serb and Albanian locals, but have never heard 
from Ropotova villagers about any such camp. This is a small territory. If 
there was something, we would know."
The claims of mujahedin activity have also been rubbished by US KFOR units 
patrolling the area. "The regular air and ground patrols conducted by the 
Russian and American troops in close cooperation with the Serb and Albanian 
communities in the region have not discovered such information," said KFOR 
spokesman Major Randy Martin.
Shaip Surdulli, head of the Kamenice municipality, believes the training camp 
claims were circulated to create tension between Serbs and Albanians ahead of 
the upcoming elections; to brand Albanians "allies of the 'terrorist' Osama 
bin Laden" and to discredit US troops operating in Kosova.
The Kamenice municipality is home to around 55,000 people, 18 per cent of 
whom are Serb. Kamenice town, with a population of 10,000, suffered few 
casualties during the 1999 war. Serbs and Albanians continue to live and work 
together there, in a rare example of ethnic tolerance. 
The municipal assembly has 11 Serb advisors on its books and 23 Serbs work in 
the local administration, two in senior positions. They also serve in the 
local police force and travel freely to their church and to a local market 
they share with Albanians. And, perhaps most significantly, since the end of 
the Kosova war, there has been no violence between the two communities. 


Nehat Islami is the IWPR project manager in Kosova.

Three More Mass Graves Found in Serbia

Another 400 or so Kosovars are still buried in a mass grave in Batajnica

By Indrit Muja

There are three additional mass graves on the police training grounds in 
Batajnica, in the suburbs of the Serbian capital Belgrade, Dragan Karleusa, a 
senior Serbian police officer told a press conference on October 31.The 
exhumation of corpses from them is supposed to begin soon, Beta news agency 
reported. 
In an interview published on November 1 in the Belgrade weekly ???Vreme???, 
Captain Karleusa said that in addition to the 405 corpses exhumed from grave 
sites, another 400 or so people are still buried in the training grounds in 
Batajnica. According to him "Belgrade has become a city of mass graves".
The post-Milosevic authorities in Serbia admit the mass graves were an 
attempt by the Milosevic government to hide atrocities against civilians by 
moving hundreds of bodies out of Kosova and burying them in Serbia. 
"They are most probably Albanians, and they were most probably killed as a 
result of criminal, not military, activity. That is why they were brought 
here," Capt. Karleusa told the Serbian weekly, adding that that realization 
was "devastating and terrible".
At least three mass graves have been found in Serbia since the ouster of 
former President Slobodan Milosevic a year ago. All the exhumed were 
identified as Kosova Albanians, including three brothers Bytyci from Long 
Island, who were American citizens.
According to Capt. Karleusa, the bodies of Kosova Albanian civilians dug out 
of two mass graves in Petrovo Selo in eastern Serbia have been buried in an 
improvised cemetery. He said that the corpses uncovered in Batajnica have 
been placed "in cold storage in some underground passages on the scene of the 
crime," because "judicial and medical procedures have not yet been completed."
In an unprecedented statement for a Serbian high official, he called for 
those responsible for these crimes to be brought before justice. Although 
admitting that "Serbs as a nation, are - for the present and for the future ??? 
stained", he still tried to disassociate the killers from the formations they 
served into, like army, police and other units that committed these crimes in 
the name of his nation.




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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Fri Nov  2 18:25:10 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Fri, 2 Nov 2001 16:25:10 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conference in Atlanta, GA (9-11/11): Science and Religion: Are they Compatible?
Message-ID: <000a01c163f5$9e0e5000$6528a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

https://secure15.cedant.com/secularhumanism/conference/index.htm

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From phronesis20 at yahoo.com  Sat Nov  3 03:11:01 2001
From: phronesis20 at yahoo.com (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Sat, 3 Nov 2001 00:11:01 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "Dear A..." by Y. Demneri
Message-ID: <20011103081101.42079.qmail@web20706.mail.yahoo.com>

Hi,
Below you will find a translation of a poetic letter
by Y.Demneri, which I love. 
I don?t think it is possible for any translator in the
world to do justice to an original piece of writing.
For it seems that one cannot ever quite translate the
mood, or the subtle implications and connotations
unique to different languages. At some point or other
one will either be forced to add, or remove words?but
at least change them, in an attempt to (supposedly)
convey the same meaning. But I've tried to keep it as
literal as possible.
xha
----

Dear A.,

Do you recall the days of our happiness, darling, when
in those moments of relaxation I would take out my arm
from under the cover, pull out from the shelf one of
our favorite books, and read to you verses, while you
would curl up around me and I would feel your warm
body, your soft breasts, your full shape...and your
lips, close, very close to my neck. It was cold in the
room.
After many years of separation, we met again, by mere
chance. We slept in the same bed. I made the same
gesture. Like before. You laughed, grabbed my face
with the palm of your hand the way one grabs a small
child, and told me: "Oh God!you haven't changed!" I
was still young [then] and was hurt by your laugh.
Tonight, it is exactly twenty years from our [first]
meeting. The leaves are quietly falling on the ground
like that October evening when I first kissed you. And
I feel that I have not changed. I wish you could tell
me the same thing tonight: "Oh God!you haven't
changed!" [But] I am so old to bear it. I come close
to your face and whisper to you: Hey, do you know? I
love you. I reach toward the shelf and pull out the
"Rubaiyat" of Omar Kahyyam. This book, I have never
read to you.

At night, when sleeping, my soul told me: drink!
In sleep and in the tomb, happiness there?s none,
Awaken! since you?re alive. Turn goblets, kiss gals!
There?s centuries to live in quiet.

You are no longer near me. A glass of wine is sitting
in your place.  Un ?Bordeaux rouge?.  In your absence,
the euphoria and sadness of these verses make me
company. Their alcohol overwhelms my body and slowly
frees me from the images of war, the gunpowder, the
chemical and biological weapons?from the religious and
irreligious propaganda, from the behind-the-scenes,
which I will never understand, and which I do not want
to understand!
Tonight, I keep you in my memory the way I keep my
heart [within my body]. May you be happy!

Kisses,
Y.
----
E dashur A,

Ai mban mend ditet e lumturise sone e dashur, kur ne
ato caste shlodhje
nxirrja krahun nga mbulesa dhe terhiqja nga etazheri
nje nga librat qe na
pelqenin dhe te lexoja vargje poetesh gjate kohes qe
ti mblidheshe pas meje
dhe une ndjenja trupin tend te ngrohte, gjinjte e tu
te bute, format e tua
te kolme...dhe buzet e tua, prane, fare prane qafes
sime. Ne dhome bente
ftohte. 
Pas shume vitesh ndarje, u takuam perseri rastesisht.
Fjetem ne te njejtin
shtrat. Une bera te njejtin xhest. Si dikur. Ti qeshe,
me zure fytyren me
pellemben e dores ashtu sic kapin nje femije te vogel,
dhe me the : "O Zot!
ti s'ke ndryshuar." Isha akoma i ri dhe e qeshura jote
me vrau.
Sonte behen plot njezet vjet nga takimi yne. Gjethet e
pemeve bien qetesisht
mbi toke si ate mbremje tetori kur une te putha per
here te pare. Dhe e
ndjej qe nuk kam ndryshuar. Do te doja qe sonte te me
thuash te njejten
fraze :  "O Zot! ti s'ke ndryshuar." Jam aq plak per
t'a duruar kete fraze.
Afrohem prane fytyres tende dhe te peshperis ; Ej, ti
e di ? Te dua.
Zgjas doren drejt etazherit dhe terheq "Rubairat" e
Omer Kahjamit. Kete
liber asnjehere nuk t'a kam lexuar.

Naten kur flija, me tha shpirti : pi !
Ne gjume dhe ne varr, s'ka lumturi,
Ngrehu! sa rron. Z'bras kupa, puth cupa !
Ke shekuj te rrojsh ne qetesi.

Ti nuk je me prane meje. Nje gote vere eshte ulur ne
vendin tend. Un
"Bordeaux rouge". Ne mungesen tende, euforia dhe
trishtimi i ketyre vargjeve
me bejne shoqeri. Alkoli i tyre me pushton trupin dhe
dalengadale me cliron
nga imazhet e luftes, baruti, armet kimike e
biologjike...nga propoganda
fetare e afetare, nga prapaskenat qe nuk do t'i kuptoj
asnjehere, dhe qe nuk
dua t'i kuptoj! 
Sonte te mbaj ne kujtesen time ashtu sic mbaj zemren.
Qofsh e lumtur!

Te puth
Y 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov  4 10:21:16 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 4 Nov 2001 07:21:16 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Another tragedy from the WTC attack
Message-ID: <20011104152116.95038.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.detnews.com/2001/metro/0111/01/a01-332633.htm


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov  4 22:45:09 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 4 Nov 2001 19:45:09 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Japan Times
Message-ID: <20011105034509.30814.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


Albanian film wins Tokyo Grand Prix

The 14th Tokyo International Film Festival ended its nine-day run Sunday with "Slogans," directed by Albanian Gjergj Xhuvani, winning the Tokyo Grand Prix. 
The film, which also won 5 million yen in prize money, was one of 14 films in the competition division for novice directors at the event, which organizers said drew some 105,000 people from around the world. 
The event, one of the world's 11 major international film festivals, this year showcased 140 films from around the world. It took place at six locations in central Tokyo including the Bunkamura arts center in Shibuya Ward. 
"Slogans" depicts Albanians in the late 1970s living under dictatorship. It features a male elementary school teacher in a mountain village who with the help of his students spells out political slogans in stones on a nearby hill. 
The 14 films vying for this year's top prize included two from Japan -- "Kewaishi" ("Makeup Artist") by Mitsutoshi Tanaka and "The Lament of a Lamb" by Junji Hanado. -- as well as movies from South Korea, the United States and Thailand. 
The festival, held annually since 1991, went ahead despite the absence of several Hollywood celebrities who canceled their visits to Japan in the wake of the Sept. 11 terror attacks in the U.S. Director Steven Spielberg and U.S. actress Cameron Diaz were among the guests who had been expected to attend. 
The Japan Times: Nov. 5, 2001




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov  5 08:31:32 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 5 Nov 2001 05:31:32 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Investuesit Italiane te shqetesuar
Message-ID: <20011105133132.41637.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

  ALBANIA: IMPRENDITORI ITALIANI DENUNCIANO 'GRAVI VESSAZIONI' 

(ANSA) - TIRANA, 2 NOV - Gli imprenditori italiani in Albania lamentano attraverso la propria associazione (Aiioa) ''gravi vessazioni subite dalla pubblica amministrazione locale''. 
Il responsabile dell' Aiioa, Salvatore Papa, in una nota consegnata all' Ansa, denuncia ''lo stato di disagio in cui ultimamente gli imprenditori italiani si trovano ad operare in Albania. Tale stato d' animo - prosegue Papa - e' aggravato dall' esistenza di una legislazione poco chiara in molti settori rilevanti per l' economia e che lascia spazio a personali e a volte arbitrarie interpretazioni'' da parte degli organi di controllo.
''Questa situazione di incertezza del diritto - conclude l' Aiioa - unita ai problemi energetici (si segnala un prossimo aumento delle tariffe dell' energia elettrica), potrebbe portare gli investitori stranieri a scegliere altri Paesi per avviare le proprie attivita', e provocare la ''diaspora'' degli imprenditori che ormai operano da anni'' in Albania. 
(ANSA).



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov  6 08:02:54 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 6 Nov 2001 05:02:54 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Marreveshja Hakkerup - Coviq
Message-ID: <20011106130254.79735.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>




 
Udheheqesit kosovare kane shprehur shqetesim per marreveshjen e fundit Haekkerup - Coviq.  Ja teksti i saj i plote.

 

Dokumenti e P?rbashk?t t? UNMIK-ut dhe "Republik?s Federative t? Jugosllavis?"

PJESA E P?RGJITHSHME 

1.V?rteton parimet themelore t? Rezolut?s 1244 t? K?shillit t? Sigurimit t? OKB-s? si dhe besimit t? nd?rsjell? se Rezoluta n? fjal? mund t? zbatohet me sukses vet?m n?p?rmjet veprimeve t? p?rbashk?ta t? t? gjitha pal?ve p?rkat?se. ?sht? n? interesin e t? gjitha pal?ve q? t? b?jn? ?'?sht? e mundur n? p?rparimin e synimeve t? Rezolut?s 1244 dhe t? marrin parasysh brengat e pal?ve tjera, duke u p?rpjekur t'i m?njanojn? dhe t'i zgjidhin ato n?p?rmjet bashk?punimit t? nd?rsjell?. 

2. Ripohon obligimet e parapara me Rezolut?n 1244 q? kan? t? b?jn? me sigurin? dhe t? drejtat e njeriut, kthimit t? t? gjith? t? shp?rngulurve dhe refugjat?ve, si dhe pushtetin e pakontestuesh?m t? UNMIK-ut q? ta realizoj? Rezolut?n 1244 dhe v?rteton se t? gjitha bashk?sit? etnike n? Kosov? kan? t? drejta t? barabarta dhe q? UNMIK-u ato t? drejta do t'i mb?shtes?. 

3. Pohon p?rcaktimin ton? p?r t'u marr? aktivisht me brengat e arsyeshme t? serb?ve dhe bashk?sive tjera etnike n? Kosov? dhe zotohet vendosm?risht p?r t? vazhduar shqyrtimin e tyre, n? m?nyr? q? t? gjitha bashk?sit? etnike t? jen? n? gjendje q? t? p?rforcojn? p?rpjekjet nd?rkomb?tare n? Kosov?. Trajtimi jodiskriminues i t? gjith? qytetar?ve paraqet themelin p?r nj? Kosov? multietnike, multifetare dhe multikulturore. 

4. Promovon mbrojtjen e t? drejtave dhe interesave t? serb?ve dhe bashk?sive tjera etnike n? Kosov?, bazuar n? parimet e parashtruara n? Rezolut?n 1244, duke p?rfshir? k?tu edhe sovranitetin dhe integritetin territorial t? Republik?s Federative t? Jugosllavis?, si dhe t? atyre q? jan? parashturar n? Korniz?n Kushtetuese p?r vetadministrimin e p?rkohsh?m. 

5. Ripohon se q?ndrimi p?r statusin e ardhsh?m t? Kosov?s mbetetet ashtu si? ?sht? parashtruar me Rezolut?n 1244, si dhe ky vendim nuk mund t? ndryshohet me kurrfar? aksioni q? merret nga Institucionet e P?rkohshme t? Vetadministrimit. 

6. P?rsh?ndetet bashk?punimi i vendosur n? koh?n e fundit nd?rmjet UNMIK-ut n? nj?r?n an? dhe Republik?s Federative t? Jugosllavis?, n?p?rmjet Qendr?s Koordinuese p?r Kosov?n. Nga ana tjet?r, 
pohon formimin e nj? grupi punues t? rangut t? lart?, n?n autoritetin e P?rfaq?suesit Special t? Sekretarit t? P?rgjithsh?m t? OKB-s? n? Kosov? q? n? to t? p?rfshihen edhe p?rfaq?suesit e RFJ-s? (kryetari dhe an?tar?t e Qendr?s Koordinuese p?r Kosov?n), nga nj?ra an? dhe UNMIK-ut, e pas formimit t? tyre, edhe at? t? Institucioneve t? P?rkohshme t? Vetadministrimit, n? an?n tjet?r. Ky grup do t? siguroj? nj? qasje t? q?ndrueshme dhe afatgjate t? bashk?punimit, duke mbuluar fushat me interes t? nd?rsjell? dhe me shqet?sim t? p?rbashk?t dhe me q?llim t? sigurimit t? nj? koordinimi dhe konsultimi me koh? dhe t? rregullt. Grupi punues i rangut t? lart? mund t? formoj? trupa punues n? kuad?r t? fushave t? caktuara me interes t? nd?rsjell?. 

7. Rip?rs?rit p?rkushtimet p?r zbardhjen e fatit t? personave t? kidnapuar dhe t? zhdukur dhe potencon se kjo plag? e hapur e t? gjitha bashk?sive etnike mund t? sh?rohet vet?m n?p?rmjet bashk?punimit dhe shk?mbimit t? informatave. 

8. Respekton t? drejt?n e pakontestueshme t? personave t? zhdukur dhe refugjat?ve p?r kthimin n? sht?pit? e tyre dhe sigurin? se ky proces ka filluar. 

9. P?rsh?ndet ngroht?sisht pjes?marrjen e gjer? dhe aktive t? t? gjitha bashk?sive etnike n? procesin e regjistrimit dhe mb?shtet synimin q? askujt t? mos i mohohen t? mirat e demokracis?. 

10. Thekson se faza e ardhshme e procesit ?sht? nxitja e zhvillimit t? demokracis?, siguris? dhe prosperitetit dhe zgjedhjet paraqesin shansin p?r nj? fillim t? ri demokratik, me vendosjen e vetadministrimit substancial, si dhe baz?n p?r nj? dialog t? hapur, p?r nj? t? ardhme t? p?rbashk?t rajonale dhe evropiane, p?r t? cil?n do t? nevojitet nj? bashk?punim n? mes t? gjitha bashk?sive etnike n? Kosov?, si dhe nd?rmjet udh?heq?sve t? Kosov?s, t? zgjedhur n? m?nyr? demokratike, Republik?s s? Serbis? dhe Federat?s Jugosllave. 

11. U rekomandon fuqimisht serb?ve t? Kosov?s q? t? marrin pjes? aktivisht n? t? ardhmen e Kosov?s multietnike, duke marr? pjes? n? zgjedhjet e 17 n?ntorit dhe n? institucionet e vetadministrimti t? p?rkohsh?m. 

FUSHAT SPECIFIKE T? ANGAZHIMIT DHE T? INTERESIT T? P?RBASHK?T 

Siguria, mbrojtja dhe liria e l?vizjes 

Ofrimi i siguris? p?r t? gjitha bashk?sit? entike ?sht? kushti kryesor p?r nj? Kosov? multietnike. ?sht? e domosdoshme ngritja e nivelit t? siguris? s? p?rgjithshme dhe mbrojtja e qytetar?ve t? rrezikuar, vendbanimeve, komunikimeve dhe lokacioneve kulturore dhe pron?s s? rrezikuar, si dhe liria e plot? e l?vizjes n? Kosov?. 

Pranon nevoj?n p?r bashk?punim t? shtuar nd?rmjet UNMIK-ut, RFJ-s? dhe Republik?s s? Serbis?, n? sigurimin m? t? madh t? liris? s? l?vizjes n? pikat kufitare, n? kufirin administraitv n? mes Kosov?s dhe trevave brenda RFJ-s? dhe pajtohet lidhur me bashk?rendimin e shtuar operativ dhe sigurin? n? k?to lokacione. 

Njeh p?rkushtimin e UNMIK-ut p?r ta rritur lirin? e l?vizjes n?p?rmjet l?shimit t? targave pa pages? p?r serb?t n? Kosov?, si dhe vendosjen e rrug?s hekurudhore nga Kosova n? t?r? Jugosllavin?. 

Personat e zhdukur 

Rip?rs?rit p?rkushtimin e UNMIK-ut p?r ndri?imin e fatit t? rreth 4000 t? zhdukurve nga t? gjitha bashk?sit? etnike dhe me k?t? q?llim, UNMIK-u ?sht? i pajtimit se deri m? 31 dhjetor 2002, t? hetoj? t? gjitha vendvarrezat e pahulumtuara n? Kosov? dhe t? filloj? zhvarrosjen e t? gjitha mbetjeve njer?zore dhe n?p?rmjet analiz?s s? ADN-s? dhe t? dh?nave para dhe post mortore, t? 1250 trupave t? paidentifikuar n? t?r? Kosov?n, me synim t? identifikimit dhe kthimit t? tyre an?tar?ve t? familjes. 

Pranon se programi i ekshumimit dhe indetifikimit ?sht? vet?m nj? pjes? e veprimtarive n? lidhje me personat e zhdukur, duke obliguar k?shtu UNMIK-un dhe qeverin? e Beogradit q? t? bashk?punoj? me transparenc? t? plot? dhe t? shk?mbej? t? gjitha t? dh?nat dhe informatat p?rkat?se. 
Ky bashk?punim, gjithashtu, do t? p?rfshij? edhe pun?n n? lokacionet n? t? cilat jan? zbuluar varrezat. 

Kthimi i refugjat?ve dhe i personave t? zhvendosur 

Duke respektuar t? drejt?n e pakontestueshme t? t? shp?rngulurve dhe refugjat?ve q? t? kthehen n? sht?pit? e tyre, UNMIK-u, si prioritet, do t? hap Zyr?n p?r kthim, n?n mbik?qyrjen drejtp?rdrejt t? P?rfaq?suesit Special t? sekretarit t? p?rgjithsh?m t? OKB-s?, q? do t? veproj? si trup operativ bashk?rendues p?r p?rshpejtimin e k?tij procesi, duke p?rfshir? edhe propozimin e nj? plani t? ri p?r kthim gjat? vitit 2002 dhe 2003. N? k?t? proces do t? p?rfaq?sohen t? gjith? akter?t relevant?, p?rfshir? k?tu, sipas rastit, p?rfaq?suesit e institucioneve t? p?rkohshme t? vetadministrimit, komuniteteve t? t? zhvendosurve dhe t? refugjat?ve si dhe autoritetet e trevave mik?prit?se dhe me q?llim t? krijimit t? kushteve adekuate p?r leht?simin e procesit. Ky proces i brisht? duhet doemos t? jet? i q?ndruesh?m dhe do t? nd?rmirren masa t? konsiderueshme p?r t? garantuar sigurin? e t? kthyerve. K?saj ??shtjeje t? r?nd?sishme do t'i jepet prioritet dhe nga institucionet e p?rkohshme t? vetadministrimit pritet q? t'i mb?shtesin kthimet aktivisht. Ripohon t? drejt?n e refugjat?ve dhe t? personave t? zhvendosur q? ta kthejn? pasurin? dhe pron?n e tyre dhe pranon se kthimi i pron?s ose kompensimi ?sht? vendimtar p?r procesin e kthimit. Ndihma e donator?ve n?p?rmjet mekanizmave t? vendosur nga bashk?sia nd?rkomb?tare dhe nga RFJ ?sht? ky?e p?r procesin e kthimit. 

E drejta pron?sore 

Njeh n? t?r?si t? drejt?n e patjet?rsueshme p?r pron?n private, si nj? nga themelet e shoq?ris? demokratike dhe nj?her? p?rs?rit vendosm?rin? e prer? p?r rikthimin e pron?s pronar?ve ligjor?, n? rast se konstatohet nj? gj? e till?. Duke p?rkujtuar procesin e deritanish?m t? k?rkesave, UNMIK-u ka marr? p?r detyr? q? t? p?rmir?soj? shqyrtimin e tyre. UNMIK-u do t? identifikoj? zgjidhje praktike p?r zbatimin e vendimeve q? merren p?r k?rkesa pron?sore dhe banesore, si dhe anagzhohet p?r hapjen e zyrave n? Serbi k?t? vit dhe n? Mal t? Zi, n? fillim t? vitit t? ardhsh?m, p?r t? leht?suar parashtrimin e k?rkesave p?r personat e zhvendosur. Afati p?r paraqitjen e k?rkesave do t? zgjatet deri m? 1 dhjetor 2002. 

Mbrojtja e t? mirave materiale dhe pasuris? 

V?rteton vullnetin p?r t? zbatuar dispozitat p?rkat?se t? Konvent?s s? Hag?s (1954) lidhur me mbrojtjen e vendeve kulturore dhe pasuris? n? Kosov?. 

Gjyq?sia 

Pranon se me q?llim t? trajtimit t? paansh?m t? ??shtjeve q? kan? t? b?jn? me aktivitetet nd?retnike kriminale, ekziston nevoja p?r shtimin e numrit t? gjykat?sve nd?rkomb?tar? dhe prokuror?ve brenda sistemit gjyq?sor t? Kosov?s. UNMIK-u do t? dyfishoj? numrin e gjykat?sve dhe prokuror?ve nd?rkomb?tar? n? gjasht? muajt e ardhsh?m, do t? kujdeset p?r angazhimin e tyre n? rastet e r?nda t? krimeve nd?retnike dhe do t? nxis? bashk?punimin aktiv n? mes gjyq?sis? s? Kosov?s, qoft? ajo lokale, nd?rkomb?tare ose asaj jugosllave. 
Konfirmon angazhimin e UNMIK-ut q? t? nd?rtoj? nj? gjyq?si multietnike n? Kosov? dhe n? k?t? drejtim UNMIK-u pajtohet menj?her? t? filloj? dhe t? plot?soj? n? kuad?r nj? sh?rbim t? ri, n? kuad?r t? Departamentit t? Drejt?sis? t? UNMIK-ut, i cili do t? jet? p?rgjegj?s p?r avancimin e p?rpjekjeve n? k?t? fush? n?p?rmjet p?rqendrimit t? potencialeve dhe personelit p?r ??shtje q? lidhen me gjykatat dhe pun?simin e serb?ve dhe joshqiptar?ve brenda sistemit gjyq?sor t? Kosov?s. UNMIK-u do t? b?j? p?rpjekje q? t? p?rmir?soj? sistemin gjyq?sor dhe gjyqtar?t e prokuror?t serb? t? Kosov?s duhet kryesisht t? punojn? n? gjykata komunale t? qarkut, ku serb?t jan? shumic? dhe n? komunitetet e p?rziera, duke siguruar k?shtu q? nuk do t? ket? paragjykime etnike n? sistemin gjyq?sor t? Kosov?s. 
Pohon se ekziston nevoja p?r t? rritur numrin e serb?ve t? Kosov?s, t? pun?suar n? sh?rbimin korrektues t? Kosov?s dhe n? k?t? drejtim UNMIK-u pajtohet n? shqyrtimin e menj?hersh?m t? pun?simit t? kandidat?ve serb? n? Kosov? brenda sh?rbimit korrektues t? Kosov?s. Pajtohet se me nj? grup punues t? p?rbashk?t, duke p?rfshir? pjes?marr?sit nga UNMIK-u dhe RFJ-ja do t? shqyrtoj? rastet e krimeve t? r?nda, q? si? pohohet jan? kryer nga serb?t e Kosov?s, n? t? cilat raste gjykat?sit dhe prokuror?t nd?rkomb?tar? nuk marrin pjes? me q?llim t? zbutjes s? paragjykimeve etnike. 

Konfirmon se t? burgosurit shqiptar? kosovar?, q? mbahen n? burgjet dhe qendrat e burgimeve t? Republik?s s? Serbis?, p?r shkeljet p?r t? cilat pohohet t'i ken? kryer n? Kosov?, duhet q? pas shqyrtimit t? rastit t? tyre, n? pajtim me standardet nd?rkomb?tare, t? transferohen sa m? shpejt n? Kosov?, n?n autoritetin e sistemit t? burgjeve t? UNMIK-ut. 

Bashk?punimi policor 

Pajtohet se lufta kund?r krimit dhe organizatave kriminale ?sht? nj? fush? e preokupimit t? p?rbashk?t, ve?an?risht n? fush?n e trafikimit, t? drog?s dhe femrave, pastrimit t? parave dhe trafikimit t? arm?ve dhe se kjo duhet t? trajtohet n?p?rmjet nj? niveli t? p?rforcuar t? bashk?rendimit, q? do t? p?rfshij? k?mbimin e informacioneve p?rkat?se p?r kriminel?t dhe organizatat kriminale dhe takimet e rregullta mujore t? komisioneve t? p?rbashk?ta midis UNMIK-ut, RFJ-s? dhe Republik?s s? Serbis?. 

Masa kund?r terrorizmit 

Merr p?rsip?r, brenda korniz?s s? bashk?punimit policor t? luftoj? terroizmin, i cili destabilizon sigurin? rajonale dhe p?rpjekjet p?r nd?rtimin e besimit. 

Zhvillimi i Sh?rbimit Policor t? Kosov?s 

Fuqish?m p?rs?rit zotimin p?r t? vazhduar zhvillimin dhe p?rforcimin e Sh?rbimit Policor t? Kosov?s, n? m?nyr? q? t? gjitha komunitetet t? mund t? besojn? n? forc?n policore profesionale multietnike dhe gjith?p?rfshir?se q? ka p?r objektiv primar sh?rbimin dhe mbrojtjen e t? drejtave t? t? gjith? njer?zve t? Kosov?s dhe zotohet m? tej q? t'i jep prioritet rekrutimit t? nj? numri m? t? madh t? serb?ve t? Kosov?s n? k?t? sh?rbim, ve?mas n? pjes?n veriore t? Kosov?s. Polic?t serb? t? Sh?rbimit Policor t? Kosov?s do t? punojn? kryesisht n? rajonet ku ekziston nj? shumic? e serb?ve dhe n? komunitetet e p?rziera. UNMIK-u do t? p?rpiqet q? t? garantoj? se struktura e SHPK-s? do t? pasqyroj? struktur?n etnike t? rajonit ku ata punojn?. 

Sh?rbimi multietnik civil 

Zotohet t? vazhdoj? krijimin e nj? sh?rbimi civil multietnik dhe shum?gjuh?sor n? Kosov?, ku do t? rekrutoheshin kandidat?t nga t? gjitha komunitetet, me q?llim q? ai t? reflektoj? karakterin multietnik t? Kosov?s dhe q? do t? garantohej n?p?rmjet zbatimit t? nj? politike jodiskriminuese t? personelit n? t? gjitha fushat dhe nivelet. Sh?rbimi civil do t'i p?rmbush standardet e larta t? qasjes, trajtimit t? barabart? dhe t? profesionalizmit, n?se UNMIK-u konfirmon se p?rfaq?simi i serb?ve t? Kosov?s n? institucionet e p?rkohshme t? vetadministrimit t? Kosov?s do t? jet? p?raf?rsisht propocional me p?rfaq?simin e tyre n? kuvend. 

Qeveria vendore 

Zotohet t? nxis? pjes?marrjen e rritur t? serb?ve t? Kosov?s n? institucionet dhe administrat?n e Kosov?s. UNMIK-u po ashtu do t? delegoj? kompetenca t? m?tejme n? nivele komunale dhe do t? rivler?soj? n? m?nyr? t? plot? dhe sipas nevoj?s do t? p?rshtas? p?rfaq?simin e serb?ve t? Kosov?s n? ?do komun?, si dhe funksionimin e strukturave t? komuniteteve vendore, t? cilat duhet t? jen? p?raf?rsisht propocionale n? p?rfaq?simin e tyre n? kuvendet komunale, me q?llim t? nxitjes s? gjith?p?rfshirjes. 

Arsimi 

Garanton se komunitetit t? serb?ve t? Kosov?s do t'iu mund?sohet arsimi n? gjuh?n e vet, nga niveli fillor deri n? at? universitar. Planprogrami arsimor do t'i b?j? strukturat arsimore t? serb?ve t? Kosov?s n? m?nyr? adekuate dhe kompaktibile me sistemin arsimor serb dhe k?rkesat e tregut t? pun?s. 

Informimi dhe mediat 

Zotohet se do t? zhvilloj? m? tej shp?rndarjen e informacionit, duke p?rfshir? at? nga RFJ-ja dhe mediat q? i dedikohen komunitetit serb n? Kosov?. Kjo mund t? p?rfshij? themelimin e nj? televizioni dhe t? radiostacioneve m? t? pavarura. 


Z. Hans Haekkerup 
P?rfaq?sues Special i Sekretarit t? P?rgjithsh?m t? Kombeve t? Bashkuara n? Kosov? 

Dr. Nebojsha ?oviq 
P?rfaq?sues Special i Kryetarit t? Republik?s Federative t? Jugosllavis? dhe t? Qeveris? Federale t? Jugosllavis? dhe t? Qeveris? s? Republik?s s? Serbis?" 



Beograd, 5 Nentor, 2001



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From naac at naac.org  Tue Nov  6 11:02:17 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Tue, 6 Nov 2001 11:02:17 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Senate Calls for Release of Albanian Prisoners Held in Serbia
Message-ID: <008d01c166dc$746bbaa0$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Telephone: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release:  November 5, 2001      Contact:  Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900
 
PRESS RELEASE
 
NAAC Hails Senate Vote on Albanian Prisoners in Serbia; 
 
Calls on Djindjic to Release Them Immediately
 
Washington, DC, November 5, 2001: The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) issued the following statement regarding Albanian prisoners being held in Serbia. 
 
On October 24, the Senate called on the Serbian government to release all remaining political prisoners who are being held in Serbia. The 2002 Foreign Appropriations Bill, which was passed by the Senate, conditions $115 million in aid for Serbia to "steps, additional to those undertaken in fiscal year 2001, to implement policies which reflect a respect for minority rights and the rule of law, including the release of all political prisoners from Serbian jails and prisons."  These conditions must be met by March 31, 2002.
 
Over 200 Albanians remain in Serbian prisons since the end of the war in Kosova over two years ago.  Despite the recent Kosova-Serbia agreement to transfer all Albanian prisoners held in Serbian jails to Kosova, the Serbian government has done little to fulfill the agreement.
 
Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY), who authored the amendment in the Bill to include the release of prisoners as a condition for aid, stated on the floor of the Senate, "I urge the democrats and reformers in Belgrade to take notice of our actions, and to release the political prisoners immediately."  Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC) echoed that sentiment: "I find it incomprehensible for a government that claims to be democratic and just to sustain this cruel vestige of the Milosevic era."  Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT), who chairs the Foreign Operations Subcommittee, also cosponsored the amendment.
 
NAAC joins the Senate and calls on Prime Minister Djindjic and Serbian authorities to release all remaining Albanian prisoners immediately.  Their continued imprisonment is an affront to the American people, on whose behalf millions of dollars were spent to overturn the Milosevic government.  There can be no enduring peace or reconciliation between Kosova and Serbia until all the prisoners are released.  If they are not release, the U.S. should immediately begin reducing its aid to Serbia and cut if off completely after March 31st of next year.
 
The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs.

###
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From naac at naac.org  Tue Nov  6 17:45:06 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Tue, 6 Nov 2001 17:45:06 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Lunch Meeting with Albanian President Meidani
Message-ID: <006d01c16714$b0130d50$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Tel: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
__________________________________________________
INVITATION

Lunch Meeting with the President of the Republic of Albania
The Honorable Rexhep Meidani

*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*

Monday, November 12, 2001, 12:00 PM-2:30 PM EST
Bruno's Restaurant, New York City 
(58th Street, Between First & Second Avenues)

*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*

$150 for non-members of NAAC
$100 for members of NAAC
Attendance by RSVP only!  Please call Valbona Sherifi at 202-466-6900 to confirm attendance. 
NO door attendance will be allowed due to security measures of Secret Service.
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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Tue Nov  6 21:38:32 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Tue, 6 Nov 2001 21:38:32 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] flag day 2001 @ Anthony's Pier 4
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111062137200.8653-100000@is08.fas.harvard.edu>

this short note was compiled by Van Christo.. and can be found @
http://www.frosina.org/cgi-bin/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic&f=1&t=000101

-----------------

NEWS RELEASE from
Albanian Flag Day 2001 Committee
Anthony's Pier 4 Restaurant
140 Northern Avenue
Boston, MA 02210
contact: Arti Cipo 617 482-6262

ALBANIAN-AMERICANS WILL CELEBRATE
ALBANIAN FLAG DAY ON NOVEMBER 28

BOSTON, MA November 5, 2001 -- On November 28th, ANTHONY ATHANAS, the Honorary
Consul General of Albania, will host an ALBANIAN FLAG DAY 2001 banquet
celebration at his world-famous Anthony's Pier 4 Restaurant on Boston's
historic waterfront. Guest speakers will be His Excellency FATOS TARIFA,
Ambassador of the Republic of Albania to the USA; PETER KOLE, distinguished
Albanian-American businessman and philanthropist, and the noted DR. FERID
MURAD, Albanian-American Nobel Prize winner. Many dignitaries have been invited
to attend, and Massachusetts Governor JANE SWIFT will issue a statewide
Proclamation commemorating November 28th as ALBANIAN FLAG DAY.

In point of fact, Albanian-Americans will gather in their respective
communities across the entire USA on November 28th to celebrate ALBANIAN FLAG
DAY or, as Albanians call it in their own language, Dita e Flamurit (Dee-tah eh
Flah-moor-eet -- the day of the flag). November 28th is a very special date for
Albanians everywhere for it was on that day in 1912 that the small Balkan
country proclaimed its independence after almost 500 years of Ottoman Turkish
subjugation, and, as a result, Albanians all over the world faithfully
commemorate that historic date. It was also on November 28th but is 1443 that
Albania's legendary folkhero, GEORGE KASTRIOTI aka SCANDERBEG, the Albanian
counterpart of America's GEORGE WASHINGTON, first proclaimed the independence
of Albania from the Ottoman Empire. Scanderbeg's armies successfully fought and
held off the Ottomans for almost 25 years, and it was only after his death in
1468 that the Ottomans were finally able to invade Europe.

Almost 5 centuries later, on that same November 28th in 1912, the venerable
Ismail Qemal, selected by his Albanian compatriots as the head of a shaky new
provisional government, delivered the modern day declaration in Vlora, Albania,
just as Greek armies were marching on that seacoast city from the south, and
Serbian armies were marching on Tirana during the Balkan War that ushered in
WWI.

However, Albania's new-found sovereignty was short-lived what with the
continuing territorial demands of Greece, Serbia, and Italy, and, on Good
Friday, April 7, 1939, the tiny Albanian nation was invaded by Mussolini's
Fascist Italy. In 1991, Albania and America resumed diplomatic relations after
almost 50 years, and, on March 31, 1992, Albania elected its first democratic
government after almost 5 decades of brutal communist isolation and repression.

At the Commemoration Banquet at Anthony's Pier 4 Restaurant, authentic Albanian
folkmusic will be provided by the "Malli" Band comprised of recent emigres from
Albania. The public is invited to attend.


The date and place of the event:

Wednesday, Novemeber 28, 2001
Anthony's Pier 4 Restaurant
140 Northern Avenue
Boston, MA 02210

6:00 pm Cocktails / 7:00 pm Dinner


Tickets:

$500 / 10
$50 / Adults
$25 / Children under 12


Make checks payble to:

ALBANIAN FLAG DAY 2001
and mail to Anthony's Pier 4 restaurant at the address above by November 23,
2001

For reservations, call 617 482-6262

Proceeds from the Albanian Flag Day 2001 celebration will be donated to three
non-profit organizations: the FROSINA INFORMATION NETWORK, an Albanian
immigrant and cultural resource, based in Boston, MA (www.frosina.org); the
NATIONAL ALBANIAN AMERICAN COUNCIL (NAAC), dedicated to advocating for
Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans, based in
Washington, DC (www.naac.org); and VATRA (The Hearth), a Pan-Albanian patriotic
federation founded in 1912, based in the Bronx, NY.




From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov  7 07:40:07 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 7 Nov 2001 04:40:07 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Prof. Selim Islami - Gazeta Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20011107124007.6695.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>



SPECIALE

In memoriam p?r
shkenc?tarin Selim Islami
Duke u kthyer nga nj? udh?tim n? Jug t? Shqip?ris?, s? bashku me Drit?ro Agollin, ndaluam n? galerin? artistike "V?llez?rit Frash?ri" n? qytetin e Fierit. Rast?sisht pash? nj? gazet? t? p?rditshme, ku miku im Fatos Baxhaku, n? nj? shkrim t? shkurt?r dhe lakonik shkruante p?r vdekjen e prof. Selim Islamit. U trondita pa mas?. 

Prej koh?sh e dija se Prof. Selim Islami ishte i s?mur? r?nd?. M? vret nd?rgjegjja dhe m? ka mbetur peng q? mikun tim t? mrekulluesh?m dhe t? vjet?r, kolegun tim dhe njeriun q? m? m?soi aq shum? nga arkeologjia, nuk arrita ta takoj para vdekjes, ndon?se i takoja djemt? e tij dhe u thoja q? do gjej nj? dit? koh? p?r ta par?. Ja nj? ankth q? do m? mbetet p?rgjithmon?. Gjithsesi ndiej nj?far? ngush?llimi, sepse kur ai do t? festonte 75-vjetorin e lindjes, erdhi tek un? n? Muzeun Historik Komb?tar dhe m? tha se t?r? veprimtarin? ceremoniale do ta b?nte n? k?t? institucion. Ajo dit? mbeti e paharruar, sepse biseda jon? qe paksa e ?uditshme dhe e shum?fisht?. Fjala vjen, un? e pyeta shkenc?tarin e ditur n?se do ta botonte t? plot? ndonj? dit? krestomacin? e mrekullueshme "Ilir?t dhe Iliria - tek autor?t antik?", q? p?r her? t? par? u botua n? Tiran? m? 1965. Ky lib?r i jasht?zakonsh?m, q? p?rmbante nj? katalog t? historian?ve t? lasht?sis? t? p?rzgj edhur, me t? dh?nat e tyre tejet t? paeleminueshme dhe t? paz?vend?sueshme p?r ilir?t, ka qen? nj? nga librat m? t? m?dhenj q? mund t? jen? botuar ndonj?her? n? gjuh?n shqipe. Libri ?sht? i madh sa p?rmasat e Bibl?s dhe n? t? v?rtet? ky lib?r ?sht? Bibla e ilirologjis? p?r ne shqiptar?t. I thash? Selim Islamit se rrall? kam lexuar ndonj? lib?r me kaq k?naq?si dhe me kureshtje sesa ky lib?r. Udh?heq?si dhe kryeredaktori i k?tij libri ?sht? pik?risht Selim Islami. N? bised? shtova edhe iden? se botimi i ri dhe i plot?suar i krestomacis? duhej patjet?r t? qe n? dy gjuh?, pra nga nj?ra faqe t? ishte teksti n? greqisht apo n? latinisht dhe n? faqen tjet?r teksti i p?rkthyer n? gjuh?n shqipe.


Un? p?rmenda librin e Pjet?r Bogdanit, t? botuar m? 1685, i cili tipografikisht qe n? dy gjuh? n? t? nj?jt?n faqe nj? rresht qe shkruar n? italisht dhe tjetri n? shqip. Si libri i Bogdanit duhet botuar dhe krestomacia, i thash? jo pa ndrojtje. "Eh, kjo ?sht? ?ndrra ime m? e madhe e jet?s, tha Selim Islami. - N? bibliotek?n time n? sht?pi kam p?rgatitur 30 v?llime t? autor?ve m? t? r?nd?sish?m t? motshm?ris?, ku njera faqe ?sht? n? gjuh?n origjinale, fjala vjen t? Herodotit, t? Tit Livit, t? Salustit, t? Euseb Hieronimit, t? Prokopit t? Cezares? etj., dhe n? faqen tjet?r ?sht? p?rkthimi im i sakt? dhe n? m?nyr? akribike n? shqip." Gjithashtu bisedova p?r mund?sin? e botimit t? artikujve t? Prof. Selimit n? disa v?llime. Tani nuk jam mir? me sh?ndet Moikom, m? tha ai tep?r i menduar. Un? do t'i p?rgatis dhe ndoshta ju t? rinjt? mund t'i botoni pas vdekjes time. Mos e p?rmend vdekjen, i thash?. Vdekja ?sht? di?ka e natyrshme, ma ktheu. Ndoshta ?sht? e natyrshme edhe t? mbijetosh. At? nuk e di, tha ai. 


Dhe ja, tani Selim Islami ka vdekur. Ka mbyllur syt?, ka pushuar zemra e tij dhe ?sht? shuar masa inkandeshente e trurit t? tij. E tmerrshme! Ka vdekur nj? nga njer?zit e ditur dhe t? shk?lqyer t? Shqip?ris? dhe p?r fatin e keq, masmedia ?sht? gati indiferente p?r k?t? em?r t? ve?ant? t? shkenc?s shqiptare. 


Un? kam punuar 10 vjet rresht me Prof. Selim Islamin si arkeolog dhe si koleg i tij. Kam patur miq?si t? thell?, miq?si q? u rrezistoi furtunave, miq?si esenciale dhe t? v?rtet?. Selim Islami ?sht? nj? nga njer?zit q? m? ka m?suar disa gj?ra thelb?sore t? historis? s? lasht? t? ilir?ve. N?se Eqrem ?abej mb?shteti tez?n e bir?sis? (filiacionit) t? shqiptar?ve nga ilir?t n? rrafshin gjuh?sor, Selim Islami ?sht? historiani i par? i madh, i cili udh?hoqi dhe konstruktoi n? zanafill? nj? histori shkencore t? qytet?rimit ilir, t? shtetit dhe t? qytetit ilir. Studimet e tij jan? t? nj? r?nd?sie t? madhe, sepse jan? pika referuese t? paz?vend?sueshme. Meqen?se opinioni publik, n? katrahur?n e sotme informative ?sht? i shk?putur nga leximet dhe nga informacionet shkencore p?r arsyet banale, q? nuk dua t'i shtjelloj k?tu, jam i detyruar t? them dy fjale sintetike p?r njeriun dhe shkenc?tarin Selim Islami.


Selim Islami ka lindur n? fshatin Pandeleimon t? rrethit t? Sarand?s, m? 18 mars 1923, n? nj? familje atdhetare t? ?am?ris?. Rrall? kam par? n? jet?n time nj? njeri t? ishte kaq krenar p?r faktin se ishte shqiptar nga ?am?ria, gj? q? ai e shpallte n? m?nyr? sfiduese p?rpara t? gjith?ve dhe sa her? q? kishte mund?si. Ai fliste p?r fshatin e tij t? lindjes me nj? adhurim apologjik. Jan? ende themelet e sht?pis? s? vjet?r t? prind?rve t? tij. Kur para 30 vjet?sh, n? Pandeleimon po nd?rtohej shkolla e fshatit, ishte Selim Islami, i cili u tha fshatar?ve t? merrnin gur?t e mureve t? sht?pis? s? tij t? lindjes p?r t? nd?rtuar arkitektur?n e shkoll?s. Ja nj? metafor? e konvertimit dhe e nj? nd?rlidhjeje kuptimplote. 


Selim Islami, n? epok?n antifashiste, luftoi me arm? n? dor? si partizan dhe mund t? ishte vrar? tep?r i ri. Fati b?ri q? ai t? jet? nj? triumfues, nj? nga pjes?marr?sit e fitores, por e kuptoi se nuk mund t? kishte nj? ardhm?ri t? Shqip?ri pa dituri t? lart?. Studimet e larta p?r etnografi i ka kryer n? Universitetin e Mosk?s, m? 1951. Ai u doktorua me disertacionin p?r etnografin? e disa enklavave shqiptare n? Kaukaz. Ai jetoi p?r shum? koh? tek k?ta shqiptar? dhe disertacioni i tij u botua rusisht n? nj? nga revistat autoritative ruse. Kur u kthye n? Shqip?ri ai nisi pun?n n? Muzeun Etnografik dhe Arkeologjik t? Tiran?s. K?tu ai b?ri nj? shnd?rrim t? papritur t? vetvetes dhe interesave t? tij shkencore. Ai nisi t? merrej me zanafillat e arkeologjis? dhe s? bashku me dekanin e arkeologjis? shqiptare Hasan Cek?n dhe arkeologun tjet?r Sk?nder Anamalin nis?n t? arkitekturonin shkenc?n e arkeologjis?. Dokumentari i par? shkencor arkeologjik i kinostudios "Shqip?ria e Re", tregon Selim Islamin e ri gjat? g?rmimeve ne tumat ilire t? Matit, duke mbajtur n? duar me kujdes si nj? trofe nj? en? tipike ilire t? pikturuar. Duket sikur n? at? moment Selim Islami po pi ver?n e p?rurimit t? epok?s m? t? madhe dhe m? t? p?rndritur t? arkeologjis? shqiptare. Brom, i nderuari yn? i pavdekur Selim Islami! Rritja dhe progresi i arkeologjis? shqiptare jan? t? pashk?putura nga emri i Selim Islamit. Her? - her? e kam pyetur se pse nga etnograf ai u b? arkeolog. ?sht? nj? nga enigmat e mia - m? thoshte duke qeshur. Gjithsesi q?llimi ka qen? zbulimi i vet? enigmave t? historis?. Selim Islami ka punuar si drejtor i Muzeut Arkeologjik t? Tiran?s, ka qen? shef i sektorit t? arkeologjis? mbi dhjet? vjet, z?vend?sdekan i Historis? dhe i Filogjis? si dhe an?tar i shum? formumeve shkencore shqiptare dhe nd?rkomb?tare. Selim Islami si arkeolog ka marr? pjes? n? g?rmimet sistematike t? rr?nj?ve ilire n? Gajtan t? Shkodr?s, n? Pazhok t? Elbasanit, n? Xib?r t? Matit, n? Zg?rdhesh t? Kruj?s, n? Butrint dhe n? Apoloni. N? vitet 1958 - 1960, Selim Islami drejtoi k?rkimet shqiptaro - sovjetike n? qytetin e Apolonis?, t? Orikumit dhe n? ?uk? t? Ajtoit. N? k?to ekspedita shkencore punoi edhe nj? arkeolog me em?r bot?ror, ?ifuti rus Bllavacki. Un? e kam lexuar librin e tij p?r Apolonin? si dhe nj? seri shkrimesh p?r qendrat arkeologjike shqiptare. Nj? erudit i jasht?zakonsh?m qe ky arkeolog plak dhe i huaj, por q? e deshi Shqip?rin? dhe qe mik i sinqert? edhe i Selim Islamit. Arkeologjia qe, si t? thuash, dashuria e dyt?, pas etnografis? p?r Selimin. Si p?r t? plot?suar formul?n e trinitetit, Selim Islami iu p?rkushtua edhe historis? s? qytet?rimit ilir. Ai ka nj? merit? substanciale jo vet?m p?r p?rgatitjen e materialeve burimore t? autor?ve antik?, por ai qe konceptuesi kryesor p?r shtjellimin p?r her? t? par?, me kritere bashk?kohore, t? historis? s? mir?fillt? s? ilir?ve t? lasht?. Ai ?sht? kryeredaktori shum?vje?ar i revist?s "Iliria" si dhe i vepr?s s? pap?rs?ritshme t? tekstit t? historis? ilire, t? botuar n? vitin 1978, n? fr?ngjisht, me titullin "Les Iliriens". Dua t? them dy mendime kryesore p?r studimet historike t? Selim Islamit.


E para, Selim Islami e shikon historin? politike t? ilir?ve, t? shtetit dhe t? qytetit ilir n? epok?n helenistike sipas nj? strukture unitare. N? nj?far? m?nyre ai ec?n n? gjurm?t e ilirologes s? madhe Papazoglu, e cila n? m?nyr? brilante mb?shteti tez?n se nuk ka disa shtete t? ve?uara ilire apo nj? mozaik mbret?rish ilire, por ka nj? shtet t? madh ilir t? vijuesh?m me emrat e mbret?rve q? alternohen. Kjo form? unitare i jep nj? kuptim t? ri historis? ilire. Selim Islami e pasuroi s? tep?rmi k?t? tez? t? dijetares Papazoglu me argumente shum? m? tep?r mbushamend?se.


E dyta, Selim Islami ka b?r? p?rgjith?simin m? sintetik t? lindjes dhe t? zhvillimit t? jet?s qytetare n? Iliri, duke b?r? nj? shfryt?zim t? plot? t? t? dh?nave dhe t? studimeve t? ilirolog?ve dhe t? arkeolog?ve t? m?parsh?m t? huaj. Un? mund t? them se Selim Islami ?sht? krijuesi i teoris? s? shtetit dhe t? qytetit ilir, q? respekton kronologjin? e burimeve librore dhe harmonizon t? dh?nat e reja dhe t? panjohura t? burimeve arkeologjike, duke pasuruar s? tep?rmi peizazhin shkencor ilir.


Selim Islami ka qen? nj? pedagog dhe orator i denj?, dh?n?si i kurseve t? posa?me p?r arkeologjin? dhe historin? e lasht?. Un?, shkruesi i k?tyre radh?ve, kam nderin q? kam qen? nj? nga dishepujt e tij dhe nj?koh?sisht koleg. Kam marr? pjes? n? ekspedit?n e tij t? njohur p?r g?rmimin e Butrintit si dhe kam qen? i pranish?m n? shum? ekspedita t? tjera t? tij ane mban? Shqip?ris?. V?rejtjet, q? ka b?r? ai p?r artikujt e mi shkencor? botuar n? revist?n "Iliria" kan? qen? vet?m t? dobishme dhe horizonthap?se. Kam kujtime shoq?rore dhe intime t? shumta me t?. Shum? episode kan? mbetur t? skalitur n? kujtes?n time. Selim Islami vdiq. N? k?t? moment humbja e k?tij personaliteti t? shkenc?s na e trazon hidh?ruesh?m nd?rgjegjen ton?. Ka vdekur nj? njeri i paz?vend?suesh?m dot. ?sht? shuar nj? njeri i rrall?. Nga ata q? nuk vijn? aq shpesh n? jet?. Ka qen? tep?r krenar n? jet? dhe tep?r stoik n? vuajtjet e s?mundjes. At? e rr?noi kanceri dhe l?ngoi gjat?. I shtruar p?r operacion n? Rom? t? Italis?, lexonte librat n? latinisht t? Ciceronit apo t? Lukianit. 


Kur e ndjeu se do t? vdiste, u la amanet f?mij?ve dhe gruas q? ta ?onin p?r ta varrosur n? ?uk?n e Ajtoit q? ?sht? n? pik?n m? jugore t? kufirit Shqip?ri - Greqi. N? atriumin e Muzeut Historik Komb?tar ?sht? sjell? dhe montuar nj? nga kullat origjinale ilire t? ?uk?s s? Ajtoit. Kjo kull? m? kujton p?rher? Selim Islamin dhe mbase fantazma e tij e shenjt? do t? l?viz? n? shkallaret dhe n? gur?t e k?saj kulle p?rjet?sisht. ?sht? tep?r e v?shtir? t? them, n? m?nyr? emblematike, at? q? duhet th?n? sakt?sisht p?r Selim Islamin. Selim Islami la gjith? ato dor?shkrime t? pabotuara. Ai e meriton post mortum titullin akademik. Ai ?sht? nj? ilirolog, pioner i shkenc?s s? re shqiptare. Ai ishte i till?, sepse qe nj? shqiptar, pik?risht si? e p?rcaktonte Naim Frash?ri, me trup dhe me shpirt. Vdiq nj? njeri jo i zakonsh?m. Harresa ?sht? e pafuqishme ta g?rryej? emrin e tij t? mir? plot dinjitet. Ai ishte nj? mjesht?r i analizave dhe i logjik?s s? fort?, nj? sintetizues i befasish?m si dhe nj? stilist i madh i shkrimit shkencor. Ai shkruante sikur skaliste. Amen!



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov  7 09:56:34 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 7 Nov 2001 06:56:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] A just criticism with positive effects in Greek - Albanian relations
Message-ID: <20011107145634.82109.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

RFE/RL: OSCE COMMISSIONER CRITICIZES HUNGARY'S STATUS
LAW

              RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 5, No. 206, Part
II, 30 October 2001  

OSCE COMMISSIONER CRITICIZES HUNGARY'S STATUS LAW.
OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities Rolf
Ekeus criticized Hungary's Status Law on 29 October,
describing it as a potential source of 
conflict, Hungarian media and AFP reported. Without
mentioning Hungary by name, Ekeus warned states
against taking unilateral measures regarding ethnic
minorities, saying that this "could lead to tensions 
and friction, even violent conflict." The protection
of ethnic minorities is the duty of the country in
which the minorities live, he added. Meanwhile,
Giorgio Malinverni, a member of the Council of 
Europe's Venice Commission that recently examined the
Status Law, said in Strasbourg that Hungarian
legislation on minorities can be applied only within
Hungary's borders and that such legislation should
affect only education and culture. Malinverni said the
commission does not agree with Budapest's intention of
extending social security to ethnic 
Hungarians abroad. MSZ 

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From admin at albstudent.com  Wed Nov  7 12:14:20 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Wed, 7 Nov 2001 09:14:20 -0800
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] College night @ Fleet Center
Message-ID: <200111071714.fA7HEK027899@mail9.bigmailbox.com>

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From mentor at alb-net.com  Wed Nov  7 12:02:55 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Wed, 7 Nov 2001 12:02:55 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] NATO Chief Says No Macedonia Peace Without Reform
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.40.0111071201030.18705-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
---------------------------------------------------------------------
                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
              http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm

           Macedonian police brutality, abuse and massacres
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/abuse_violence.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 

http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/nm/20011107/wl/balkans_macedonia_dc_11.html
Wednesday November 7 9:19 AM ET

NATO Chief Says No Macedonia Peace Without Reform
By Mark Heinrich

SKOPJE (Reuters) - The head of NATO (news - web sites) warned Macedonia
Wednesday it faced a relapse into ethnic fighting unless it quickly enacted
civil rights reforms and amnestied guerrillas who have demobilized under a
peace agreement.

Efforts to implement the Western-engineered plan devised to end an uprising
by rebels from the Albanian minority have been plagued by nationalist
point-scoring, sidetracking and disinformation.

However, there is new momentum toward ratifying the accord in parliament,
and NATO Secretary General George Robertson arrived in Skopje hoping to
capitalize on it.

``The (peace) agreement is now six weeks overdue for ratification in
parliament. That means there are sizable, real risks of a return to
violence,'' he told reporters before entering talks with Macedonian and
ethnic Albanian leaders.

``Inevitably there is going to be a rise in violence if the parliamentary
process is not concluded.''

European Union (news - web sites) shuttle diplomacy last month seemed to
settle Macedonian-Albanian disputes over emotive sovereignty issues in some
of the 15 constitutional amendments on the agenda. Parliament has set a
ratification vote for November 12.

ASSURANCES NEEDED

But Albanian MPs, unhappy with dilutions to two equal-rights amendments
made at Macedonian insistence, could withhold their support unless they get
assurances that demobilized guerrillas will be amnestied as promised.

The parliamentary delays, the lack of an amnesty, a government arms buying
drive and pointed displays on television of new firepower and special
forces have made ex-guerrillas nervous and suspicious.

Many of the ex-insurgents are stewing in dead-end, half-destroyed highland
villages or across the border in Kosovo, unable to resume jobs or an
education in the cities for fear of arrest at police checkpoints on the
way.

Although rebels handed thousands of weapons in to NATO under the peace
agreement, gunfire still clatters near truce lines after dark, though
Western monitors say it has been aimed at no one so far.

The threat of renewed fighting comes both from militant Albanian
separatists exploiting broader feelings of betrayal and from Macedonian
rightist hawks who oppose the civic democracy envisaged by the peace plan
and may count on further delays to provoke Albanian violence and justify a
new military offensive.

Tensions have been fanned by a grab bag of Macedonian gambits to stall
reforms -- diverting attention to issues such as alleged mass graves, or
planting media rumors saying rebels are rearming for war, as the top daily
reported Wednesday.

DEFINING WAR CRIMES

Robertson's main priority Wednesday was to pin the government down on a
strict, clear definition of war crimes echoing that of the International
Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY), whose jurisdiction takes
legal precedence.

In signing the peace accord, President Boris Trajkovski committed the
government to pardoning all guerrillas who voluntarily disarmed and were
not indictable by the tribunal.

But an amnesty decree issued by the cabinet on October 8 was full of
loopholes, with ambiguous references to what constitutes a war crime, and
had no impact.

Fearing a popular backlash at elections due in January, the nationalists
who make up parliament's largest faction have balked at putting an amnesty
into law.

The Interior Ministry, a hotbed of anti-treaty sentiment, is prosecuting
224 ex-rebels and dozens are believed to be in jail on murky charges of
``terrorism'' or weapons possession.

Former guerrilla commander Ali Ahmeti and 10 top associates face domestic
``war crimes'' charges which they have denied and for which Western
diplomats believe there is no hard evidence.

``Robertson will follow up on a letter we handed to the government last
week advising that the only exceptions to the amnesty should be defined as
crimes covered by and processed by the tribunal,'' a European diplomat
said.

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  8 07:45:50 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 04:45:50 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Query: Policy statements on human rights violations in Kosovo,  Bulgaria and Macedonia
Message-ID: <20011108124550.70576.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com> wrote: From Florian Bieber Wed Nov 7 07:55:03 2001
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Date: Wed, 07 Nov 2001 16:55:03 +0100
Subject: [balkans] Query: Policy statements on human rights violations in Kosovo,
Bulgaria and Macedonia
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From: "Koinova, Maria" <maria.koinova at iue.it>


Dear All,
My name is Maria Koinova, I am a PhD candidate at the European University
Institute in Florence, Italy, and currently a fellow at Harvard's Kennedy
School of Government. I would like to ask you for some good and reliable
sources on the violation of the rights of the Turks in Bulgaria, the
Albanians of Macedonia and the Albanians of Kosovo between 1989 and 1999. I
am not interested so much in the current events and the historical part, but
in some policy-statements on the human rights topic made by politicians both
on the side of the governments and on the ethnic elites in opposition (or in
power as in the case of Albanian PDP and DPA in Macedonia). Suggestions
about books and articles, both academic and journalistic, are highly
welcome. Thank you very much for your help in advance.
Good luck to everybody,Maria 



_______________________________________________

Balkan Academic News

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  8 07:47:47 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 04:47:47 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfA: Nationalism Studies Program - MA, PhD, DSP Scholarships in Hungary
Message-ID: <20011108124747.9793.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: "Szabolcs Pogonyi" <pogonyi at ceu.hu>
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Nationalism Studies Program - MA, PhD, DSP Scholarships in Hungary
Date: Wed, 07 Nov 2001 15:10:48 +0100
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From KBejko at MFS.com  Thu Nov  8 16:28:20 2001
From: KBejko at MFS.com (Bejko, Kreshnik)
Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 16:28:20 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nuts dont grow only in Malaysia
Message-ID: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2C2@perseus.mfs.com>

Interestingly enough yesterday at Harvard Square, Boston I stumbled upon
supporters of the little known US presidential candiate Lyndon LaRouche
who claims that there is a conspiracy within the US by the Anglo-American 
financier establishment(aka Harvard Inc), inspired by foreign policy
heavyweights Zbignew Brzezinski 
and Samuel Huntigton, to push the world towards a World War III in its 
'The West vs. Rest'  incarnation. The relevency of this, as far as Albanians
are concerned, is their insisistence on 'reliable' Russian and Macedonian
sources that Ayman al Zawahiri's brother is training Arab mujahedeen in
Kosova
in the US administered territory, with tacit US support. In other words
LaRouche
says that on one hand the US is bombing the Taliban on the other it supports
it and
if you dont vote for him in 2004 then you are responsible for the bloody
course of
events that will most certainly follow. Of course, I thought this just plain
nuts but
this goes to show that nuts dont grow only in Malaysia.

cheers




(14:50) Arab League head warns against clash of civilizations
By The Associated Press
BRUSSELS, Belgium - The head of the Arab League warned today that the
current fight against terrorism could escalate into a clash of civilizations
between the West and the Muslim world. 

Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa urged European Union
parliamentarians and Middle East countries to work harder to end the current
"campaign of slanders and defamation" directed at the Muslim world in wake
of the terrorist attacks on the United States. 

"The conflict between civilizations, between religions, provokes a major
confrontation if this conflict remains unattended," Moussa said. 

He added that if negative stereotypes continue to be reinforced on both
sides, it would "set the world on fire." 

"We indeed have to be more enlightened," said Moussa, adding that the world
needed to look at the root of terrorism, which he said was based on poverty
and inequalities. 

Javier Solana, the EU's top foreign and security policy chief, urged
lawmakers at the special Euro-Mediterranean parliamentary forum to seek
better relations to deal with the root causes of terrorism, including the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict. 

"We have to be courageous enough to thrash out any issue," he said. 

Lawmakers called for a closer "inter-cultural dialogue" in order to improve
relations. 

All agreed that terrorism needed to be fought on all fronts, not only by
military means, but also by fighting poverty. 

Meretz Knesset member Naomi Chazan said terrorism was rooted in poverty but
added, however, that the war against terrorism affected all countries. 

"This is not a clash of civilizations. It is not a clash of religions,"
Chazan told the chamber. "Each one of our societies and each one of our
cultures and each one of our religions harbor terrorist strains." 

Moussa, whose organization represents 21 Arab countries and the Palestinian
territories, called for an action plan to be drawn up to deal with any clash
of cultures. 

"We need you and I think you need us," he said. 

The forum coincided with a meeting of Euro-Mediterranean foreign ministers
earlier this week in Brussels which dealt mainly with the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict. 

The "partnership meeting" was the latest in a regular series launched in
1995 to bring the 15 EU nations together with Algeria, Cyprus, Egypt,
Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Malta, Morocco, the Palestinians, Syria, Tunisia
and Turkey. 

In a related story, Hizbullah might be tempted into launching an attack in
the Mount Dov region to show its disdain for its inclusion on a US-British
list of terrorist organizations, Western diplomatic sources warned yesterday




From dhidri at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  8 16:57:13 2001
From: dhidri at yahoo.com (Dorian Hidri)
Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 13:57:13 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: [Alb-Club] Nuts dont grow only in Malaysia
In-Reply-To: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2C2@perseus.mfs.com>
Message-ID: <20011108215713.35335.qmail@web11306.mail.yahoo.com>

Ketij te shkretit i ka hipur me Malejzine ketij!!!!

--- "Bejko, Kreshnik" <KBejko at MFS.com> wrote:
>                   *** Alb-Club Discussion List ***
> 
> 
> 
> Interestingly enough yesterday at Harvard Square,
> Boston I stumbled upon
> supporters of the little known US presidential
> candiate Lyndon LaRouche
> who claims that there is a conspiracy within the US
> by the Anglo-American 
> financier establishment(aka Harvard Inc), inspired
> by foreign policy
> heavyweights Zbignew Brzezinski 
> and Samuel Huntigton, to push the world towards a
> World War III in its 
> 'The West vs. Rest'  incarnation. The relevency of
> this, as far as Albanians
> are concerned, is their insisistence on 'reliable'
> Russian and Macedonian
> sources that Ayman al Zawahiri's brother is training
> Arab mujahedeen in
> Kosova
> in the US administered territory, with tacit US
> support. In other words
> LaRouche
> says that on one hand the US is bombing the Taliban
> on the other it supports
> it and
> if you dont vote for him in 2004 then you are
> responsible for the bloody
> course of
> events that will most certainly follow. Of course, I
> thought this just plain
> nuts but
> this goes to show that nuts dont grow only in
> Malaysia.
> 
> cheers
> 
> 
> 
> 
> (14:50) Arab League head warns against clash of
> civilizations
> By The Associated Press
> BRUSSELS, Belgium - The head of the Arab League
> warned today that the
> current fight against terrorism could escalate into
> a clash of civilizations
> between the West and the Muslim world. 
> 
> Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa urged
> European Union
> parliamentarians and Middle East countries to work
> harder to end the current
> "campaign of slanders and defamation" directed at
> the Muslim world in wake
> of the terrorist attacks on the United States. 
> 
> "The conflict between civilizations, between
> religions, provokes a major
> confrontation if this conflict remains unattended,"
> Moussa said. 
> 
> He added that if negative stereotypes continue to be
> reinforced on both
> sides, it would "set the world on fire." 
> 
> "We indeed have to be more enlightened," said
> Moussa, adding that the world
> needed to look at the root of terrorism, which he
> said was based on poverty
> and inequalities. 
> 
> Javier Solana, the EU's top foreign and security
> policy chief, urged
> lawmakers at the special Euro-Mediterranean
> parliamentary forum to seek
> better relations to deal with the root causes of
> terrorism, including the
> Palestinian-Israeli conflict. 
> 
> "We have to be courageous enough to thrash out any
> issue," he said. 
> 
> Lawmakers called for a closer "inter-cultural
> dialogue" in order to improve
> relations. 
> 
> All agreed that terrorism needed to be fought on all
> fronts, not only by
> military means, but also by fighting poverty. 
> 
> Meretz Knesset member Naomi Chazan said terrorism
> was rooted in poverty but
> added, however, that the war against terrorism
> affected all countries. 
> 
> "This is not a clash of civilizations. It is not a
> clash of religions,"
> Chazan told the chamber. "Each one of our societies
> and each one of our
> cultures and each one of our religions harbor
> terrorist strains." 
> 
> Moussa, whose organization represents 21 Arab
> countries and the Palestinian
> territories, called for an action plan to be drawn
> up to deal with any clash
> of cultures. 
> 
> "We need you and I think you need us," he said. 
> 
> The forum coincided with a meeting of
> Euro-Mediterranean foreign ministers
> earlier this week in Brussels which dealt mainly
> with the
> Palestinian-Israeli conflict. 
> 
> The "partnership meeting" was the latest in a
> regular series launched in
> 1995 to bring the 15 EU nations together with
> Algeria, Cyprus, Egypt,
> Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Malta, Morocco, the
> Palestinians, Syria, Tunisia
> and Turkey. 
> 
> In a related story, Hizbullah might be tempted into
> launching an attack in
> the Mount Dov region to show its disdain for its
> inclusion on a US-British
> list of terrorist organizations, Western diplomatic
> sources warned yesterday
> 
> 
> ***Alb-Club***
> ____________________________________________________
> Alb-Club mailing list: Alb-Club at alb-net.com
> http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/alb-club


__________________________________________________
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From KBejko at MFS.com  Thu Nov  8 16:59:23 2001
From: KBejko at MFS.com (Bejko, Kreshnik)
Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 16:59:23 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Best selling books in the US
Message-ID: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2C3@perseus.mfs.com>

November 2, 2001 
Best-Selling Books    
 
 
The Wall Street Journal's list of best-selling books for the week ended Oct.
27.

Fiction  

1  The Corrections ,
Jonathan Franzen/Farrar, Straus and Giroux  43  44  
2  The Kiss ,
Danielle Steel/Delacorte  41  New  
3  Blood and Gold,
Anne Rice/Knopf  40  49  
4  Bend in the Road,
Nicholas Sparks/Warner Books  34  39  
5  Isle of Dogs ,
Patricia Cornwell/Putnam  34  46  
6  Midnight Bayou,
Nora Roberts/Putnam  29  61  
7  Poems ... J. K. Onassis,
C. Kennedy, J.K. Onassis/Hyperion  26  28  
8  Harry Potter ... Fire,
J.K. Rowling/Arthur A. Levine/Scholastic  21  21  
9  Black House,
Stephen King, Peter Straub/Random House  21  25  
10  The Mitford Snowmen,
Jan Karon/Viking  17  12  
11  Separation of Power,
Vince Flynn/Pocket Books  15  17  
12  Narcissus in Chains,
Laurell K. Hamilton/Berkley  11  17  
13  Dune: House Corrino,
B. Herbert, K. Anderson/Bantam Spectra  11  14  
14  Fleeced,
Carol Higgins Clark/Scribner  10  New  
15  Portrait in Sepia,
Isabel Allende/HarperCollins  9  New  

Nonfiction/General  

WSJ Sales Index  

1  The No-Spin Zone,
Bill O'Reilly/Broadway Books  71  42  
2  Final Days,
Barbara Olson/Regnery  56  44  
3  Jack: Straight From the Gut,
Jack Welch/Warner Business  46  34  
4  Who Moved My Cheese?,
Spencer Johnson/Putnam  37  37  
5  How I Play Golf,
Tiger Woods/Warner Books  36  50  
6  Prayer of Jabez,
Bruce H. Wilkinson/Multnomah  31  34  
7  Back to the Table,
Art Smith/Hyperion  31  New  
8  Germs,
J. Miller, S. Engelberg, W. Broad/Simon & Schuster  30  45  
9  John Adams,
David McCullough/Simon & Schuster  23  23  
10  Crossing Over,
John Edward/Jodere Group  18  17  
11  Body for Life,
Bill Phillips/HarperCollins  17  17  
12  Fish!,
S. Lundin, et al/Hyperion  15  15  
13  The Wild Blue,
Stephen Ambrose/Simon & Schuster  12  11  
14  Good to Great,
Jim Collins/HarperBusiness  11  19  
15
(tie)  Islam: A Short History,
Karen Armstrong/Modern Library  10  New  
15
(tie)  The Way,
Michael Berg/John Wiley  10  New  

Business  

1  Jack: Straight From the Gut,
Jack Welch/Warner Business (H)  36  26  
2  Who Moved My Cheese?,
Spencer Johnson/Putnam (H)  31  31  
3  Good to Great,
Jim Collins/HarperBusiness (H)  11  20  
4  Rich Dad Poor Dad,
R. Kiyosaki, S. Lechter/Warner Books (P)  10  10  
5  Fish!,
S. Lundin, et al/Hyperion (H)  10  10  
6  7 Habits ... Effective People,
Stephen Covey/Fireside (P)  5  5  
7  Side by Side Leadership,
Dennis A. Romig/Bard Press (H)  5  4  
8  First, Break All the Rules,
M. Buckingham, C. Coffman/Simon & Schuster (H)  4  4  
9  Real Estate Riches,
Dolf De Roos/Warner Business (P)  4  3  
10  Gung Ho,
K. Blanchard, S. Bowles/William Morrow (H)  4  3  
11  Skeptical Environmentalist,
Bjorn Lomberg/Cambridge University Press (P)  3  1  
12  Now, Discover ... Strengths,
M. Buckingham, D. Clifton/Simon & Schuster (H)  3  4  
13  17 ... Laws of Teamwork,
John C. Maxwell/Thomas Nelson (H)  2  1  
14  One Minute Manager,
K. Blanchard, S. Johnson/Berkley (P)  2  2  
15  9 Steps ... Financial Freedom,
Suze Orman/Three Rivers (P)  2  2  

The Wall Street Journal's list reflects nationwide sales of hardcover books
during the week ended Saturday, Oct. 27, at more than 2,500 Barnes & Noble,
B. Dalton, Bookland, Books-a-Million, Books & Co., Bookstar, Bookstop,
Borders, Brentano's, Coles, Coopersmith, Doubleday, Scribners and
Waldenbooks stores, as well as sales from online retailers Amazon.com and
barnesandnoble.com. A sales index of 100 is equivalent to the median number
of copies of the No. 1 fiction bestselling titles sold each week during
2000. *The business sales index is adjusted to reflect median sales of
2000's No.1 fiction bestseller, calculated using sales only from these
booksellers (Barnes & Noble, Books-a-Million, Amazon.com and
barnesandnoble.com) that contribute to the business bestsellers list. (P)
Paperback; (H) Hardback. Refer questions to bob.hughes at wsj.com.
 
  
 



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov  8 23:47:38 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 20:47:38 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] New York Times
Message-ID: <20011109044738.24666.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

The New York Times 
November 8, 2001, Thursday, Late Edition - Final 
Section A; Page 9; Column 1; Foreign Desk 

A Former U.S. Envoy Links Greek Politicians to Assassin Group 

By The New York Times 
ATHENS, Nov. 7 


Tensions between Greece and the United States increased this week after a former American ambassador to Athens asserted that there were links between the country's ruling political elite and the Revolutionary Organization 17 November, a terrorist group held responsible for a series of assassinations of Americans and others in recent years. 

Thomas Niles, who served as ambassador here from 1993-97, appeared on a local television current affairs program Tuesday night. He said he had given the Greek authorities a list of potential suspects linked to 17 November, a group that surfaced in 1975 and whose activities routinely include assassinations and anti-American proclamations. "In 1995, we explained to the Greek government who we thought was writing its declarations," Mr. Niles said. The suspect, he added, was "not a member of the government at that time" -- the Socialist cabinet led at that time by the late Andreas Papandreou. "There was no follow-up" from the Greeks, Mr. Niles said. 

A government spokesman, Christos Protopappas, reacted swiftly today, saying that Mr. Niles was a "liar" and called his allegations "tales and fictional scenarios." 

Named after the date of a bloody student uprising in 1973, 17 November first burst into the public eye with the 1975 killing of the head of the Central Intelligence Agency post in Athens, Richard Welch. The killing was seen as revenge for what Greek leftists saw as Washington's support of the military dictatorship that ruled between 1967 and 1974. 

Since then, the terrorists have killed 22 more people, Greeks and foreigners, with most of the foreigners Americans. Not a single related arrest has been made. 

"There is something, some element in the system that does not want this to happen," Mr. Niles said. 

He ruled out, however, that the present administration of Prime Minister Costas Simitis had any contact with members of 17 November, which Mr. Niles characterized as a Marxist-Leninist group with sympathizers including "prominent members of Greek society." 

Mr. Niles, who works for the United States Council for International Business in Washington, spoke during a visit to Athens. Reached by telephone in Geneva, he declined to elaborate. 

The contentious 1995 report to which he referred was not the first attempt by Washington to prod Athens into investigating potential terror suspects, according to American intelligence officials. 

In 1981, the then Greek Intelligence Services drafted a list of potential terror suspects that the intelligence officials said was compiled with the assistance of C.I.A. agents operating in the country at the time. 

Requests to investigate the named individuals were knocked down by the Socialist Pasok party that rose to power later that year, according to the intelligence officials. The Greek government insists it has never received any such lists. 

Mr. Niles was not the first former American official to comment on Greece's record on fighting terrorism, a subject that has become more acute since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks in the United States, and has heightened security concerns about the 2004 Olympics in Athens. 

James Woolsey, the former C.I.A. director, and L. Paul Bremmer, a former diplomat who headed a Congressional inquiry into fighting terrorism, suggested in 1999 that Greece be put on the list of countries facing sanctions for failing to cooperate with the United States. 



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From albboschurch at juno.com  Fri Nov  9 01:19:09 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 01:19:09 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Connections sought
Message-ID: <20011109.083927.-140043.0.albboschurch@juno.com>


----- Forwarded Message -----
From: Paul & Lisa Naseef <naseef at maine.rr.com>
To: Albanian Orthodox Church <albboschurch at juno.com>
Date: Thu, 08 Nov 2001 18:33:04 -0500
20011108.122534.-106395.7.albboschurch at juno.com>

Do you know of any Albanians around 18-30 years old (possibly from Kosovo
or muslims) living in the Boston area. Please contact Zanah at hotmail.com
who is going to school at Simmons and let her know of any clubs and her
sister at ahaxha at usm.maine.edu who is living in Portland. Thanks. 
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov  9 13:28:32 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 10:28:32 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: An Evening of Balkan Poetry
Message-ID: <20011109182832.70540.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu
Subject: An Evening of Balkan Poetry
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 11:53:16 -0500
Size: 1734
URL: <http://www.alb-net.com/pipermail/albsa-info/attachments/20011109/dd71916c/attachment.mht>

From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov  9 16:15:57 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 13:15:57 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Question to FM Papandreu
Message-ID: <20011109211557.97709.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR (GHM)
MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP - GREECE (MRG-G)
Address: P.O. Box 60820, 15304 Glyka Nera 
Telephone: (+30-1) 347.22.59. Fax: (+30-1) 601.87.60.
e-mail: office at greekhelsinki.gr website: http://www.greekhelsinki.gr
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

PRESS RELEASE

29 October 2001

TOPIC: PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION BY PANOS PANAGIOTOPOULOS (ND) 
ON THE RIGHTS OF THE GREEK MINORITY IN ALBANIA, 
BASED (INTER ALIA) ON GHM REPORTS
____________________________________________

NAME - SURNAME OF PARLIAMENTARIAN: PANOS P. PANAGIOTOPOULOS
PARLIAMENTARY GROUP: NEW DEMOCRACY
ELECTORAL DISTRICT: ATHENS-B (SUBURBS)

(stamped and filed)
GREEK PARLIAMENT
DIVISION OF PARLIAMENTARY QUESTIONS
Protocol Number of QUESTION: 2316/3044
Date of submission: 25-10-01


QUESTION AND REQUEST
FOR SUBMISSION OF DOCUMENTS

To the Foreign Minister


A year has passed since the 1st and 2nd ballots of the municipal elections in our neighbor, Albania.
It is widely known (both to the competent authorities in the Grek Foreign Ministry and to its political leadership) that reports on this specific electoral process were published by the OSCE Election Monitoring Group after the second ballot of municipal elections in Albania (15 October 2001). Therein was recorded (for the first time by an intergovernmental organization) the presence of a Greek minority in Himara, the existence of violence and corruption - before and during the second ballot of the municipal elections - as well as the refusal by the Albanian authorities to take into account OSCE charges and recommendations.
These findings have since been reiterated in documents by Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM) and in the annual reports of Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the U.S. State Department.
Albania has responded to international organizations concerning GHM's charges by insisting - even before the UN - on denying the existence of a Greek minority in Himara and in any other region that is not within the so-called "minority zones." As a consequence, this also prevents the creation of minority Greek classes in the schools of these regions.

Given all this:

The Foreign Minister

IS ASKED

1. How has the government made use of the reports by OSCE, the U.S. State Department and prominent NGOs to promote the equitable demands of the Greek minority and especially those of the inhabitants of Himara?
2. Precisely because Albania is a partner in the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe and anticipates International Community aid for its development, how has the Greek Government utilized these possibilities to oblige Albania to respect international standards as well as its own constitutional order?
3. More specifically, is the Government aware of whether the Albanian side has permitted Greek classes to open and function in the Himara schools during the current school year?

Furthermore,
The Foreign Minister
IS REQUESTED

To submit all documents having to do with the above mentioned issues.

25-10-2001

The Parliamentarian questioner
(signed)
PANOS P. PANAYOTOPOULOS



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov  9 16:24:48 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 13:24:48 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Anti-Semitism in the Balkans
Message-ID: <20011109212448.75803.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>


"Alfa1"

22-9-2001

Parliamentary Question of Yorgos Karatzaferis

"Since the country, like the others on the planet, is under the new dogma
of the Americans as officially heard by President Bush in the Congress:
"States must choose if they are with the Americans of the terrorists."

Given that since September 11th, the day of the sad events in New York and
Washington, new conditions have been created that automatically affect our
country, especially because of the 2004 Olympiad and the fact that we
neighbor with Islamic countries, I am bringing the following to your
attention:

Two newspapers of Israeli interests, "Haaretz" of Tuesday September 18th
and "Yedioth Ahronot" of Wednesday September 19th, stated the following
among other things:

"4000 Jews working in the Twin Towers did not go to work on the day of the
attack. In addition, the visit of Ariel Sharon to New York, where he was to
speak at a celebration of Zionism, was postponed on the same day. Besides
that, 5 Jews were arrested videotaping the destruction 4 hours after the
event. They are being held by the FBI for suspicious behavior, which was
interpreted as being ridiculing and sarcastic about the tragic event."

According to the newspapers 4000 Jews and Ariel Sharon were prevented (and
therefore saved) from the secret services of Israel.

The Minister is asked:

Are you aware of these publications?
Have you brought it to the attention of the other 14 European Governments?
How will you handle the issue in light of the threat of an endless war? 

----------------------------

EMBASSY OF ISRAEL


PRESS RELEASE

The Government of Israel categorically rejects all allegations that Israel
supposedly informed Jews about imminent terrorist attacks in New York.
These allegations are simply preposterous. Strangely enough, these absurd
accusations are even being propagated by certain personalities, even
political ones, in Greece.

It is really a shame that at the beginning of the 21st century one can
still find people, even politicians, who are resorting to the same
criminal, racist, anti-semitic propaganda used by the Nazis to justify
their crimes against Jews. Blinded by their own hatred, ignorance and
stupidity, these individuals intentionally ignore the reality of
international developments and try to directly or indirectly blame Jews for
every evil in the World.

In light of the terrible human tragedy that struck the civilized world,
there is no other way to explain the baseless accusations that Israel
withheld information from its dearest friends, the people of America. There
is only one word to describe this accusation. A shame!

Athens, 24.9.2001
Press Office


=====

"Eleftherotypia" 29-9-2001 by Ios [CARRIERS OF THE IOS (VIRUS) ARE: TASSOS KOSTOPOULOS, DIMITRISTRIMIS, ANGELIKA PSARRA, DIMITRIS PSARRAS (ios at e...)]A lie transforms into anti-Semitic hysteria and reaches Greek ParliamentThe Black International of Liars(translated by GHM from the Greek original available at:http://www.enet.gr/online/online_p1_fpage_text.jsp?dt=29/09/2001&id=56459)"Israelis working in the Twin Towers were saved!"("Espresso", 24.9.2001)Yorgos Karatzaferis [extreme right wing LAOS party deputy] found no traceof a Jew in the Twin Towers devastation.For days now we've been following, dumbfounded, the construction process ofan outrageous rumor and the mechanisms by which it is promulgated. Therumor claims that the Jews (note: any and all Jews) were behind theterrorist attack of September 11th. This is proved by the fact that therewere no dead Jews among the thousands of victims of the attack because the4000 Jews working in the Twin Towers were notified in time to organize amass truancy from work - and their own salvation - on the crucial day. Yes,you understood right: 4000 American Jews kept the earth shattering secretto themselves, and not even one betrayed it to his/her colleague in thenext office!The fact that this rumor is monstrous enough to insult the intelligence ofeven the most militant anti-Semite has not stood in the way of itsdissemination. It has been given space in newspapers, broadcast ontelevision, adopted by politicians and supported by academics endowing itwith whatever prestige they have. What's more, it has reached GreekParliament thanks to a parliamentary question put by a well-knownheadhunter of Jews (and others), Yorgos Karatzaferis. Karatzaferis askedGreek Foreign Minister George Papandreaou (whom, it should be noted,Karatzaferis considers a Jew through his grandmother Sofia Mineiko) toinform him as to his awareness of the articles published in two Israelinewspapers ("Haaretz" and "Yedioth Ahronot"), and if he had advised hisEuropean counterparts of them. These publications supposedly "reveal" thatthe 4000 Jews working in the Twin Towers had been notified by the Israelisecret service and did not go to work on the day of the attack, and thatAriel Sharon had canceled his visit to New York that same day.The dissemination of a rumorMr. Karatzaferis' demand of the Foreign Minister is obviously ridiculous(why would the EU governments expect to be notified by the Greekauthorities about Israeli publications?). Therefore, one must lookelsewhere for the significance of the entire matter in which theparliamentary questioning process served as a pretext. Quite simply,Karatzarferis, as part of his personal anti-Semitic crusade, took it uponhimself to spread a rumor in Greece that had circulated in some Arab media.It's worth looking at how this was done. The "news item" apparently firstappeared in the Kuwaiti newspaper "Al-Wattan" and in the Pakistani "NawaiWakat." It definitely was broadcast on the Lebanese "Al-Manar TV," whichadvertises itself as "the first Arab channel to wage an effectivepsychological war against the Zionist enemy." A few days later thePakistani weekly "Darb-i-Mumin" (21-27 September) published, in the form ofa dispatch from New York, the "news" that the American authorities wereinvestigating why there were no Jews among the dead of September 11th. Andthis, despite the fact that initially, moments after the building wasstruck, much of the media, especially the Israeli media, rushed to mournthe 4000 Jewish workers in the Twin Towers. The article ascribes thisinformation to "Arab diplomatic sources," adding that Western mediasubsequently withheld the fact that Jews were absent from the scene of thecrime.Within this climate it seems that two Israeli newspapers, "Haaretz" and"Yedioth Ahronot" (18 and 19 September respectively), quoted the abovearticles in order to use them as typical examples of current Arabanti-Israeli propaganda. The entire affair would have remained in theframework of yet another classic Arab-Israeli altercation were it not forthe fact that some of these articles were hosted on "Indymedia"(Independent Media Center), the well-known website that strives, as we'veseen in the past, to operate as an independent source of uncensoredinformation by harboring controversial (and occasionally unsubstantiated)views on a variety of current topics. So, it was on "Indymedia" that Mr.Karatzaferis' associates found the "documents" that the MP displayed totelevision viewers as proof of the "new Jewish crime," as he withheld theirreal origin as well as the discourse surrounding them."You won't have it easy"Up to this point we are dealing with a typical process of rumor productionand dissemination, the construction of which, in order to be convincing, isascribed to its very victims: the Jews knew of the terrorist attack, andsince they admit it themselves, who are we to doubt them? What comes next,however, is even more outrageous. When the strong reply of the Embassy ofIsrael in Athens was made public last Tuesday, and the publications on thetopic began multiplying, Karatzaferis showed up in a frenzied state on hisdaily TV program at "Teleasty" to literally declare war on Greek Jewry.In a delirium of hatred that the most fanatic national socialist wouldenvy, the parliamentarian did more than ascribe the terrorist attack andevery evil in the world to the Jews. Addressing himself alternately to theIsraeli Ambassador in Athens and to all Jews indiscriminately, he demandedthat they essentially be denied any possibility to object to whatever it isthey are yet again being accused of. But mainly - and this is important tothe understanding of how this new anti-Semitic rumor is used within theGreek context - he openly threatened Greek citizens of Jewish origin,regarding them as an a priori fifth column and excluding them once and forall from the "national body."Let's stay for a bit on Karatzaferis' - by grace of parliamentary immunity- anti-Semitic hysteria to look at what actually is at stake behind theso-called innocent recycling of this rumor: "These people who havecommitted so many crimes in this land have no right to protest," theparliamentarian maintained. "The Jews are not justified to a voice and tochallenge politicians in Greece. This shows great impudence on their part."Following this was the requisite questioning of the Holocaust itself: "Comenow, Mr. Ambassador, let's talk about the Holocaust, let's talk about themyths of Auschwitz and Dachau and those ovens; let's talk about the gaschambers to see if their walls were insolated to retain the gas or weresimply made up of bricks."And further down: "Are we the ones persecuting you, or is it that we findyou wherever we go and wherever we settle? Just because you've had your waywith some fools that tremble and fear you, and because you control thesystem with your secret societies and their spin-offs, do you think thatwe'll kowtow to you in the same way? No, there are still some individualsin Greece who aren't afraid. And we're the majority." And the barragecontinues: "Let's take a look at the role you've played in contemporarypolitical history. Let's look, finally, at the Greek Jews. [?] You're moreover there [meaning Israel] than over here, no matter if you've been bornhere, no matter if you've made your money here, no matter if you've madeyour fortunes here - you're still more over there. And good for you forloving your country. But, you won't deprive us of the right to love our owncountry, to defend our own country from any threat, and we see you as oneof those threats. That's just how it is. [?] Why do you want hearts andflowers? Aren't you in our midst? Haven't we put up with you since 1453?[?] In 1821 [?] where did you all disappear? Because you sided with thepowerful Turks so you could make money, so you could make your fortunes."This "historical" documentation was then followed by the predictable"therefore": "So, that's why we don't like you. Because your very existenceand history has always been against Greece. [?] That's why we don't wantyou around, that's why we don't sympathize with you. But, from that pointon, when you act with such impudence in our home [referring to thedisclaimer of the rumor], just know that we won't be so nice to you and youwon't have it so easy." And, in conclusion, he gives us (lest we'veforgotten) the most categorical justification of the Holocaust: "Whereveryou've gone throughout history, everyone's said 'out with the Jews.' Werethe Pharaohs crazy, were the Ptolemies crazy, too? Were all the peoples ofthe world crazy? Are all the people crazy who don't want you in theirmidst? Okay, Hitler was crazy - but all of history? So just know that, Mr.Jew ambassador, and watch your step."Yorgos Karatzeferis' outrageous frenzy wouldn't have mattered so much ifthe rumor, of which he was the basic linchpin in Greece, had not appearedvirtually uncommented upon in many newspapers ("Adesmeftos Typos" owned byMitsis 22/9, "Vradini" 22/9, "Paron" 23/9, "Espresso" 24/9, etc.) and onnumerous TV channels. If it had not been supported by politicians such asNew Democracy deputy Eugene Haitidis and professors such as Maria Tzani andYorgos Hourmouziadis (KKE - communist party). By utilizing the anti-Semiticsubstratum of a society that otherwise boasts of its ecumenical andanti-racist sentiments, this repulsive rumor seems to have found fertileground at a juncture where the "invisible danger" is easily detected in thefigure of the eternal scapegoat. Thus, the age-old mechanism has provedstill capable of stimulating the phobic and irrational reflexes of thepast. Unfortunately, it seems that Yorgos Karatzaferis is not alone on thismatter. Mainstream Antisemitism in Greece after the 11 September Attacks


Excerpts from Ios articles in "Eleftherotypia" mentioning antisemiticstatements by politicians of the country's three major parties, governingsocialist PASOK, opposition conservative New Democracy, and communist KKE.------------------------------------------29-9-2001A lie transforms into anti-Semitic hysteria and reaches Greek ParliamentThe Black International of Liars(translated by GHM from the Greek original available at:http://www.enet.gr/online/online_p1_fpage_text.jsp?dt=29/09/2001&id=56459)................."Yorgos Karatzeferis' outrageous frenzy wouldn't have mattered so much ifthe rumor, of which he was the basic linchpin in Greece, had not appearedvirtually uncommented upon in many newspapers ("Adesmeftos Typos" owned byMitsis 22/9, "Vradini" 22/9, "Paron" 23/9, "Espresso" 24/9, etc.) and onnumerous TV channels. If it had not been supported by politicians such asNew Democracy deputy Eugene Haitidis and professors such as Maria Tzani andYorgos Hourmouziadis (KKE - communist party). By utilizing the anti-Semiticsubstratum of a society that otherwise boasts of its ecumenical andanti-racist sentiments, this repulsive rumor seems to have found fertileground at a juncture where the "invisible danger" is easily detected in thefigure of the eternal scapegoat. Thus, the age-old mechanism has provedstill capable of stimulating the phobic and irrational reflexes of thepast. Unfortunately, it seems that Yorgos Karatzaferis is not alone on thismatter. "--------------------------------14-10-2001The Greek "Terror-Hunters"(translated by GHM from the Greek original available at:http://www.enet.gr/online/online_p1_fpage_text.jsp?dt=14/10/2001&id=59539)................"At Seven TV (3/10), when the debate was led to the antisemitic pathsprevailing these days, Mr. Papathemelis [PASOK] was wondering, with fakeinnocence, why the names of the Jews who were killed in the twin towerswere not released."


=========







 



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From KBejko at MFS.com  Fri Nov  9 16:28:07 2001
From: KBejko at MFS.com (Bejko, Kreshnik)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 16:28:07 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fatos Tarifa: Albania only 16% Muslim
Message-ID: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2CC@perseus.mfs.com>

Carolina Seminar on Comparative Islamic Studies

"Albania, Kosovo, and Islam" 
a presentation by Dr. Fatos Tarifa, 
UNC Department of Sociology 
and 
Albanian Ambassador the Netherlands 
November 17, 1998.
Professor Sarah Shields began the meeting by introducing the 
speaker. The speaker then acknowledged that he was participating somewhat 
under duress, as he had a flight leaving the next morning for the 
Netherlands. There were thirteen people, including the speaker, in 
attendance. 
Dr. Tarifa began by offering some statistics as background, and as 
a means of posing a problem. To much of the world, especially the west, 
Kosovars are regarded as Islamic. Indeed, Albania itself is generally 
considered to be the only Islamic nation in Europe. These perceptions of 
Albania and Kosovo, however, are based on information from the 1929 
census. Then, roughly sixty percent of the population was Muslim, fifteen 
percent was Roman Catholic, and the remainder was Orthodox Christian of 
various types. Under communist rule, there were no statistics, as 
everyone was by default an atheist. In 1991, the United States 
Information Agency did a survey that found fifty-two percent of Albanians 
considered themselves atheists, sixteen percent claimed to be Muslim, and 
the remainder were Roman Catholic and Orthodox Christians. The situation 
would probably be quite similar today. Yet, to the United States and 
Europe, Albania remains a Muslim country. 
This clearly inaccurate perception of Albania begs the question of 
why has Albania been so neglected. While there may be no one answer to 
that question, there are several issues we can look to for an explanation. 
First, Albania is such a small country. Second, it is of minimal 
relevance to the west, particularly the United States, in and of itself. 
Beyond those points, we must ask: is Albania somehow special? Is it 
different from the rest of the Balkan region? 
The history of Albania is in fact quite different from the rest of 
the Balkan states. It has had the most violent transition from communist 
to democratic rule, but not because of a lack of democratic tradition. In 
that sense, the country is little different from the remainder of the 
region. The role of culture and tradition is also unclear. 
Orthodoxy was predominant. It was only under the Ottomans that the majority 
of the population converted to Islam. That conversion process was 
peculiar, and offers some important insights about Albania since that 
time. Some scholars have explained the conversion to Islam as a pragmatic 
decision made by farmers who did not want and could not afford to pay the 
tax required of non-Muslims. The population in the North, which is 
largely mountainous, remained primarily Christian, specifically Roman 
Catholic. That region was therefore divided or isolated from the 
remainder of the country. The conversion was also peculiar because it was 
not a total conversion. Conversions did not take place on the level of 
the family, but rather on the level of the individual. Again, pragmatism 
seems to explain why conversions occurred this way. It made it much 
easier for a family to deal with either a Christian regime or a Muslim 
regime if the family could present itself as an adherent to the religion 
of the current ruler. Finally, unlike people in other Balkan states, the 
Albanians converted to the religion of the foreign invaders. 
Because of the nature of Albanian conversions to the religion of 
the victors, religion itself has never been much of an issue with respect 
to calls for independence. Albanians used language, rather than religion, 
to differentiate themselves from the Ottomans and the other Balkan states 
and peoples. The Albanian Renaissance, which was an independence movement 
that began among intellectual circles and then extended outward, used 
language to promote a unified national movement. It led to the creation 
of a standard Albanian alphabet. An interesting sidelight here is that 
historical research before the Albanian Renaissance is very difficult 
because there was not a single alphabet in use. 
To say that religion was not a major rallying point for 
independence movements is not to say that religion has been insignificant. 
Religion has been quite important to Albania's history, even during the 
communist period. The most active religious groups under the communists 
were the Roman Catholics. The Muslims collaborated more with the 
leadership than did the Roman Catholics. In 1967 and 1968, there was an 
imposed "grassroots" youth movement to ban religion that made it very 
difficult to practice any religion. Then, a 1976 law banned all 
religions, ideologies, and philosophies other than communism/marxism. 
In light of all of these issues, the situation in Kosovo and its 
relationship to Albania is quite problematic. Borders were drawn in 1913, 
and Kosovo was left outside of Albania, so it has never been part of an 
official Albanian state. Ethnically and linguistically, however, the two 
are quite similar. In fact, while the differences between Albania and 
Kosovo and the north and south should not be underplayed, there are more 
similarities than differences. One of the key differences is in political 
culture. Albania has had more experience in that area. Kosovars see the 
period from the 1960s to 1981 as a golden age. Since the Serbs have taken 
over, however, the Kosovars have been denied many of their fundamental 
rights. The role that Albania can play in resolving the situation in 
Kosovo is not entirely clear. If Europe and NATO cannot reach a solution, 
then Albania cannot do much either. Even outright support for Kosovo is 
not a clear policy, because then we are faced with the question of whether 
Kosovo should be a republic, a sovereign state, or something else 
altogether. The immediate concern is simply to create a dialogue in which 
such issues can be discussed productively. Finally, the people in Kosovo 
think the West is interested in stability but feels nothing for Kosovars. 
That feeling makes the Kosovo issue important in Albanian politics, because
to 
not support the Kosovars is to "sell them out." 
There is currently a great deal of diversity in the Albanian 
political situation. There are currently fifty-two parties in the 
multi-party system. Significantly, none of those fifty-two are 
religiously defined. Again, though, the role of religion is ambiguous. 
There is now an active religious revival, but it is mostly among the Roman 
Catholics. There is one Turkish school that is heavily overcrowded. Some 
Albanians fear the school as a symbol of backwardness. Thus, you can see 
that religion is important, but there is just too much religious diversity 
for it to play a very powerful role. There are some reports of links 
between Islamic terrorist groups, the Albanian mafia, and the old 
leadership, but those have not been confirmed. They may be a product of a 
free press that is a disease in a young democracy. The problem with a 
free press in the early stages of democratic development is that it raises 
the question of what democracy and freedom really mean. 
Albania is a member of the Islamic Conference, which has caused a 
great dispute in Albanian political circles. Those Albanians opposed to 
it believe the nation should embrace European civilization rather than its 
opposite. Today, no documents confirming Albania's participation in any 
sort of global Islamic movement can be found. Rather, the issue of 
Albanian participation in the Islamic Conference should probably be seen 
through the same lens of pragmatism discussed before. In an extremely 
poor country, money is good regardless of the source. Some Islamic groups 
may exert influence within the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), but they 
certainly do not dominate it. Albania is a country of transit for 
Iranians and Kurds on their way to Italy, so some participation by Islamic 
groups in the KLA should be expected. But, again, they do not dominate 
it. Along those same lines, Albania has without doubt served as a base 
area for some of the KLA. At this point, the Albanian government has 
little control over the large number of weapons stolen during the attacks 
on the weapons stores last year. 
Discussion 
Dr. Tarifa was unable to answer the first two questions posed 
during the discussion. The first question addressed the issue of the 
apparently widespread feeling in the Balkans that the West has not done 
enough to prevent bloodshed, and whether there was a comparable feeling in 
the region about the Middle East. The second concerned where Albanian 
ulama go for their education. 
Dr. Tarifa addressed a question about possible solutions to the 
Kosovo situation by emphasizing the need for a political dialogue with 
Serbia and its leader, Slobodan Milosevic. In the former Yugoslavia, 
Kosovo was the third largest community, but it did not have its own 
republic. The Kosovars, however, should have the same right to choose 
that other republics have. That, however, is highly unrealistic, as the 
Serbs will not allow it to take place. The only way to begin to deal with 
the situation is to start a political dialogue with Milosevic that might 
eventually lead to Kosovo being recognized as a republic. 
Dr. Tarifa stressed that it is not helpful to speak or think about 
the possibility of a greater Albania into which Kosovo would be absorbed. 
Albanians actually demonstrate a large amount of indifference toward 
Kosovars and their problems. In 1990, the Kosovars were the first to 
invest in Albania after the fall of communism. They ended up alienating a 
significant number of Albanians. Yet, clearly, some people in Albania do 
still feel tied to Kosovo. 
The question was posed as to how the Kosovo situation fits into 
the larger relations in the Balkans. Dr. Tarifa responded that 
Albanian-Croatian relations are in and of themselves nothing special, and 
are little affected by the Kosovo issue. Albanians in Macedonia are 
generally more satisfied, and a chain reaction spreading there is not 
likely. Relations with Serbia are obviously much more complicated. There 
is a long history of Serb oppression of Albanians. Moreover, Kosovo was 
the poorest region in the former Yugoslavia, but it was critical to 
Yugoslavian national myths. So far, in the current situation, Milosevic 
has been the only winner. Most recently, he pulled back just soon enough 
to avoid being given a lesson by the West. The other key factor here is 
of course the army, which is a critical political actor. 
A member of the audience asked Dr. Tarifa what he believed the 
average Kosovar wanted to be the outcome in this situation. He responded 
that conditions in Kosovo had been quite good under Tito, but the Kosovars 
did not really realize it then. Of course, no Kosovar would openly state 
that, because they feel they must fight for their independence. Many, 
however, would be happy if they could return to that type of situation, at 
least as a starting point. As for Serbia and Albania, the two have always 
been separate, but we have seen elsewhere in the world that simply 
dividing Kosovo in two would not be a successful solution. It is worth 
noting here that Kosovo is much more important in Serbia than it is in 
Albania. It is a critical issue in terms of Milosevic's hold on power. 
Turning back to the issue of religion, a participant asked how 
Albanians were dealing with their current religious freedom. Dr. Tarifa 
replied that there was almost a sense of religious amnesia in Albania. 
For example, many people know they are technically Muslim, but they have 
no idea what that means. During the communist period, much of Muslim 
culture was destroyed, with the central mosque in Tirana one of the few 
that was saved. Now, Middle Easterners (especially the Saudis) are 
funding the construction of mosques everywhere, but it is unclear how many 
people are visiting them. Many Albanians see the period of Ottoman rule, 
when Islam really began significant in Albania, as a five hundred-year 
vacuum dividing Albania from the rest of Europe. That view has not 
changed much since the fall of communism, either. 
The talk concluded at that point




From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov  9 16:50:49 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 13:50:49 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Event on Macedonia at Harvard
Message-ID: <20011109215049.6269.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: Kokkalis_Program at ksg.harvard.edu
Subject: The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 16:49:09 -0500
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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Fri Nov  9 18:28:42 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Fri, 09 Nov 2001 16:28:42 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: An Evening of Balkan Poetry
Message-ID: <F71XREeZKvlun88GrGT0001402e@hotmail.com>

If the purpose of this event is to strengthen "the friendship among the 
Balkan peoples and the cultural and civilizational distinctions of the 
region"*, the fact that Albania and Albanian poetry is not mentioned (or 
perhaps even welcomed in their educated?/thoughtless hearts) UTTERLY 
UNDERMINES its(apparently) very noble purpose.
For this reason, I fail to understand the reason why Agron Alibali even 
bothered to email us such information that is not representative of our 
country, which is at the heart of whatever is Balkan about the Balkans, and 
consequently of their (the organization's) theoretical purpose.
xh.a.

*the quotation is from this MIT Serbian Organization

>From: Agron Alibali <aalibali at yahoo.com>
>To: Albsa-info at alb-net.com
>CC: sokolrama at aol.com
>Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: An Evening of Balkan Poetry
>Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 10:28:32 -0800 (PST)
>
><< message1.txt >>


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From naac at naac.org  Fri Nov  9 18:37:38 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 18:37:38 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Press Notice: NAAC, Walker to Travel to Kosova
Message-ID: <006a01c16977$88efb4c0$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Telephone: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release:  November 9, 2001    Contact:  Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900
 
PRESS NOTICE
 
NAAC and Ambassador William Walker to Travel to Kosova; 
 
Will Observe First Free General Elections
 
Washington, DC November 9, 2001 - Representatives of the National Albanian American Council and Ambassador William Walker, former Head of the OSCE Mission in Kosova, will visit Kosova from November 15, 2001 until November 18, 2001 to observe the first free general elections in the country.  Upon arrival on November 15, the delegation will travel to Drenica to pay a visit to the family of Adem Jashari, the freedom fighter who was killed along with several members of his family by the Serb army.  During its stay in Kosova, the delegation will hold meetings with representatives of the international community at the US Office, UNMIK, and OSCE, as well as with Albanian political leaders.  On Election Day, they will join official monitoring groups traveling across Kosova to observe the election process.  On Sunday, November 19 at 12:30, the delegation will hold a press conference at the Grand Hotel to present its conclusions and to discuss other projects.
 
WHAT:                       NAAC DELEGATION TRIP TO KOSOVA
 
WHO:                         US AMBASSADOR WILLIAM WALKER
                                    NAAC MEMBERS: Richard Lukaj, Chair, 
                                    Ilir Zherka, President, Dino Erbeli, Gjevalin Gegaj, 
                                    Musa Dakaj, Halil Mula, Ndua Ivezaj, Aferdita Rakipi, 
                                    Rezart Spahia, and Katarina Alexander
 
WHEN:                       NOVEMBER 15 - NOVEMBER 18TH
 
PRESS:                       PRESS CONFERENCE, GRAND HOTEL
SUNDAY, November 18, 2001, 12:30 PM
 
 
The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs.
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From naac at naac.org  Fri Nov  9 18:58:47 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 18:58:47 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] State Department Confirms Identities of Bytyqi Brothers
Message-ID: <00d101c1697a$7b95b560$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Telephone: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release:  November 9, 2001    Contact:  Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900
 
PRESS RELEASE
 
State Department Confirms Identities of Bytyqi Brothers;
 
Fund Established to Ensure Repatriation of Remains
 
Washington, DC, November 9, 2001: The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) issued the following statement regarding the official identification of the murdered Bytyqi Brothers.

In July, a mass grave was found outside of a police compound in Petrovo Selo, Serbia. The United States Department of State has now confirmed that thee of the bodies found are those of the brothers, Agron, Mehmet and Ylli Bytyqi, American citizens of Albanian decent. The three Bytyqi brothers were born in Chicago, IL and were all in their early twenties. They gave up the comforts of living in America to travel to Kosova and help the American-lead effort to end the genocidal campaign being waged by Serb dictator Slobodan Milosevic. They were last seen trying to assist a Roma family cross the border into Serbia. The three were arrested at the border for trying to enter without a visa and sentenced to 15 days in prison. After being released, the brothers were transferred to Milosevic's special forces. They were never seen alive again. Reports indicate that their bodies were discovered atop a heap of debris containing the bodies of approximately 16 other Albanians. The brothers were the only ones to have been blindfolded and have their hands tied. They had been shot in the chest at close range.

Members of Congress, including Senators Mitch McConnell and John McCain, and Congressman Eliot Engel, have demanded that the US investigate their death.  In fact, during a discussion of the Foreign Operations Appropriations Bill on October 24, 2001, McConnell addressed this issue: "I continue to be keenly interested in the investigation into the murder of the three American brothers of Albanian descent from New York who were recently found in a mass grave in Serbia.  Justice must be served for their murders."
  
The Bytyqi family, however, is struggling to come to grips not only with this tragedy, but also with the costs of repatriation.  Consequently, the National Albanian American Council and the Hands of Hope Campaign have established the Bytyqi Family Fund. Although no amount of funds can ever compensate the family for their loss, the Fund is designed to help the Bytyqi family absorb the costs related to transporting the bodies back home to the U.S. and to cope during their time of crisis. These contributions will ensure that these American citizens who sacrificed their lives in the name of freedom will receive a burial worthy of their heroism. Please direct all tax-deductible donations to: 

The Bytyqi Family Fund 
National Albanian American Council
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922
New York, NY 10001

The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs.
 
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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Sat Nov 10 11:33:24 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Sat, 10 Nov 2001 09:33:24 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Where did our 'rights' go? Or, did we even have any?
Message-ID: <000a01c16a05$6bb5c5a0$6528a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

November 7, 2001

School Girl Gets the Boot 
for Anti-War Opinions 
By Michael Colby

Civil liberties are often the first casualties of war, just ask the 15-year old sophomore from Charleston, West Virginia who wanted to start a high school club that opposed the U.S. war on Afghanistan. Katie Sierra, a self-described anarchist, not only wanted to start a club to spread her views against the bombing but she also went to school wearing this message on her t-shirt: "When I saw the dead and dying Afghani children on TV, I felt a newly recovered sense of national security. God Bless America."

But the school officials at her Sissonville High School ruled that neither the club nor the t-shirt would be allowed on school premises. And when Sierra insisted on wearing her t-shirt she was suspended by the school's principal. Worse, when Sierra appealed the principle's decision to the county board of education, the board upheld the decision.

"We want students to be able to express themselves, but in a way that does not disrupt the educational process," explained board member Cheryle Hall. "We will back [the principal] to make sure the environment at the school is protected and harmonious."

Sierra responded by filing a lawsuit, arguing that her free speech rights were being violated. And, to add insult to First Amendment injury, the West Virginia judge who received the case ruled almost immediately in favor of the school.

"The Constitution is at stake," declared Roger Forman, Sierra's attorney. "Every day her free speech is inhibited, the Constitution is harmed."

On Monday Forman filed an appeal with the West Virginia Supreme Court. There's no timetable on when (or if) the court will hear the case.

In an interview with the Daily Curio, Forman also reported that he was considering libelous suits against at least one member of the Board of Education for comments made during the public hearing they held on the matter. According to Forman, board member John Luoni accused Sierra of "committing treason" by espousing her anti-war views.

"Accusing someone of committing a crime when there was no crime committed is libelous," Forman told the Curio. "And we intend to follow up on it."

The local media in the Charlestown area has been pummeling Sierra in the court of public opinion in recent days. On November 5, Sierra's hometown newspaper, the Charleston Daily Mail, ran a stinging editorial with this headline: "The School Day is for Education, Not Disruptive Political Expression."

The Daily Mail's editorial began with this head-scratching gem: "Americans cherish the freedoms guaranteed them under the Constitution, but the thoroughly egocentric exercise of those rights becomes tiresome." And it ended with this similarly frightening bit of reasoning: "Americans have the right to express themselves, and that is sacred. But there is not, and never has been, a constitutional right to force everybody else in society to listen during school hours."

Forman reported that Sierra is following the rules set forth by the school until the matter is ultimately resolved in the courts. But she's not giving up all her rights to protest against both the killing by Osama bin Laden and the killing being done in the name of her country. Forman said that while Sierra is not wearing her slogan-bearing t-shirt, she is wearing black armbands as a symbol of her opposition to the U.S. militaristic response to the September 11th attacks.

"She's a bright kid," Forman said. "She's a politically astute kid. And she doesn't believe that war - and more killing - is the answer to our problems."

Michael Colby is the editor of the Food & Water Journal. His last story for CounterPunch, Nuked Mail, dissected the feds' plan to irradiate the US mail as a way to calm fears about anthrax and help bail out the nuclear waste industry.

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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Sat Nov 10 11:59:55 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Sat, 10 Nov 2001 09:59:55 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] a must-read article
Message-ID: <000a01c16a09$1fcbbba0$6528a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

Homeland Insecurity:
Phoenix, Chaos, The Enterprise, 
and The Politics of Terror In America
Prior to the 11 September terror attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, two conditions defined American politics. In regard to foreign affairs, the United States was universally recognized as the world's only super power. And today that condition remains unchanged: no other nation comes close to matching America's military might.

But domestic politics was defined by doubts about the legitimacy of the Bush Administration. Al Gore had won the popular vote by an overwhelming majority, and Bush had acquired his presidential powers through a combination of nepotism and voter fraud in Florida, blatant media bias, and a judicial coup d'etat by the right wing of the U.S. Supreme Court.

Before the terror attacks, the stench of venality clung to Bush like cigarette smoke and stale beer after a night of bar hopping. Since the attacks, his standing in the polls has nearly doubled, and there's been no more talk of an oil crunch, or the ailing economy, or of the looting of pensions plans down ten to twenty percent, or of looting of Social Security and Medicare to pay for the war of revenge, or of Republicans losing Congress in 2002.

This second, overarching condition--the inherent illegitimacy of the Bush Administration--must be remembered when considering how the apocalyptic events of 11 September changed the domestic political landscape. Symbolically, they wiped the slate clean. The U.S. remains the most powerful nation in the world, but Bush's legitimacy is no longer an issue. As a result, all the moral and psychological prohibitions on the reactionary right have been lifted, and all the anger and frustrations it cultivated during the Vietnam War, and the Carter and Clinton Administrations, is poised to be unleashed under the aegis of counter-terrorism, not only on the usual suspects--foreign enemies sitting on vast oil reserves, suspected terrorists, and domestic dissidents--but on the unwitting, flag-waving American public as well.

Alas, righteous outrage over the crime of 11 September has enabled the once wobbly "unpresident" to stand tall, assert himself, and exploit the catastrophe in a way that seems at once crass, eerily preordained, and suspiciously opportune. Though its moral authority and intentions are as uncertain as the perpetrators of the carnage, the Bush Administration has effectively silenced its critics, and, amid rapturous bipartisan Congressional and public support, launched a "low intensity" war on Afghanistan and a nebulous, "covert" war on world terrorism, while reorganizing the executive branch of government into the most fearsome political and psychological warfare machine the world has ever seen.

There is a grave, hidden danger in this situation, for the reactionary right wing--by which I mean the owners, managers, and supporters of America's totalitarian, military industrial information complex--have united the nation behind the Bush Administration in a spirit of belligerent nationalism. With its actions and intentions shrouded in secrecy, the Bush Administration, in this respect, fits the classic definition of a fascist dictatorship.

Already some of our most cherished freedoms have been sacrificed. Dissent has been stifled, censorship imposed, and cherished legal protections, especially regarding the Fourth Amendment, have been altered and suspended. No one knows exactly how many "suspects" are being detained, or where, and already there has been one suspicious death and widespread rumors of abuse. And the situation will only get worse.

In a 21 October article for The Washington Post, Walter Pincus reported that FBI and Justice Department investigators are increasingly frustrated by the silence of some jailed suspects. Offers of lighter sentences, money, jobs, and a new identity and life in America haven't loosened their tongues, and alternative strategies under discussion include "using drugs or pressure tactics, such as those employed occasionally by Israeli interrogators, to extract information."

Images come to mind of stoic Israeli soldiers breaking the hands of adolescent Palestinian rock throwers. But more serious measures are being contemplated. According to Pincus, one law professor believes "the use of force to extract information could happen" in cases where investigators believe suspects have information on an upcoming attack. "If there is a ticking bomb, it is not an easy issue," the professor said.

Right wing Republican stalwart Kenneth W. Starr, the former Clinton inquisitor, said the danger of terrorism requires "deference to the judgments of the political branches (italics added) with respect to matters of national security." And right wing Republican Richard Thornburgh, a former Pennsylvania governor and attorney general under Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush, said that due process sometimes "strangles us." When it comes to counter-terrorism, Thornburgh said that legally admissible evidence "may not be the be-all and end-all."

According to Pincus, "the country may compare the current search for information to brutal tactics in wartime used to gather intelligence overseas and even by U.S. troops from prisoners during military actions."

Suddenly we've gone from breaking hands to cutting off fingers, attaching electrodes to genitals, and pouring soapy water down windpipes while suspects hang suspended on meat hooks.

But is there a "crisis" as government propagandist Pincus suggests? And even if there is, why must we defer to the "political branches," as Starr claims, to combat terrorism? And what does it mean for Bush's domestic political opponents if, as Thornburgh suggests, the "current search for information" should include the "brutal tactics" used "in wartime"?1 

How To Organize A Fascist State

America was attacked and is at war; and in the rage and confusion following the morning of 11 September Bush sought unprecedented emergency powers to counter the threat of more terrorism. He received those powers from Congress with near unanimous public support. The logic was irrefutable at the moment: a murderous, suicidal enemy had invaded our homeland, and the military had to be mobilized. Fear gripped the nation, and while Bush was ignominiously hidden away in a military bunker by security forces (because, his aides falsely claimed, terrorists planned to attack Air Force One) the White House was able to impose what amounts to martial law. Armed National Guardsmen now stalk our airports, concrete barriers surround our government buildings, and the president's press secretary cautions our apologetic comedians (when they're not sports casting or sharing emotional moments with Dan Rather) to watch what they say.

And even though the attacks ended quickly, a bizarre outbreak of anthrax keeps the body count climbing, emotions simmering, and the emergency sustained. The military is now integrally involved in domestic counter-terror operations, and intelligence gained from CIA covert actions--evidence hitherto inadmissible in courts of law, due to the CIA's refusal to reveal its illegal "sources and methods"--has been folded into law enforcement operations. Any number of secret presidential edicts may have been issued--we know of one authorizing the CIA to commit assassinations--and thus the scope of the assault on our civil liberties has yet to be fully revealed.

But we do know how the Bush Dictatorship will be organized. It will be based on a broad policy of anti-terrorism covering the entire spectrum of possible actions, from conventional military operations, to political intervention, and to economic sanctions against nations like Afghanistan, Cuba, and Iraq. This broad policy of anti-terrorism will include specific counter-terror programs and operations, at home and abroad. White House political and security advisors will coordinate this bifurcated effort under the ostensibly direction of dimwitted George Bush and the actual direction his Machiavellian Vice President, Dick Cheney. Should Haliburton Oil Company executive Cheney depart the scene for health reasons, an equally aggressive individual, most likely Secretary of State Colin Powell, will take his place.

The job of managing overseas counter-terror operations will fall to National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice. A board member of Chevron Corporation, which operates in 100 foreign countries, Rice, like Bush and Cheney, has an abiding personal interest in the growth of the oil industry. She is a "hard liner" and advocates a worldwide war on terrorism, to be fought in more than 60 countries. As she said in an 18 October article posted on the CNN website, "you've got to get to these (terrorist) cells and root them out and disrupt them before they strike again."

The job of coordinating the domestic counter-terror effort will fall to former Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge, as director of the newly created Office of Homeland Security (OHS). In less sophisticated times, the domestic counter-terror effort would be referred to as "internal security," and Ridge would head the Office of Internal Security. But the Bush Administrations public relations experts evidently think "internal security" has a negative connotation, and that the word "homeland" connotes "the land of the free and the home of the brave," as opposed to the Fuhrer and his adoring volkreich.

Although he is a personal friend of Bush and a decorated Vietnam veteran, Ridge supports a woman's right to an abortion, and thus is mistrusted by the reactionary right wing of the Republican Party. Even the mainstream media is beginning to portray him as a mere spokesman and figurehead without real authority, and it's clear the White House's political cadre will make the real decisions about internal security, and foreign policy.

In existence since 1947, the National Security Council implements the President's foreign policy wishes, which are to organize the world based on the totalitarian corporate paradigm, in a political way that will enrich himself and his loyal supporters. The new OHS has the same purpose, and same organizational structure, as the NSC.

The political pretext for creating the OHS was simple enough: 6000 citizens were killed in a terrible terror attack, and the Bush Administrations claims that the OHS is the best mechanism to reduce the risk of such a calamity happening again. To this end, the OHS will coordinate more than 40 federal agencies involved in intelligence, security, and law enforcement endeavors.

Although the lines of authority have yet to be determined, the OHS will work with the murky Military Homeland Defense Agency under Deputy National Security Advisor General Wayne Downing. Though he is describe as Ridge's deputy, Downing has far greater experience in counter-terror doctrine and operations, including service as an intelligence and Civil Affairs officer during the Vietnam War. Before his retirement in 1997, Downing was Commanding General of the U.S. Army Special Operations Command at Fort Bragg (1991-1993), and Commander in Chief of the U.S. Special Operations Command at MacDill Air Force Base (1993-1996).

The man to watch, Downing will advise Ridge and Bush on how best to detect and disrupt domestic terrorist organizations. Downing will be OHS's liaison to the Pentagon and its highly evolved counter-terror units. These units will likely serve as the OHS's "action" arm in hostage situations or in cases when the "brutal tactics" used "in wartime" are required to persuade a terrorist to reveal the location of a "ticking bomb."

Downing also will likely oversee the Stalinist military tribunals the Bush Administration has proposed as a method of trying, dispensing with, and even executing terrorists. In a 25 October article titled "How We Punish Saboteurs" for Legal Times, Philip Lacovara, cited the case of eight German saboteurs executed during World War II. President Roosevelt ordered the men tried before a military tribunal composed entirely of military officers. The saboteurs took their case to the Supreme Court, but the Justices backed the President, ruling that the Germans had no right to a public trial or a trial by jury. The Court even implied that the President as commander in chief had the power to order the men executed without any trial at all. Ultimately the military tribunal did its job, and in early August 1942, six would-be saboteurs were hanged.

As Lacovara notes, without any sense of irony that every member of the CIA falls within this definition, "The laws of war grant no quarter to those who plot their evil in the shadows."

It's unclear if the OHS, in conjunction with Downing's organization, will have the power to torture and summarily execute. But the OHS is being funded by hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars, and Bush Administration propagandists are busy lowering expectations. Defending our homeland will not be an easy task, according to Michael Ledeen, a former counter-terror expert in the Reagan Administration's State Department and National Security Council. In a 1 October article for the National Review OnLine, Ledeen said the difficulty will be getting the law-enforcement and intelligence agencies "to coordinate better with one another." 2

Ledeen defines this organizational problem as ideological, and he specifically blames the Clintons, "for failing to properly organize our nation's security apparatus."

He even goes so far as to suggest that the Clinton Administration is liable for the terror attacks of September 11th, because, "People who took security seriously were sneered at by the Clintons. Bubba's White House was a security shambles," and his Secretary of State, Madeline Albright, "presided over one security debacle after another. Rooms were bugged, files and computers disappeared, perhaps into the same black hole as the Rose Law Firm records having to do with Ms. Hillary's billable hours."

Ledeen's vilification of "the Clintons" is a textbook example of the unsubtle political and psychological warfare being waged on the American public, to legitimize the Bush Administration, and to justify the political repression of those people whom Clinton is presumed to represent: obviously not those who take security seriously.

Bombing a pharmaceutical factory in the Sudan, endless economic sanctions against Iraq, more than a billion dollars to fight narco-terrorism in Colombia, and the war in Bosnia--none of this was serious enough to suit Ledeen and the radical right. Nor was Clinton's total commitment to Israel. Clinton's failure was here, at home, and the radical right is about to set things straight.

The terror attacks of 11 September cry out for violent retribution, and if, as Ledeen alleges, "the Clintons" are to blame--through sins of omission, ignorance, or arrogance--then violent retribution must surely be visited upon them and their associates. This is exactly what Ledeen is advocating, and this is the tricky part, because he does not define whom these people were who sneered at security. But his visceral hatred of them is indicative of the violence the reactionary right wing wishes to inflict, through the OHS, on its political opponents--however erroneously represented by Clinton they are--in order to instill "respect" for the illegitimate Bush Administration.

According to Ledeen, Clinton's sneering lack of respect took "a terrible toll on the system, and Ridge will not find it easy to instill a proper respect for proper secrecy, even in his own offices. It takes quite a while to stamp out corrupt habits of mind and action."

Ledeen's solution to the problem of domestic terrorism is "to stamp out" the "corrupt habits of mind (italics added)" that are still lingering around, somewhere. In other words, the reactionary right wing must impose its "proper" ideology through the institution of an official Thought Police, the OHS, in order to create the politically correct, security conscious, uniform American citizenry, marching in lockstep, flags waving, that is necessary to win the tough war ahead. It's a matter of will.

"This is time for the old motto, "kill them all, let God sort 'em out." New times require new people with new standards," Ledeen asserts. "The entire political (italics added) world will understand it and applaud it. And it will give Tom Ridge a chance to succeed, and us to prevail."

The "new times" means a society in which the organizing principle is terror. The "new people" are those who take internal security seriously enough to impose the "new standards," which allow military tribunals to order summary executions and torture here in America, when necessary, and mass murder anywhere in the world there are thought to be terrorists, as is happening in Afghanistan right now.

It all depends on whether or the reactionary right wing succeeds in terrorizing the American public into submission. As the Bush regime is fond of saying, "You're either with us, or you're against us."

Continued in Part Two: Phoenix and the Anatomy of Terror

Douglas Valentine writes frequently for CounterPunch. He is the author of The Phoenix Program, the only comprehensive account of the CIA's torture and assassination operation in Vietnam, as well as TDY a chilling novel about the CIA and the drug trade. 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 11 09:59:57 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 06:59:57 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ron Brown Fellowship MA Program for Students from SEE  Europe
Message-ID: <20011111145957.25498.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>



From: Craig Zelizer <czelizer at conflicttransformation.org> 

Subject: Ron Brown Fellowship MA Program for Students from SEE europe
see List of eligible countries and contacts below
The Ron Brown Fellowship Program offers fully funded 
two-year degree programs at the Master's level, 
(excluding law, which is one year, or one-year 
non-degree professional development programs). The 
program does not support Ph.D. studies. Eligible 
fields of study are:
Business Administration (M.B.A.) 
Economics (M.A.) 
Educational Administration (M.A.) 
Environmental Policy/Management (M.A.) 
Journalism/Communications (M.A.) 
Law (LL.M.) 
Public Administration/Public Policy (M.P.A./M.P.P.) 
The program is intensive and places Fellows in leading 
institutions that best fit their academic needs and 
qualifications.


Albania 
Bosnia & Herzegovina 
Bulgaria 
Croatia 
Kosovo 
Macedonia 
Montenegro 
Romania 
Serbia 
Slovenia 
Albania 
American Embassy &shy; Tirana 
Public Affairs Office 
Rruga e Elbasanit 103 
Tirana 
Albania 
Tel: (355) 423-3246 
Fax: (355) 423-2222 
E-mail: pisaniKL at pd.state.gov
Bosnia & Herzegovina 
American Embassy &shy; Sarajevo 
Public Affairs Office 
Fra Andela Zvizdovica 1/X, 71000 SARAJEVO 
UNIS Building (A Tower) 
tel: +387-33-665-841, 665-851 
fax: +387-33-665-836 
e-mail: bhexc at pd.state.gov 
Web Link: http://www.usis.com.ba/exchange/ronbrown.htm

Bulgaria 
Fulbright Commission, Bulgaria 
Head office address: 
Sofia, 17 Stamboliiski Blvd., 1st floor, Rooms # 9, # 
15 
Visiting hours: Monday-Friday, 2:00p.m. - 4:00p.m., 
Tel. 980 8212 or 981 6830
Regional offices: 
Plovdiv, 42 Kniaz Alexander I St, tel. (032) 27 28 66 
Veliko Turnovo, Rectorat, Veliko Turnovo University, 
tel. (062) 39 929 
Bourgas, 50 Hristo Botev St., tel. (056) 80 14 90 
Rousse , University of Rousse, 8 Studentska St. tel. 
(082) 45 02 83 
Stara Zagora , 9 Armeiska St. tel. (042) 60 15 63 
http://www.usembassy.bg/educ/final.html
Croatia
American Embassy &shy; Zagreb 
Public Affairs Office 
Hebrangova 2 
10000 Zagreb 
Contact e-mail: zpzagreb at pd.state.gov 
Web Link: http://www.usembassy.hr/USIS/rbrown2001.htm 
Kosovo 
United States Office &shy; Pristina 
Public Affairs Office 
Dragodan, Nazim Hikmet 30, Pristina, Kosovo 
Tel: + 381 38 549 516 
Fax: + 381 38 549 890 
Web Link: 
http://www.usofficepristina.usia.co.at/ron.htm
Macedonia
American Embassy &shy; Skopje 
Public Affairs Office 
Bul.Ilinden b.b. 
91000 Skopje 
Tel: 116-180, ext. 2169 
Web Link: http://usembassy.mpt.com.mk/
Montenegro
U.S. Temporary Office Podgorica 
p.p.88, 81000 Podgorica 
Montenegro, Yugoslavia 
Tel.fax:+381-81-266-686 
rosic at cg.yu
Romania
The Romanian-U.S. Fulbright Commission 
15 Austrului Street 
Sector 2, Bucharest 
Romania 
Tel: 40-1-252-4449/6913 
Fax: 40-1-252-6915 
http:www.usembassy.ro
Serbia
American Embassy -- Belgrade 
Public Affairs Office 
Kneza Milosa 50 
11000 Beograd 
Tel: 381-11-645-655 
Fax: 381-11-646031 
http://www.usemb-belgrade.rpo.at/index.html 
Slovenia
American Embassy &shy; Ljubljana 
Public Affairs Office 
Pre?ernova 31 
1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia 
Telephone +386 (1) 200-5500 
http://www.usembassy.si/new/Exchanges/exchronbrn.htm 

. 




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 11 10:03:50 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 07:03:50 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Report: Independent International Commission on Kosovo  Follow-Up Report
Message-ID: <20011111150350.51759.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>



 Independent International Commission on Kosovo Follow-Up Report 
 
 
 Friday November 9, 2001 
 
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo launched its 
much debated Kosovo Report in October, 2000. One year later, it's time for 
an update . 
 
 -Milosevic has gone 
 -Violence has erupted in Macedonia 
 -Constitutional developments have taken place in Kosovo 
 
 The Commission resolved to update its report and to reconsider 
 its recommendations. The Follow-up to the Kosovo Report: Why 
 Conditional Independence? was published in November, 2001. 
 The Commission says that the future status of Kosovo calls for 
 urgent resolution: 
 
"All those who took part in the intervention have a 
 responsibility to ensure that the legitimacy of NATO's 
 intervention is preserved through constructive follow-up." 
 
 
 Website link www.kosovocommission.org 
 
 Guardian Newspaper article on the report: 
 
 http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,590303,00.html 






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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 11 10:08:43 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 07:08:43 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] New Report: Bin Laden and the Balkans (ICG)
Message-ID: <20011111150843.78837.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>




http://www.crisisweb.org/projects/showreport.cfm?reportid=481

Bin Laden and the Balkans: the Politics of Anti-Terrorism


The global focus on Islamist extremist-inspired terrorism resulting from 
the 11 September atrocities has raised the question of the potential for 
such terrorist activity in, or emanating from, the Balkans.
Given the presence of ex-mujahidin in Bosnia, the tens of thousands of 
former military and paramilitary fighters in Bosnia and Kosovo and 
Macedonia who are Muslims by nationality, if not for the most part by 
observance, and the large deployments of U.S. and other troops in the 
region, some (though by no means all) senior Western sources describe the 
potential terrorist threat as significant. In this context,  international 
officials and organisations in parts of the region, as well as certain 
governments, have taken extra security precautions, and clamped down on 
individuals and groups suspected of possible links to terrorist networks.
Although heightened security precautions are obviously appropriate at this 
time, it is important that the issue of Islamist extremism in the Balkans, 
and the risk of terrorism associated with it, not be painted as a larger 
problem than it is. While Osama  bin Laden himself may have visited Albania 
several years ago, and individuals with links to his organisation have 
passed through the Balkans, it appears that only Bosnia has significant 
numbers of potential Islamist extremists. Elsewhere the potential for 
Islamist-inspired violence seems  slight, and to hinge on the weakness of 
institutions rather than ideological sympathies with the enemies of the West.
>From this perspective, and in the absence of further evidence demanding a 
more robust response, the best way to prevent deadly violence in or 
emanating from the Balkans may simply be continued engagement by the 
international community across the spectrum of peacekeeping and peace 
building tasks.
There is no doubt that , in the Balkans as elsewhere, the new and 
overwhelming Western foreign policy priority has triggered some energetic 
attempts to borrow or co-opt the anti-terrorist agenda. Many politicians 
and propagandists in Serbia, Bosnia and Macedonia have been given the 
opportunity to puff fresh air into stereotypes of fanatical bearded 
mujahidin, myths of Muslim ?backwardness?, and theories about the 
?civilisational? abyss separating Islam from the West that served sinister 
purposes in the 1990s.
In this context, it is important that the international community should 
not be distracted by the wave of anti-Muslim opinion and propaganda that 
has washed through Serbia, Macedonia, and the Serb-controlled parts of 
Bosnia. In these countries, and also in Albania, Western capitals must 
reward governments? overall democratic performance, not the volume of their 
denunciations of terrorism.    RECOMMENDATIONS
TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
1.      Closely monitor in Bosnia and Kosovo the activities of Islamist 
organisations which may have links to terrorist networks and which, if they 
entrench themselves, could present a permanent potential security threat.
2.      Follow through on Washington?s warning to ethnic Albanian leaders in 
Pristina on 15 October 2001 that ?any provocative acts by armed Albanian 
groups would be seen as support for terrorism?.
3.      Examine carefully the allegations emanating from Serbia and Macedonia 
about continuing Albanian links to bin Laden, but in the absence of 
credible supporting evidence be prepared to publicly discount them.
4.      Do not be distracted by, or accept, the wave of anti-Muslim opinion and 
propaganda that has washed through Serbia, Macedonia, and the 
Serb-controlled parts of Bosnia.
5.      In the absence of specific evidence demanding a more robust response, 
recognise that the main Balkans dimension of the war on terrorism is the 
long term work of peace-building ? institutional reform and development 
being the best way to close in the spaces where terrorist networks can 
potentially operate.
Belgrade/Podgorica/Pristina/Sarajevo/ Skopje/Tirana/Brussels, 9 November 2001






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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Sun Nov 11 15:06:17 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 13:06:17 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "Serbian brothers, Greeks are always with you"
Message-ID: <000a01c16aec$537b2510$6c28a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

http://mit.edu/petros/www/faq.html


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 12 00:12:41 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 21:12:41 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Theodorakis' Views - Kathimerini, 10 Nov. 2001
Message-ID: <20011112051241.44658.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

Composer lashes out at America
Mikis Theodorakis comments on the end of socialism, the USA's policy in Afghanistan and global consequences

'In history there have been periods where some demon or other has prevailed. Unfortunately, people have not been able to rid themselves of 'protectors',' says Mikis Theodorakis. 
By Katerina Akrivopoulou Kathimerini 
The famous composer Mikis Theodorakis is angry and he is showing it. He has never been one to keep his opinions secret, even if it turns out to be at his own expense. However, never eager to give interviews, he only speaks out when he has something to say. In this interview with Kathimerini last week, he had a lot to say. 
Many people are saying that the history of the 21st century began on September 11, 2001. Do you agree that the world is changing? 
September 11 was no doubt a great shock but I can't say that it changed the world. Perhaps things are different for the USA, since this is the first time it has been attacked on its own territory. That fact has created a sense of fear and insecurity around the world, where people were wondering how that giant, which is armed to the teeth, would react, considering the language used by President Bush in the first hours of the panic. They had to blow off steam somehow. And that's what they did. 
But this accumulation of bodies is not worthy of the myth of the sole superpower. Was the thirst for revenge worth killing all those starving people who have suffered so much from the barbarity of the Taleban regime, only to become the latest victims of those who traveled over 30,000 miles from home, allegedly to punish the Taleban? I hope that as time cools the Americans' passions they will begin to see things more logically, as they did during the Vietnam War. The problem remains, however, as to when the rest of us will begin to react coolly, rationally and above all, justly. 
Who, in your opinion, is the demon of our times? 
Socialism has been defeated, and along with it every thought of social, global, international solidarity with those who are different or weak. When society closed its doors to solidarity, it opened another to the rule of the powerful, extending from the simplest of relationships right to the top, to the USA, not as a nation, of course, but as a doctrine served by other leaders. This is undoubtedly our current demon, because it turns the modern world into an endless jungle. 
Perhaps humanity needs its demons. 
In history there have often been periods in which a demon reigned supreme. We have to accept that human societies have developed at their own pace, with their own achievements, and their own failures under various demons. Unfortunately, people have not been able to rid themselves of their "protectors." 
What does bin Laden represent, in your opinion? 
The bin Ladens of this world are nothing but the poisonous antibodies arising from the unnatural conditions experienced by billions of people under the demonic hegemony of the powerful, for whom injustice is the first and last "Virtue." 
Whoever is not with us is with the terrorists, according to the American president. 
This is incorrectly put and subject to several interpretations. Osama bin Laden, as well as the Taleban, were created by US policy. It isn't the first time something like this has happened. How many terrorist regimes have been set up from scratch around the world in order to annihilate innocent civilians? 
Wasn't our own junta a purely terrorist regime? Someone has to eventually tell President Bush that it was his country that trained the terrorists in modern electric shock torture to be used against the defenders of freedom and democracy in our country. Does anyone not know with whom the Americans were allied at that time? None other than the terrorists who were trampling on entire peoples. On how many occasions have the Americans cooperated with terrorists? As long as they were striking at other peoples. The difference between us is that we have never been with terrorists and we have always condemned, and we still condemn, terrorism in all its forms. 
When President Bush asks us all to help wipe out the specific terrorist organization that killed so many people in Manhattan, of course we agree, but who is asking us? Even before they had recovered from the initial shock, they had found the guilty party. They had found the answers to all the burning questions and, without asking anyone, they sent off aircraft carriers, destroyers, bombers, missiles, commandos and bombs to arrest, at most, about 100 people! The leaders of Al Qaeda. If it is possible to believe them, that is. 
We see the results every night on the news. Humble homes, schools, hospitals, warehouses and above all innocent children and women, dead and injured with absolutely no access to medical care. The long caravans heading out of the hellfire into nothing but a slow death in the cold, without food, water or medicines. Who can explain the reason for so much misery wrought upon so many, mostly women and children, in the hundreds of thousands? 
Western intellectuals appear to be divided. On the one hand, there are those who speak of a "blind anti-Americanism" and then there are others who say that terrorism is the USA's latest excuse to consolidate its hegemony. 
The rich countries of Europe have a thousand and one reasons to be America's "good children." After all, their economies are an integral part of the aggressive American economy that divides the world into favored and non-favored nations, into developed and developing nations, rich and poor, in other words, victims and aggressors. 
I have said this before. Greece has never been with the aggressors. On the contrary, it has often been a victim, and that is why, although it is good to be in a rich man's club, it is also dangerous to believe that we will ever be like them. 
The bombardment of unarmed civilians in Afghanistan is a repeat of what happened in Yugoslavia. We are the only European people that said, and are saying, almost unanimously, NO! The Americans as well as the Europeans should ask themselves the reasons for this unbridled hatred, why so many young people would commit suicide, taking with them so many thousands of innocent people. 
And it isn't over yet. Young terrorists, just as full of hate as their predecessors, are spreading panic and death with biological warfare. 
What should we say? That this was the first time a people have been attacked? And forbid any mention of similar or worse blind attacks on other innocent peoples? Why? Because the Americans are the one and only chosen people? Or because these are the first and only terrorists in world history? 
That is the real meaning of racism. If I say that the Americans have killed millions of innocent people in the East and West, then they accuse me of equating things that are not the same. I heard the argument that when unarmed civilians are killed en masse by "societies and states" then it is legitimate. So it is not the result but the means that is important. But that is the way to justify what have been the greatest crimes against humanity so far. What else was the Third Reich but a state? 
The brutal truth today is that America is reaping what it has been sowing for more than the last half century all around the world from inside its own territory, which is no longer impregnable. But that is not for me to say. 
What is certain is that the bin Ladens of the world could never exist if these huge inequalities did not exist. The sole responsibility for this lies with the USA and its European allies. 
Greek interests vis-a-vis Europe 
Anti-Americanism in Greece has almost become a cause for war, politically and socially. Where does all this come from? 
It would be unfair to say that the Greek people do not like the Americans. Exactly the opposite is true. The vast majority of Greeks are very favorably disposed toward Americans, many millions of whom are of Greek origin. That is why we feel sympathy for the great suffering brought about by the recent tragedy. I would add here that, for some decades now, large numbers of Americans have been undergoing a process of brainwashing aimed at distorting events and keeping them uninformed about the policies being implemented by their leadership at the expense of foreign peoples. 
Just the other day I heard a distinguished American journalist say on television that the government was concealing the truth about Afghanistan, making public only selected news items. 
Those of us who lived through World War II and saw the great contribution made by the USA to the victory against Fascism, felt a great sense of disappointment after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as we found no way to justify that terrible crime against innocents. Unfortunately, from that time on, we have been counting bodies, always unarmed civilians, in the hundreds of thousands, culminating in the 3 million victims in Vietnam. 
They tell us that America is the home of freedom and respect for human rights. Perhaps that is true in their own country, although even that is doubtful now. However, their international practices in every sector - economic, political, military - show that the American authorities have only one god - their own interests, and they are prepared to do anything to defend them. As for us, among other things, they imposed a seven-year military dictatorship on us and were mainly to blame for the loss of 40 percent of Cyprus and 100,000 refugees. Isn't that enough? 
Do you think Europe is taking advantage of the historic opportunity that many believe is being offered it to become an independent power? 
I talked about Europe earlier. I would like to believe that the interests of European peoples will lead them to seek new policies in the direction of disengaging themselves from the hegemony of the United States of America. 
If that ever does happen, I think that Europe's historic role should be to consolidate peace which should include a more just distribution of global wealth, the abolition of unacceptable inequalities between the peoples of the world, a limit to the unaccountability of the USA and the abolition of the Americans' main tool for manipulating Europe, in the form of NATO. 
What about the stance of the Greek government and political party leaders? 
During the crisis in Yugoslavia I had said, when asked about the discrepancy between the government's position and public opinion, that we were "a people with two policies." That could not last for long without resulting in a national schism. Those who have chosen to govern should realize that nothing is easy and that at some point they will have to pull the poker out of the fire. 
During times of tension and national crisis, such as now, I do not think it is logical or proper to give advice - unless one has the comprehensive view that the government is supposed to have - and, especially, when one bears none of the responsibility. 
I believe that our politicians in general, and in government in particular, are responsible people, but I reserve the right to to express my views and my opposition within the bounds of the constitution. In the final analysis, everything depends on the Greek people. If, for example, they come to the demonstration in Syntagma Square on November 8 to express their opposition to the American strikes against Afghanistan, if they make their presence felt. The more vocally and visibly they do that, the more the government will take notice. I hope the same will take place in Europe, and, why not, in America. 
What, in your opinion, is the biggest casualty of the war so far? The people, power, the truth, individual rights, the self-sufficiency of cultures or something else? 
All of the above.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 12 09:29:28 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 12 Nov 2001 06:29:28 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Property Issues in Albania
Message-ID: <20011112142928.52151.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

OPEN LETTER to the State Commission for the Return of Land Properties of Frash?ri family


O  P  E  N    L  E  T  T  E  ROF  THE  ALBANIAN  HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPAddressed to	The State Commission for the Return of Land Properties, Tirana.CC	The Commission for the Return and Compensation of property to theex-owners,  Vlora  Municipality.A great number of complaints received at the Reception and Handling ofComplaints Office at the Albanian Human Rights Group, are related to issuesof land property in Albania. The Group has always looked at this major problem with concern. Theincomplete solution of it will never guarantee a normal development ofdemocracy and the market economy in the country. Furthermore, based onobservations made so far, one can speak of lack of correctness andirresponsibility in the work of the competent bodies and local institutions.The Albanian Human Rights Group presents the concern over the case of Rifatand Qefsere Frasheri who have been addressing the Commission for the Returnand Compensation of land property, at the Vlora Municipality, for therevision of the dossier regarding their claims of ownership over theproperty Government Residence in the Uji i Ftohte (Cold Water) site in Vlora.On 03.03.1995 Ms. And Mr. Frasheri addressed the Commission for the Returnand Compensation of property in Tirana, clarifying the case. TheCommission, through an official letter No. 1Q/1, dated 18.04.1995,addressed the Commission for the Return and Compensation of property ofVlora, calling for an immediate revision of the case.Three years later, having received no response whatsoever, the personsaddressed again the Commission for the Return and Compensation of propertyin Tirana, to its chairman Mr. Albert Bitri, informing him that nothing hasbeen done for the above problem. Through official letter No. 1R/2, dated 25.05.1998, Mr. Bitri clarifiesthat he had asked the Commission for the Return of property in Vlora toproceed with the revision of their dossier.In June - July 2000, Ms. Frasheri addressed the OSCE offices in Tirana, thePeople's Advocate and the Albanian Human Rights Group.The Complaints Center of the Albanian Human Rights Group, has addressed anumber of letters to the Commission for the Return of land Property inTirana and to the Commission for the Return of land Property in Vloraregarding the complaint by Mr. Frasheri and their obligation to considerthe issue. However, there has been no response from any of the bodies. Based on the recent contacts with the Frasheri family, it has become knownthat the situation continues to remain the same and there is no reaction onthe part of the Commission for the Return of land Property in Vlora.Based on the above, the Albanian Human Rights Group hereby makes this casepublic and considers it: -  An open and flagrant violation of human rights, stating that theCommission for the Return of land Property is obliged to take intoconsideration the requests presented by citizens and come out with adecision on each of them.-  In full discord with the law and without any kind of responsibility,demonstrated for a period of over 5 years, this office not only has nottaken into consideration the request of the citizen, but also hinders theuse of his right to open new court processes related to this decision.In closing, the Group publicly addresses the Commission for the Return ofland Property in Tirana, and especially the Commission for the Return ofland Property in Vlora, to take into consideration the request of theFrasheri citizens, in order to thus implement their obligation to the lawand the Albanian citizens. By not implementing these obligations they leaveroom for assumptions for incapability, indifference and corruption,severely blemish the concept of the right to private property, and playgames with citizens, who are therefore forced to sit back for years in arow in expectation of a decision.The AHRG also asks this Committee to take serious measures toward clerkswho delay without any reason or purposefully cases of citizens, creatingsuch serious problems, which make tenser the already delicate andunresolved issue of property in Albania. Tirana, 25.10.2001 



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From admin at albstudent.com  Mon Nov 12 10:06:10 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Mon, 12 Nov 2001 07:06:10 -0800
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Plane crashes in NY
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From admin at albstudent.com  Mon Nov 12 11:53:20 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Mon, 12 Nov 2001 08:53:20 -0800
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] a site to keep an eye on...
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 12 21:24:49 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 12 Nov 2001 18:24:49 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kadare - RD 12.11.2001
Message-ID: <20011113022449.40066.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


Ta kund?rshtosh t? keqen, jo vet?m me jet?n, por dhe me vdekjen, e mbi t? gjitha me dashurin?

- tri romane t? shkurt?r nga Ismail Kadare-

N? paraditen e fundit t? Panairit t? Librit "Tiran? 2001" vizitor?t e shumt? pan? vet? Ismail Kadaren?, qe pran? stend?s s? Sht?pis? botuese "Onufri" firmoste p?r lexuesit e shumt? librin e tij m? t? ri me tri romane t? shkurt?r "P?rball? pasqyr?s s? nj? gruaje". Rradha e njer?zve p?r t? mb?rritur te Shkrimtari i Madh qe e gjat? dhe vazhdimisht shtohej, prandaj dhe kamerat e televizioneve xhironin me mundim pas kokave dhe supeve t? turm?s m? t? bukur, q? t? vinte aq mir? ta shihje, ashtu si n? Paris e Rom? a Nju Jork.

Ishin nj? ngush?llim dhe kurajo vet? libri i k?tij panairi, shkrimtari dhe t? pranishmit.

Vepra "P?rball? pasqyr?s s? nj? gruaje" p?rmbledh tri romane t? shkurt?r, "Kalor?si me skifter", ngjarjet e t? cilit kap?rcejn? luft?n dhe pasluft?n, por m? shum? se sa koh?rat, autorin duket se e t?rheq k?tu m? shum? mund?sia e krimit t? pakoh? dhe kryerja e tij, n? koshienc? dhe pastaj n? jet?, i paralajm?ruar nga arti si nj? e keqe e ndjellur, si nj? qortim dhe apel parandalues.

N? romanin e dyt? "Historia e shkrimtar?ve shqiptar? p?rball? pasqyr?s s? nj? gruaje" me kontraste t? forta dhe me drit?hije deri dhe rembrandiane, ku grotesku i sh?mtuar i shkrimtar?ve tan? t? realizmit socialist sfidohet nga tragjedizmi i pazakont?, nga vetvrasja n? internim e nj? gruaje (s? bashku me t? ?m?n), e cila b?nte pun?n e hershme, por ilegale t? prostitut?s. Nd?rkoh? m? prostitut? se ajo ?sht? vet? koha dhe morali i saj.

Nd?rsa romani i tret? "Ikja e sht?rgut", i njohur nga lexuesi dhe m? par? si nj? botim i ve?ant? me dy mot?rzimet e veta, risjell poetin parnasian Lasgushin ton? me nj? tjet?r bukuri, me at? t? nj? dashurie t? von?, t? beft? si nj? trandje dhe si kund?rshti ndaj m?rzis? gjenerale t? sistemit duke shkaktuar dhe ndjenja triumfi p?rkundruall nj? tirani t? pashpirt dhe pa fantazi.

T? tri k?to romane, q? natyrisht lexohen dhe ve? e ve?, duke i p?rjetuar n?p?rmjet emocioneve tejet t? forta e t? pap?rs?ritshme, me mesazhe sa trondit?se dhe t? larta, edhe ashtu s? bashku t? japin ndjesin? e nj? trinie t? p?rkryer, gati si vazhdime t? r?nd?sishme t? nj?ra-tjetr?s, gjith? nd?rkallje sugjestionuese e befasira mahnit?se ashtu si? ?sht? e t?r? vepra kadarejane, nj? korpus i ngjashme me nj? vargmal t? dyt? shtuar atdheut.

Vepra "P?rball? pasqyr?s s? nj? gruaje", natyrisht ka at? stil dhe fraz? q? p?r nj? gjysm? shekulli mrekullon lexuesin, jo vet?m bashk?kombas, por edhe at? t? pes? kontinenteve, p?rfton imazhin dhe forc?n, ritmin dhe eleganc?n, p?rzishm?rin? dhe solemnitetin e artit m? t? madh q? b?het n? bot?, ngjyr?n e ve?ant?, t? gjetur dhe t? nd?rrueshme, humorin, ironin?, portretin, m? shum? t? brendshmin q? rrjedh natyrsh?m n?p?r dialogjet, ku b?mat ng?rthejn? fantazin? e gjeniut, gjithmon? si nj? marramendsh i bukur.

Ndryshe nga t? tjer?t, Kadareja e kund?rshton t? keqen asgjesuesh?m, t? pakt?n moralisht, me artin, jo vet?m si arritje kulmore e veprave t? tij, si form? e tyre, por dhe si p?rmbajtje madhore, si ??shtje e estetik?s dhe e vet? etik?s njer?zore. Pra n? romanin e par? t? k?tij triptikut, te "Kalor?si..." nj? vep?r arti, nj? piktur? mbart rol par?sor e mistik n? ngjarjet, kurse te "...Lidhja e shkrimtarve shqiptar?..." vdekja kund?rshton nj? epok? t? padrejt? duke nd?rhyr? si zgjidhje, meq?n?se jeta ?sht? paralizuar. Te "Ikja e sht?rgut" dashuria me magjina e saj, pa p?rfillur sistemet dhe tiranin?, as dram?n e mosh?s, t? v?rtet?n, nd?rhyn jo vet?m si nj? qortim sublim, por dhe si alternativa e vetme, si zgjidhje p?rfundimtare, e drejt? dhe e m?n?ur e jet?s.

K?shtu libri m? i ri i Ismail Kadares? vjen p?r lexuesin si nj? tjet?r pasuri artistike, me vezullime t? q?ndrueshme.

Visar Zhiti

 

 

 

Ismail Kadare

 

Kalor?si me Skifter

 

11

Bardh Beltoja u kthye n? gjuetin?n e Lezh?s kat?r muaj m? pas. Nuk shoq?ronte m? kurrfar? d?rgate. Kishte ardhur thjesht p?r gjah, bashk? me dy oficer? t? Ministris? s? Brendshme, q? i kishte njohur rast?sisht n? klubin e gjuetar?ve t? kryeqytetit. I kishin th?n? se mund ta merrnin me vete p?r t? gjuajtur rosa, n? nj? vend q? ishte i ndaluar p?r t? tjer?t. Kur kishte marr? vesh se ku po shkonin, Bardhi i kushte buz?qeshur: kam qen? nj? her? n? at? gjuetin?. Por nuk kishte treguar p?rse dhe as ata nuk e kishin pyetur.

Ishte dhjetor. Qielli ishte i mbyllur, i shurdh?r. Edhe biseda n? makin? ashtu b?hej, me ca nd?rprerje midis, si humnera.

Gjuetina ishte e zbraz?t. Mbr?mja dukej si e r?n? para kohe, k?shtu q? nuk e pat?n t? v?shtir? t? flinin her?t p?r t?u ngritur n? tre pas mesnate. U kthyen ndaj t? gdhir?. Dy prej tyre t?rhiqnin rr?shqanthi t? tretin, t? vdekur nd?rkaq. P?rgjegj?si i gjuetin?s v?shtronte me sy t? shqyer pllangat e balt?s, p?rmes s? cil?ve gjaku mezi dallohej.

Ata k?rkuan nj? telefon dhe ashtu me fjal? t? p?rgjysmuara lajm?ruan p?r vrasjen aksidentale t? njeriut.

Hetuesit mb?rrit?n po at? dit? nga Tirana, bashk? me nj? mjek legjist e nj? fotograf. I pyet?n p?r nj? koh? t? gjat? dy oficer?t, pastaj mor?n me vete n?p?r k?net? p?r t? rind?rtuar ngjarjen. U kthyen t? gjith? t? ndragur me balt?, b?n? matje e fotografi t? tjera dhe disa her? u p?rpoq?n t? flisnin n? telefon me kryeqytetin. T? gjith? linjat ishin z?n?. Flitej se kishte ndryshim n? vij?n politike.

Pa u ngrysuar mir?, ik?n t? gjith?, duke marr? me vete edhe kufom?n. P?rgjegj?si i bujtin?s i ndiqte me sy t? t? mpir? tek hipnin n? makina.

U kthye n? sht?pin? e vet q? ishte fare pran? gjuetin?s. E shoqja e priste gjith? frik?. Do t? ket? hetime t? tjera? Do t? ket? ndoshta kontroll... si at?her??

Nj? cop? her? ai e v?shtroi ngultazi, si t? mos kuptonte asgj?.

O, jo tha me z? t? humbur. E ndiente se sa her? binte fjala p?r k?si gj?rash, ajo frik?sohej p?r nj? pasqyr?z gruaje, t? vetmin send, q? kishin mundur t? merrnin tre vjet m? par?, kur gjuetina ishte pla?kitur.

Jo, p?rshp?riti ai. S?besoj se do t? ket? tjet?r hetim... Madje dhe ai q? b?het sot... se si m?u duk... ashtu si at?her?... si theat?r...

 

12

M? shum? se gjys?m, shekulli m? pas, n? dhjetor t? vitit 1999, Bruno Mohr, arkitekt si i ati, me nj? s?mundje t? ngjashme n? shpretk?, zbriti n? aeroportin e Tiran?s me nj? avion t? Al-Italia-s. Me t?u vendosur n? hotel, k?rkoi t? dh?na p?r m?nyr?n e udh?timit gjer n? gjuetin?n e Lezh?s dhe t? z?nies s? nj? dhome n? t?. Ia dhan? ato q? k?rkonte: larg?sin? e Lezh?s, ?mimet, kushtet e tjera. N? k?t? muaj b?nte ftoht?. Pajisjet e gjuetis?, n?se shkonte p?r gjueti, do t?i gjente atje. Pagesat mund t?i b?nte me lek? ose n? dollar?. P?r arsye sigurimi ishte e k?shillueshme q? rruga t? b?hej me taksi.

Mb?rriti t? nes?rmen. Pasi la ?ant?n n? dhom?, doli t? shikonte mjediset. Ndri?imi i pasdites dim?rore thithej gjithkund nga muret prej druri. Ai pic?rronte syt?, si njeriu q? prapa pamjes q? ka p?rpara p?rpiqet t? kapi di?ka tjet?r.

Kam projektuar shum? ngrehina, por ajo ?sht? e vetmja, me t? cil?n qenia ime pati nj? p?rkitje misterioze, i kishte th?n? i ati pak dit? para vdekjes. Rrall?her? kjo u ndodhte arkitekt?ve.......

 

 

 

Historia e Lidhjes s? Shkrimtar?ve shqiptar?, p?rball? pasqyr?s s? nj? gruaje

 

8

Ajo jav? ishte e pap?rfytyrueshme. Asnj?her? n? Lidhjen e Shkrimtar?ve e t? Artist?ve nuk kishin pasur aq shum? hyrje e dalje.

Q? nga dritarja e zyr?s son? dukeshin ?adrat e lagura, t? shkalafitura nga era.

Kryetari i Lidhjes bashk? me sekretarin e Partis? i prisnin t? gjith? p?r t? d?rgjuar se n? ??vend mendonin t? kryenin qarkullimin. Ishin t? bindur se pavar?sisht nga zotimi i nj?z?sh?m p?r qarkullim, vet?m nj? pjes? do t? iknin nga kryeqyteti. T? tjer?ve do t?u thuhej: ju lumt? p?r gatishm?rin?, por kemi nevoj? p?r ju, k?tu n? Tiran?.

N? zyr?n e kryetarit, pasi, pasi tregonin katundin ose qytetthin ku ishin gati t? shkonin p?r t? njohur jet?n, njer?zit rr?fenin hallet e tyre, ato q? i pengonin tani p?r tani t? iknin nga sht?pit?, me shpres?n q? Partia, me zem?rgjer?sin? e saj do t?i kuptonte.

Hallet e t? fshehtat q? ndynin sht?pit? e shkrimtar?ve e t? artist?ve ishin nga m? befasuesit. Ngjante e pabesueshme q? vepra aq t? sh?ndetshme e plot diell pranvere, q? p?rb?nin krenarin? e realizimit socialist shqiptar, ishin krijuar nga njer?z me aq shum? s?mundje e cene trupure. Prostati, majas?lli, dhjamthi, shurrimi n? shtrat, dukeshin s?mundje t? nderuara n? krahasim me ca l?ngata t? tjera, ca pu?ra e pezmatime zorr?sh e lloje zgjebjeje t? papara qysh nga koha e mbret?ris?.

Zakonisht ata q? vinin nj? her? k?rkonin t? d?gjoheshin p?rs?ri. Hera e dyt? ishte ajo kur rr?fenin edhe zezonat m? t? m?dha, ato q? "p?r shkak t? sedr?s s? mallkuar mikroborgjeze" i kishin fshehur n? takimin e par?. Kishte nga ata q? zb?rthenin pantallonat p?r t? treguar pllanga t? frikshme ekzeme, herdhe q? vareshin sindozot, e t? tjera lemeri. Nj?ri e niste rr?fimin me hallin e gruas q? nuk i pillte, p?r t?u zhgrehur pastaj n? vaj e p?r t? th?n? se e tradhtonte me fqinjin, tjetri rrihej nga djali e nj? i tret? sillte v?rtetimin se ishte i met? nga mendja.

 

* * *

 

12

 

Dy dit? p?rpara Vitit t? Ri u ktheve n? Tiran?.

Qyteti m?u duk i huaj, i v?ng?r. Dola n?p?r ca rrug? an?sore me shpres? se mos takoja ndonj? t? njohur, por nuk gjeta kurrk?nd. Me siguri t? gjith? fshihehsin.

Nga nj? zyr? poste, ku nuk kisha hyr? kurr?, i telefonova shokut t? zyr?s, me shpres?, se ndoshta ishte kthyer edhe ai p?r t? kaluar Vitin e Ri n? familje. Njoha z?rin e n?n?s, q? n? krye m? tha se nuk ishte aty, pastaj, kur e mori vesh kush isha, ma dha.

Pas pak ishin t? dy n? rrug?, t? mb?shjell? me palltot e gjat? si dy humbameno, duke t?shtir? e duke thithur hund?t. Me z?rin e ngjirur nga rrufa k?mbyem t? rejat e fundit, kryesisht ato q? kishin lidhje me qarkullimin. Asnj? shenj? zbutjeje, tha shoku im, p?rkundrazi.

Nd?nd?sa ndizja nj? cigare t? dyt?, ai m? pyeti:

-E more vesh p?r Margarit?n?

-Jo, i thash?. ? ?far??

Kishim koh? q? nuk e kishim z?n? n?goj? dhe zemra m? ndolli p?r keq.

-I hoq?n edhe ato, n?n e bij?, - vazhdoi ai.

Pyetjet: po pse, p?r ??arsye, nuk pata koh? t?ia them, ngaq? ai u p?rgjigj vet?. Po hiqnin nga Tirana njer?zit q? quheshin me vese: prostitutat, kumarxhinjt?, homoseksual?t.

Aha, ia b?ra me vete.

-Po s??sht? vet?m kjo, - vazhdoi. ?Puna e tyre p?rfundoi n? tragjedi.

-Tragjedi? ? pyeta. ?Tragjedi e kujt? Fol m? qart?.

-Margarita me t? ?m?n, - tha ai. ?Kan? vrar? veten t? dyja.

M? mbeti fryma. Nuk isha n? gjendje t? thosha asgj?. Pa pritur ta pyesja ai m? tregoi vet?, me nj? lodhje n? z?, at? q? kishte ndodhur.

I kishin hipur t? dyja n? nj? katund t? humbur t? Lushnjes. Atje, pasi u kishin th?n? se k?tej e tutje duhej t? riedukohehsin, duke punuar n? kooperativ?, u kishin dh?n? edhe banes?n: nj? barak? t? vog?l.

Ato nuk kishin th?n? asgj?. Kishin rregulluar pla?kat n? barak?, pastaj po at? mbasdite kishin shkuar gjer te shitorja e kooperativ?s p?r t? bler? ca gj?ra. Atje, me sa dukej, kishin bler? midis t? tjerash litarin dhe sapunin.

N? mbr?mje, si kishin ngr?n? dark? dhe kishin pir? nj? kafe, ishin varuar nj?ra pas tjetr?s qet?sisht. Kishte gjas? q? Margarita e kishte ndihmuar s? pari n?n?n, pastaj ishte varur edhe vet?.

Nd?rsa ai tregonte, un? p?rpiqesha t? njehsoja dit?n e t? gjeja koh?n e vetvrasjes. Si n? nj? makth, truri s?m? bindej. Isha i bindur se kishte qen? ajo nata e dehashpirtit tim. Sidoqoft? kishte qen? po ajo h?n? e plot?, e cila Shqip?rin? e ngusht? e kishte ndri?uar at? nat? tejp?rtej nga Per?ndimi n? Lindje.

Qafat e ligura t? shkrimtar?ve, me krevatat q? u rrinin lirsh?m, at? dit?n e mbledhjes s? fundit, m? erdh?n n? kujtes? bashk? me mendimin se asnj? nga shkrimtar?t nuk e kishte vrar? veten.

Nj? grua e kishte b?r? p?r ne t? gjith?.

Nga nyjet e kravatave tona te qafa e saj e mermert? kalonte filli misterioz, ai q? n? p?rfytyrimin tim b?ri t? mundsh?m m? pas skajimin e Lidhjes s? Shkrimtar?ve dhe Arstist?ve t? Shqip?ris? p?rball? gruas, si? gjendet trupi p?rpara nj? pasqyre.

Si t? mos e duronte sot at? p?rballim, pak koh? m? pas Lidhja u shp?rngul n? Rrug?n e Kavaj?s, aty ku ndodhet edhe sot.

 

 

Ikja e shtergut

 

12

 

Mbr?mja m? zuri k?shtu, nd?rsa p?rpiqesha t? gjeja nj? rrug? t? p?rshtatshme p?r t?u pag?zuar me emrin e tij dhe natyrisht t? Ana G.

Q? larg, n? at? pjes? t? qytetit ku qen? vilat e Udh?heq?sit rrez?tinin drit?zat. Kurse kulla e poetit ndodhej n? drejtimin tjet?r. Kishte vite q? pushonin t? dy n? nj? qytet, por nuk ishin takuar kurr?. N? vilat e t? parit vinin t? ftuar shpesh, gjithfar? zyrtar?sh e veprimtar?sh t? ndrysh?m, veteran?, plaka, "artist? t? meritur", ve? ai, krenaria e poezis? shqipe, nuk kishte marr? ftes? kurr?.

N? ndonj?r?n prej darkave, dikush prej t? ftuarve, p?r ta zbavitur Udh?heq?sin, do t? kishte p?rmendur ndoshta marr?zin? e fundit t? poetit. Dhe tjetri do t? kishte qeshur me t? madhe: ha, ha, ha, gjersa e qeshura, p?r habin? e t? gjith?ve, do t? z?vend?sohej n? syt? e tij nga nj? hije e zez?. Kishte kujtuar se duke e ve?uar krejt, e kishte ndaluar t? jetonte, kurse pask?sh ndodhur e kund?rta. N? nj? ?ast tjet?r do t? g?rmushej: ???sht? kjo Ana G., ??b?nin shok?t e sigurimit atje n? veri, ku ishin dosjet, hetimet, kontrollet n? rrug?, por me sa dukej, tani ishte von? p?r t? gjitha. Qysh tani, ende pa ardhur ajo vet?, ndihej pesha e vdekjes. Vet?m ajo, me sa dukej, ashtu si nata yjet, mund ta nxirrte nga terri. Dashuria e fundit e poetit, kjo lule e mortjes, ishte b?r? e mundur nga q? mbrohej prej saj...

Askush prej dark?tar?ve s?mund ta kuptonte breng?n e Udh?heq?sit. I dukej se t? gjall? e kishte pasur n?n kontroll poetin, kurse i vdekur ai do t?i shp?tonte. Po pik?risht vdekja s?ia pengonte dot...

Bud poljeg?e s poetom, sudar. Po n? qoft? se sunduesit i thuhej: ji m?i but? me poetin, sundues! ??do t?i thuhej vall? poetit kur t? vinte ora e gjykimit t? tij? Ji m?i but? me sunduesin, poet?! Ha, ha, ha.

Vizitat e sunduesit H. n? kull?n time... P?rderisa kjo nuk qe shkruar e s?do t? shkruahej kurr?, do t? thoshte se tjetri ishte i humbur.

Nuk i hiqja dot syt? nga ajo rreg?tim? e larg?t drit?zash. M? kishin treguar se pik?risht n? ato dit?, nd?rsa n? Tiran? vazhdonte gjyqi kund?r pjes?marr?sve t? familjes s? shemrit t? tij t? p?rmbysur, n? mbr?mje i sillnin videokasetat ku qe regjistruar gjith?ka, dhe ai, bashk? me gruan, f?mij?t, dh?ndur?t dhe nuset, qeshnin e talleshin tek i shihnin t? lidhur me pranga, t? rr?nuar n? balt?, kok?qethur, ata me t? cil?t pak koh? m? par? i kalonin pushimet s? bashku.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 13 21:50:58 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 13 Nov 2001 18:50:58 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Majko per te ardhmen e Sazanit - RD
Message-ID: <20011114025058.47587.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

 
Ministri i Mbrojtjes replikon ashp?r me ministrin e Financave p?r privatizimin e ishullit strategjik

Sazani ?an qeverin?, Majko kund?r Met?s dhe Angjelit

Majko - Angjelit: "Ke privatizuar Ksamilin dhe at? pik? mund ta kthesh n? kazino, por Sazanin kurr?sesi jo"

Ministri i Mbrojtjes nuk ka lejuar n? mbledhjen e fundit t? K?shillit t? Ministrave, q? ishulli i Sazanit t? kthehet n? nj? Kazino turistike. Projekti p?r kthimin e Sazanit ?sht? paraqitur dhe mbrojtur n? mbledhjen e qeveris? nga ministri i Financave, Angjeli, i cili ka pasur dhe mb?shtetjen e kryeministrit Meta. Angjeli ka hedhur n? diskutim projektin p?r kazinot?, p?rgjat? vij?s bregdetare t? Shqip?ris?, duke filluar q? nga Velipoja dhe deri n? Ksamil. Nj? nga vendet ku Angjeli ka insistuar p?r ngritjen e disa kazinove ka qen? edhe ishulli i Sazanit, i cili prej koh?sh ?sht? folur n? media, si nj? nga zonat e lakmuara nga Angjeli dhe njer?zit e tij, p?r ta kthyer n? nj? ishull kumari.

Ministri i Mbrojtjes, Majko, ka kund?rshtuar projektin e Met?s, t? paraqitur nga Angjeli, me faktin se ky ishull ?sht? nj? nga pikat strategjike ushtarake, ku aleat?t e Shqip?ris? kryejn? nj? s?r? veprimtarish ushtarake, si dhe ?sht? nj? nga pikat m? strategjike t? Shqip?ris?, q? k?rkohet nga k?ta aleat?. Debati mes Angjelit dhe Majkos, ka qen? i ashp?r dhe tep?r i gjat?. "Ke prizatizuar Ksamilin dhe at? pik? mund ta kthesh n? kazino, por Sazanin kurr?sesi jo", i ?sht? drejtuar Majko, ministrit t? Financave.

Elvi FUNDO



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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Wed Nov 14 02:53:38 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 02:53:38 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: Leonid showers (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111140252510.11642-100000@is06.fas.harvard.edu>

http://www.imo.net/leo99/leo99index.html
http://www.imo.net/
http://www.amsmeteors.org/imo-mirror
http://www.amsmeteors.org/
http://www-space.arc.nasa.gov/~leonid/estimator.html
http://www.space.com/scienceastronomy/astronomy/leonids_citytimes-1.html
http://www.space.com/scienceastronomy/astronomy/leonids_2001.html
http://www.spacer.com/news/leonid-01b.html
http://www.atmob.org/

Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 03:24:05 -0500 (EST)
From: Marek Kozubal <marek at portents.com>
Subject: Leonid Meteor Shower/Storm Nov 17/18

Hello! I'm a Boston-area astronomy geek, and wanted to let everyone know
that a rare event will be occuring during the early hours of November 18.
The Leonid meteor shower is predicted to put on the greatest show of our
lifetimes.

The peak is predicted for around 5am EST where its predicted anywhere from
500 to 3,500 could be seen per hour from dark skys.  There should be
increased meteor activity from midnight until sun rise where anywhere from
10 to 60 meteors per hour can be seen.  The 5 am peak (which could be
anytime between about 4am EST and 6am EST) may only last anywhere from 10
minutes to about an hour.  During the peak meteors of various brightnesses
and sizes will be seen, there is even a chance of seeing a small number of
them explode or leave a lingering trail in the sky for as long as 10 to 20
minutes.

The next time a meteor storm this good is not predicted until 2099 when
the Leonids will put on one more show.



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 14 07:37:23 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 04:37:23 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Prizren Exhibition
Message-ID: <20011114123723.78745.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

http://culture.coe.int/pat/expoprizren/


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 14 07:39:28 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 04:39:28 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kosova Elections
Message-ID: <20011114123928.89005.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.coe.int/T/E/Communication_and_Research/Press/Themes_Files/Kosovo_Elections/


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 14 07:41:24 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 04:41:24 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Jobs in Europe
Message-ID: <20011114124124.2225.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.coe.int/t/e/Human_Resources/Jobs/Vacancy_noticies/_2001_71.asp#TopOfPage


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 14 20:50:26 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 17:50:26 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NANO - Akuza te ashpra ndaj qeverise - ZP
Message-ID: <20011115015026.52425.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

Nano: akuzat t'i hetoj? prokuroria 
Tirane - Lideri socialist Fatos Nano doli dje para medias duke iu p?rgjigjur t? gjitha pyetjeve t? gazetar?ve. Nano iu p?rgjigj pyetjeve p?r nj? mbledhje t? mundshme t? KPD, veprimit t? m?tejsh?m p?r akuzat e ngritura si dhe zgjidhjet sipas tij t? kriz?s institucionale n? vend. Sot Nano do t? flas? para sekretar?ve organizativ? t? PS n? rrethe.

 

Po mblidhen firma p?r mbledhjen e KPD. Komenti juaj?

Normalisht ne jemi n? nj? proces t? programuar analizash, ku nuk mund t? mos marrin pjes? kryesia dhe KPD. Dhe n?se ka ndonj? ethe, q? t? mbledh? firma p?r t? p?rfshir? jonormalisht ose n? m?nyr? t? dhunshme kryesin? apo KPD n? k?t? proces, kjo do t? thot? q? konsultimi i kryetarit me strukturat e baz?s po jep efektin e duhur. Efekt t? cilit un? nuk mund t?i shmangem edhe n? qend?r, p?r t? kuptuar t? gjith?, q? p?rgjegj?sit? jan? t? p?rbashk?ta dhe nuk mund t? coptohen me kollovar? si Ru?i sot apo me lakror?, q? ?udit?risht shfaqen n? specialist? t? transporteve, dje. Pra, jam n? detyr? edhe p?rball? firmave dhe mbledhjeve t? forumeve q?ndrore.

 

N? rast se mblidhet KPD, a mund t? projektohet mbledhja e kongresit t? jasht?zakonsh?m p?r t?ju p?rjashtuar. Pra i trembeni nj? kongresi q? mund t? mbahet n? fillim t? ver?s s? vitit t? ardhsh?m?

Normalisht trembja apo emocionet mediative nuk m? karakterizojn?. Nga ana tjet?r k?to ??shtje nuk ?sht? se p?rballohen as me g?rdufje t? tipit t? konferenc?s s? djeshme t? kryeministrit. N?se tashm? ballafaqimet po b?hen n? media p?r mosh?n apo pjekurin? e argumenteve 5 apo 55 vje?, m? duhet t? kuptojm? q? forume si Kongresi jan? t? dobishme p?r t? p?rcaktuar hierarkin? e gj?rave, n?se arsyetimet e Kryetarit, q? jan? koherente n? 10 vjet histori moderne t? PSSH, konsiderohen t? nj? 5 vje?ari, i bie q? kryeministri Meta ose Ilir Meta si individ t? mos ket? lindur akoma. P?r k?t? pasoj? duhet t? kuptojm? q? zgjedh?sit statutor?, q? jan? p?rfaq?suesit e partis? n? shkall? vendi, jan? t? vetmit q? mund t? vendosin hierarkin? dhe disiplin?n e arsyetimeve politike t? nj? partie n? pushtet.

 

N?qoft?se jeni njohur me projektbuxhetin e vitit 2002, mendoni se ?sht? i p?rshtatsh?m?

Esht? shpejt p?r t? artikuluar nj? vler?sim substancial p?r projektligjin q? paska kaluar Qeveria p?r buxhetin e vitit t? ardhsh?m. Sepse mua si kryetar i partis? dhe maxhoranc?s m? duhet t? aktivizoj dhe t? pres vler?simet e munguara n? v?mendjen e qeveris? - t? komisioneve t? specializuara, t? institucioneve p?rfaq?suese t? partis? kryesore t? maxhoranc?s - p?r k?t? program zhvillimi ekonomik dhe financiar afatmes?m dhe vler?simet e ekspert?ve t? legjislativit n? komisionet e ndryshme, p?r sakt?sin? e objektivave dhe t? zgjidhjeve, q? p?rmban ky dokument themelor i ushtrimit qeveris?s p?r vitin q? vjen. Meq?n?se n? dosjet e mija t? pun?s ka tashm? vler?sime t? sakta t? prioriteteve q? p?rmbajn? programet rajonale dhe komb?tare t? zhvillimit, t? identifikuara n? procesin elektoral dhe qeveris?s t? k?tij viti, me firm?n e nj? numri p?rfaq?suesish ligjor? t? zgjedhur t? nj?sive administrative t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, q? p?rfshihen n? ushtrimin buxhetor, at?her? ky ?sht? nj? ballafaqim i domosdosh?m, q? ka koh?n p?r t?u realizuar, n? rrug? politike dhe institucionale, p?r t? arritur n? vler?simin, n?se projektbuxheti i kaluar nga qeveria ?sht? ai q? duhet apo do t?i n?nshtrohet shqyrtimit t? m?tejsh?m, n? marr?dh?njet midis legjislativit, partis? dhe qeveris? Meta.

 

N? rast se nuk i plot?son kushtet, do t?i b?ni oponenc? projektligjit p?r buxhetin e vitit 2002?

Nuk b?het fjal? p?r replika n? k?t? fush?. B?het fjal? p?r nj? debat profesional q? do t? vler?soj? p?rputhjen e prioriteteve tona politiko-qeveris?se me skemat q? kan? ardhur nga ministria e Angjelit.

 

Ka patur p?rg?njeshtrime p?r akuzat e hedhura nga ju n? drejtim t? qeveris?. I q?ndroni k?tyre akuzave dhe a do t?i shkoni deri n? fund, pra deri n? Prokurori?

Un? nuk po d?gjoj asnj? vler?sim simetrik t? v?rtet?sis? ose jo t? abuzimeve q? kam denoncuar politikisht n? publik. N?qoft? se do t? quhet i till? shpjegimi q? dha Zv.Ministri i Finos, un? gjeta argumenta t? m?tejshme p?r v?rtet?sin? e abuzimit. Fjala "turiz?m" apo "Republik? bananesh", ishte edhe n? denoncim, edhe n? shpjegim. Dhe, un? vazhdoj t? jem i vendosur p?r t? mos lejuar q? vendimarrja ekzekutive t? konsideroj? firma apo grupe ekskluzivisht fituese - n? akordimin e prioriteteve t? zhvillimit afatgjat? q? ka vendi - ato q? mbajn? emra apo mbiemra pushtetar?sh apo familjar?sh t? tyre. P?r pasoj?, tani ?sht? koha p?r t? kaluar nga k?to replika emocionale q? v?rtetojn? prekje interesash nga ana e p?rfaq?suesve t? pushtetar?ve t? denoncuar, n? nj? argumentim dhe ballafaqim ligjor t? realiteteve, t? cilat k?rkojn? medoemos p?rfshirjen e Prokuroris? n? proces.

 

Cila do t? jet? rruga e zgjidhjes n? k?t? konflikt, ndarja e PS-s? apo rr?zimi i nj?r?s pal??

Nuk besoj se ka skema kaq mekanike apo bardh e zi n? zgjidhjen e problemit. N? fund t? fundit, ky ?sht? nj? debat apo nj? ballafaqim midis dy moraleve dhe dy q?ndrimeve n? administrimin e pushtetit, q? nuk shfaqen p?r her? t? par?, sepse kan? karakterizuar pothuajse t? gjith? tranzicionin dhjet?vjecar postkomunist. Un? kam th?n? dhe e theksoj s?rish q?, nuk na lejohet t? p?rs?risim gabimet e regjimit t? Berish?s, n? administrimin e pushtetit prej mazhoranc?s aktuale t? rikonfirmuar. Si rrjedhim, duke q?n? nj? luft? parimore midis kultur?s evropiane t? qeverisjes dhe kultur?s apo antikultur?s provinciale ballkanase apo joqytetare, shkurt, midis t? gdhendurish dhe t? pagdhendurish, besoj se zgjidhjet do t? jen? edhe politike, edhe ligjore, p?r t? pastruar p?rfundimisht terrenin shqiptar nga lobe politike, q? monopolizojn? pushtetin p?r abuzime private.

 

Z.Nano! I p?rmbaheni deklarimit se jeni kandidatura kryesore e mazhoranc?s p?r postin e Presidentit?

Ju ftoj t? mir?kuptoni q?, marr?zia aktuale e qeveritar?ve t? mazhoranc?s, ku p?rfshihet edhe tendenca p?r t? uzurpuar, dominuar me forc?n e parave apo t? pushtetit edhe forumet vendimarr?se politike t? mazhoranc?s, nuk mund t? frenohet pa nj? riekuilibrim pushtetesh sipas ligjit dhe Kushtetut?s. Kjo nuk p?rjashton as raporte t? reja funksionale midis legjislativit dhe ekzekutivit dhe Presidenc?s, q? do t? krijonin hap?sira t? reja -pra, t? tjera nga ato q? ekzistojn? - midis k?tyre institucioneve q?ndrore dhe institucioneve t? tjera t? pavarura, sic jan? sh?rbimet e specializuara dhe ve?anerisht sistemi i i drejt?sis?. Pra, po ritheksoj q? kjo klim? bllokimi dhe atrofizimi e veprimtaris? legale ligjore dhe n? dobi t? progresit, midis partis? s? mazhoranc?s dhe ekzekutivit t? mazhoranc?s, tenton t? shtrihet edhe n? marr?dh?niet midis institucioneve shtet?rore p?r shkak t? t? nj?jtit grup ekzekutor?sh, pra, an?tar?sh t? ekzekutivit, q? duan ta atrofizojn? demokracin? dhe kuadrin e Kushetut?s shqiptare. Dhe vet?m mbi k?t? baz? un? kam afirmuar dhe riafirmoj se, zgjidhja m? e logjikshme politikisht dhe n? fuknsion t? krijimit t? pushteteve ligjore dhe kushtetuese q? frenojn? marr?zin? e abuzimit aktual ?sht? q?, kryetari i mazhoranc?s, t? kandidoj? natyrsh?m p?r t?u zgjedhur n? funksionin e Presidentit t? Republik?s, i cili, sipas Kushtetut?s, ka detyra t? r?nd?sishme, ekuilibruese, koordinuese dhe bllokuese t? abuzimit me nj? pushtet n? d?m t? t? tjer?ve dhe me grupe interesash private n? d?m t? interesave komb?tare.

 

N? disa takime n? baz?n e PSSH keni k?rkuar dor?heqjen e disa ministrave. Mendoni se ?sht? zgjidhja m? e p?rshtatshme p?r momentin p?r t? mos rrezikuar pushtetin?

Un? sapo e thash? q? ?sht? nj? pjes? e zgjidhjes, pra riformatimi i ekzekutivit, largimi i ministrave tashm? duksh?m de?iziv n? vendimmarrjen abuzive dhe z?vend?simi i tyre me njer?z t? p?rgjegjsh?m, p?rfaq?sues t? mazhoranc?s socialiste gjithashtu, q? do t? ndalonin k?t? proces negativ dhe do t? riekuilibronin situat?n. Por mbetet vet?m nj? pjes? e zgjidhjes, sepse n?se kryeministri Meta vazhdon t? k?mb?ngul? publikisht, q? ?sht? nj? me Angjelin apo me angjel?t, at?her? problemi ?sht? m? i madh se kaq. Sepse publiku dhe mazhoranca ?sht? shum? e interesuar t? kuptoj? se, n? ??aspekte jetike mesa duket, Meta ?sht? peng dhe objekt i shantazhit t? angjel?ve.

 

Zoti Nano, si e shpjegoni juve faktin q? ka mosangazhim nga an?tar?t e kryesis? dhe KPD t? PSSH n? k?to analiza?

Esht? nj? fenomen jo i panjohur dhe shqet?sues. Nj? pjes? e tyre jan? an?tar? t? ekzekutivit dhe po angazhohen n? m?nyr? private n? mbrojtje t? linj?s aktuale t? ekzekutivit. Pra si ministri Lakrori sot. Nj? pjes? tjet?r jan? tradicionalisht n? mb?shtetje t? ?far?do ekzekutivi dhe q?ndrimit t? ekzekutivit, pa kuptuar as rrug?n n? t? cil?n duhet t? ecin reformat europianizuese t? vendit dhe as koston e abuzimeve propagandistike me realitetin. E kam fjal?n p?r zotin Ru?i, q? para se t? b?j? qes?ndi provinciale me moralin tim prej dh?ndri ose jo, duhet t? kuptoj? q? ka 10 vjet q? ngelet kollovar n? Partin? Socialiste, n? modernizimin e saj si forc? e Internacionales n? Tiran?n kryeqytetase, ku socialist?t zgjidhen p?r t? qeverisur p?r her? t? dyt? dhe n? vendimmarrjen q? un? kam drejtuar p?r t? reformuar partin? prej 10 vjet?sh. Ngelet i huaj dhe kollovar?t p?rfillen vet?m p?r protokoll mikpritjeje dhe jo p?r ecuri reale drejt transformimit t? familjes tradicionale, n? nj? familje evropiane. Nga kjo pikpamje secili duhet t? mbaj? kryqin e vet dhe pesh?n e p?rgjegj?sive p?rball? angazhimit politiko-qeveris?s, p?rfshir? edhe an?tar?t e kryesis? q? nuk po angazhohen.

 

K?to takime i keni zhvilluar n? kuadrin e konsultimeve si kryetar i partis? apo jan? fryt edhe i konkluzioneve dhe i q?ndrimeve t? kryesis? s? partis??

Jemi n? nj? proces ku po punohen konkluzionet e administrimit t? pushtetit dhe t? kredibilitetit ton? politik 12-mujor, nga zgjedhjet vendore n? zgjedhjet e fundit dhe n? fillimin e mandatit. T? cilat do t? sintetizohen dhe shfaqen si konkluzione p?r p?rmir?sim n? aktivet e 37 rretheve dhe n? aktivin komb?tar t? fundvitit, duke p?rfshir? natyrsh?m, me nj? program veprimesh q? krahas vendosjes s? normalitetit n? marr?dh?niet midis partis? dhe strukturave t? saj p?rfaq?suese n? pushtet, do t? k?rkoj? edhe ndryshime t? p?rfaq?simit dhe ndryshime t? rregullave t? bashk?veprimit t? k?tyre dy niveleve, si garanci p?r stabilitet n? t? ardhmen e k?saj legjislature.

 

N?se ju kandidoni si president, keni menduar se cili do t? jet? drejtuesi i Partis? Socialiste pasi n? Pez? keni deklaruar se ende nuk ?sht? gjetur nj? njeri q? ta b?j? pun?n si ju n? PS?

M? ndihmoni t? ritheksoj thelbin e filozofis? sime politike dhe qeveris?se, meq? jemi n? mazhoranc?, at? t? drejtimit me ekipe -me ekipe lidershipi politik dhe ekzekutiv apo pushtet administrues - kolegjiale, q? funksionojn? me kontribute dhe p?rgjegj?si plot?suese me nj?ri-tjetrin, me atribute hierarkike, por jo ekskluzive. Dhe nga kjo pik?pamje un? jam krejt i qet? p?r ekzistenc?n dhe mund?sin? reale t? aktivizimit t? t? gjith? potencialeve q? ka mazhoranca aktuale - pra PSSH si drejtuese e saj - p?r t? krijuar nj? situat? tjet?r n? funksionimin e ekipeve t? lidershipit politik t? partis?, n? harmoni me p?rfaq?suesit m? t? mir? t? saj n? drejtimin e institucioneve m? t? r?nd?sishme t? vendit. Pra, kandidimi dhe suksesi i mazhoranc?s n? zgjedhjen e kryetarit t? saj n? krye t? shtetit, e b?n skem?n po kaq t? hapur mikprit?se, n? sh?rbim pozitiv si t? partis? kryesore t? mazhoranc?s, me dyert t? hapura ndaj saj, ashtu dhe t? partis? apo t? partive kryesore t? opozit?s. Pra en? komunikuese q? funksionon n? baz? t? parimeve tona t? gjith?p?rfshir?se dhe t? integrimit t? kontributeve t? ndryshme politike, n? nj? strategji komb?tare t? integrimit euroatlantik.

 

Kryeministri Meta dje u shpreh se ju nuk keni k?rkuar n? mbledhjen e kryesis? p?r heqjen e ministrave Angjeli, Fino dhe Mu?i. K?to fakte q? ju i denonconi sot jan? fakte vet?m t? k?saj qeverisje 2-mujore apo jan? edhe nj? eksperienc? e m?parshme edhe t? qeverisjen "Meta1"?

K?to jan? bllofe t? zyr?s s? kryeministrit dhe jo t? qeveris? s? mazhoranc?s. Dhe m? ndihmoni t? ritheksoj se un? nuk arsyetoj me emocionin 2-mujor apo 5-vje?ar, por me nj? barr? p?rvoje q? nuk ?sht? e imja, por ?sht? sinteza e drejtimit e nj? force politike drejt s? majt?s q? qeveris Evrop?n prej 10 vjet?sh.

P?rgatiti: J.Marena

 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 14 20:57:58 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 17:57:58 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zeri i Popullit
Message-ID: <20011115015758.53358.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

Nano: akuzat t'i hetoj? prokuroria 
Tirane - Lideri socialist Fatos Nano doli dje para medias duke iu p?rgjigjur t? gjitha pyetjeve t? gazetar?ve. Nano iu p?rgjigj pyetjeve p?r nj? mbledhje t? mundshme t? KPD, veprimit t? m?tejsh?m p?r akuzat e ngritura si dhe zgjidhjet sipas tij t? kriz?s institucionale n? vend. Sot Nano do t? flas? para sekretar?ve organizativ? t? PS n? rrethe.

 

Po mblidhen firma p?r mbledhjen e KPD. Komenti juaj?

Normalisht ne jemi n? nj? proces t? programuar analizash, ku nuk mund t? mos marrin pjes? kryesia dhe KPD. Dhe n?se ka ndonj? ethe, q? t? mbledh? firma p?r t? p?rfshir? jonormalisht ose n? m?nyr? t? dhunshme kryesin? apo KPD n? k?t? proces, kjo do t? thot? q? konsultimi i kryetarit me strukturat e baz?s po jep efektin e duhur. Efekt t? cilit un? nuk mund t?i shmangem edhe n? qend?r, p?r t? kuptuar t? gjith?, q? p?rgjegj?sit? jan? t? p?rbashk?ta dhe nuk mund t? coptohen me kollovar? si Ru?i sot apo me lakror?, q? ?udit?risht shfaqen n? specialist? t? transporteve, dje. Pra, jam n? detyr? edhe p?rball? firmave dhe mbledhjeve t? forumeve q?ndrore.

 

N? rast se mblidhet KPD, a mund t? projektohet mbledhja e kongresit t? jasht?zakonsh?m p?r t?ju p?rjashtuar. Pra i trembeni nj? kongresi q? mund t? mbahet n? fillim t? ver?s s? vitit t? ardhsh?m?

Normalisht trembja apo emocionet mediative nuk m? karakterizojn?. Nga ana tjet?r k?to ??shtje nuk ?sht? se p?rballohen as me g?rdufje t? tipit t? konferenc?s s? djeshme t? kryeministrit. N?se tashm? ballafaqimet po b?hen n? media p?r mosh?n apo pjekurin? e argumenteve 5 apo 55 vje?, m? duhet t? kuptojm? q? forume si Kongresi jan? t? dobishme p?r t? p?rcaktuar hierarkin? e gj?rave, n?se arsyetimet e Kryetarit, q? jan? koherente n? 10 vjet histori moderne t? PSSH, konsiderohen t? nj? 5 vje?ari, i bie q? kryeministri Meta ose Ilir Meta si individ t? mos ket? lindur akoma. P?r k?t? pasoj? duhet t? kuptojm? q? zgjedh?sit statutor?, q? jan? p?rfaq?suesit e partis? n? shkall? vendi, jan? t? vetmit q? mund t? vendosin hierarkin? dhe disiplin?n e arsyetimeve politike t? nj? partie n? pushtet.

 

N?qoft?se jeni njohur me projektbuxhetin e vitit 2002, mendoni se ?sht? i p?rshtatsh?m?

Esht? shpejt p?r t? artikuluar nj? vler?sim substancial p?r projektligjin q? paska kaluar Qeveria p?r buxhetin e vitit t? ardhsh?m. Sepse mua si kryetar i partis? dhe maxhoranc?s m? duhet t? aktivizoj dhe t? pres vler?simet e munguara n? v?mendjen e qeveris? - t? komisioneve t? specializuara, t? institucioneve p?rfaq?suese t? partis? kryesore t? maxhoranc?s - p?r k?t? program zhvillimi ekonomik dhe financiar afatmes?m dhe vler?simet e ekspert?ve t? legjislativit n? komisionet e ndryshme, p?r sakt?sin? e objektivave dhe t? zgjidhjeve, q? p?rmban ky dokument themelor i ushtrimit qeveris?s p?r vitin q? vjen. Meq?n?se n? dosjet e mija t? pun?s ka tashm? vler?sime t? sakta t? prioriteteve q? p?rmbajn? programet rajonale dhe komb?tare t? zhvillimit, t? identifikuara n? procesin elektoral dhe qeveris?s t? k?tij viti, me firm?n e nj? numri p?rfaq?suesish ligjor? t? zgjedhur t? nj?sive administrative t? Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, q? p?rfshihen n? ushtrimin buxhetor, at?her? ky ?sht? nj? ballafaqim i domosdosh?m, q? ka koh?n p?r t?u realizuar, n? rrug? politike dhe institucionale, p?r t? arritur n? vler?simin, n?se projektbuxheti i kaluar nga qeveria ?sht? ai q? duhet apo do t?i n?nshtrohet shqyrtimit t? m?tejsh?m, n? marr?dh?njet midis legjislativit, partis? dhe qeveris? Meta.

 

N? rast se nuk i plot?son kushtet, do t?i b?ni oponenc? projektligjit p?r buxhetin e vitit 2002?

Nuk b?het fjal? p?r replika n? k?t? fush?. B?het fjal? p?r nj? debat profesional q? do t? vler?soj? p?rputhjen e prioriteteve tona politiko-qeveris?se me skemat q? kan? ardhur nga ministria e Angjelit.

 

Ka patur p?rg?njeshtrime p?r akuzat e hedhura nga ju n? drejtim t? qeveris?. I q?ndroni k?tyre akuzave dhe a do t?i shkoni deri n? fund, pra deri n? Prokurori?

Un? nuk po d?gjoj asnj? vler?sim simetrik t? v?rtet?sis? ose jo t? abuzimeve q? kam denoncuar politikisht n? publik. N?qoft? se do t? quhet i till? shpjegimi q? dha Zv.Ministri i Finos, un? gjeta argumenta t? m?tejshme p?r v?rtet?sin? e abuzimit. Fjala "turiz?m" apo "Republik? bananesh", ishte edhe n? denoncim, edhe n? shpjegim. Dhe, un? vazhdoj t? jem i vendosur p?r t? mos lejuar q? vendimarrja ekzekutive t? konsideroj? firma apo grupe ekskluzivisht fituese - n? akordimin e prioriteteve t? zhvillimit afatgjat? q? ka vendi - ato q? mbajn? emra apo mbiemra pushtetar?sh apo familjar?sh t? tyre. P?r pasoj?, tani ?sht? koha p?r t? kaluar nga k?to replika emocionale q? v?rtetojn? prekje interesash nga ana e p?rfaq?suesve t? pushtetar?ve t? denoncuar, n? nj? argumentim dhe ballafaqim ligjor t? realiteteve, t? cilat k?rkojn? medoemos p?rfshirjen e Prokuroris? n? proces.

 

Cila do t? jet? rruga e zgjidhjes n? k?t? konflikt, ndarja e PS-s? apo rr?zimi i nj?r?s pal??

Nuk besoj se ka skema kaq mekanike apo bardh e zi n? zgjidhjen e problemit. N? fund t? fundit, ky ?sht? nj? debat apo nj? ballafaqim midis dy moraleve dhe dy q?ndrimeve n? administrimin e pushtetit, q? nuk shfaqen p?r her? t? par?, sepse kan? karakterizuar pothuajse t? gjith? tranzicionin dhjet?vjecar postkomunist. Un? kam th?n? dhe e theksoj s?rish q?, nuk na lejohet t? p?rs?risim gabimet e regjimit t? Berish?s, n? administrimin e pushtetit prej mazhoranc?s aktuale t? rikonfirmuar. Si rrjedhim, duke q?n? nj? luft? parimore midis kultur?s evropiane t? qeverisjes dhe kultur?s apo antikultur?s provinciale ballkanase apo joqytetare, shkurt, midis t? gdhendurish dhe t? pagdhendurish, besoj se zgjidhjet do t? jen? edhe politike, edhe ligjore, p?r t? pastruar p?rfundimisht terrenin shqiptar nga lobe politike, q? monopolizojn? pushtetin p?r abuzime private.

 

Z.Nano! I p?rmbaheni deklarimit se jeni kandidatura kryesore e mazhoranc?s p?r postin e Presidentit?

Ju ftoj t? mir?kuptoni q?, marr?zia aktuale e qeveritar?ve t? mazhoranc?s, ku p?rfshihet edhe tendenca p?r t? uzurpuar, dominuar me forc?n e parave apo t? pushtetit edhe forumet vendimarr?se politike t? mazhoranc?s, nuk mund t? frenohet pa nj? riekuilibrim pushtetesh sipas ligjit dhe Kushtetut?s. Kjo nuk p?rjashton as raporte t? reja funksionale midis legjislativit dhe ekzekutivit dhe Presidenc?s, q? do t? krijonin hap?sira t? reja -pra, t? tjera nga ato q? ekzistojn? - midis k?tyre institucioneve q?ndrore dhe institucioneve t? tjera t? pavarura, sic jan? sh?rbimet e specializuara dhe ve?anerisht sistemi i i drejt?sis?. Pra, po ritheksoj q? kjo klim? bllokimi dhe atrofizimi e veprimtaris? legale ligjore dhe n? dobi t? progresit, midis partis? s? mazhoranc?s dhe ekzekutivit t? mazhoranc?s, tenton t? shtrihet edhe n? marr?dh?niet midis institucioneve shtet?rore p?r shkak t? t? nj?jtit grup ekzekutor?sh, pra, an?tar?sh t? ekzekutivit, q? duan ta atrofizojn? demokracin? dhe kuadrin e Kushetut?s shqiptare. Dhe vet?m mbi k?t? baz? un? kam afirmuar dhe riafirmoj se, zgjidhja m? e logjikshme politikisht dhe n? fuknsion t? krijimit t? pushteteve ligjore dhe kushtetuese q? frenojn? marr?zin? e abuzimit aktual ?sht? q?, kryetari i mazhoranc?s, t? kandidoj? natyrsh?m p?r t?u zgjedhur n? funksionin e Presidentit t? Republik?s, i cili, sipas Kushtetut?s, ka detyra t? r?nd?sishme, ekuilibruese, koordinuese dhe bllokuese t? abuzimit me nj? pushtet n? d?m t? t? tjer?ve dhe me grupe interesash private n? d?m t? interesave komb?tare.

 

N? disa takime n? baz?n e PSSH keni k?rkuar dor?heqjen e disa ministrave. Mendoni se ?sht? zgjidhja m? e p?rshtatshme p?r momentin p?r t? mos rrezikuar pushtetin?

Un? sapo e thash? q? ?sht? nj? pjes? e zgjidhjes, pra riformatimi i ekzekutivit, largimi i ministrave tashm? duksh?m de?iziv n? vendimmarrjen abuzive dhe z?vend?simi i tyre me njer?z t? p?rgjegjsh?m, p?rfaq?sues t? mazhoranc?s socialiste gjithashtu, q? do t? ndalonin k?t? proces negativ dhe do t? riekuilibronin situat?n. Por mbetet vet?m nj? pjes? e zgjidhjes, sepse n?se kryeministri Meta vazhdon t? k?mb?ngul? publikisht, q? ?sht? nj? me Angjelin apo me angjel?t, at?her? problemi ?sht? m? i madh se kaq. Sepse publiku dhe mazhoranca ?sht? shum? e interesuar t? kuptoj? se, n? ??aspekte jetike mesa duket, Meta ?sht? peng dhe objekt i shantazhit t? angjel?ve.

 

Zoti Nano, si e shpjegoni juve faktin q? ka mosangazhim nga an?tar?t e kryesis? dhe KPD t? PSSH n? k?to analiza?

Esht? nj? fenomen jo i panjohur dhe shqet?sues. Nj? pjes? e tyre jan? an?tar? t? ekzekutivit dhe po angazhohen n? m?nyr? private n? mbrojtje t? linj?s aktuale t? ekzekutivit. Pra si ministri Lakrori sot. Nj? pjes? tjet?r jan? tradicionalisht n? mb?shtetje t? ?far?do ekzekutivi dhe q?ndrimit t? ekzekutivit, pa kuptuar as rrug?n n? t? cil?n duhet t? ecin reformat europianizuese t? vendit dhe as koston e abuzimeve propagandistike me realitetin. E kam fjal?n p?r zotin Ru?i, q? para se t? b?j? qes?ndi provinciale me moralin tim prej dh?ndri ose jo, duhet t? kuptoj? q? ka 10 vjet q? ngelet kollovar n? Partin? Socialiste, n? modernizimin e saj si forc? e Internacionales n? Tiran?n kryeqytetase, ku socialist?t zgjidhen p?r t? qeverisur p?r her? t? dyt? dhe n? vendimmarrjen q? un? kam drejtuar p?r t? reformuar partin? prej 10 vjet?sh. Ngelet i huaj dhe kollovar?t p?rfillen vet?m p?r protokoll mikpritjeje dhe jo p?r ecuri reale drejt transformimit t? familjes tradicionale, n? nj? familje evropiane. Nga kjo pikpamje secili duhet t? mbaj? kryqin e vet dhe pesh?n e p?rgjegj?sive p?rball? angazhimit politiko-qeveris?s, p?rfshir? edhe an?tar?t e kryesis? q? nuk po angazhohen.

 

K?to takime i keni zhvilluar n? kuadrin e konsultimeve si kryetar i partis? apo jan? fryt edhe i konkluzioneve dhe i q?ndrimeve t? kryesis? s? partis??

Jemi n? nj? proces ku po punohen konkluzionet e administrimit t? pushtetit dhe t? kredibilitetit ton? politik 12-mujor, nga zgjedhjet vendore n? zgjedhjet e fundit dhe n? fillimin e mandatit. T? cilat do t? sintetizohen dhe shfaqen si konkluzione p?r p?rmir?sim n? aktivet e 37 rretheve dhe n? aktivin komb?tar t? fundvitit, duke p?rfshir? natyrsh?m, me nj? program veprimesh q? krahas vendosjes s? normalitetit n? marr?dh?niet midis partis? dhe strukturave t? saj p?rfaq?suese n? pushtet, do t? k?rkoj? edhe ndryshime t? p?rfaq?simit dhe ndryshime t? rregullave t? bashk?veprimit t? k?tyre dy niveleve, si garanci p?r stabilitet n? t? ardhmen e k?saj legjislature.

 

N?se ju kandidoni si president, keni menduar se cili do t? jet? drejtuesi i Partis? Socialiste pasi n? Pez? keni deklaruar se ende nuk ?sht? gjetur nj? njeri q? ta b?j? pun?n si ju n? PS?

M? ndihmoni t? ritheksoj thelbin e filozofis? sime politike dhe qeveris?se, meq? jemi n? mazhoranc?, at? t? drejtimit me ekipe -me ekipe lidershipi politik dhe ekzekutiv apo pushtet administrues - kolegjiale, q? funksionojn? me kontribute dhe p?rgjegj?si plot?suese me nj?ri-tjetrin, me atribute hierarkike, por jo ekskluzive. Dhe nga kjo pik?pamje un? jam krejt i qet? p?r ekzistenc?n dhe mund?sin? reale t? aktivizimit t? t? gjith? potencialeve q? ka mazhoranca aktuale - pra PSSH si drejtuese e saj - p?r t? krijuar nj? situat? tjet?r n? funksionimin e ekipeve t? lidershipit politik t? partis?, n? harmoni me p?rfaq?suesit m? t? mir? t? saj n? drejtimin e institucioneve m? t? r?nd?sishme t? vendit. Pra, kandidimi dhe suksesi i mazhoranc?s n? zgjedhjen e kryetarit t? saj n? krye t? shtetit, e b?n skem?n po kaq t? hapur mikprit?se, n? sh?rbim pozitiv si t? partis? kryesore t? mazhoranc?s, me dyert t? hapura ndaj saj, ashtu dhe t? partis? apo t? partive kryesore t? opozit?s. Pra en? komunikuese q? funksionon n? baz? t? parimeve tona t? gjith?p?rfshir?se dhe t? integrimit t? kontributeve t? ndryshme politike, n? nj? strategji komb?tare t? integrimit euroatlantik.

 

Kryeministri Meta dje u shpreh se ju nuk keni k?rkuar n? mbledhjen e kryesis? p?r heqjen e ministrave Angjeli, Fino dhe Mu?i. K?to fakte q? ju i denonconi sot jan? fakte vet?m t? k?saj qeverisje 2-mujore apo jan? edhe nj? eksperienc? e m?parshme edhe t? qeverisjen "Meta1"?

K?to jan? bllofe t? zyr?s s? kryeministrit dhe jo t? qeveris? s? mazhoranc?s. Dhe m? ndihmoni t? ritheksoj se un? nuk arsyetoj me emocionin 2-mujor apo 5-vje?ar, por me nj? barr? p?rvoje q? nuk ?sht? e imja, por ?sht? sinteza e drejtimit e nj? force politike drejt s? majt?s q? qeveris Evrop?n prej 10 vjet?sh.

P?rgatiti: J.Marena

 



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From Heljo at mediaone.net  Wed Nov 14 00:45:38 2001
From: Heljo at mediaone.net (Sejfi Protopapa)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 00:45:38 -0500
Subject: Fw: [ALBSA-Info] a must-read article
Message-ID: <000d01c16ccf$96eb07e0$0f043c18@ne.mediaone.net>


----- Original Message -----
From: Sejfi Protopapa
To: Xhuliana Agolli
Sent: Tuesday, November 13,
2001 10:34 PM
Subject: Re: [ALBSA-Info] a
must-read article


Dear Xhuliana,

Your response is either very
naive or very misleading.
However, since you have also
posted Mr.Petros Komodromos'
interpretation of the events
in Kosova lead me to believe
that you are hell bent to tell
members of ALBSA that America
is a Fascist country and that
President Bush is the
Dictator.

You are selectively quoting
others and therefore you are
equally responsible for
distributing their trash.

It is unfortunate that you
have not had the opportunity
to learn a little bit more
about American Democracy and
its endurance in face of
adversity.

The historical evolution of
the political institutions of
the American system of
government, based upon the US
Constitution, has resulted in
a very strong executive branch
with the President of the US
being also the Commander in
Chief of all the Armed forces.

In all other democratic
countries in the world the
executive branch is less
powerful than the White House
is in the USA.

The discussion about the
executive branch of government
is always under discussion and
therefore open to all sorts of
interpretation and therefore
should not and is not my
concern.

You, Ms Agolli are using ALBSA
to propagate your notions of
fascists America and the
dictatorial Mr. Bush. Even the
mechanism of posting your
extreme views is misleading.
Under subject you have:

"Re:ALBSA-Info: a must-read
article".

Why don't you develop your own
web site and then distribute
to your hearts' contents all
your little machinations of
nonsense. And, please, leave
ALBSA alone.

Sejfi Protopapa.

=======

  ----- Original Message -----
  From: Xhuliana Agolli
  To: Sejfi Protopapa
  Sent: Sunday, November 11,
2001 1:11 PM
  Subject: Re: [ALBSA-Info] a
must-read article


  Dear Sejfi,
  What I may consider "a
must-read" doesn't necessarily
have to be considered so by
others. So, it's perfectly OK
that you didn't find it as
compelling as I did.

  As per a cup of coffee, it
would have been a good idea if
I lived in the Boston area.
But I don't. Nevertheless,
thank you.
  xh.a.
    ----- Original
Message -----
    From: Sejfi Protopapa
    To: Xhuliana Agolli
    Sent: Saturday, November
10, 2001 5:47 PM
    Subject: Re: [ALBSA-Info]
a must-read article




      Dear Xhuliana,
       I read the article and
I do not find it a must
reading.
      If you are anywhere near
Boston we can have a cup of
coffee and discuss this
article.
      Sincerely,
      Sejfi Protopapa
      ========
      From: Xhuliana Agolli
      To: albsa-info
      Cc: Sofia Kalo ; Arjan
Kopani
      Sent: Saturday, November
10, 2001 11:59 AM
      Subject: [ALBSA-Info] a
must-read article


      Homeland Insecurity:
      Phoenix, Chaos, The
Enterprise,
      and The Politics of
Terror In America
      Prior to the 11
September terror attacks on
the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon, two conditions
defined American politics. In
regard to foreign affairs, the
United States was universally
recognized as the world's only
super power. And today that
condition remains unchanged:
no other nation comes close to
matching America's military
might.

      But domestic politics
was defined by doubts about
the legitimacy of the Bush
Administration. Al Gore had
won the popular vote by an
overwhelming majority, and
Bush had acquired his
presidential powers through a
combination of nepotism and
voter fraud in Florida,
blatant media bias, and a
judicial coup d'etat by the
right wing of the U.S. Supreme
Court.

      Before the terror
attacks, the stench of
venality clung to Bush like
cigarette smoke and stale beer
after a night of bar hopping.
Since the attacks, his
standing in the polls has
nearly doubled, and there's
been no more talk of an oil
crunch, or the ailing economy,
or of the looting of pensions
plans down ten to twenty
percent, or of looting of
Social Security and Medicare
to pay for the war of revenge,
or of Republicans losing
Congress in 2002.

      This second, overarching
condition--the inherent
illegitimacy of the Bush
Administration--must be
remembered when considering
how the apocalyptic events of
11 September changed the
domestic political landscape.
Symbolically, they wiped the
slate clean. The U.S. remains
the most powerful nation in
the world, but Bush's
legitimacy is no longer an
issue. As a result, all the
moral and psychological
prohibitions on the
reactionary right have been
lifted, and all the anger and
frustrations it cultivated
during the Vietnam War, and
the Carter and Clinton
Administrations, is poised to
be unleashed under the aegis
of counter-terrorism, not only
on the usual suspects--foreign
enemies sitting on vast oil
reserves, suspected
terrorists, and domestic
dissidents--but on the
unwitting, flag-waving
American public as well.

      Alas, righteous outrage
over the crime of 11 September
has enabled the once wobbly
"unpresident" to stand tall,
assert himself, and exploit
the catastrophe in a way that
seems at once crass, eerily
preordained, and suspiciously
opportune. Though its moral
authority and intentions are
as uncertain as the
perpetrators of the carnage,
the Bush Administration has
effectively silenced its
critics, and, amid rapturous
bipartisan Congressional and
public support, launched a
"low intensity" war on
Afghanistan and a nebulous,
"covert" war on world
terrorism, while reorganizing
the executive branch of
government into the most
fearsome political and
psychological warfare machine
the world has ever seen.

      There is a grave, hidden
danger in this situation, for
the reactionary right wing--by
which I mean the owners,
managers, and supporters of
America's totalitarian,
military industrial
information complex--have
united the nation behind the
Bush Administration in a
spirit of belligerent
nationalism. With its actions
and intentions shrouded in
secrecy, the Bush
Administration, in this
respect, fits the classic
definition of a fascist
dictatorship.

      Already some of our most
cherished freedoms have been
sacrificed. Dissent has been
stifled, censorship imposed,
and cherished legal
protections, especially
regarding the Fourth
Amendment, have been altered
and suspended. No one knows
exactly how many "suspects"
are being detained, or where,
and already there has been one
suspicious death and
widespread rumors of abuse.
And the situation will only
get worse.

      In a 21 October article
for The Washington Post,
Walter Pincus reported that
FBI and Justice Department
investigators are increasingly
frustrated by the silence of
some jailed suspects. Offers
of lighter sentences, money,
jobs, and a new identity and
life in America haven't
loosened their tongues, and
alternative strategies under
discussion include "using
drugs or pressure tactics,
such as those employed
occasionally by Israeli
interrogators, to extract
information."

      Images come to mind of
stoic Israeli soldiers
breaking the hands of
adolescent Palestinian rock
throwers. But more serious
measures are being
contemplated. According to
Pincus, one law professor
believes "the use of force to
extract information could
happen" in cases where
investigators believe suspects
have information on an
upcoming attack. "If there is
a ticking bomb, it is not an
easy issue," the professor
said.

      Right wing Republican
stalwart Kenneth W. Starr, the
former Clinton inquisitor,
said the danger of terrorism
requires "deference to the
judgments of the political
branches (italics added) with
respect to matters of national
security." And right wing
Republican Richard Thornburgh,
a former Pennsylvania governor
and attorney general under
Ronald Reagan and George H. W.
Bush, said that due process
sometimes "strangles us." When
it comes to counter-terrorism,
Thornburgh said that legally
admissible evidence "may not
be the be-all and end-all."

      According to Pincus,
"the country may compare the
current search for information
to brutal tactics in wartime
used to gather intelligence
overseas and even by U.S.
troops from prisoners during
military actions."

      Suddenly we've gone from
breaking hands to cutting off
fingers, attaching electrodes
to genitals, and pouring soapy
water down windpipes while
suspects hang suspended on
meat hooks.

      But is there a "crisis"
as government propagandist
Pincus suggests? And even if
there is, why must we defer to
the "political branches," as
Starr claims, to combat
terrorism? And what does it
mean for Bush's domestic
political opponents if, as
Thornburgh suggests, the
"current search for
information" should include
the "brutal tactics" used "in
wartime"?1

      How To Organize A
Fascist State

      America was attacked and
is at war; and in the rage and
confusion following the
morning of 11 September Bush
sought unprecedented emergency
powers to counter the threat
of more terrorism. He received
those powers from Congress
with near unanimous public
support. The logic was
irrefutable at the moment: a
murderous, suicidal enemy had
invaded our homeland, and the
military had to be mobilized.
Fear gripped the nation, and
while Bush was ignominiously
hidden away in a military
bunker by security forces
(because, his aides falsely
claimed, terrorists planned to
attack Air Force One) the
White House was able to impose
what amounts to martial law.
Armed National Guardsmen now
stalk our airports, concrete
barriers surround our
government buildings, and the
president's press secretary
cautions our apologetic
comedians (when they're not
sports casting or sharing
emotional moments with Dan
Rather) to watch what they
say.

      And even though the
attacks ended quickly, a
bizarre outbreak of anthrax
keeps the body count climbing,
emotions simmering, and the
emergency sustained. The
military is now integrally
involved in domestic
counter-terror operations, and
intelligence gained from CIA
covert actions--evidence
hitherto inadmissible in
courts of law, due to the
CIA's refusal to reveal its
illegal "sources and
methods"--has been folded into
law enforcement operations.
Any number of secret
presidential edicts may have
been issued--we know of one
authorizing the CIA to commit
assassinations--and thus the
scope of the assault on our
civil liberties has yet to be
fully revealed.

      But we do know how the
Bush Dictatorship will be
organized. It will be based on
a broad policy of
anti-terrorism covering the
entire spectrum of possible
actions, from conventional
military operations, to
political intervention, and to
economic sanctions against
nations like Afghanistan,
Cuba, and Iraq. This broad
policy of anti-terrorism will
include specific
counter-terror programs and
operations, at home and
abroad. White House political
and security advisors will
coordinate this bifurcated
effort under the ostensibly
direction of dimwitted George
Bush and the actual direction
his Machiavellian Vice
President, Dick Cheney. Should
Haliburton Oil Company
executive Cheney depart the
scene for health reasons, an
equally aggressive individual,
most likely Secretary of State
Colin Powell, will take his
place.

      The job of managing
overseas counter-terror
operations will fall to
National Security Advisor
Condoleezza Rice. A board
member of Chevron Corporation,
which operates in 100 foreign
countries, Rice, like Bush and
Cheney, has an abiding
personal interest in the
growth of the oil industry.
She is a "hard liner" and
advocates a worldwide war on
terrorism, to be fought in
more than 60 countries. As she
said in an 18 October article
posted on the CNN website,
"you've got to get to these
(terrorist) cells and root
them out and disrupt them
before they strike again."

      The job of coordinating
the domestic counter-terror
effort will fall to former
Pennsylvania Governor Tom
Ridge, as director of the
newly created Office of
Homeland Security (OHS). In
less sophisticated times, the
domestic counter-terror effort
would be referred to as
"internal security," and Ridge
would head the Office of
Internal Security. But the
Bush Administrations public
relations experts evidently
think "internal security" has
a negative connotation, and
that the word "homeland"
connotes "the land of the free
and the home of the brave," as
opposed to the Fuhrer and his
adoring volkreich.

      Although he is a
personal friend of Bush and a
decorated Vietnam veteran,
Ridge supports a woman's right
to an abortion, and thus is
mistrusted by the reactionary
right wing of the Republican
Party. Even the mainstream
media is beginning to portray
him as a mere spokesman and
figurehead without real
authority, and it's clear the
White House's political cadre
will make the real decisions
about internal security, and
foreign policy.

      In existence since 1947,
the National Security Council
implements the President's
foreign policy wishes, which
are to organize the world
based on the totalitarian
corporate paradigm, in a
political way that will enrich
himself and his loyal
supporters. The new OHS has
the same purpose, and same
organizational structure, as
the NSC.

      The political pretext
for creating the OHS was
simple enough: 6000 citizens
were killed in a terrible
terror attack, and the Bush
Administrations claims that
the OHS is the best mechanism
to reduce the risk of such a
calamity happening again. To
this end, the OHS will
coordinate more than 40
federal agencies involved in
intelligence, security, and
law enforcement endeavors.

      Although the lines of
authority have yet to be
determined, the OHS will work
with the murky Military
Homeland Defense Agency under
Deputy National Security
Advisor General Wayne Downing.
Though he is describe as
Ridge's deputy, Downing has
far greater experience in
counter-terror doctrine and
operations, including service
as an intelligence and Civil
Affairs officer during the
Vietnam War. Before his
retirement in 1997, Downing
was Commanding General of the
U.S. Army Special Operations
Command at Fort Bragg
(1991-1993), and Commander in
Chief of the U.S. Special
Operations Command at MacDill
Air Force Base (1993-1996).

      The man to watch,
Downing will advise Ridge and
Bush on how best to detect and
disrupt domestic terrorist
organizations. Downing will be
OHS's liaison to the Pentagon
and its highly evolved
counter-terror units. These
units will likely serve as the
OHS's "action" arm in hostage
situations or in cases when
the "brutal tactics" used "in
wartime" are required to
persuade a terrorist to reveal
the location of a "ticking
bomb."

      Downing also will likely
oversee the Stalinist military
tribunals the Bush
Administration has proposed as
a method of trying, dispensing
with, and even executing
terrorists. In a 25 October
article titled "How We Punish
Saboteurs" for Legal Times,
Philip Lacovara, cited the
case of eight German saboteurs
executed during World War II.
President Roosevelt ordered
the men tried before a
military tribunal composed
entirely of military officers.
The saboteurs took their case
to the Supreme Court, but the
Justices backed the President,
ruling that the Germans had no
right to a public trial or a
trial by jury. The Court even
implied that the President as
commander in chief had the
power to order the men
executed without any trial at
all. Ultimately the military
tribunal did its job, and in
early August 1942, six
would-be saboteurs were
hanged.

      As Lacovara notes,
without any sense of irony
that every member of the CIA
falls within this definition,
"The laws of war grant no
quarter to those who plot
their evil in the shadows."

      It's unclear if the OHS,
in conjunction with Downing's
organization, will have the
power to torture and summarily
execute. But the OHS is being
funded by hundreds of millions
of taxpayer dollars, and Bush
Administration propagandists
are busy lowering
expectations. Defending our
homeland will not be an easy
task, according to Michael
Ledeen, a former
counter-terror expert in the
Reagan Administration's State
Department and National
Security Council. In a 1
October article for the
National Review OnLine, Ledeen
said the difficulty will be
getting the law-enforcement
and intelligence agencies "to
coordinate better with one
another." 2

      Ledeen defines this
organizational problem as
ideological, and he
specifically blames the
Clintons, "for failing to
properly organize our nation's
security apparatus."

      He even goes so far as
to suggest that the Clinton
Administration is liable for
the terror attacks of
September 11th, because,
"People who took security
seriously were sneered at by
the Clintons. Bubba's White
House was a security
shambles," and his Secretary
of State, Madeline Albright,
"presided over one security
debacle after another. Rooms
were bugged, files and
computers disappeared, perhaps
into the same black hole as
the Rose Law Firm records
having to do with Ms.
Hillary's billable hours."

      Ledeen's vilification of
"the Clintons" is a textbook
example of the unsubtle
political and psychological
warfare being waged on the
American public, to legitimize
the Bush Administration, and
to justify the political
repression of those people
whom Clinton is presumed to
represent: obviously not those
who take security seriously.

      Bombing a pharmaceutical
factory in the Sudan, endless
economic sanctions against
Iraq, more than a billion
dollars to fight
narco-terrorism in Colombia,
and the war in Bosnia--none of
this was serious enough to
suit Ledeen and the radical
right. Nor was Clinton's total
commitment to Israel.
Clinton's failure was here, at
home, and the radical right is
about to set things straight.

      The terror attacks of 11
September cry out for violent
retribution, and if, as Ledeen
alleges, "the Clintons" are to
blame--through sins of
omission, ignorance, or
arrogance--then violent
retribution must surely be
visited upon them and their
associates. This is exactly
what Ledeen is advocating, and
this is the tricky part,
because he does not define
whom these people were who
sneered at security. But his
visceral hatred of them is
indicative of the violence the
reactionary right wing wishes
to inflict, through the OHS,
on its political
opponents--however erroneously
represented by Clinton they
are--in order to instill
"respect" for the illegitimate
Bush Administration.

      According to Ledeen,
Clinton's sneering lack of
respect took "a terrible toll
on the system, and Ridge will
not find it easy to instill a
proper respect for proper
secrecy, even in his own
offices. It takes quite a
while to stamp out corrupt
habits of mind and action."

      Ledeen's solution to the
problem of domestic terrorism
is "to stamp out" the "corrupt
habits of mind (italics
added)" that are still
lingering around, somewhere.
In other words, the
reactionary right wing must
impose its "proper" ideology
through the institution of an
official Thought Police, the
OHS, in order to create the
politically correct, security
conscious, uniform American
citizenry, marching in
lockstep, flags waving, that
is necessary to win the tough
war ahead. It's a matter of
will.

      "This is time for the
old motto, "kill them all, let
God sort 'em out." New times
require new people with new
standards," Ledeen asserts.
"The entire political (italics
added) world will understand
it and applaud it. And it will
give Tom Ridge a chance to
succeed, and us to prevail."

      The "new times" means a
society in which the
organizing principle is
terror. The "new people" are
those who take internal
security seriously enough to
impose the "new standards,"
which allow military tribunals
to order summary executions
and torture here in America,
when necessary, and mass
murder anywhere in the world
there are thought to be
terrorists, as is happening in
Afghanistan right now.

      It all depends on
whether or the reactionary
right wing succeeds in
terrorizing the American
public into submission. As the
Bush regime is fond of saying,
"You're either with us, or
you're against us."

      Continued in Part Two:
Phoenix and the Anatomy of
Terror

      Douglas Valentine writes
frequently for CounterPunch.
He is the author of The
Phoenix Program, the only
comprehensive account of the
CIA's torture and
assassination operation in
Vietnam, as well as TDY a
chilling novel about the CIA
and the drug trade.

-------------- next part --------------
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 14 21:24:03 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 18:24:03 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Article by T. Michas on Balkan Issues
Message-ID: <20011115022403.57815.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

Greekworks.com: Antiamericansim of Communists and Christians [T. Mihas, 1-11-01]


www.greekworks.comNovember 5, 2001 Strange Bedfellows: The Anti-American Alliance of Communists andChristians in GreeceBy TAKIS MICHASNovember 1, 2001No sooner had the major fires been extinguished from what was left of theWorld Trade Center towers in New York last month than the followers of theGreek communist party were out in full force in the streets of Athensprotesting against "the US murderers" and "the terrorist Bush." They did sobecause, according to the Communist Party of Greece, the September 11attacks were the result of US global policies.The view that the September 11 attacks were not a ruthless act committed bycold-blooded murderers was also echoed in statements made by ArchbishopChristodoulos, primate of the Orthodox church in Greece. In a sermondelivered a few days after the tragic events, he interpreted these terroristacts as a consequence of the inequality and injustice prevailing in theworld.The similarity of the views expressed by the Orthodox church of Greece andthe communist party (KKE) concerning the attack against the WTC was one moresign of the gradual ideological convergence of the two organizations.Indeed, the rapprochement between the party and the Church constitutes oneof the most remarkable political developments in Greece during the lastdecade. This ideological convergence encompasses issues such asglobalization and the nature of the capitalist system, but above all itcenters on the common dislike both groups feel for the West, and especiallythe United States.The event that acted as a catalyst in bringing about this rapprochement waswithout a doubt the war in the former Yugoslavia. Throughout the 1990s, bothorganizations passionately supported Slobodan Milosevic's policies in Bosniaand later Kosovo, while at the same time very strongly opposing NATO and USinterference in the region.The Greek communist party was one of the most vocal opponents of NATO'sactions during both the Bosnia and Kosovo wars, allegedly because theyviolated Serbian sovereignty and aimed to undermine Milosevic. The partyalso played a prominent role in organizing mass rallies and open-airconcerts and meetings in which US-led "aggression" against Yugoslavia wasdenounced in the strongest terms. One of the party's most noteworthy actionsin this respect was the creation in November 2000 of a Balkan Anti-NATOCenter in Thessaloniki whose aim was to coordinate anti-NATO activities inthe region. The party was also one of Milosevic's staunchest supporters,and, in January 2001, when Milosevic's other political friends in Greecebegan to distance themselves from him, its general secretary, AlekaPapariga, visited him in Belgrade to show her party's solidarity.Equally strong was the identification of the Greek Orthodox church withMilosevic's policies. For almost a decade, the Greek church provided theideological legitimacy for war crimes in Bosnia. The Church even invitedRadovan Karadzic, who has been indicted by the international tribunal at theHague for war crimes, to visit Athens in the summer of 1993 to be honored ata rally in Piraeus. During the war in Bosnia, Greek Orthodox prieststraveled regularly to the ravaged country to provide spiritual succor to theBosnian Serb army in Sarajevo, Zvornik, and other areas.Moreover, during the war in Kosovo, the US and its president were frequentlydenounced by Christodoulos and other Church dignitaries as "Demon" or"Satan," and New York City as "the Whore of Babylon." The archbishop saw theWestern intervention in Kosovo as an attempt to eliminate Orthodoxy fromevery corner of Europe. The NATO attacks were thus, according to this lineof argument, motivated by hatred against Orthodoxy and had as their aim theelimination of Orthodox religious monuments in the region!If the love affair between Greek communists and the Orthodox church startedwith the war in the former Yugoslavia, it certainly did not end there. Onthe contrary, it extended to other issues. This was stressed by the Greekarchbishop when, in an interview to the Sunday Vima early this year, he saidthat he finds the Communist Party of Greece's geopolitical views on issuessuch as globalization, Kosovo, and US foreign policy, to be much closer tothose of his Church than those of many other political parties.At the same time, Archbishop Christodoulos has increasingly adoptedleft-wing concepts and the vocabulary of the left. In one of his mostnoteworthy speeches recently, he compared the US to Nazi Germany. In January2000, during a speech to a fundamentalist group, he said that he wasfrightened by the expression, "new world order," to describe the dominant USrole in the world because, as he put it, the Nazis had used the same term.In the same speech, he accused former president Bill Clinton of beingresponsible for the mass slaughter of innocents, saying that he had blood onhis hands. His comparison of the US with Nazi Germany was made more explicita few days later when, during a sermon in Thessaloniki, he called Clinton aninsidious fascist. The archbishop's comments, of course, provoked strongprotests by the US ambassador to Athens, Nicholas Burns.The convergence of the Church's positions with those of the communists maynot simply be an opportunistic alliance reflecting a specific politicalconjuncture. Some very influential thinkers in the Church have recentlyargued that Orthodoxy represents the only true form of communism. Includedin their ranks is Father George Metallinos, a theology professor at theUniversity of Athens and frequent guest on television talk shows. Accordingto this view, the persecution by the Bolsheviks of the Orthodox church inRussia was not an attempt to impose a secular order by violent means.Rather, it was an attempt by the German kaiser's "agent," Vladimir Lenin, toimpose false communism on the country by destroying the true communism ofthe Orthodox church.However, one of the most important elements fueling the Greek church'sstrong anti-Western posture - and thus indirectly its ideologicalrapprochement with the equally anti-Western communist party - has been theappearance of a group of influential Neo-Orthodox thinkers who have revivedand brought into focus the antagonism that existed between the Orthodox Eastand the Latin West during the Middle Ages. What these thinkers have done isto recast traditional religious conflicts in the contemporary idiom of worldpolitics and to use them as the basis for advocating policy positions whoseultimate aim is the total separation of Greece from the West.According to the Neo-Orthodox, Greece has nothing to gain from its contactswith the West. For them, just as for Muslim fundamentalists, the West isinferior, corrupt, and dominated by extreme political amoralism. Moreover,the West continues to perpetuate the legacy of hatred for the Orthodoxchurch that started with the Great Schism and the filioque dispute, andculminated in the sacking of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204.Thus, according to this view, Western hatred is primarily directed towardthe Greeks, not only because of their religious beliefs but also becauseGreeks are the "inheritors" of the Byzantine empire. The West, particularlythe United States, has been trying continuously to undermine Greek interestsby helping Greece's enemies, including Turkey, the former Yugoslav republicof Macedonia, the Bosnian Muslims, and the Albanians. Greece has beensubjected to the ultimate degradation of having to rely on the West for itscontinued existence by pleading for Western protection against the Turks.All the misfortunes that have befallen Greeks during their recent history -from the Asia Minor catastrophe in 1922 to the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in1974, and the resulting division of the island - have thus been duepresumably to Greece's failed attempt to imitate the West. The Greeks'decline will not end, therefore, until they recognize their superiority asmembers of the Orthodox church.More recently, in a column in Kathimerini, the newspaper of record for Greekconservatives, one of the more distinguished members of the movement,Professor Christos Gianaras, condoned the terrorist attacks againstWashington and New York, and compared them to similar acts committed by theGreek fighters of the War of Independence of 1821! It is also of interest tonote that, in some instances, relations between the communist party andOrthodoxy are not restricted to ideology but also extend to politics. Thus,one prominent member of the Neo-Orthodox movement, Kostas Zouraris, wasincluded in the list of parliamentary candidates that the Greek communistparty filed in the last elections.According to both the Neo-Orthodox and the communist party, the rot inGreece will stop only when Greeks substitute the "servility" thatcharacterizes their relationship with the West with the spirit of resistanceagainst the latter's immoral barbarism. Herein lies Greece's path tosalvation and moral rejuvenation. That day, unfortunately, may come muchsooner than they think - with consequences, however, that no one can predictat the moment.Takis Michas writes for the Greek daily Eleftherotypia and is a frequentcontributor to the Wall Street Journal Europe. His book, The UnholyAlliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia during the 1990s, will be publishednext year by Texas A&M University Press.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 14 21:30:40 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 18:30:40 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Reactions on the War on Terrorism
Message-ID: <20011115023040.28281.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

NATO-member Greece has mixed feelings

TIME MAGAZINE

Wednesday, November 7, 2001

The View From Athens
NATO-member Greece has mixed feelings about the U.S.-led bombing in
Afghanistan
BYANTHEE CARASSAVA/ATHENS



Four weeks after military strikes began in Afghanistan, Prime Minister Costas
Simitis insists that his country still fully supports the U.S.-led campaign
against terrorism. Greek public opinion, though, suggests the opposite.

While the Greeks allow U.S. fighter jets to use their airspace as part of the
antiterror campaign, more than 86% oppose the bombing, according to a poll
last
month in the Athens daily Ta Nea. In another poll?this one carried out by
state
television in September?18% of respondents said the U.S. "deserved" the
September attacks because of Washington?s "unjust" and "bullyboy handling" of
world affairs. And, even more alarmingly, 57% of those surveyed in a
separate Ta
Nea poll confessed to "having negative feelings about the U.S." Why are the
Greeks so anti-American?

Part of the animosity is historical. Many Greeks still resent Washington?s
tacit
support for the brutal military dictatorship that ruled the country from
1967 to
?74. After that Andreas Papandreou, the late socialist pasok party leader,
turned Greece?s grudge against America into national policy. Vowing to evict
nato forces from the country, Papandreou forged ties with U.S. foes like
Muammar
Gaddafi and refused to recognize Israel as a sovereign state. But
anti-Americanism didn?t die with Papandreou in 1996. Many Greeks are still
incensed about the U.S.-led attacks against their fellow Christian-Orthodox
Serbs during the Balkan wars.

Now, the strikes against Afghanistan have filled the anti-American contingent
with fresh ardor. In the words of Makis Mailis, who co-organizes anti-U.S.
protests for the Communist Party, "It?s America?s policies that amount to
terrorism. Greeks have suffered dearly as a result of U.S. and nato policies.
This war . . . is not about freedom versus terrorism, it?s imperialism versus
the people." Other Greeks, even those from less extreme political camps, share
this view, shouting "American assassins!" at marches and burning American and
Israeli flags. Not all Greeks feel this strongly. Only about half a dozen
demonstrations have taken place since Sept. 11, with the largest attracting
2,500 people.

Some believe there?s a hidden agenda. "It?s obvious that while the
government is
making all the right noises in public, some of its members, in private, keep
feeding anti-American stuff to the media," says one diplomatic envoy. "Greeks
may have to address that issue in the future."

Another issue the Greeks might want to address is anti-Semitism. Last month a
news bulletin from the Technical Chamber of Greece, which represents 80,000
engineers, featured a viewpoint calling for resistance to the forces of
"Zionism, the foremost satanic conspirator and global terrorist." Israel?s top
envoy in Athens, David Sasson, issued a letter of protest warning both the
press
and the chamber of the dangers of allowing anti-Semitic remarks to
masquerade as
free speech. The viewpoint did not reflect the opinions of the chamber, an
official concedes, "but to have spiked it would have amounted to censorship."

Prime Minister Simitis hasn?t yet spoken out publicly on these incidents.
He may
be pondering another viewpoint, this one less fevered, published recently
in the
Athens daily To Vima, which asks the question: "Can a country both abhor
America
and remain its ally?"





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From mentor at alb-net.com  Thu Nov 15 09:43:07 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 09:43:07 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [Kcc-News] Independence the Real Issue in Kosova; Kosova Set to Gain Self-Rule
 in Landmark Election
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.40.0111150941230.9857-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

---------------------------------------------------------------------
   Kosova Crisis Center (KCC) News Network: http://www.alb-net.com
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 
1. Independence the Real Issue in Kosova

2. Kosova Set to Gain Self-Rule in Landmark Election

###

>>> 1.

http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/ap/20011114/wl/kosovo_elections_1.html
Wednesday November 14 2:26 AM ET

Independence the Real Issue in Kosovo
By GARENTINA KRAJA, Associated Press Writer

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Independence isn't on the ballot for Saturday's
elections in Kosovo, but it's very much on the minds of ethnic Albanians
like Zeqir Azemi.

Voters in the first province-wide elections will choose legislators to
govern them alongside the U.N. administrators and NATO (news - web
sites)-led peacekeepers who have run Kosovo since 1999, when the West broke
former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic (news - web sites)'s grip on
the province.

But for many, dreams of sovereignty and an end to Kosovo's political limbo
have overshadowed the business at hand: electing a 120-seat national
assembly that in turn will choose a president and form a provincial
government.

``We argue over who is more capable to make independence a reality,'' said
Azemi, sipping coffee with friends in a cafe in Pristina, the provincial
capital.

``Independence is what we really care about,'' he said.

Security will be tight in the province of 2 million, where ethnic Albanians
vastly outnumber the Serbs they once battled. Last year's Western-sponsored
municipal elections were marred by politically motivated attacks and
intimidation.

Although there have been only minor incidents in a campaign that has
included 328 rallies attended by tens of thousands, the 38,000 NATO-led
peacekeepers based in Kosovo will increase patrols. At least 7,000 local
and international police officers also will be on duty election day,
patrolling and guarding 1,600 polling stations.

``We do not expect any widespread disturbance, but we have to have
contingency plans,'' said Derek Chapell, spokesman for U.N police in
Kosovo. ``Quick response teams and special crowd control units, should
there be a need, will be deployed all around.''

Despite assurances of safe and secure elections - and the setting aside of
10 assembly seats for Serbs and 10 for other minorities - many Serbs remain
disillusioned, distrustful and apathetic about their future as an
often-persecuted minority in a province they view as the heart of Serbia.

About 200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanians have fled since 1999, fearing
revenge attacks for Milosevic's crackdown that claimed the lives of up to
10,000 ethnic Albanians.

Dozens of Serbs were killed; about 1,300 remain missing. Many of the
estimated 100,000 still here see the elections as pointless.

``Albanians were boycotting Serbian elections for 10 years and they
achieved what they wanted. Why should I take part now in their elections?''
asked Branko Miletic, a 49-year-old exiled Serb who said ethnic Albanians
burned down his home in southern Kosovo after he fled in 1999.

International officials are walking a tightrope.

Hans Haekkerup, chief U.N. administrator in the province, has tried to
mollify both Serbs and ethnic Albanians by saying independence is not on
the ballot - but also suggesting Kosovo's future status remains open.

That has satisfied no one. Apparently fearing that Serbia was again gaining
a foothold in Kosovo, ethnic Albanians condemned the recent agreement with
Yugoslav leaders giving security guarantees to Serbs in exchange for their
participation in the voting.

Independence is the talk of the town in Pristina's bars and cafes, where
ethnic Albanians bemoan daily power cuts, double-digit unemployment and an
economy kept alive only by international aid.

Many Kosovo Albanians realize prosperity is far away and are skeptical of
vague pledges by the main ethnic Albanian parties: the Democratic League of
Kosovo, the Democratic Party of Kosovo and the Alliance for the Future of
Kosovo.

``I am not sure if they will live up to their promises, but I have to place
my hope somewhere,'' Gani Fazlija, 54, a municipal worker and father of
eight said while gathering leaves on Pristina's main street.

``I have to feed my children.''


>>> 2.
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/nm/20011115/wl/yugoslavia_kosovo_election_dc_1.html
Thursday November 15 5:42 AM ET

Kosovo Set to Gain Self-Rule in Landmark Election
By Andrew Gray

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (Reuters) - Kosovo holds a general election on
Saturday placing power in the hands of its people, the most important event
in the U.N.-governed Yugoslav province since NATO (news - web sites)
bombing ended Serb rule in 1999.

Campaigning has been dominated by the issue of the territory's future
status even though the fledgling 120-member Kosovo assembly being chosen
will have no power to change it.

Parties representing the ethnic Albanian majority have portrayed the poll
as a key step toward independence and vowed to push hard for Kosovo, which
has an estimated population of more than two million, to be recognized as a
sovereign state.

Serbs, who boycotted local elections last year, have been urged by the
reformist leadership in Belgrade to take part in this poll with the message
that a vote for the Serb coalition is a vote to return Kosovo to Serbia and
Yugoslavia.

Diplomats believe neither side will hasten to turn its words into actions,
as both are heavily dependent on aid and political support from Western
powers which want the sensitive question of Kosovo's ultimate status left
in limbo for now.

But the work of Kosovo's new self-governing institutions is bound to have a
bearing on whether the province eventually gains independence, analysts
say. Saturday's poll will also give Kosovo's leaders the clout of
democratic legitimacy.

``It is true that Kosovo's status will not be determined in the November 17
election,'' leading Kosovo Albanian commentator Skelzen Maliqi wrote in the
Koha Ditore daily this week.

``But it is also true that without these elections the process of
determining the status cannot begin.''

U.N. HAS FINAL SAY

After years of Serb repression of Kosovo Albanians, NATO's air war drove
out Belgrade's forces in June 1999. Although it legally remains part of
Serb-dominated Yugoslavia, the province was placed under a United Nations
(news - web sites) administration.

The U.N. retains substantial powers and overall control in the self-rule
plan but responsibility for areas from finance to agriculture goes to the
assembly and other new institutions such as a Kosovo president, prime
minister and government.

The Democratic League of Kosovo party led by Ibrahim Rugova, which
spearheaded a campaign of passive resistance to Serb rule throughout the
1990s, is widely expected to emerge as the strongest party in the new
assembly.

Two parties with roots in the Kosovo Liberation Army guerrilla group, whose
emergence prompted a fierce crackdown by Serb forces which ultimately drew
NATO into the province, are expected to come second and third among
Albanian voters.

Minority Serbs, the target of numerous post-war attacks by ethnic Albanians
embittered by years of repression, have the potential to elect a
substantial group in the new parliament but it is unclear how many will
vote.

Local leaders are divided over whether Serbs should take part despite
pressure from Belgrade, with some arguing their precarious living
conditions in heavily guarded enclaves mean the basic democratic framework
for elections does not exist.

International officials fear violence could erupt between the Serb pro and
anti-election camps.

Some 105,000 Serbs and other minorities who fled Kosovo to other parts of
Yugoslavia after the war are also eligible to vote at special polling
stations in Serbia proper and Montenegro. Another 70,000 can vote inside
Kosovo.

``I think less than half of registered Serbs will take part in the
elections, despite an extreme media campaign, threats, blackmail and
lies,'' declared Milan Ivanovic, an anti-election leader in the northern
Kosovo city of Mitrovica.

________________________________________________
To unsubscribe from this list visit:
http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/kcc-news


From BreakingNews at CNN.COM  Thu Nov 15 09:27:02 2001
From: BreakingNews at CNN.COM (BreakingNews at CNN.COM)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 09:27:02 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CNN Breaking News
Message-ID: <200111151427.JAA11286@freedonia.turner.com>

BREAKING NEWS from CNN.com

-- Pentagon sources say U.S. airstrikes kill some al Qaeda, Taliban leaders.
Watch CNN or log on to http://CNN.com /AOL Keyword: CNN for the latest news.

********** Try Time Magazine Free ***********************************
For in-depth analysis of the week's news, read TIME Magazine.
To get 4 free trial issues, go to http://www.time.com/cnn
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(c) 2001 Cable News Network, Inc.
An AOL Time Warner Company



CNN Interactive email id:11254092702255749


From naac at naac.org  Thu Nov 15 12:30:23 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 12:30:23 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] STATEMENT OF NAAC DELEGATION TO KOSOVA
Message-ID: <008701c16dfb$473c0820$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Brigada e Krajishtes, No. 8, 38000 Prishtina, Kosova
Telephone: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release: November 15, 2001    Contact: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900
 
PRESS RELEASE
 
STATEMENT OF NAAC DELEGATION TO KOSOVA
 
Prishtina, Kosova, November 15, 2001: The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) issued the following statement upon the arrival of its delegation to Prishtina to observe the first free general elections of November 17, 2001:
 
We are overjoyed to be in Kosova to observe this wonderful and historic day: the first free national elections ever.
 
The Albanian people of Kosova have suffered greatly over the last hundred years.  Serbia annexed Kosova by force and held on to it through terror and repression, and ultimately tried to cleanse Kosova of its entire Albanian population.  Throughout these years, Kosovars never surrendered their desire to be free.  They resisted Serb domination through frequent acts of civil disobedience and armed rebellion.  Finally, in 1999 their efforts paid off when the United States and its allies ended Serbia's rule.  Today, in Kosova freedom reigns.
 
The country has gone through a great transformation over the last two years, and the national elections will mark a significant step forward.  Many problems remain in Kosova, including a crumbling infrastructure and a weak economy.  To address these and other problems, all the people of Kosova must show greater tolerance toward one another, understand that a representative democracy works only when the people respect the law and the political process, and embrace a shared mission. We call on all the people of Kosova, whether Albanians, Bosnians, Serbs, Roma, or others, to share responsibility for Kosova's future and to show their support for democracy by voting on November 17th.  Our policy is one of neutrality.  We will respect and work with the elected officials and institutions of Kosova with regard to who wins the election, and we call on all Diaspora organizations to do the same.
 
The people of Kosova are forever indebted to the countries of the world and their representatives in the United Nations for their assistance in governing Kosova during this transition period.  But the time has come for the people to govern themselves.  Unfortunately, while the elections will assign responsibility for administering Kosova to elected officials, these officials will not have the requisite authority to do so. We, therefore, call on the United Nations to move swiftly after the elections to transfer full governing authority to the newly elected public servants.
 
At the dawn of the 21st Century, everything is possible in Kosova as long as the people maintain their optimism and dedication.  For our part, we will continue to work within the United States to maintain America's involvement in and assistance to the Balkans.  
 
Members of the NAAC delegation: US Ambassador William Walker, Dino Erbeli, Musa Dakaj, Gjevalin Gegaj, Nua Ivezaj, Richard Lukaj, Halil Mula, Aferdita Rakipi, Rezart Spahia, and Ilir Zherka.
 
The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs.
 
###
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From KBejko at MFS.com  Thu Nov 15 12:55:38 2001
From: KBejko at MFS.com (Bejko, Kreshnik)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 12:55:38 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek violence claims another Albanian life
Message-ID: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2DB@perseus.mfs.com>

I rrahur eg?rsisht n? Greqi, s'duron m? dhe vret veten n? Shqip?ri.
Historia e dhimbshme e 24 vje?rit q? u vet?ekzekutua mbr?m? pas nj? traume
t? r?nd? si pasoj? e dhun?s n? kok?. ELBASAN- Nje djale i ri, vetm 24 vje?
ka humbur jeten mbreme si pasoje e vetvrasjes brenda ne shtepine e tij.
Tritan Dushku, 24 vjec banues ne fshatin Jagodine te Komunes se Shirgjanit,
ka gjetur vdekjen pasi eshte goditur dy here me armen automatike tip
"sharres" te cilen e kishte te fshehur ne shtepi. Dushku eshte veteqelluar
ne fshehtesi dy here ne gjoks dhe me pas ka vdekur pa mundur te marre
ndihmen e pare. Ngjarja ka ndodhur mbremjen e djeshme por e ka zanafillen
nje vit me pare. Djali i ri ishte martuar dhe vetem pak dite me pas ne vend
qe t'i gezohej muajit te mjaltit shkon refugjat ne Greqi me shpresn per te
rrugulluar gjendjen e tij ekonomike. Por nje muaj me pare ai eshte kapur nga
policia helene e cila ka perdorur dhune te rende ndaj tij deri dhe me mjete
te forta ne koke. Kur eshte kthyer ne vendlindje, i riu nuk ishte me ne nje
gjendje normale por here pas here kishte humbje te ndjenjave dhe fliste
per?art. Trauma qe kishte pesuar per shkak te dhunes e ka "bindur" te riun e
porsamartuar qe t'i jape fund tragjikisht jetes. Ky eshte nje rast i
perseritur i dhunes se uniformave blu te Greqise kunder shqiptareve
emigrante. Pak muaj me pare nje 17 vjecar mbeti i paralizuar perjete si
pasoje plagosjes se ushtareve greke ne kufi.	
	





From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Thu Nov 15 14:07:55 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 12:07:55 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "Kill, Kill, Kill"
Message-ID: <000c01c16e08$d56abb20$7328a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

November 15, 2001

Kill, Kill, Kill
By Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman

In a recent interview with the Pakistani newspaper Dawn, Osama bin Laden justified the killing of innocent Americans this way :

"If an enemy occupies a Muslim territory and uses common people as human shield, then it is permitted to attack that enemy. For instance, if bandits barge into a home and hold a child hostage, then the child's father can attack the bandits and in that attack even the child may get hurt. America and its allies are massacring us in Palestine, Chechnya, Kashmir and Iraq. The Muslims have the right to attack America in reprisal."

That's the traditional justification for killing, isn't it?

They kill us, we kill them, they kill us, we kill them.

What ever happened to "thou shalt not kill"?

Equally unimpressive is President Bush's justification for killing: we are in a war with terror.

Okay, then what about terror committed by us?

We kill innocents, they kill innocents. It's all terror.

Last week, Bush said we don't target innocent civilians.

Oh yeah? What about the nuclear attack on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, or the fire bombing of Dresden? What about U.S. support in the 1980s for the contra war in Nicaragua, and the CIA mining of Nicaraguan ports -- actions which killed thousands and led to a judgment against the United States at the World Court?

Civilian targeting, and terror, pure and simple.

Most despicable are those in our media, who sit comfortably in their modern offices, staring at their computers, and hit the keys advocating more killing of innocents thousands of miles away.

Here's our short ten worst list, in order of repulsiveness:

Michael Kelly (Washington Post): "American pacifists are on the side of future mass murders of Americans," they are "objectively pro-terrorist," "evil" and "liars."

Jonathan Alter (Newsweek): Wondered whether torture would "jump-start the stalled investigation into the greatest crime in American history." Urges pacifists to shut up because "it's kill or be killed."

Bill O'Reilly (Fox TV): "The US should bomb the Afghan infrastructure to rubble -- the airport, the power plants, their water facilities, the roads. The Afghans are responsible for the Taliban. We should not target civilians, but if they don't rise up against this criminal government, they starve, period."

A.M. Rosenthal (Washington Times): In addition to Afghanistan, wants to bomb Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Iran, and Syria.

Ann Coulter (ex-National Review): Her response to terrorism is to "invade their countries, kill their leaders, and convert them to Christianity."

Steve Dunleavy (New York Post) " "The response to this unimaginable 21st-century Pearl Harbor should be as simple as it is swift -- kill the bastards. A gunshot between the eyes, blow them to smithereens, poison them if you have As for cities or countries that host these worms, bomb them into basketball courts."

Rich Lowry (National Review): "If we flatten part of Damascus or Tehran or whatever it takes, that is part of the solution."

Charles Krauthammer (Washington Post): "We are fighting because the bastards killed 5,000 of our people, and if we do not kill them, they are going to kill us again."

Thomas Friedman (New York Times): "We have to fight the terrorists as if there were no rules." And the perverted "give war a chance."

George Will (Washington Post): "The Bush administration is telling the country that there is some dying to be done. ... The goal is not to 'bring terrorists to justice,' which suggests bringing them into sedate judicial settings -- lawyers, courtrooms, due process, all preceded by punctilious readings of Miranda rights. Rather, the goal is destruction of enemies."

Of course, the peace voices have been shunned by the big media corporations.

After September 11, Clear Channel, the nation's largest owner of radio stations, sent out an internal memorandum with a list of songs the stations were not to play, including John Lennon's "Imagine."

In response, Lennon's widow, Yoko Ono, took out a full page ad in the New York Times with eight words from the song: "Imagine all the people living life in peace."

Then she took out a billboard on Time Square that said: "Give Peace a Chance."

"What John wrote is a very strong and beautiful message," Ono said. "I think they (Clear Channel) wanted everyone to be in a kind of attack mode."

John Lennon: "Give Peace a Chance."

Thomas Friedman: "Give War a Chance."

You decide.

Russell Mokhiber is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Corporate Crime Reporter. Robert Weissman is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Multinational Monitor. They are co-authors of Corporate Predators: The Hunt for MegaProfits and the Attack on Democracy (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1999).

(c) Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman


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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Thu Nov 15 14:29:46 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 12:29:46 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Apropos Patriotism in "American Democracy"
Message-ID: <001701c16e0b$e2c87c50$7328a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

November 12, 2001

Saying Goodbye to Patriotism
By Robert Jensen

This summer I wrote a book review for an academic journal -- one of those terribly important pieces of writing that will be read by tens and tens of people, some of them actually people outside my own family. The book is about the history of governmental restrictions on U.S. news media during war, and it's a good book in many ways. But I faulted the author for accepting the American mythology about the nobility of our wars and their motivations. I challenged his uncritical use of the term patriotism, which I called "perhaps the single most morally and intellectually bankrupt concept in human history."

By coincidence, the galley proofs for the piece came back to me for review a few days after September 11. I paused as I re-read my words, and I thought about the reaction those words might spark, given the reflexive outpouring of patriotism in the wake of the terrorist attacks. I thought about the controversy that some of my writing had already sparked on campus and, it turned out, beyond the campus. I thought about how easy it would be to take out that sentence.

I thought about all that for some time before deciding to let it stand. My reason was simple: I think that statement was true on September 10, and if anything, I'm more convinced it is true after September 11.

I also believe that nestled in the truth of that assertion is a crucial question for the U.S.-based peace movement, one that we cannot avoid after 9-11:

Are we truly internationalist? Can we get beyond patriotism? Or, in the end, are we just Americans?

That is a way, I think, of asking whether we are truly for peace and justice.

I realize that framing of the question may seem harsh. It may rub the wrong way people who want to hold onto a positive notion of patriotism.

I mean the statement to be harsh because I believe the question is crucial. If in the end we are just Americans, if we cannot move beyond patriotism, then we cannot claim to be internationalists. And, if we are not truly internationalist in our outlook -- all the way to the bone -- then I do not think we truly call ourselves people committed to peace and justice.

Let me try to make the case for this by starting with definitions.

My dictionary defines patriotism as "love and loyal or zealous support of one's own country." We'll come back to that, but let's also look beyond the dictionary to how the word is being used at this moment in history, in this country. I would suggest there are two different, and competing, definitions of patriotism circulating these days.

Definition #1: Patriotism as loyalty to the war effort.

It's easy to get a handle on this use of the word. Just listen to the president of the United States speak. Or watch the TV anchors. Or, as I have done, be a guest on a lot of talk radio shows. This view of patriotism is pretty simple: We were attacked. We must defend ourselves. The only real way to defend ourselves is by military force. If you want to be patriotic, you should -- you must -- support the war.

I have been told often that it is fine for me to disagree with that policy, but now is not the time to disagree publicly. A patriotic person, I am told, should remain quiet and support the troops until the war is over, at which point we can all have a discussion about the finer points of policy. If I politely disagree with that, then the invective flows: Commie, terrorist-lover, disloyal, unpatriotic. Love it or leave it.

It is easy to take apart this kind of patriotism. It is a patriotism that is incompatible with democracy or basic human decency. To see just how intellectually and morally bankrupt a notion it is, just ask this question: What would we have said to Soviet citizens who might have made such an argument about patriotic duty as the tanks rolled into Prague in 1968? To draw that analogy is not to say the two cases are exactly alike. Rather, it is to point out that a decision to abandon our responsibility to evaluate government policy and surrender our power to think critically is a profound failure, intellectually and morally.

Definition #2: Patriotism as critique of the war effort.

Many in the peace-and-justice movement, myself included, have suggested that to be truly patriotic one cannot simply accept policies because they are handed down by leaders or endorsed by a majority of people, even if it is an overwhelming majority. Being a citizen in a real democracy, we have said over and over, means exercising our judgment, evaluating policies, engaging in discussion, and organizing to try to help see that the best policies are enacted. When the jingoists start throwing around terms like "anti-American" and "traitor," we point out that true patriotism means staying true to the core commitments of democracy and the obligations that democracy puts on people. There is nothing un-American, we contend, about arguing for peace.

That's all clear enough. As I have said, I have used that line of argument many times. It is the best way -- maybe the only way -- to respond in public at this moment if one wants to be effective in building an antiwar movement. We all remind ourselves, over and over, that we have to start the discussion where people are, not where we wish people were. If people feel "love and loyal or zealous support of one's own country," then we have to be aware of that and respond to it.

But increasingly, I feel uncomfortable arguing for patriotism, even with this second definition. And as I listen to friends and allies in the peace-and-justice movement, I have started to wonder whether that claim to patriotism-as-critical-engagement is indeed merely strategic. Or is it motivated by something else? Are we looking for a way to hold onto patriotism because we really believe in it?

I think it is valuable to ask the question: Is there any way to define the term that doesn't carry with it arrogant and self-indulgent assumptions? Is there any way to salvage patriotism?

I want to argue that invoking patriotism puts us on dangerous ground and that we must be careful about our strategic use of it.

At its ugliest, patriotism means a ranking of the value of the lives of people based on boundaries. To quote Emma Goldman: "Patriotism assumes that our globe is divided into little spots, each one surrounded by an iron gate. Those who had the fortune of being born on some particular spot, consider themselves better, nobler, grander, more intelligent than the living beings inhabiting any other spot. It is, therefore, the duty of everyone living on that chosen spot to fight, kill, and die in the attempt to impose his superiority upon all others."

People have said this directly to me: Yes, the lives of U.S. citizens are more important than the lives of Afghan citizens. If innocent Afghans have to die, have to starve -- even in large numbers -- so that we can achieve our goals, well, that's the way it is, and that's the way it should be. I assume no argument here is needed as to why this type of patriotism is unacceptable. We may understand why people feel it, but it is barbaric.

But what of the effort to hold onto a kinder and gentler style of patriotism by distinguishing it from this kind of crude nationalism? We must ask: What are the unstated assumptions of this other kind of patriotism we have been defending? If patriotism is about loyalty of some sort, to what are we declaring our loyalty?

If we are pledging loyalty to a nation-state, we have already touched on the obvious problems: What if that nation-state pursues an immoral objective? Should we remain loyal to it? The same question is obvious if our loyalty is to a specific government or set of government officials. If they pursue immoral objectives or pursue moral objectives in an immoral fashion, what would it mean to be loyal to them?

Some suggest we should be loyal to the ideals of America, a set of commitments and practices connected with the concepts of freedom and democracy. That's all well and good; freedom and democracy are good things, and I try to not only endorse those values but live them. I assume everyone in this room does as well.

But what makes those values uniquely American? Is there something about the United States or the people who live here that make us more committed to, or able to act out, the ideals of freedom and democracy -- more so than, say, Canadians or Indians or Brazilians? Are not people all over the world -- including those who live in countries that do not guarantee freedom to the degree the United States does -- capable of understanding and acting on those ideals? Are not different systems possible for making real those ideals in a complex world?

If freedom and democracy are not unique to us, then they are simply human ideals, endorsed to varying degrees in different places and realized to different degrees by different people acting in different places? If that's true, then they are not distinctly American ideals. They were not invented here, and we do not have a monopoly on them. So, if one is trying to express a commitment to those ideals, why do it in the limiting fashion of talking of patriotism?

Let me attempt an analogy to gender. After 9-11, a number of commentators have argued that criticisms of masculinity should be rethought. Yes, masculinity is often connected to, and expressed through, competition, domination, and violence, they said. But as male firefighters raced into burning buildings and risked their lives to save others, cannot we also see that masculinity encompasses a kind of strength that is rooted in caring and sacrifice?

My response is, yes, of course men often exhibit such strength. But do not women have the capacity for that kind of strength rooted in caring and sacrifice? Do they not exhibit such strength on a regular basis? Why of course they do, most are quick to agree. Then the obvious question is, what makes these distinctly masculine characteristics? Are they not simply human characteristics?

We identify masculine tendencies toward competition, domination, and violence because we see patterns of different behavior; we see that men are more prone to such behavior in our culture. We can go on to observe and analyze the ways in which men are socialized to behave in those ways. We do all that work, I would hope, to change those behaviors.

But that is a very different exercise than saying that admirable human qualities present in both men and women are somehow primarily the domain of one of those genders. To assign them to a gender is misguided, and demeaning to the gender that is then assumed not to possess them to the same degree. Once you start saying "strength and courage are masculine traits," it leads to the conclusion that woman are not as strong or courageous. To say "strength and courage are masculine traits," then, is to be sexist.

The same holds true for patriotism. If we abandon the crude version of patriotism but try to hold onto an allegedly more sophisticated version, we bump up against this obvious question: Why are human characteristics being labeled as American if there is nothing distinctly American about them?

If people want to argue that such terminology is justified because those values are realized to their fullest degree in the United States, then there's some explaining to do. Some explaining to the people of Guatemala and Iran, Nicaragua and South Vietnam, East Timor and Laos, Iraq and Panama. We would have to explain to the victims of U.S. aggression -- direct and indirect -- how it is that our political culture, the highest expression of the ideals of freedom and democracy, has managed routinely to go around the world overthrowing democratically elected governments, supporting brutal dictators, funding and training proxy terrorist armies, and unleashing brutal attacks on civilians when we go to war. If we want to make the claim that we are the fulfillment of history and the ultimate expression of the principles of freedom and justice, our first stop might be Hiroshima. We might want to explain that claim there.

If we are serious about peace and justice in the world, we need to subject this notion of patriotism to scrutiny. If we do that, I would suggest, it is clear that any use of the concept of patriotism is bound to be chauvinistic at some level. At its worst, patriotism can lead easily to support for barbarism. At its best, it is self-indulgent and arrogant in its assumptions about the uniqueness of U.S. culture.

None of what I have said should be taken as a blanket denunciation of the United States, our political institutions, or our culture. People often tell me, "You start with the assumption that everything about the United States is bad." Of course I do not assume that. That would be as absurd a position as the assumption that everything about the United States is good. I can't imagine any reasonable person making either statement. That does raise the question, of course, of who is a reasonable person. We might ask that question about, for example, George Bush, the father. In 1988, after the U.S. Navy warship Vincennes shot down an Iranian commercial airliner in a commercial corridor, killing 290 civilians, Bush said, "I will never apologize for the United States of America. I don't care what the facts are."

I want to put forward the radical proposition that we should care what the facts are. We should start with the assumption that everything about the United States, like everything about any country, needs to be examined and assessed. That is what it means to be a moral person.

There is much about this country a citizen can be proud of, and I am in fact proud of those things. The personal freedoms guaranteed (to most people) in this culture, for example, are quite amazing. As someone who regularly tries to use those freedoms, I am as aware as anyone of how precious they are.

There also is much to be appalled by. The obscene gaps in wealth between rich and poor, for example, are quite amazing as well, especially in a wealthy society that claims to be committed to justice.

In that sense, we are like any other grouping of people. That doesn't mean one can't analyze various societies and judge some better than others by principles we can articulate and defend -- so long as they are truly principles, applied honestly and uniformly. But one should maintain a bit of humility in the endeavor. Perhaps instead of saying "The United States is the greatest nation on earth" -- a comment common among politicians, pundits, and the public -- we would be better off saying, "I live in the United States and have deep emotional ties to the people, land, and ideals of this place. Because of these feelings, I want to highlight the positive while working to change what is wrong." That is not moral relativism -- it is a call for all of us to articulate and defend our positions.

We can make that statement without having to argue that we are, in some essential way, better than everyone else. We can make that statement without arrogantly suggesting that other people are inherently less capable of articulating or enacting high ideals. We can make that statement and be ready and willing to engage in debate and discussion about the merits of different values and systems.

We can make that statement, in other words, and be true internationalists, people truly committed to peace and justice. If one wants to call that statement an expression of patriotism, I will not spend too much time arguing. But I will ask: If we make a statement like that, why do we need to call it an expression of patriotism? What can we learn by asking ourselves: What makes us, even people in the peace-and-justice community, want to hold onto the notion of patriotism with such tenacity?

When I write or talk with the general public and raise questions like these, people often respond, "If you hate America so much, why don't you leave?"

But what is this America that I allegedly hate? The land itself? The people who live here? The ideals in the country's founding documents? I do not hate any of those things.

When people say to me "love it or leave it," what is the "it" to which they refer?

No one can ever quite answer that. Still, I have an answer for them.

I will not leave "it" for a simple reason: I have nowhere else to go. I was born here. I was given enormous privileges here. My place in the world is here, where I feel an obligation to use that privilege to be part -- a very small part of, as we all are only a small part -- of a struggle to make real a better world. Whatever small part I can play in that struggle, whatever I can achieve, I will have to achieve here, in the heart of the beast.

I love it, which is to say that I love life -- I love the world in which I live and the people who live in it with me. I will not leave that "it."

That "it" may not be specific enough for some, but it's the best I can do. Maybe it will help to answer in the negative, for I can say more clearly what the "it" is not. I can describe more clearly what is the America I do not love.

The America I love is not this administration, or any other collections of politicians, or the corporations they serve.

It is not the policies of this administration, or any other collection of politicians, or the corporations they serve.

The America I love is not wrapped up in a mythology about "how good we are" that ignores the brutal realities of our own history of conquest and barbarism.

Most of all, I want no part of the America that arrogantly claims that the lives and hopes and dreams of people who happen to live within the boundaries of the United States have more value than those in other places. Nor will I indulge America in the belief that our grief is different. Since September 11, the United States has demanded that the world take our grief more seriously. When some around the world have not done so, we express our outrage.

But we should ask: What makes the grief of a parent who lost a child in the World Trade Center any deeper than the grief of a parent who lost a child in Baghdad when U.S. warplanes rained death on the civilian areas of Iraq in the Gulf War? Or the parents of a child in Nicaragua when the U.S. terrorist proxy army ravaged that country? Soon after 9-11, I heard a television reporter describe lower Manhattan as "Beirut on the Hudson." We might ask, how did Beirut come to look like Beirut, and what is our responsibility in that? And what of the grief of those who saw their loved ones die during the shelling of that city?

We should ask: Where was the empathy of America for the grief of those people?

Certainly we grieve differently, more intensely, when people close to us die. We don't feel the loss of a family member the same way as a death of a casual friend. We feel something different over the death of someone we knew compared with the death of a stranger. But we must understand that the grief we feel when our friends and neighbors became victims of political violence is no different than what people around the world feel. We must understand that each of those lives lost abroad has exactly the same value as the life of any one of our family, friends and neighbors.

September 11 was a dark day. I still remember what it felt like to watch those towers come down, the darkness that settled over me that day, the hopelessness, how tangible death felt -- for me, not only the deaths of those in the towers but also the deaths of those who would face the bombs in the war that might follow, the war that did follow, the war that goes on.

But humans are resilient; in the darkness we tend to look for light, for a way out of the darkness.

I believe there is a light shining out of September 11, out of all that darkness. It is a light that I believe we Americans can follow to our own salvation. That light is contained in a simple truth that is obvious, but which Americans have never really taken to heart: We are part of the world. We cannot any longer hide from that world. We cannot allow our politicians, and generals, and corporate executives to do their dirty business around the world while we hide from the truths about just how dirty that business really is. We can no longer hide from the coups they plan, the wars they start, the sweatshops they run.

For me, all this means saying goodbye to patriotism.

That is the paradox: September 11 has sparked a wave of patriotism, a patriotism that has in many cases been overtly hateful, racist and xenophobic. A patriotism that can lead people to say, as one person wrote to me, "We should bomb [Afghanistan] until there's no more earth to bomb."

But the real lesson of September 11, which I believe we will eventually learn, is that if we are to survive as a free people, as decent people who want honestly to claim the ideals we say we live by, we must say goodbye to patriotism. That patriotism will not relieve our grief, but only deepen it. It will not solve our problems but only extend them. I believe there is no hope for ourselves or for the world if we continue to embrace patriotism, no matter what the definition.

We must give up our "love and loyal or zealous support of one's own country" and transfer that love, loyalty and zealousness to the world, and especially the people of the world who have suffered most so that we Americans can live in affluence.

We must be able to say, as the great labor leader of the early 20th century Eugene Debs said, "I have no country to fight for; my country is the earth, and I am a citizen of the world."

I am with Debs. I believe it is time to declare: I am not patriotic. I am through with trying to redefine the term patriotic to make sense. There is no sense to it.

That kind of statement will anger many, but at some point we must begin to take that risk, for this is not merely an academic argument over semantics.

This is both a struggle to save ourselves and a struggle to save the lives of vulnerable people around the world.

We must say goodbye to patriotism because the kind of America the peace-and-justice movement wants to build cannot be built on, or through, the patriotism of Americans.

We must say goodbye to patriotism because the world cannot survive indefinitely the patriotism of Americans. CP

Robert Jensen is a professor of journalism at the University of Texas at Austin, a member of the Nowar Collective, and author of the book Writing Dissent:Taking Radical Ideas from the Margins to the Mainstream . He can be reached at rjensen at uts.cc.utexas.edu. 

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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Thu Nov 15 15:19:17 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 15:19:17 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Seizing Dictatorial Power
Message-ID: <20011115201917.8789858A51@email5.lga2.nytimes.com>

This article from NYTimes.com 
has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.


Exclusively from the New York Times for Sejfi Protopapa.

Being that Mr. Protopapa accused me not very long ago that I am
"hell bent to tell members of ALBSA that America is a Fascist country and that President Bush is the Dictator."
Or that,
"You, Ms Agolli are using ALBSA to PROPAGATE YOUR NOTIONS of fascists America and the dictatorial Mr. Bush."

I feel therefore obliged to tell Mr. Protopapa that it's not that I'm trying to propagate notions, even less MY notions, but simply present facts and interpretations of those facts, if need be.
Corteously,
XhA 

jetkoti at hotmail.com


Seizing Dictatorial Power

November 15, 2001 

By WILLIAM SAFIRE


 

WASHINGTON -- Misadvised by a frustrated and panic-stricken
attorney general, a president of the United States has just
assumed what amounts to dictatorial power to jail or
execute aliens. Intimidated by terrorists and inflamed by a
passion for rough justice, we are letting George W. Bush
get away with the replacement of the American rule of law
with military kangaroo courts. 

In his infamous emergency order, Bush admits to dismissing
"the principles of law and the rules of evidence" that
undergird America's system of justice. He seizes the power
to circumvent the courts and set up his own drumhead
tribunals - panels of officers who will sit in judgment of
non-citizens who the president need only claim "reason to
believe" are members of terrorist organizations. 

Not content with his previous decision to permit police to
eavesdrop on a suspect's conversations with an attorney,
Bush now strips the alien accused of even the limited
rights afforded by a court-martial. 

His kangaroo court can conceal evidence by citing national
security, make up its own rules, find a defendant guilty
even if a third of the officers disagree, and execute the
alien with no review by any civilian court. 

No longer does the judicial branch and an independent jury
stand between the government and the accused. In lieu of
those checks and balances central to our legal system,
non-citizens face an executive that is now investigator,
prosecutor, judge, jury and jailer or executioner. In an
Orwellian twist, Bush's order calls this Soviet-style
abomination "a full and fair trial." 

On what legal meat does this our Caesar feed? One precedent
the White House cites is a military court after Lincoln's
assassination. (During the Civil War, Lincoln suspended
habeas corpus; does our war on terror require illegal
imprisonment next?) Another is a military court's hanging,
approved by the Supreme Court, of German saboteurs landed
by submarine in World War II. 

Proponents of Bush's kangaroo court say: Don't you
soft-on-terror, due-process types know there's a war on?
Have you forgotten our 5,000 civilian dead? In an emergency
like this, aren't extraordinary security measures needed to
save citizens' lives? If we step on a few toes, we can
apologize to the civil libertarians later. 

Those are the arguments of the phony-tough. At a time when
even liberals are debating the ethics of torture of
suspects - weighing the distaste for barbarism against the
need to save innocent lives - it's time for conservative
iconoclasts and card-carrying hard-liners to stand up for
American values. 

To meet a terrorist emergency, of course some rules should
be stretched and new laws passed. An ethnic dragnet
rounding up visa-skippers or questioning foreign students,
if short-term, is borderline tolerable. Congress's new law
permitting warranted roving wiretaps is understandable. 

But let's get to the target that this blunderbuss order is
intended to hit. Here's the big worry in Washington now:
What do we do if Osama bin Laden gives himself up? A proper
trial like that Israel afforded Adolf Eichmann, it is
feared, would give the terrorist a global propaganda
platform. Worse, it would be likely to result in widespread
hostage-taking by his followers to protect him from the
punishment he deserves. 

The solution is not to corrupt our judicial tradition by
making bin Laden the star of a new Star Chamber. The
solution is to turn his cave into his crypt. When fleeing
Taliban reveal his whereabouts, our bombers should promptly
bid him farewell with 15,000-pound daisy-cutters and
5,000-pound rock-penetrators. 

But what if he broadcasts his intent to surrender, and
walks toward us under a white flag? It is not in our
tradition to shoot prisoners. Rather, President Bush should
now set forth a policy of "universal surrender": all of Al
Qaeda or none. Selective surrender of one or a dozen
leaders - which would leave cells in Afghanistan and
elsewhere free to fight on - is unacceptable. We should
continue our bombardment of bin Laden's hideouts until he
agrees to identify and surrender his entire terrorist
force. 

If he does, our criminal courts can handle them
expeditiously. If, as more likely, the primary terrorist
prefers what he thinks of as martyrdom, that suicidal
choice would be his - and Americans would have no need of
kangaroo courts to betray our principles of justice. 

http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/15/opinion/15SAFI.html?ex=1006855557&ei=1&en=454d0209d9782e61



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Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company


From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Thu Nov 15 16:23:06 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 14:23:06 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Letters to a young contrarian
Message-ID: <001401c16e1b$b7eba290$7328a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

      A few days ago, I was accused for the n'th time for subscribing to dissenting views.
      A few weeks ago, my good friend A. asked me to read Auxley's "Brave New World" and Orwell's "Nineteen-Eighty-Four" (which I will do so during Thanksgiving break).
      A few months ago, Christopher Hitchens, too, must have meant these letters for me. Although, I actually feel as if he has written them to me. 
      xh.


      Letters to a young contrarian 
      The spirit of 1968 may be a distant memory, but a new generation of radicals live in hope of making the world a better place. Christopher Hitchens offers them the wisdom of a seasoned campaigner 

      Christopher Hitchens 
      Guardian 

      Saturday November 10, 2001 


      My dear X, 
      It is a strange thing, but it remains true that our language contains no proper word for your aspiration. The noble title of "dissident" must be earned rather than claimed; it connotes sacrifice and risk rather than mere disagreement, and it has been consecrated by many exemplary men and women. "Radical" is a useful and honourable term, but it comes with various health warnings. Our remaining expressions - "maverick", "loose cannon", "rebel", "angry young man", "gadfly" - are all slightly affectionate and diminutive and are, perhaps for that reason, somewhat condescending. It can be understood from them that society, like a benign family, tolerates and even admires eccentricity. Even the term "iconoclast" is seldom used negatively, but rather to suggest that the breaking of images is a harmless discharge of energy. 

      There even exist official phrases of approbation for this tendency, of which the latest is the supposedly praiseworthy ability to "think outside the box". I myself hope to live long enough to graduate from being a "bad boy" - which I once was - to becoming "a curmudgeon". Go too far outside "the box", of course, and you will encounter a vernacular that is much less "tolerant". Here, the key words are "fanatic", "troublemaker", "misfit" or "malcontent". 

      Meanwhile, the ceaseless requirements of the entertainment industry also threaten to deprive us of other forms of critical style, and of the means of appreciating them. To be called "satirical" or "ironic" is now to be patronised in a different way; the satirist is the fast-talking cynic and the ironist merely sarcastic or self-conscious and wised up. When such a precious and irreplaceable word as "irony" has become a lazy synonym for anomie, there is scant room for originality. 

      However, let us not repine. It is too much to expect to live in an age that is propitious for dissent. And most people, most of the time, prefer to seek approval or security. None the less, there are in all periods people who feel themselves in some fashion to be apart. And it is not too much to say that humanity is very much in debt to such people, whether it chooses to acknowledge the debt or not. (Don't expect to be thanked, by the way. The life of an oppositionist is supposed to be difficult.) 

      I nearly hit upon the word "dissenter" just now, which might do as a definition if it were not for certain religious and sectarian connotations. The same problem arises with "freethinker". But the latter term is probably the superior one, since it makes an essential point about thinking for oneself. The essence of the independent mind lies not in what it thinks, but in how it thinks. 

      The term "intellectual" was coined by those in France who believed in the guilt of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. They thought that they were defending an organic, harmonious and ordered society against nihilism, and they deployed this contemptuous word against those they regarded as the diseased, the introspective, the disloyal and the unsound. The word hasn't completely lost this association even now, though it is less frequently used as an insult. (One feels something of the same sense of embarrassment in claiming to be an "intellectual" as one does in purporting to be a dissident, but the figure of Emile Zola offers encouragement, and his singular campaign for justice for Dreyfus is one of the imperishable examples of what may be accomplished by an individual.) 

      There is a saying from Roman antiquity: "Fiat justitia - ruat caelum"; "Do justice, and let the skies fall." In every epoch, there have been those to argue that "greater" goods, such as tribal solidarity or social cohesion, take precedence over justice. It is supposed to be an axiom of "western" civilisation that the individual, or the truth, may not be sacrificed to hypothetical benefits such as "order". But such immolations have in fact been common. Zola could be the pattern for any serious and humanistic radical, because he not only asserted the inalienable rights of the individual, but generalised his assault to encompass the vile roles played by clericalism, racial hatred, militarism and the fetishisation of "the nation". His caustic and brilliant epistolary campaign of 1897-8 may be read as a curtain-raiser for most of the great contests that roiled the coming 20th century . . . 

      I think often of my late friend Ron Ridenhour, who became briefly famous when, as a service-man in Vietnam, he exposed the evidence of the hideous massacre of the villagers at My Lai in March 1968. One of the hardest things for anyone to face is the conclusion that his or her "own" side is in the wrong when engaged in a war. The pressure to keep silent and be a "team player" is reinforceable by the accusations of cowardice or treachery that will swiftly be made against dissenters. Sinister phrases of coercion, such as "stabbing in the back" or "giving ammunition to the enemy" have their origin in this dilemma and are always available to help compel unanimity. 

      I have had the privilege of meeting a number of brave dissidents in many and various societies. Frequently, they can trace their careers to an incident in early life where they felt obliged to take a stand. Sometimes, too, a precept is offered and takes root. Bertrand Russell records in his autobiography that his Puritan grandmother "gave me a Bible with her favourite texts written on the fly-leaf. Among these was 'Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil.' Her emphasis upon this text led me in later life to be not afraid of belonging to small minorities." It's affecting to find the future hammer of the Christians being "confirmed" in this way. 

      There is good reason to think that such reactions arise from something innate rather than something inculcated: Nickleby doesn't know until the moment of the crisis that he is going to stick up for poor Smike. Noam Chomsky recalls hearing of the obliteration of Hiroshima as a young man, and experiencing a need for solitude because there was nobody he felt he could talk to. It may be that you, my dear X, recognise something of yourself in these instances; a disposition to resistance, however slight, against arbitrary authority or witless mass opinion, or a thrill of recognition when you encounter some well-wrought phrase from a free intelligence. 

      Do bear in mind that the cynics have a point, of a sort, when they speak of the "professional nay-sayer". To be in opposition is not to be a nihilist. And there is no decent or charted way of making a living at it. It is something you are, and not something you do. 

      My dear X, 
      Your last letter reached me just as I was reading the essays of Aldous Huxley, creator of our notion of a "Brave New World". Allow me to give you a paragraph that I marked as I went along: 

      "Homer was wrong," wrote Heracleitus of Ephesus, "Homer was wrong in saying: 'Would that strife might perish from among gods and men!' He did not see that he was praying for the destruction of the universe; for if his prayer were heard, all things would pass away." 

      These are words on which the superhumanists should meditate. Aspiring toward a consistent perfection, they are aspiring toward annihilation. The Hindus had the wit to see and the courage to proclaim the fact; Nirvana, the goal of their striving, is nothingness. Wherever life exists, there also is inconsistency, division, strife. 

      You seem to have grasped the point that there is something idiotic about those who believe that consensus (to give the hydra-headed beast just one of its names) is the highest good. Why do I use the offensive word "idiotic"? For two reasons that seem good to me; the first being my conviction that human beings do not, in fact, desire to live in some Disneyland of the mind, where there is an end to striving and a general feeling of contentment and bliss. 

      My second reason is less intuitive. Even if we did really harbour this desire, it would fortunately be unattainable. As a species, we may by all means think ruefully about the waste and horror produced by war and other forms of rivalry and jealousy. However, this can't alter the fact that in life we make progress by conflict and in mental life by argument and disputation. 

      If you care about the points of agreement and civility, then, you had better be well equipped with points of argument and combativity, because if you are not then the "centre" will be occupied and defined without your having helped to decide it. That is unless you trust the transcendent sapience of the Dalai Lama, whose work I was reading in parallel with Huxley's. Here is what the enlightened one told his interlocutor, at the opening of The Art of Happiness: A Handbook for Living, an extensive and bestselling transcription of his own words: 

      "I believe that the very purpose of our life is to seek happiness. That is clear. Whether one believes in religion or not, whether one believes in this religion or that religion, we all are seeking something better in life. So, I think, the very motion of our life is towards happiness." 

      This is how the Dalai Lama began his address "to a large audience in Arizona". The very best that can be said is that he uttered a string of fatuous non-sequiturs. There is not even a strand of chewing gum to connect the premise to the conclusion; the speaker simply assumes what he has to prove. 

      I once spent some time in an ashram in Poona, outside Bombay. I was posing as an acolyte in order to make a documentary about the guru Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh, who had built himself a large and lucrative practice among well-off westerners. The whole thing was a racket, of course - the divine purveyor of disco philosophy had the world's largest private collection of Rolls-Royces - but what I remember best was the morning darshan with the all-wise. On the way into the assembly one had to be sniffed from head to toe by two agonisingly beautiful California girls dressed in flame-ochre kimonos. The lovely sniffers were supposed to detect any traces of alcohol or tobacco. Every morning, I passed their exacting test. But what made me personally allergic, each roseate dawn, was the large sign posted at the point where footwear had to be discarded. "Shoes and minds," said this sign, "must be left at the gate." Laughable, of course, but evil if it could be enforced, as it often was under Loyola's Jesuitical injunction, "Dei sacrificium intellectus"; an immodest and hysterical desire to annihilate the intellect at the feet of an idol. 

      My dear X, 
      The irritating term or tag "Angry Young Man", with which awkward types are put in their place as callow young rebels going through a "phase", was given currency in Look Back in Anger, the mediocre play by John Osborne. The protagonist Jimmy Porter is going through one of his self-regarding soliloquies when he exclaims, rather tellingly for once, that there are "no more good, brave causes left". This utterance struck home in the consciousness of the mid-1950s, at a time when existential anomie was trading at an inflated price. 

      Within a few years, millions of young people had forsaken the absurd in order to engage with such causes as civil rights, the struggle against thermonuclear statism, and the ending of an unjust war in Indochina. I was myself "of" this period, and have witnessed some truly marvellous moments at first hand. 

      Nobody in the supposedly affluent and disillusioned 50s had seen any of this coming; I am quite certain that there will be future opportunities for people of high ideals, or of any ideals at all. However, in the interval between 1968 and 1989 - in other words, in that period where many of the revolutionaries against consumer capitalism metamorphosed into "civil society" human-rights activists - there were considerable interludes of stasis. And it was in order to survive those years of stalemate and realpolitik that a number of important dissidents evolved a strategy for survival. In a phrase, they decided to live "as if". 

      Vaclav Havel, then working as a marginal playwright and poet in a society and state that truly merited the title of Absurd, realised that "resistance" in its original insurgent and militant sense was impossible in the central Europe of the day. He therefore proposed living "as if" he were a citizen of a free society, "as if" lying and cowardice were not mandatory patriotic duties, "as if" his government had signed (which it actually had) the various treaties and agreements that enshrine universal human rights. He called this tactic the "power of the powerless" because, even when disagreement is almost forbidden, a state that insists on actually compelling assent can be relatively easily made to look stupid. At around the same time, and alarmed in a different way by many of the same things (the morbid relationship of the cold war to the nuclear arms race), Professor EP Thompson proposed that we live "as if" a free and independent Europe already existed. 

      The "People Power" moment of 1989, when whole populations brought down their absurd rulers by an exercise of arm-folding and sarcasm, had its origins partly in the Philippines in 1985, when the dictator Marcos called a "snap election" and the voters decided to take him seriously. They acted "as if" the vote were free and fair, and they made it so. In the late Victorian period, Oscar Wilde - master of the pose but not a mere poseur - decided to live and act "as if" moral hypocrisy were not regnant. In the deep south in the early 1960s, Rosa Parks decided to act "as if" a hardworking black woman could sit down on a bus at the end of the day's labour. In Moscow in the 1970s, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn resolved to write "as if" an individual scholar could investigate the history of his own country and publish his findings. They all, by behaving literally, acted ironically. In each case, as we know now, the authorities were forced first to act crassly and then to look crass, and eventually to fall victim to stern verdicts from posterity. However, this was by no means the guaranteed outcome, and there must have been days when the "as if" style was exceedingly hard to keep up. 

      All I can recommend, therefore (apart from the study of these and other good examples), is that you try to cultivate some of this attitude. You may well be confronted with some species of bullying or bigotry, or some ill-phrased appeal to the general will, or some petty abuse of authority. If you have a political loyalty, you may be offered a shady reason for agreeing to a lie or half-truth that serves some short-term purpose. Everybody devises tactics for getting through such moments; try behaving "as if" they need not be tolerated and are not inevitable. 

      My dear X, 
      Beware the irrational, however seductive. Shun the "transcendent" and all who invite you to subordinate or annihilate yourself. Distrust compassion; prefer dignity for yourself and others. Don't be afraid to be thought arrogant or selfish. Picture all experts as if they were mammals. Never be a spectator of unfairness or stupidity. Seek out argument and disputation for their own sake; the grave will supply plenty of time for silence. Suspect your own motives, and all excuses. Do not live for others any more than you would expect others to live for you. 

      The above are extracts from Christopher Hitchens' new book, Letters to a Young Contrarian, published this month by the Perseus Press, price ?16.99. 
     
            

     

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From ipilika at hotmail.com  Thu Nov 15 19:18:40 2001
From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 00:18:40 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] War on terrorism skipped the KLA
Message-ID: <F292OHQRzENOoIu83xn00029bb7@hotmail.com>



>From: "besim" <besim at besim.homechoice.co.uk>
>To: <albanian-uk at alb-net.com>
>Subject: [Albanian-UK] War on terrorism skipped the KLA
>Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 02:05:52 -0000
>
>...'These words come too late for the Serbs, Gypsies, Jews, Turks and other 
>non-Albanians who have been driven from their ancestral homes in Kosovo by 
>the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army.'...!!!!!
>
>http://www.nationalpost.com/commentary/story.html?f=/stories/20011113/783573.html
>
>
>Sdi kah dolen k'ta Hebrej ne Kosove!!! Sa e di une deri vone ka qene vetem 
>ni Hebre ne Prishtine, te gjithe Hebrejt e Kosoves jane shperngul ne Izrael 
>menihere pas luftes se dyte boterore, edhe ate si rezultat i presionit dhe 
>antisemitizmit nga partizanet serb.
>
>B


_________________________________________________________________
Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 16 11:30:39 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 08:30:39 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek troops in Kosova?
Message-ID: <20011116163039.44453.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

 NEWS ]
                         
  Bosnia: Yes to the extradition of Hague's wanted,
responsible for massacres
  in Ahmici 
                                                      
      16-Nov-2001 3:40 PM
  ZAGABRIA (November 16) - The tribunal of Zagreb
approved today the withdrawal of
  Pasko Ljubicic, a Bosnian- Croat citizen wanted by
International Penal Tribunal (TPI) for
  crimes committed against the Muslims of Bosnia, and
considered one of the responsible of
  100 Muslims massacre in Ahmici reported HINA citied
by ANSA. Ljubicic,35 years old,
  surrendered to Croat Police in November 9 after the
accuse notice of TPI, a week before.
  According to his lawyer Tomislav Jonjic, the
sentence was taken by the Tribunal, soon
  after that Ljubicic did not present himself to the
Appeal court." In the half of the other week
  he will be extradition in HAGUE" declared Jonic.
According to accusation act, Ljubicic is
  suspect for participating in the attacks against
Muslims villages near Vitez and Busovaca
  during June 1992 and July 1993. Ljubicic, at the
time commander of the Croatian Defense
  Council (HVO, army of Bosnia Croats0 is accused for
participating in one of the most
  bloody Croat-Muslim conflicts (! 992-93), the
massacre of Ahmici, where were
  slaughtered more than 110 Muslim civilians during an
attack of the Bosnia Croats forces in
  the village. Former HDZ regime (Croatian Democratic
regime, founded by the late president
  Franjo Tudjman) had used a false identity to
Ljubicic and to two other Bosnia Croats who
  were wanted for the massacre of Ahmici, and these
two are still wanted by the police.
  The three of them have lived in incognito near Zara
until 2000 and after HDZ's fall they
  escaped abroad. xhe-bl/an (BalkanWeb) 


  Kosovo: War in Afghanistan, Greece: Ready to send
300 soldiers in Kosovo 
                                                      
      16-Nov-2001 3:20 PM
  ATHENS (November 16) - Greece is ready to send in
Kosovo 300 more soldiers within the
  framework of KFOR peacekeepers. Greek Foreign
Minister, Janos Papantoniu, reported
  this today cited by Information Center for Kosovo.
According to the minister, this additional
  contingent would replace US soldiers in case that a
part of them is retreated to go in
  Afghanistan. bl/an (BalkanWeb) 

__________________________________________________
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Find the one for you at Yahoo! Personals
http://personals.yahoo.com


From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Fri Nov 16 16:10:15 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 16:10:15 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] college workshop
In-Reply-To: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111091609120.11064-100000@is05.fas.harvard.edu>
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111101556470.11505-100000@is05.fas.harvard.edu>

Dear all,

ALBSA is planning on holding a workshop for albanian students who are
currently applying (or thinking about applying) to colleges either as
first years or as transfers. Some of us have informally shared our college
experiences with students, and we're hoping to provide better and more
useful answers via this workshop.

Here are some things we can go over:
- questions about colleges/universities. Where should you apply.
- application reviews. We'll look over your completed application and
essays and offer our opinion if you'd like.
- financial aid. What are your options.
- college interviews. How to best prepare for them. etc. etc.

At this point we are unsure as to how many people would be interested in
such an event and if they are what dates would be best for them, so we
have chosen three possible ones:

Friday, November 23.
Saturday, November 24.
Sunday, November 25.

If you would like to attend please send me a personal e-mail so I can get
a general idea about the level of interest, and specify the date most
convenient for you.

Also, I want to extend an invitation to those of you who have been through
the college application procedure. Please send me an e-mail if you can
come and help in any of the dates specified above. We need you!!

If there is enough interest, I'll send an e-mail early next week with the
date, time and location of the workshop. I'll also include the names and
school of expertise of the mentors.

Please distribute this e-mail around, and don't forget to let me know if
you plan on attending!

best,
eriola.




From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Fri Nov 16 16:19:43 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 16:19:43 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] pan-albanian-student tournament shahu dhe tavlle
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111131702360.8198-100000@ws02.fas.harvard.edu>

Today is my announcement day. :)

hey dash, Olti me duket sugjeroi Au Bon ne Harvard Sq. Nje kafe pak a
shume e madhe do ishte e mjaftueshme besoj.

So, here's the info:

Date: Thanksgiving break (either Friday, Sat. or Sunday) (let's decide)
Time: Afternoon. :) 2pm ok?
Locations: ABP or other big cafe or classroom if we can find one
What: Tornament shahu dhe tavlle
Bring: whichever game you own (THIS IS VERY IMPORTANT)
Prizes: $50 first place (for each game). $25 second place. (This will
hopefully draw in more people for a more exciting atmosphere)
Rules: Due to time constraints everybody can't play everybody in each
round, so we should set up a random system where each player is randomly
coupled with one or two others in each round, and the winner advances to
the next round.

Table of dates. Place your initials under your day preference (and state
time preference) and send it to the lists. Date with majority of votes
wins.

Friday 11/23 | Saturday 11/24 | Sunday 11/25
--------------------------------------------
ek [2pm]     |       	      |
	     |		      |

ciao
eriola.

--- dashamir babani <pallatetagimi at hotmail.com> wrote:
> Eriola, patjeter per nje turnament shahu qofte edhe per tavell. Di
> ndonje
> vend ku te mblidhemi, plus une do ve dhe nje cmim "simbolik" marre nga
> "my
> retirement fund". The challenge is ON to everyone.
> Dashi
>







From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 16 22:08:38 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 19:08:38 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Te dhena te reja per Skenderbeun - Gazeta Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20011117030838.91615.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

SPECIALE
Sk?nderbeu,
p?rmbyset historia


Gjergj Kastrioti Skend?rbeu ?sht? nj? nga personalitet e rralla n? histori, q? me jeten dhe vepr?n e vet ka sfiduar shekujt. Bibliogafia e veprave t? ndryshme t? shkruara mbi t? gjat? shekujve, ?sht? nga m? t? pasurat n? let?rsin? e vendeve dhe popujve t? Evrop?s. 

Kjo krijimtari e jasht?zakonshme, q? pasurohet me zbulime t? reja bibliografike nga biblioteka t? ndryshme, ?sht? mb?shtetur kryesisht te vepra e biografit t? heroit ton? Marin Barleti ''Historia e Skend?rbeut'', botuar p?r her? t? par? n? gjuh?n latine n? Rom? nd?mjet viteve 1508-1510, vep?r kjo, q? ka pasur disa botime t? m?vonshme n? gjuh?n e origjinalit, si dhe ?sht? p?rkthyer n? gjuh? t? ndryshme evropiane. 


R?nd?sia e vepr?s ?sht? e jasht?zakonshme sepse jep nj? pamje t?r?sore t? jet?s dhe veprimtaris? s? Skend?rbeut si dhe t? epok?s s? tij, nj? pamje kjo q? do t? ishte krejt e zbeht? p?r brezat pasardh?s mb?shtetur n? ato pak dokumente arkivore q? ruhen n? arkivat e huaja. 


Me gjith? r?nd?sin? e padiskutueshme t? vepr?s, rruga q? shpie p?rpara shkenc?n historike p?r njohjen me v?rtet?si t? jet?s s? heroit, klasat dhe raportet klasore, nivelin e zhvillimit ekonomik shoq?ror politik dhe kulturor t? koh?s, jan? arkivat, pasurimi i baz?s burimore, gjetja e dokumenteve t? reja nga studiuesit. K?shtu psh zbulimi i nj? dokumenti t? ri p?r Sk?nd?rbeun, q? prek ve?an?risht periudh?n e rinis? s? tij (1405-1443), q? ?sht? e varf?r me dokumentacion, p?rb?n nj? ngjarje me r?nd?si, pasi ndihmon p?r rishikimin t?r?sor t? pik?pamjeve t? shprehura mbi jet?n dhe veprimtarin? e tij t? bazuara te Barleti, q? si vep?r me karakter historiko-letrar, ka nevoj? t? konfirmohet nga burimet arkivore. 


P?r shum? shekuj n? shkenc? ka dominuar pik?pamja e Barletit se Skend?rbeu u kthye n? Shqip?ri p?r her? t? par? m? 1443 pas thyerjes q? p?suan turqit osman? nga hungarez?t n? betej?n e Nishit. Kjo pik?pamje u rr?zua pas zbulimit dhe botimit m? 1954 nga studiuesi turk H.Inal?ik i Defreti t? Sanxhakut Shqiptar t? regjistrimit t? vitit 1431-1432 i cili sillte t? dh?na t? padiskutueshme p?r pranin? e Gjergj Kastirotit si subash n? Kruj? n? vitet 1437-38. N? k?t? post regjistri p?rmed m? pas (1439) Hiz?r Beun, nj? e dh?n? kjo q? ka hap si problem p?r historian?t se ku ndodhej Skend?rbeu pas vitit 1438. 


Nd?r arkivat mesjetare q? historian?t shpresojn? t? gjejn? t? dh?na p?r Kastiot?t dhe trevat shqiptare n? p?rgjith?si, krahas arkivave t? Vatikanit, Venedikut etj., radhitet edhe ai i Raguz?s (Dubrovniku i sot?m). Kjo p?r shkak t? af?rsis? gjeografike, t? lidhjeve dhe kontakteve t? ngushta t? karakterit ekonomik treg?tar t? k?tij qyteti mesjetar me trevat dhe qytetet shqiptare (Ulqinin, Tivarin, Shkodr?n, Durr?sin, Vlor?n, etj) dhe n? k?t? kuad?r edhe me zot?rinjt? feudal? shqiptar? t? koh?s Lidhjet e Raguz?s me trevat shqiptare verifikohen q? nga shekulli XIII. Pik?risht n? k?t? arkiv ?sht? zbuluar dokumenti i r?nd?sish?m p?r historin? e shtetit t? par? shqiptar, shtetit t? Arb?rit.Ky dokumet sh?non marr?veshjen tregtare t? Raguz?s me Dhimitrin e Arb?rit. N? shekujt XIV-XV marr?dh?niet e Raguz?s me zot?rinjt? shqiptar? u intensifikuan m? shum?. Nisur nga pasuria e dokumentacionit t? k?tij arkivi p?r historin? e vendeve dhe popujve t? Ballkanit, k?rkimet n? k?t? arkiv kan? filluar q? nga gjysma e dyt? e shekullit XIX deri n? dit?t tona. Zbulimi nga na jon? i nj? dokumenti mbi Skend?rbeun n? k?t? arkiv tregon se pavar?sisht nga hulumtimet e kryera deri tani, ky arkiv mbetet edhe n? t? ardhmen burim i r?nd?sish?m vlerash arkivore p?r Historin? e Shqip?ris?. 


P?rmbajtja e dokumentit 
Dokumenti ?sht? i panjohur p?r studiuesit. Ai nuk ?sht? pabotuar n? v?llimet me dokumente kushtuar Skend?rbeut (Jorga, Radoni?, Noli etj) . Dokumenti mban dat?n 7 korrik t? viti 1439, dhe ?sht? shkruar latinisht m? nj? shkrim t? qart? dhe t? rregullt. Dokumenti b?n fjal? p?r shlyerjen (likujdimin) e nj? llogarie t? vjet?r q? dy tregtar?, Pjet?r Pantell dhe nipi i tij Filip de Silva i detyroheshin kryezotit shqiptar Gjon Kastrioti. Fjala ?sht? p?r nj? shum? prej 123 dukate ar. N? dokument Gjon Kastrioti p?rmendet i vdekur dhe si trash?gimtar? i tij legjitim, njoftohet Gjergj Kastrioti.


Pala shqiptare p?rfaq?sohet nga Abati Pjet?r. Ai cil?sohet si ambasador i t? ves? s? Gjonit, (q? n? dokument quhet Jella), dhe i Gjergj Kastriotit. Abati Pjet?r ishte pajisur me nj? prokur? t? shkruar n? gjuh? sllave m? 15 mars nga e shoqja e Gjonit dhe Gjergj Kasrtioti. (Fjala ?sht? sigurisht, p?r nj? prokur? t? shkruar nga kancelaria e Kastriot?ve). N? dokument thuhet se prokura u lexua dhe u regjistrua n? regjistrin p?rkat?s t? koh?s, por kjo prokur? nuk njihet nga studiuesit.


Akti i shlyerjes s? llogaris? b?het para Rektorit t? Raguz?s,Vita de Resti dhe K?shillit t? Vog?l. Nga dokumenti kuptohet se pal?t kishin r?n? dakort nd?rmjet tyre p?r shlyerjen e llogarive dhe se prania e autoriteteve t? Raguz?s,Rektorit dhe K?shilli t? Vog?l, kishte si q?llim garancin? e aktit t? shlyerjes se llogaris? p?r t? dyja pal?t.


Llogaria ishte e vjet?r e koh?s '' kur jetonte zoti i sip?rth?n? Gjon Kastrioti''. N? k?t? koh? Pjet?r Pantella dhe nipi i tij Filip de Silva ''administronin dhe mbar?shtronin, sipas zakonit tregtar, t? hollat e grurit dhe t? disa t? ardhurave t? doganave ose t? taksave t? zotit Gjon''. Fjala ?sht? pra p?r nj? lloj sip?rmarrje t? doganave t? Gjon Kastriotit, nga zot?rinjt? n? fjal? , nj? praktik? kjo e njohur e koh?s.


Pjet?r Pantella dhe Filip de Silva b?jn? t? ditur se kjo llogari e'' t? hollave t? grurit dhe e doganave ''q? kishin me Gjon Kastriotin qe mbyllur dhe shlyer n? mir?kuptim t? plot? q? n? koh?n kur ai (Gjoni ishte gjall?, midis p?rfaq?suesit t? tij, Rajan Krolniqit dhe administratorit t? Pjet?r Pantell?s dhe Filip de Silva, Niksa Komariq.Kjo shlyerje konstatohej n? librat e Pjet?r Pantell?s shkruar me dor?n e vet zotit Niksa Komariq. Nga shlyerja, Pjetri Pantella dhe Filip de Silva kishin mbetur debitor ndaj zotit Gjon Kastrioti nj?qind e nj?zet e tre dukate ar.


Pas vdekjes s? Gjonit ky borxh i mbetej s? shoqes dhe trash?gimtarit t? tij, Gjergj Kastiotit. Abati Pjet?r, n? em?r t? s? ves? se Gjon Kastriotit dhe trash?gimtarit t? tij Gjergj Kastioti deklaron se do t? '' ishte i k?naqur t? t?rhiqte dhe t? b?nte t? marrura nga t? th?nit Pjet?r dhe Filip CXXIII dukatet e th?n? t? art? si mbetje t? llogarive t? sip?rth?na dhe ti jepte atyre kuitanc?n n? form?n e duhur p?r gjithshka t? sip?rth?n? dhe p?r ?do gj? t? sip?rshkruar, deri n? dit?n e sotme''.


Dokumeti tregon edhe solemnitetin e shlyerjes s? k?saj llogarie. K?shtu, p?rsa u tha m? sip?r, Pjet?r Pantella dhe nipi tij Filip de Silva b?n? ''betimin me shkrim n? duart e zotit Rektor dhe K?shillit t? Tij, duke prekur shkrimet e sh?njta,? u betuan n? ungjijt? e sh?njt? t? zotit se llogarit? e tyre t? tregtive t? th?na, t? grurit, t? hollave dhe t? ardhurave t? doganave '' ishin 123 dukate? ar. Duke l?n? p?rkoh?sisht m?njan? r?nd?sin? dhe vler?n e k?tij dokumenti, po japim p?rkthimin e tij. 


P?rkthimi i dokumetit 
Abati i nderuar Pjet?r, si ambasador i zonj?s Jell?, t? ves? s? zotit Gjon Kastrioti dhe i zotit Gjergj, birit t? tij, si? del nga letrat e drejtuara zot?rimit t? Raguz?s dhe t? shkruara n? gjuh?n sllave (letra k?to-LM) t? depozituara pran? Niksa de Stell?s, ashtu edhe si prokurator i t? sip?rth?nit Zotit Gjergj, birit, trash?gimtarit dhe pasardh?sit t? zotit t? th?n? Gjon Kastrioti, i caktuar posa??risht p?r t? posht?shkruarat, si? tha i th?ni Niksa de Stella, i cili e pa, e lexoi dhe e regjistroi aktin e prokur?s mbi k?t? ??shtje, t? b?r? dhe t? shkruar n? gjuh?n sllave me 15 mars 1439, (pra ky abat- LM) nga nj?ra an?, dhe Pjet?r Pantella dhe Filip de Silva, nipi i vet, nga ana tjet?r, u paraqit?n unanimisht dhe me mir?kuptim para zotit Rektor ( t? Raguz?s-LM) ser Vita de Resti dhe K?shillit t? Tij t? Vog?l duke th?n? dhe duke parashtruar sa m? posht? :


Kur jetonte zoti i sip?rth?n? Gjon Kastrioti, t? th?n?t Pjet?r Pantella dhe Filip de Silva administronin dhe mbar?shtronin, sipas zakonit tregtar, t? hollat e grurit dhe disa t? ardhura t? doganave ose t? taksave t? atij zotit Gjon. Dhe vet? t? th?n?t Pjet?r dhe Filip thon? se dikur n?p?rmjet Rajan Krolniqit, p?rfaq?suesit t? zotit t? th?n? Gjon, dhe Niksa Komariqit administrator i Pjet?r Pantell?s dhe Filipit, kan? qen? mbyllur, p?rfunduar dhe shlyer n? mir?kuptim (nd?rmjet tyre-LM) llogarit? tregtare t? t? hollave t? th?na, t? grurit dhe t? t? ardhurave t? doganave. Dhe kjo mbyllje dhe shlyerje e llogarive t? tyre konstatohet n? librat e t? th?nit Pjet?r Pantell?s ( t? shkruar-LM) me dor?n e vet zotit Niksa Komariq, dhe p?r ?do gj? dhe p?r gjith?ka q? kishin s? bashku p?r t? administruar, p?r t? th?n? dhe p?r t? b?r? lidhur me ??shtjet e shprehura m? lart deri dit?n e sotme, Pjetri dhe Filipi me t? th?nin zotin Gjon, ata jan? dhe kan? mbetur debitore ndaj trash?gimtarit t? zotit Gjon nj?qind e nj?zet e tre dukate ar dhe jo m? tep?r.


Prandaj p?r sa u tha, t? th?nit Pjet?r dhe Filip, betohen me pranin? e tyre se t? sip?rth?nat jan? k?shtu t? v?rteta si? u tha para zot?rimit t? sip?rth?n? (t? Raguz?s -LM)


Ai, zoti Abat, n? em?r t? atyre q? u tha m? lart, do t? ishte i k?naqur t? t?rhiqte dhe t? b?nte t? marrura nga t? th?nit Pjet?r dhe Filip CXXIII dukat?t e th?n? t? art? si mbetje t? llogarive t? sip?rth?na dhe ti jepte p?r m? tep?r atyre kuitanc?n n? form?n e duhur p?r gjith?ka t? sip?rth?n? dhe p?r ?do gj? t? sip?rshkruar deri n? dit?n e sotme.


Pasi u parashtruan k?shtu k?to ??shtje , t? th?nit Pjet?r dhe Filip me k?rkes?n dhe padin? e zotit Abat dhe p?r t? k?naqur at? i cili vjen n? emrin e t? sip?rth?n?ve m? lart, pasi ata dhe ?do njeri prej tyre b?n? ve? e ve? betimin me shkrim n? duart e zotit Rektor dhe K?shillit t? Tij duke prekur shkrimet e sh?njta, u betuan n? ungjijt? e shenjt? t? zotit se llogarit? e tyre t? tregtive t? th?na, t? grurit, t? t? hollave dhe t? ardhurave t? doganave t? zotit t? ndjer? Gjon Kastioti q? i mbanin n? duart dhe administrimin e tyre kan? qen? mbyllur me mir?kuptim dhe shlyer me an?n e t? th?n?ve Rajan dhe Niksa Komariq n? em?r t? sip?rth?n?ve m? lart, ashtu sikund?r p?rmbahet dhe ?sht? sh?nuar n? librat e t? th?nit Pjet?r me dor?n e t? th?nit Niksa Komariq q? at?here ishte administrator i tij. Dhe p?r gjith?ka e ?do gj? t? sip?rth?n? m? lart dhe q? ka t? b?j? me k?t? (llogari tregtare-LM) ata, Pjet?r Pantella dhe Filipi, nipi i tij, kan? qen? dhe jan? debitor? t? v?rtet? t? t? th?nit Gjon Kastrioti ose t? trash?gimtarit t? tij deri dit?n e sotme p?r nj?qind e nj?zet e tre dukate ar dhe jo m? tep?r.


Prandaj, mbasi pa betimin e th?n?, i th?ni abat, n? em?r t? prokur?s s? sip?rth?n? b?ri dhe b?n p?rfundimin, lirimin, quitanc?n, shlyerjen dhe aktin p?r t? mos k?rkuar pask?taj asgj? t? th?n?ve Pjet?r dhe Filip q? jan? t? pranish?m dhe q? marrin p?r vete dhe trash?gimtar?t e tyre dhe pasardh?sit ??shtjen e tregtive t? th?na t? parave t? grurit dhe t? t? ardhurave t? doganave t? t? ndjerit t? th?n? Gjon Kastioti q? kan? kaluar p?r t'u administruar, sipas zakonit tregtar n? duart e atyre Pjet?r Pantell?s dhe t? Filipit. (Abati Pjet?r-LM) shlyen dhe anullon t? t?ra kartat dhe shkresat, obligimet dhe dor?zanit? t? cilat i ka i ndjeri zoti Gjon Kastrioti ose i th?ni Gjergj, biri dhe trash?gimtari i tij, do t? ket? ose ka patur ndaj Pjet?r Pantell?s dhe Filipit, nipit t? tij dhe ndaj pasurivie t? tyre dhe sejcilit prej tyre lidhur me ??shtjet e parashtruara m? lart, k?shtu q? (k?to shkresa-LM) t? mos ken? vler? dhe r?nd?si.


Gjithashtu (Abati Pjet?r-LM) liron, shlyen dhe zgjidh n? emrin e th?n? (t? Gjergj Kastriotit-LM) ata, Pjetrin dhe Filipin, trash?gimtar?t dhe pasardh?sit e tyre dhe pasurit? e tyre nga gjith?ka e sip?rth?n? dhe ?do gj? e sip?rsh?nuar me ?do rrug? dhe m?nyr? lirimi. Dhe kjo gj?, n? ?do m?nyre, rrug? dhe e drejt? etj.


Dhe po k?t? gj? b?ri pastaj edhe ai zoti Abat n? em?r t? atyre q? u than? m? lart mbasi d?shmoi dhe kishte marr? nga Pjet?r Pantella dhe Filipi, nipi i tij, nj?qint e nj?zet e tre dukatet e art? t? th?na, si shlyerje t? plot? t? t? t?ra llogarive t? sip?rsh?nuara, t? hollave t? grurit dhe t? ardhurave t? doganave t? t? ndjerit t? th?n? Gjon Kastrioti dhe t? r?n? n? duart e t? th?n?ve Pjet?r dhe Filip q? trafikojn? sipas zakonit tregtar .
Heqin dor?.Gjyqtari dhe d?shmitar?t si m? lart. 


R?nd?sia e dokumentit
Dokumenti paqyron lidhjet dhe marr?dh?niet tregtare t? principat?s se Kastriot?ve me Raguz?n, praktikat e avancuar t? koh?s, si dh?nia n? sip?rmarrje e doganave tregtar?ve t? huaj etj. Megjithat? fakti q? Gjon Kastrioti kishte lidhje ekonomike me tregatar? raguzan? , q? k?to rrihnin zot?rimin e tij , nuk ?sht? ndonj? gj? e re p?r studiusit pasi njihen tashm? nj? varg dokumentash t? botuara nga Jorga, Radoni?i etj q? d?shmojn? p?r k?t?. Kemi parasysh k?tu marr?veshjen e r?nd?sishme tregtare t? vitit 1420 e arritur midis Gjon Kastiotit dhe Raguz?s p?r kalimin e tregtar?ve raguzan? n?p?r zot?rimin e Gjon Kastiotit q? shtrihej nga skela tregtare e Shufadas? q? ndodhej n? gryk?n e lumit Mat (si? e ka p?rcaktuar me ekzakt?si studjuesi i njohur K.Bi?oku) e deri n? Prizren. Po k?shtu njihen edhe nj? varg dokumtesh t? tjera q? b?jn? fjal? p?r pranin? e p?rfaq?suesve t? Gjon Kastiotit n? Raguz? p?r ??shtje t? doganave, taksave doganore q? tregtar?t raguzan? duhet t? paguanin n? zot?rimin e tij. P?r nj? gj? t? till? njoftojn? dokumentet e arkivit t? Raguz?s t? dat?s 13 shtator 1430, janar t? viti 1431, janar 1432, maj 1433 etj.


Vlera e dokumentit mendojm? se qendron n? faktin se ai ndihmon t? ndri?ohet apo t? qart?sohet m? mir? periudha e rinis? s? Skend?rbeut, vitet 1439-1443, q? ?sht? mjaft e diskutueshme midis historian?ve p?r shkak t? munges?s s? dokumenteve arkivore. 


I vetmi dokument i njohur arkivor deri m? sot nga studjuesit p?r periudh?n e vitit 1439-1443 ?sht? nj? dokument i shkurt?r i arkivit t? Raguz?s q? mban dat?n 10 korrik 1439. 


Dokumenti yn? mban dat?n 7 korrik t? po k?tij viti. Pra dy dokumentet kan? lidhje nd?rrmjet tyre dhe kjo si? do shohim m? posht? ?sht? me r?nd?si. Dokumenti i 10 korrikut b?n fjal? p?r dh?nien e qytetaris? Gjergj Kastiotit nga ana e qeveris? s? Raguz?s. M? pas emrit t? Gjergji Kastiotit skrivani (shkruesi) i koh?s i ka v?n? nj? viz?, dmth e ka shlyer. N? vend t? emrit t? tij skrivani shkruan se e drejta e qytetaris? i jepet ''djemve t? Gjon Kastriotit''. Fakti q? emrit t? Gjergj Kastiotit i ?sht? hequar viz?, ka ngjallur shum? polemika dhe diskutime nd?rmjet historian?ve: 
Nisur nga fakti se n? tetor t? vitit 1438 Skenderbeu nuk ishte m? subash i Kruj?s (sepse n? tetor t? vitit 1438 postin e Subashit t? Kruj?s, e kishte z?n? Hiz?r Beu), historian?t kan? shtruar pyetjen se ku ka q?n? Skend?rbeu nga viti 1439 deri n? vitin 1443 kur kthehet n? Shqip?ri, duke braktisur ushtin? osmane pas disfat?s q? p?soi me hungarez?t n? betejen e Nishit .


Mendimet e shprehura jan? t? ndryshem, ?ka i ka dh?n? shkas nj? polemike t? ashp?r n? k?rkim t? s? v?rtet?s.


Sipas t? ndjerit .S.Pulaha Skend?rbeu n? k?to vite (1439-1443) ka q?n? n? Shqip?ri.


Edhe sipas K.Frash?rit ai ishte n? Shqip?ri n? postin e sanxhakbeut t? Dibr?s.


K.Bi?oku duke kund?rshtuar k?to pikpamje insiston se pas vitit 1439 ose pas gjysm?s s? dyt? t? v.1439 Skenderbeu ishte z?v?nd?suar nga Hiz?r Beu n? postin subashit t? Kruj?s, dhe ishte larguar nga Shqip?ria duke z?n? postin e Sanxhakbeut t? Nikopolit t? Bullgaris?. 


?'mund t? jap? dokumenti yn? n? k?t? polemik? ? Ne mendojm? se dokumenti yn? mb?shtet t? ndjerin Pulaha. 
Bi?oku, tez?n e tij t? lartp?rm?ndur e mb?shtet n? dokumentin e Raguz?s s? 10 korrikut t? v.1439, dmth faktin q? n? k?t? dokument emrit t? Gjergj Kastiotit i ?sht? hequr viz?.Kjo, sipas tij, tregon se Skend?rbeu nuk ishte n? k?t? koh? n? Shqip?ri. Dokumenti yn? provon se ky supozim nuk q?ndron dhe se dokumenti i 10 Korrikut ?sht? keqinterpretuar; dokumenti yn? l? p?r t? menduar se ndodhej n? Shqip?ri si trash?gimtar i zot?rimit t? t? jatit, duke v?rtetuar k?shtu pohimet e kronist?ve osman? q? njoftojn? se pas vdekjes s? t? t? jatit Sk?nd?rbeut mori nga Sulltani zot?rimin e t? jatit. Ve? k?saj,sipas Bi?okut, m? 10 korrik t? vitit 1439 Gjon Kastioti ishte akoma gjall? meqen?se n? dokument para emrit t? tij nuk ?sht? v?n? nga skrivani i koh?s fjala ''i ndjeri''. Dokumenti yn? q? mban dat?n 7 korrik t? po atij viti, pra vet?m tre dit? para 10 korrikut, d?shmon q? Gjoni kishte vdekur. Drit?n e dokumetit ton? mendojm? se mund t'i jepet nj? p?rgjigje e sakt? pyetjes q? i ka munduar studiuesit e Skend?rbeut : p?rse i ?sht? v?n? viz? emrit t? Gjergj Kastiotit n? dokumentin e 10 korrikut 1439 t? dh?nies s? qytetaris? nga Qeveria Raguz?s. 


Fakti q? emrit t? Gjergj Kastrotit i ?sht? v?n? viz?, nuk mund t? spjegohet se ''Gjergj Kastioti nuk ishte n? Shqip?ri''. Po k?shtu nuk duhet par? k?tu ndonj? q?ndrim armiq?sor apo keqdash?s nga ana e Raguz?s ndaj Gjergj Kastriotit, si? ka menduar ndonj? studjues sepse dokumeti yn? provon q? nd?rmjet tyre kishte marr?dh?nie t? mira. Arsyeja p?rse skrivani ka shkyer emrin e Gjergj Kastiotit dhe n? v?nd t? tij ka shtuar q? e drejta e qytetaris? i jepet ''djemve t? Gjon Kastiotit'', ka ardhur, mendojm?, si pasoj? e k?rkes?s s? b?r? nga ambasadori i Gjergjit Kastiotit, Abatit Pjet?r .


I ngarkuar nga Gjergj Kastrioti p?r t? k?rkuar nga Raguza t? drejt?n e qytetaris? p?r vete dhe v?llez?rit e vet, abati Pjet?r i ka k?rkuar skrivanit t? ndreq? gabimin e tij pra t? shlyej emrin e Gjergj Kastiotit dhe t? sh?noj? dh?nin e qytetaris? ''djemve t? Gjonit''.


N? dokumentin q? po paraqesim ?sht? me interes fakti q? Gjergji vepron n? em?r t? vet si trash?gimtari i zot?rimit t? t? jatit, Gjonit, pa p?rmendur v?llez?rit. Fakti intrigon sepse dihet q? Gjoni kishte kat?r djem, Stanishin, Reposhin, Kostandinin dhe Gjergjin.Nga burimet njoftohet se Reposhi n? k?t? koh? kishte vdekut (1431). P?r Konstandinin nuk mund t? thuhet gj? e sigurt?. Ai p?rmendet n? dy aktet e njohura t? Manastirit t? Hilandarit t? vit?ve 1420-1426. M? pas ai nuk p?rmendet m?.Kjo ?sht? marr? nga studiuesit se duhej t? kishte vdekur, por kjo duhet marr? me rezerv?.V?llai tjet?r Stanishi njoftohet se ishte gjall? n? k?t? koh? (1439) Ai p?rmendet p?rs?ri n? aktet vendikase m? 1445. Fakti q? n? dokumentin e 10 korrikut Qeveria e Raguz?s u jep qytetarin? djemve t? Gjonit l? p?r t? menduar se v?llez?rit e Skend?rbeut duhet t? ishin gjall?, p?rve? Reposhit, sigurisht, p?r t? cilin njoftohet se kishte vdekur me koh?. Nga t? gjith? v?llez?rit n? dokument q? po paraqesim vet?m Sk?nd?rbeu njihet si trash?gimtar i Gjonit.Kjo mendojm? se ?sht? me r?nd?si sepse d?shmon se Skend?rbeu kishte dal? n? krye t? principat?s s? Kastriot?ve para kthimit t? tij n? Shqip?ri m? 1443. Dalja n? krye t? pricipat?s pas vdekjes s? t? jatit, Gjonit, b?n m? t? kuptuesh?m kthimim e tij t? menj?hersh?m n? Shqip?ri nga fronti i Nishit(1443), vendin dhe rolin e tij n? Lidhjen e Lezh?s dhe vendimet q? ajo mori, zgjedhjen e Skend?rbut si Kryetar i saj, pozit? kjo q? diktohej nga roli i r?nd?sish?m q? i takonte t? luante n? luft?n antiosmane Principat?s s? Kastriot?ve dhe vet? Skend?rbeut si kreyzot feudal dhe strateg ushtarak .

Dr. Luan MALLTEZI



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 16 22:25:19 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 19:25:19 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The latest provocation
Message-ID: <20011117032519.38109.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


Macedonian Press Agency

[13] ALBANIAN MAYOR ACCUSED OF RACISM

Strasburg, 16 November 2001 (12:33 UTC+2) 

EuroMPs of New Democracy Stavros Xarhakos and Christos Zacharakis accused the new socialist Mayor of Himarra, Albania, in a question they put to the European Commission, pointing out that he selectively tore down buildings belonging to Greek residents of the city. 
In their question, the EuroMPs underlined that the houses, taverns, coffee houses, Greek organization offices and the Greek cramming school, which will start being torn down on November 22, had been previously seized by the Hoja regime, but were recently restored to their rightful owners, after the unfair arbitrariness of taking the property from its Greek owners was recognized. 
Mr. Zacharakis and Xarchakos asked the Committee if the racist tactics of the Albanian Police towards Greeks, agrees with the European Union, and ask for direct measures to be taken so that this decision freezes, and persecution against the members of the internationally recognized, even by Albania itself Greek national minority. 



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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Fri Nov 16 23:55:46 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 21:55:46 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "Slogans"
Message-ID: <000a01c16f24$1edadc10$6528a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

"Slogans", komedia dramatike e komunizmit

Marre nga Dritare.com

Nga: A. Xhakollari

 Pasi ?sht? shfaqur n? 10 ekranet e konkurimit nd?rkomb?tar t? artit t? shtat?, p?r her? t? par?, do t? shfaqet edhe p?r art?dash?sit shqiptar?. T? cil?t, m? shum? se spektator?t e deritanish?m, e kuptojn? realitetin e nj? t? kaluare t? af?rt
"SLOGANS" do t? shfaqet n? Milenium 2, pas dy dit?sh. Si do t? reagoj? publiku shqiptar n? nj? or? e gjys?m projeksion?! Ky ankth regjisorial nuk e ka penguar Gjergj Xhuvanin t? rr?fej? historin? pelegrine t? filmit, nga Petrela n? Kan?, reagimet e kritik?s, ilaritetin n? sall? apo lot?t e publikut me paradoksin real q? mbart kjo ngjarje. "Para disa koh?sh filmi u shfaq n? Toronto- tregon Xhuvani. M? kujtohet q? spektator?t n? sall? ndaheshin n? dy kategori, t? huaj dhe shqiptar?. Teksa SLOGANS projektohej, vura re shqiptar?t ( t? m?rguarit) po qanin dhe t? huajt po qeshnin. Filmi ?sht? nj? komedi dramatike". Dhe p?r m? shum?, t? qesh?sh dhe t? p?rlotesh mbi ngjarje reale, mbi gjith? k?t? histori idealesh dhe paradoksesh, duket se i ka dh?n? vler? filmit. Xhuvani nuk e fsheh se synimi m? qart? i tij, ka qen? retrospektiva, shk?putja prej saj e nj? cop?z jete, sa reale aq absurde, n? m?nyr? q? spektatori t? ndjej? natyrsh?m, edhe nga ekrani. Nd?rsa, triumfi regjizorial i tij (n?se mund t? shprehemi k?shtu) q?ndron tek paanshm?ria, larg ndarjes klasike n? t? mir? e t? liq apo v?shtruar bardh? e zi. "I vetmi film lindor ku regjisori nuk mban asnj? lloj q?ndrimi...?sht? shprehur kritika"- duke p?rligjur edhe nj?her? at? ?ka e b?n t? ve?ant? "SLOGANS", sidomos n? kinematografin? shqiptare. Kinema e madhe n? katundin e vog?l... Xhuvani ka zgjedhur fshatin Petrel?, p?r t? "sfiduar me sllogane imperializmin amerikan" (nj? nga paradokset e jetuara, t? nj? periudhe t? gjat?). N? nj? muaj e gjys?m xhirime, ?do gj? ka ecur p?rs?mbari; aktor?t kan? krijuar nj? mozaik personazhesh, duke i shtuar petkut t? tyre di?ka nga mbresat e nj? jete t? shkuar. Ata jan? nga m? t? mir?t, Qirjaqi, Hasko, Ndrenika, Gorishti, Xhuvani, mbledhur s? bashku pedagog? e student?, n? nj? film q? ng?rthen vlerat e shkoll?s shqiptare t? kinemas?. Ngjarjet zhvillohen n? fshatin e vog?l malor, t? bombardur me dogmat e koh?s s? izolimit, t? survejuar nga "syri vigjilent i sigurimit dhe hija e r?nd? e figur?s s? Enverit, t? ngjitura bash n? kala". Subjekti ka nj? Sekretar tipik Partie (Hasko), nj? Drejtor makiavelist Shkolle (Qirjaqi), nj? m?sues t? ndersh?m, q? nuk ka kurajo t? b?rtas?, ka Dian?n m?suese (L. Xhuvani) etj. Disidenca nuk egziston, ajo mbetet memece n? gjullurdin? e slloganeve. Megjithat? ka nj? jet?, nj? histori dashurie, nj? magji. Xhuvani n? k?t? rast ka filozofin? e tij; "do t? desha q? magjia e filmit t? vij? nga realiteti, filmi t? jet? si i neglizhuar...". Nd?rkoh?, regjisori tregon se ?sht? punuar shum? p?r pasurimin e dialogut dhe p?r k?t? nj? kontribut kan? dh?n? vet? aktor?t. Jehon? dhe bashk?punim. Filmi ?sht? bashk?prodhim shqiptaro-francez, i realizuar sipas t? gjith? parametrave bashk?kohor? t? kinematografis?. Producent?t francez? t? "SLOGANS" jan? Anne-Dominique Toussaint dhe Pascal Judele?icz nd?rsa nga pala shqiptare Arben Tasellari, Gjergj Xhuvani dhe Arben Vehbiu. P?r filmin artistik "SLOGANS" jan? shkruar n? shtypin e huaj mbi 120 kritika, 30 intervista televizive si dhe ?sht? realizuar nj? dokumentar n? Franc?. "Francez?t e adhurojn? filmin- shprehet Xhuvani." Gazeta amerikane "Ne? York Post" e cil?son "SLOGANS" si filmin m? t? mir? t? shfaqur n? Kan? ..."?ndrra b?het realitet" ka shkruar gazetari, p?r nj? film t? till? q? vjen nga nj? vend kaq i vog?l. Filmi ?sht? shfaqur n? 10 festivale t? kin?mas?, anek?nd bot?s si n? Montreal, Toronto, Mosk?, Tokio, Sarajevo etj. Nd?rkoh? ai ?sht? p?rzgjedhur mes 35 filmave t? tjer? nga Akademia Europiane e Filmit, si kandidat p?r ?mimin anual q? jep ky institucion. "Prix de la jeunesse" ?sht? trofeu m? i r?nd?sish?m q? "SLOGANS" fitoi n? Kan?, nj? ?mim q? jepet nga nj? juri kineast?sh t? rinj europian?. Filmi artistik "SLOGANS" do t? filloj? rrug?timin n? kinemat? europiane m? 31 tetor, me premier?n q? do t? shfaqet n? Paris. 
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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Sat Nov 17 00:06:52 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 22:06:52 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Edi Rama degron leter Nanos.
Message-ID: <001501c16f25$ab7f8a20$6528a8c0@sjcsf.edu>


Fatos! Fjal?n e Tribunave e ke fasad?, Veprimin e Kulisave e ke m?nyr? jetese

Edi Rama publikon q?ndrimin e tij ndaj Kryetarit t? Partis? Socialiste Fatos Nano, duke vendosur q? komunikimin e shkruar disavje?ar me Mikun e Humbur ta vazhdoj? n? sy t? lexuesit t? "Korrierit"


I dashur Mik i Humbur,

N? komunikimin mes nesh, ose, e th?n? m? mir?, n? komunikimin tim t? shkruar me ty, kam vendosur t? ftoj pas kaq vjet?sh nj? person t? tret?: Lexuesin! Lexuesin e gazet?s ku ti do t? lexosh sa m? posht? m'u duk, a do t? m? duket edhe n? koh?n e ardhshme, e udh?s t? t? them n? sy t? tij. Jam i vet?dijsh?m se ai mund t? jet? i ?far?do moshe, seksi, profesioni, socialist, demokratikas, legalist a krejt indiferent karshi cilitdo nd?r turlisojet e politik?s shqiptare. Mund t? jet?, p?r dreq, tmerrsisht i bezdisur nga gjithshka ka t? b?j? me llallallan? e k?saj politike, ashtu si? mund t? jet?, e kjo p?r motive nga m? t? larmishmet, tejet i interesuar t? na shoh? ball? p?r ball? faqe tij. 

Duke vendosur t? fus n? ur?n e komunikimit mes meje e teje k?t? person me kaq shum? prerje, e prandaj edhe me plot an? t? panjohura, e kam marr? n? sy rrezikun e mbetjes peng n? vallen ?mendurake ku ti ke hyr? s? fundi dhe kam pranuar, k?sisoj, dor?zimin p?rpara Z?rit t? Vet?dijes sime Qytetare e Politike! Ky z?, ndryshe nga ?'m? sugjeronte deri para ndoca dit?sh z?ri p?rfundimisht i mekur i marr?dh?nieve tona miq?sore, m? urdh?ron p?rdit? e m? kumbuesh?m thyerjen e heshtjes dhe publikimin e q?ndrimit tim. Lidhur jo thjesht me gjithshka t? padenj? p?r nj? lider historik t? ka nxjerr? goja n? adres? time p?rgjat? valles mediatike q? ke z?n? t? hedh?sh n? "baz?n e partis?", por edhe me at? q? fatkeq?sisht mendoj se ?sht? roli q? ke marr? p?rsip?r duke i hyr? nj? valleje t? till?.

Fillimisht ke pretenduar nj? borxh moral, personal, q?, sipas teje "refugjati thonjpaprer?", dometh?n? un?, i paska "bamir?sit" t? vet, dometh?n? ty. Dhe k?sisoj ke harruar ose, m? sakt?, ke dashur t? harrosh, t?r? ato ftesa t? tuat t? p?rs?ritura qyshse u b?re kryeminist?r e m? k?rkoje, sipas fjal?ve t? asaj kohe, "n? krah t? djatht? si partner t? denj? nga Shoq?ria Civile". Ashtu sikund?r ke harruar, m? an? tjet?r, "q?ndres?n" time konstante nga pozitat e njeriut q? nuk donte t? kthehej n? atdhe p?r t? hyr? n? politik?n aktive edhe pse shikonte tek ti Njeriun e Kthes?s Shqiptare drejt Europ?s. Por, duke dashur t? harrosh edhe rrethan?n shum? t? ve?ant? q?, nj? dit? me shum? shi e balt?, m? pruri mua n? sht?pi, me nj? bilet? kthimi Paris-Tiran?-Paris, p?r t? varrosur baban? e jo p?r t'u b?r? minist?r i qeveris? sate, si edhe duke spekulluar turpsh?m me dor?n e sinqert? t? bashk?punimit q? un? t? shtriva si nj? sonambul mbr?mjen e asaj dite zie, p?r t? b?r?, bashk? me ty e t? tjer? sigurisht, pun? t? mira n? dobi t? k?tij vendi, ti ke provuar kat?rcip?risht rr?shqitjen n? nj? nivel t? komunikimit me njer?zit ku s'?sht? e v?rteta q? t? intereson, as interesi i p?rbashk?t q? gjerm?dje dukej se t? lidhte me mua, as e "nes?rmja m? e mir?" apo ecja "s?bashku n? udh? t? mbar?" q? trumbetonin, vet?m para pak muajsh, afishet e grisura t? fushat?s son? fituese elektorale. Jo Mik i Humbur! P?r fatin t?nd e p?r fatin tim, fat i keq n? t? dyja rastet, ty tashm? nuk t? interesojn? as k?to dhe bile, mesa duket, nuk t? intereson as vet? fati i kapitalit t?nd politik, i cili mish?rohet n? organizmin e forc?s politike q? ti drejton prej dhjet? vjet?sh e me t? cil?n je ti q?, pas dhjet? vjet?sh n? drejtim, po futesh qorrazi n? nj? borxh pa hesap!

Teksa mendoj q? personalisht nuk t? kam asnj? borxh moral, jam ?do dekik? e m? i bindur se, n?se mund t? flitet p?r borxhe morale, publike jo personale natyrisht, je ti ai q? ke hyr? prej koh?sh n? nj? borxh t? till? me mua! Sepse nd?rkoh? q? un? kam pranuar "t? nd?rroj jet?" e i jam p?rgjigjur ftes?s sate p?r t? punuar, me ty e me t? tjer? miq, shok? e koleg?, n? em?r t? ?ndrr?s s? p?rbashk?t t? Shqip?ris? Europiane, ti ke qen? p?r mua, jo nj?her?, shkaktar zhgj?ndrrash t? dhimbshme. Duke filluar q? nga koha e qeveris? sate, kur bash si? ka mbetur e shkruar n? let?r apo e arkivuar n? kujtes?, jo vet?m p?r fajin t?nd, por n? rradh? t? par? p?r fajin t?nd, pun?t e qeveris? ishin nj? zallahi e v?rtet? ku gjithkush b?nte sa mundej, po ku askush nuk e gjente dot kufirin ku ndahej miku nga shoku, shoku nga kolegu, kolegu nga truproja, e drejta nga detyra, detyra nga interesi i p?rve??m, interesi i p?rve??m nga etja p?r fitim, etja p?r fitim nga uria p?r pushtet, uria p?r pushtet nga urrejtja p?r shtet e k?shtu m? tutje. Duke vazhduar me koh?n e revanit t?nd pas rimarrjes s? kreut t? Partis? Socialiste kur nuk le gur e marionet? pa luajtur p?r t? m? demoralizuar dhe penguar n? pun?n time! Me q?llim q? ta detyroje kreun e qeveris? t? m? hiqte qafe si minist?r konfliktual e t? realizoje k?sisoj, jo p?rmir?simin e qeverisjes, por nj? betim t?ndin, si r?ndom n? t? gdhir? pran? nj? tavoline t? rr?mbushur me qelqe t? zbraz?ta, kur m? anun?ove, nja nj? duzin? or?sh pasi kishe mbajtur n? hollin e Pallatit t? Kongreseve nj? fjalim mbi "solidaritetin parimor", se "nga un? fillonte rradha e atyre q? do t? q?roheshin meq? zgjodh?n Majkon e jo ty"! Dhe duke ecur m? tutje n? t? t?ra koh?rat q?, si? e thon? edhe letrat q? t? kam d?rguar dorazi n? konfidenc?, u mundova t? fsheh nga "syt? e bot?s" shkopinjt? e panum?rt q? ti m? vure sistematikisht nd?n? rrota pa e ?ar? kok?n fare n? un? po b?ja pun?n q?, natyrisht bashk? me pun?n e t?r? t? tjer?ve n? Familjen ton? Politike, t? ndihmonte ty t? dilje kryelart? n? fushatat elektorale apo pun?n e ku e di un? se kujt armiku q? i kanosej autoritetit t?nd! 

Ndaj edhe p?r ta mbyllur pa shum? ornamente logjike korniz?n e argumentimit tim p?r Borxhin Moral, Publik jo Personal, q? mendoj se m? ke, po ndalem tek e drejta e njeriut q?, me vepra jo me fjal?, i ka mbetur sot e gjith? dit?n besnik ?ndrr?s dikur t? p?rbashk?t t? Shqip?ris? Europiane, por q? e pati t? pamundur t? mbetet bashk?pun?tori yt besnik?risht miop, kur, me kalimin e koh?s, ndjeu, pa, preku nga af?r dhe kuptoi, jo pa dhimbje p?r vetveten, at? difekt t? pariparuesh?m t? konstitucionit t?nd etiko-moral q? Fjal?n dhe Veprimin i mban gjithnj? t? ndara brenda teje! Q?, e th?n? ndryshe, Fjal?n e Tribunave e ke fasad? dhe Veprimin e Kulisave e ke m?nyr? jetese! Q?, e th?n? edhe m? shkoqur p?r k?t? "kryq?zat?n" e fundit, Fjal?n p?r Interesat e Vegj?lis? e ke g?njesht?r me brir? dhe Veprimin p?r Interesin t?nd Personal e ke kredo morale! 

Por, shkurt fjala, ajo ?ka ty t? b?n borxhli ndaj meje nuk shpjegohet tekembramja vet?m me fjal?, pas t? cilave jam i sigurt se do t? rend? ndonj?, a m? shum? se nj?, nd?r kalor?sit vanitoz? t? k?saj palo "kryq?zat?s" t?nde e do t? p?rpiqet t? m? kap? "befasisht" n? llaf. Borxhin t?nd moral, e p?rs?ris Jo Personal por Publik, karshi meje, e shpjegon, si n? nj? kronik? Pa Koment, kontrasti mes Llafeve gjithnj? e m? pa buk? q? ti ke prodhuar qyshse "m? more nga Parisi" p?r nd?rtimin e Shqip?ris? Europiane dhe Tullave q?, me shum? mund mendor e fizik, kam v?n? un? n? themelet e saj! N? da? kur punova me ty, n? da? kur punova me Pandeli Majkon e n? da? q?kur po punoj me Ilir Met?n! T? tjerat jan? dokrra hiri! 

E p?rpara se t? shtrij m? tutje fillin e arsyes, d?shiroj t? t?rheq v?mendjen e lexuesit lidhur me faktin se k?t? lloj Borxhi Moral Publik ti nuk ma ke vet?m mua, sepse af?rmendsh q? s'jam vet?m un? q? punoj pa u lodhur n? k?t? vend e p?r k?t? vend, por ju'a ke t? t?r? atyre qytetar?ve t? k?tij vendi, qofshin t? Familjes son? Politike a jo, t? cil?t, si un? apo m? shum? e shum? m? shum? se un?, p?rpiqen t? v?n? "tull?n" e tyre n? ur?n q?, Dh?nt? Zoti, do t? na bashkoj? nj? dit? edhe neve me Europ?n.
K?shtu q?, o Miku im i Humbur tash s? fundi n? nj? lum? er?k?rm? hakmarrjeje politike brenda llojit, mos u p?rpiq ta mbash skeptrin q? po t? ik?n duarsh p?r fajin t?nd duke p?rdorur "thonjt? e mi t? paprer?"! As t? rifitosh terrenin e humbur t? besimit t? njer?zve duke m? treguar mua si Buk?shkal?! Sepse as un? jam shkaktari i zbehjes s? yllit t?nd n? orbit?n socialiste e as socialist?t jan? kaq tuhaf? p?rball? arm?ve t? demagogjis? ekstreme q? ti ke zgjedhur p?r t? hedhur balt? mbi t?r? ish-miqt?, ish-shok?t, ish-bashk?pun?tor?t, ish-koleg?t dhe mbi vet? Partin? Socialiste, t? cil?n, le ta themi faqe lexuesit Fatos, betohesh klub m? klub se do ta shkat?rrosh p?rpara se t? krijosh nj? parti t?nden t? re! 

Mos u p?rpiq m? kot, as t? zhb?sh n? syt? e njer?zve suksesin e arritur me shum? pun? t? Bashkis? s? Re t? Tiran?s, duke m? treguar mua me gisht - E pse? Vet?m e vet?m pse edhe k?saj rradhe s'jam e s'kam si t? jem hi? gj?kundi i nj? mendjeje me ty! - si nj? dobi? faqezi t? Familjes Socialiste. Sepse s'ma ha mendja t? ket? peshk t? t? besoj? kur m? denoncon nga kafenet? e fshatrave t? Shqip?ris? si "shit?s ikonash t? vjedhura n? koh?n e Saliut", e vete bie pre e atij imoraliteti t? skajsh?m politik q? bazohet mbi moton e mbrapsht?, "Q?llimi justifikon mjetin". Ashtu sikurse nuk ma do mendja t? ket? qytetar t? informuar t? t? aprovoj? kur m? akuzon si "hajdut n? xhepin e Scorpions-ave", duke v?rtetuar n? fakt k?sisoj, bile kat?rcip?risht, se metoda q? ke zgjedhur "p?r t? sh?ruar Partin? Socialiste" nuk ?sht? kurative, po destruktive, nuk ?sht? transparenca me baz?n e partis?, po manipulimi i skajsh?m i baz?s e i vet? opinionit publik n? p?rgjith?si, nuk ?sht? forcimi i demokracis? s? brendshme n? parti, po degjenerimi n? anarki i saj. L?re pastaj kur rr?shqet fare n? vakum logjik e m? rendit mua n? list?n e t? akuzuarve p?r tentativ? t? rikthimit t? komunizmit n? gjirin e partis? t?nde apo p?r p?rpjekje p?r futje t? metodave t? Doktorit n? P.S!

"P?r fat", as Enveri nuk ?sht? harruar akoma k?tyre an?ve tona e as Doktor Rrumpalla nuk na e ka l?n? ende sh?nden?. Q? do t? thot? se k?si budallall?qesh n? adres? time qelben er? qoft? si ato tabllot? sinoptike mbi agjenturat n? gjirin e Partis?, t? cilat Ai i pari ia servirte baz?s komuniste p?rmes magnetofon?ve sovietik? t? Komitetit Qendror, qoft? si ato p?rrallat me mamuth? e me sorra q? ky tjetri, me t? cilin goj?t e liga thon? se ke filluar t? jap?sh e marr?sh mesazhe, por q? mua emrin me goj? s'ma do xhani t'ia z?, ka dy pes?vje?ar? q? u rrokanis kok?n shqiptar?ve.

E pse at?her? m? ha mua meraku e t? shkruaj kur vetmevete jam i bindur se, p?r sa m? takon n? pik?pamjen morale, zotrote m? merr t? keqen jo me sa ke nxjerr? gjerm?tash nga goja, po edhe sikur deri n? fund t? k?saj valleje t'i kesh nxjerr? goje t? t?ra pocaqit? q?, p?r fatin t?nd t? keq, i kan? jasht?qitur m? par? p?r mua t? shtat? pal? goj?t e Partis? Demokratike?!

Mua o mik i humbur m? ha meraku, p?rs?pari, p?r administrat?n q? mezi po e ngre prej nj? viti e q? ti e shqet?son, e shkurajon, e paralizon; M? ha meraku p?r qet?sin? shpirt?rore t? t?r? atyre n?pun?sve civil? q? punojn? me mish e shpirt, deri n? mbr?mje von?, n? Bashkin? e Re t? Tiran?s p?r t? kryer ?do dit? e m? tep?r nga ato pun? t? programit ton?, t? cilat ty aq shum? t? p?lqenin, vet?m k?tu e tre muaj m? pare, sa q? vajte e dole, jo vet?m p?rpara t?r? krer?ve lokal? socialist?, por edhe faqe qindramij?ra teleshikuesve e the, "Edi Rama ?sht? modeli i qeverisjes socialiste!"; M? ha meraku p?r shum? t? rinj nd?r ta, t? cil?t nuk mund e nuk duhet t? ceken asnj? grim? n? dinjitetin e tyre nga st?rkalat e balt?s q? ti l?shon, vet?m tre muaj pas deklarat?s t?nde emfatike, teksa hedh vallen e akuzave t? tua absurde duke m? goditur pabesisht mua, njeriun tek i cili ata besojn? e me t? cilin jan? bashkuar n? nj? rrug? t? v?shtir?. Dhe b?n nj? Krim Moral ta dish, kur, nj?soj si t? tjer? demagog? vulgar? t? k?tij atdheut ton? t? cfilitur, ti harron se pas pun?ve t? nj? t? akuzuari veresie me gjojafakte, si puna ime n? k?t? rast, ka t? rinj q? jan? rikthyer prej jasht? shtetit e t? tjer? q? kan? l?n? sektorin privat apo kan? zgjedhur t? mos i drejtohen k?tij sektori p?r nj? rrog? m? t? mir?, thjeshtethjesht sepse duan t? punojn? p?r rind?rtimin e vendlindjes s? tyre!

Mua o Fatos m? ha meraku p?r Alban Eftimin, nj? em?r q? ty me siguri nuk t? thot? asgj?. Esht? emri i nj? djali q? pasi ka kryer studimet e larta dhe ka punuar si arkitekt matan? detit, ?sht? rreshtuar n? "ushtrin?" e n?pun?sve civil? t? shtetit shqiptar me "grad?n" Drejtor i P?rgjithsh?m i Planifikimit Urban n? Bashkin? e Tiran?s! M? ha meraku p?r t? sepse ?sht? goditur pabesisht n? dinjitetin e tij nga Kryetari i Partis? Socialiste t? Shqip?ris?, t? cilin e pa n? televizor n? or?n nj?mb?dhjet? t? nat?s - pasi n? or?n shtat? e gjys?m Albani ?sht? normalisht ende n? zyr? duke punuar edhe p?r Planin Rregullues t? Tiran?s q? ti the, "nuk po b?het sepse me lejet e nd?rtimit", q? sipas teje, "jepen me pikatore", "po fitohen miliarda nga Kryetari i Bashkis? e nga miqt? e tij"! M? ha meraku p?r t? sepse ?sht? krejt i paralizuar, teksa i duhet t? fshij? p?shtym?n e pabes? q? zotrote i ke hedhur mbi fytyr? nd?rkoh? q? ai dhe drejtor?t e jurist?t e atij sektori, jetojn? prej muajsh n?n presionin konstant, ndonj?her? edhe t? eg?r, deri edhe me arm? pas veshi n? pragun e err?t t? sht?pis?, t? atyre q? jan? m?suar t'i marrin lejet jo sipas Planit Ekzistues Rregullues, as sipas Studimeve Pjesore Urbanistike q? n? Bashkin? e Re t? Tiran?s jan? konceptuar, aprovuar e imponuar sipas ligjit, po sipas logjik?s s? vjet?r t? "ngritjes s? traut" t? ligjit me para n?n dor?! Cfar? t'i them Alban Eftimit shoku Kryetar i Partis? Socialiste?! T'i them si? u thua ti atyre q? t? pyesin se ku e ke hallin q? ke marr? kot?! Dometh?n? q?, "O ti b?hesh President i t?r? shqiptar?ve o t? t?r? alban?t e k?tij vendi do t'i haj? dreqi si n? vitin 1997"?! 

Po Belinda Ikonomit, Drejtoresh?s s? P?rgjithshme t? Burimeve Ekonomike, e cila ?sht? ende larg t? tridhjetave dhe n? Bashkin? e Tiran?s ka hyr? pasi ka grisur p?rgjigjen pozitive t? Zyr?s s? Emigracionit n? Kanada, ku e priste nj? pun? me rrog? t? mir? e sigurisht jo nj? kryetar partie n? pushtet q? ekran m? ekran mbulon me shpifje kryebashkiakun q? nga parti e tij ?sht? zgjedhur e votuar, si t'ia shpjegoj bro?kullat q? u thua zotrote fshatar?ve t? Mal?sis? s? Madhe a t? Pez?s p?r gjoja davaritjen e 300.000 dollar?ve t? Koncertit t? Scorpions-ave?! T'i them si? u thua ti atyre q? t? pyesin se ku do t? dal?sh?! Dometh?n? q? ja, sa t? nxjerr? kryetari dufin personal me partin? e qeverin? e partis? s? tij dhe pastaj kjo goj?shthurrje pa din e as iman do t? marr? fund?! 

Cfar? t'i them Drejtoresh?s s? Nj?sis? s? Prokurimeve Valbona Malaj, o kryetar mavria?! T'i them q? "na e ka nxir? jet?n" kot duke k?rkuar n? m?nyr? pedante p?r ?do pro?edur? prokurimi t? fondeve publike male dokumentash, sepse, n? fakt, sipas t? parit kryetar partie n? pushtet q? k?rkon zgjedhje t? parakohshme n? historin? e bot?s moderne, fondet jan? shp?rdoruar?! Po si jan? shp?rdoruar k?to fonde mor zot?ri, q? kam frik? se nga zotnill?ku gj? hi? s'ruajte p?r dit? m? t? v?shtira, kur vajte e pozove si i revoltuar n? nj? kafene t? Ballshit kund?r "fasadave erotike t? Edi Ram?s"?! Nejse, nejse, ndoshta jan? pyetje t? kota k?to p?r ty n? drejtimin e paditur ku je larguar politikisht.

Kurse mua, af?rmendsh, s'm? ha meraku vet?m p?r qet?sin? e administrat?s ku sh?rbejn? k?ta emra "pa kuptim" q? t? p?rmenda apo p?r plot e plot t? tjer?t q? nuk t'i p?rmenda, por edhe p?r krejt mjedisin ku ka filluar t? implementohet projekti yn? dikur i p?rbashk?t e, tashm?, qofsha krejt i gabuar, prej teje pothuajse plot?sisht i tradh?tuar zoti Kryetar i Partis? Socialiste. M? ha meraku p?r Tiran?n q? meriton m? shum? e q? prej nj? viti ka filluar t? jet? n?n v?mendjen q? meriton, p?r Tiran?n q? pas nj? viti pun? t? parreshtur ?sht? mbarsur me embrionin e shpres?s e q? vet?m ndonj? qorr i kapur p?r fyti prej instiktit primordial t? hakmarrjes politike brenda llojit mund ta quaj? "t? pajetuesh?m"! M? ha meraku p?r Tiran?n sepse Tiran?s i duhet pun?, shum? pun?, vet?m pun?, dhe natyrisht edhe shum? durim q? t? rim?k?mbet, kurse sulmet e paskrupullta q? ti b?n kund?r meje paralizojn? ata q? punojn? p?r kryeqytetin, por edhe, ?ka ?sht? lajmi m? i zi i fushat?s sate, minojn? krejt terrenin e durimit t? domosdosh?m n? k?t? faz? delikate t? rim?k?mbjes s? tij, duke rinxitur shpirtin e mezitopitur t? anarkis?, t? thyerjes s? ligjit e t? p?rbuzjes p?r ?do rregull t? bashk?jetes?s! A t? jet? rast?si fakti q? n? zyr?n time kan? rinisur t? vijn? ankesa p?r prishjet e nd?rtimeve t? paligjshme mbi Lan?, q? Policia Bashkiake po has nj? rezistenc? shqet?suese nga qytetar? deri dje t? gatsh?m p?r t'iu n?nshtruar rregullit apo q? nj? kryetar socialist i nj? bashkie simot?r ka gjetur kurajon t? ysht? njer?zit p?r t'i q?lluar me gur? autobuz?ve "q? vijn? nga Tirana e Edi Ram?s!"? Un? them jo edhe pse uroj megjith? shpirt q? t? jet? rast?si.

Fakti ?sht? se qyshse ti ke filluar t? minosh personalitetin tim publik, t? p?rbalt?sh dinjitetin tim, t? ngresh pik?pyetje mbi ndershm?rin? time n? ushtrimin e detyr?s, ti ke goditur embrionin e besimit q? ka lindur n? zemrat e kryeqytetasve; Qyshse ti ke filluar t'ia kund?rv?sh Tiran?s ?do fshat, komun? a bashki ku t? hedh vallja jote e paklasifikueshme n? asnj? z? t? fjalorit t? politologjis?, duke spekulluar me emocionet e atyre q? t? d?gjojn? p?rmes shifrash t? st?rfryra me para q? gjoja jan? marr? p?r Tiran?n e q? kan? humbur sa n? "fasada erotike" e sa n? xhepat e mi, ti ke marr? trajtat e nj? Haxhi Qamili modern q? rreket t? kal?roj? mbi varf?rin? dhe err?sir?n p?r t? p?rmbysur gjithshka t? mire q?, dreqi e mori, ?sht? b?r? n? k?t? vend dy vitet e fundit e n? Tiran? n? vet?m nj? vit; Qyshse ti ke filluar t? p?rdor?sh terminologjin? ku ngren? suksesin e tyre t?r? demagog?t fondamentalist? t? k?saj bote, qofshin ekstremist? t? majt? a t? djatht?, mbrojtshin Kuranin, Bibl?n apo Manifestin, dalshin p?rpara popullit k?mb?zbathur apo me kostum "Pierre Cardin", asketik? apo gushp?llumba, me kalashnikov n? sup apo me nj? got? xhin p?rpara, ti ke minuar, as m? shum? e as m? pak, sesa themelet e vet? Partis? Socialiste. E, nj?koh?sisht, Miku im i Humbur, ti i ke kthyer shpin?n me nj? shpejt?si marramend?se asaj figure politike t? krijuar n? nj? dekad?, p?rmes jet?s t?nde me siklete e sakrifica por edhe p?rmes dashuris? pakufi q? more pa kursim nga e t?r? Familja Socialiste e Progresiste, ti i ke kthyer shpin?n sa hap e mbyll syt? asaj vetveteje q? ndoshta s'ka qen? asnj?her? v?rtet e jotja, por q? ishte ama e fiksuar n? p?rfytyrimin kolektiv t? t? gjith? atyre q? t? desh?n v?rtet, nd?r t? cil?t edhe let?rshkruesi, e q?, nj?soj si edhe let?rshkruesi, veset e tua i konsideruan me mir?dashje si kapri?iot e nj? talenti t? madh politik, dembel e t? paaft? p?r t'u ngulur n? pun? apo qoft? edhe p?r t'iu adaptuar normave elementare t? mir?sjelljes me koleg?t e me njer?zit n? p?rgjith?si!

Un? besoj me t? gjith? forc?n e mendjes se, nd?r t? gjitha gj?rat e diskutueshme q? shkruajta me mllef, dhimbje, sinqeritet, gjerm?k?tu, ka di?ka q? meriton t? mos anashkalohet kurr?sesi. Asnj?her?, asgj?kundi dhe p?r asnj? ?ast, nj? kryetar i denj? p?r nj? Familje t? madhe si ajo e Socialist?ve dhe Progresist?ve nuk mund t? zgjedh? terminologjin? e nj? dumbabisti p?r t? "sh?ruar", si? thua ti, partin? nga e keqja q? e ka z?n?. Duke t? th?n? k?t? nuk po t? p?rs?ris, as ty dhe as atyre kalor?sve vanitoz? q? ndjekin me nj? k?naq?si thuajse perverse "kryq?zat?n" t?nde, ritualin e "debatit n? forumet e partis?". Jo, nuk po t? p?rs?ris k?t?, sepse ti mund t? shkosh edhe n? Firifistun e mund t'i drejtohesh publikisht edhe nj? an?tari t? vet?m t? Familjes sate Politike p?r problemet q? t? shqet?sojn?, por po t? them se arm?t ekstreme t? demagogjis? q? po p?rdor duke shfryt?zuar, nga nj?ra an?, t?r? investimin personal politik t? dhjet? vjet?ve dhe nga ana tjet?r munges?n e informacionit, varf?rin?, err?sir?n me t? cil?n jetojn? sot qytetar?t e an?tar?t e thjesht? t? Partis? Socialiste, jo p?r faj t? k?saj qeverie, por p?r nj? s?r? faktor?sh q? ti i ke rradhitur aq mir? tre muaj m? par? kur u k?rkoje vot?n shqiptar?ve, nuk b?jn? asgj? tjet?r p?rve?se g?rryejn? themelet e Familjes son? Politike dhe jo vet?m. Ato arm? ndjellakeqe g?rryejn? nga e para n? psiqik?n e shqiptar?ve varrin e sapombyllur t? Vitit 1997! P?rderisa nuk i n?nshtrohen ballafaqimit me argumentat q? ofrojn? faktet e shifrat, p?rderisa nuk identifikojn? problemet reale t? rritjes, emancipimit, demokratizimit t? brendsh?m e t? vet? nevoj?s p?r nj? funksionim shum? m? t? mir? q? ka Partia Socialiste, p?rderisa nuk ofrojn? asnj? lloj baze t? q?ndrueshme p?r t? korrigjuar t? metat p?rher? t? pashmangshme t? qeverisjes, arm?t e tua t? nxjerra nga s?ndyku i historive me "Dum Bab?n!", nuk b?jn? tjet?r ve?se injektojn? tek njer?zit virusin e urretjes primitive t? njeriut "t? baz?s posht?" ndaj njeriut "atje lart", i cili pask?taj, vet?m e vet?m pse ?sht? "lart", ?sht? sh?njestra ku duhet t? shfryj? "urrejtja e vegj?lis?". 

Teksa t'i shkruaj k?to rreshta m? mundon tmerrsisht shum? pamund?sia p?r t? marr? vesh se ?far? po mendon lexuesi. Un? vet? do t? uroja q? ai t? ishte pask?taj sadopak m? i kthjell?t lidhur me t?r? k?t? mjegull t? re q? ti p?rhape bash dy muaj pasi, s? bashku me t?r? p?rfaq?suesit e Familjes Socialiste e Progresiste n? Kuvendin e Shqip?ris?, i dhe edhe vet? "lejen e kalimit" Qeveris? s? Re. Do t? uroja q? lexuesi t? kuptonte se fjalimet e tua demagogjike nuk duhen par? si shqet?simi i sinqert? i nj? Kryefamiljari t? p?rgjegjsh?m p?r fatet e Familjes s? tij Politike, por si zem?rata e verb?r e kreut t? nj? partie q? k?rkon t? nd?shkoj?, pa llogaritur koston, t? gjith? ata, "t? m?dhenj" e "t? vegj?l" brenda partis? e pran? saj, t? cil?t nuk jan? m? t? predispozuar as "t'i puthin dor?n" n? t? gdhir? e as "t'i vijn? pas mides?" n? t? ngrysur. Do t? uroja, pse jo, q? lexuesi t? kuptonte se rebelimi yt i papritur karshi t? gjitha forumeve t? zgjedhura t? partis?, pra karshi t? gjitha tryezave ku ti s'do t? mund t? b?je dot vet?m monologun t?nd haxhiqamilist, ?sht? nj? makinacion i mir?fillt? politik p?r t? p?rgatitur alibin? e ?far?do aksidenti artificial q? ke vendosur t'i shkaktosh Partis? Socialiste dhe qeveris? s? saj, duke u rrekur t? dal?sh vet? si nj? Engj?ll Shp?timtar e duke ua l?n? ish-shok?ve, ish-miqve, ish-bashk?pun?tor?ve, pra t?r? Familjes t?nde Politike, petkun e Djallit t? Zi. Do t? uroja gjithashtu q? lexuesi t? kuptonte edhe t? thjesht?n arsye njer?zore t? k?saj kryengritjes sate Mik i Humbur, e cila konsiston n? faktin se ti, krijuesi i k?saj krijese t? ?uditshme politike q? ?sht? prej dhjet? vjet?sh Partia Socialiste, nuk mund t? dor?zohesh p?rpara realitetit t? ndryshuar t? gj?rave e t? pranosh se vet? koh?t ka ndryshuar, se krijesa jote nuk t? bindet m? ty si nj? manar i urt?, nuk e d?gjon m? z?rin t?nd sa her? do ti, bile as nuk t? ndjek m? kur ti futesh n? rolin e viktim?s si n? vitin 1999!

Me shpres?n q? k?to urime t? miat t? shkojn? n? veshin e Per?ndis? po e mbyll edhe k?t? let?r q? nuk do t? kisha dashur ta shkruaja kurr? n? adres?n e nj? njeriu q? vet?m p?rpara tre e kusur vjet?sh m? t?rhoqi nga bota e artit n? balt?n e politik?s shqiptare duke m? ngulur n? kok? nj? fjali gozhd?, "Kur do t? ktheheni n? Shqip?ri ju djemt? e n?n?s (?), kur ne djemt? e njerk?s ta kemi pastruar t? t?r? balt?n?"! 
Edi Rama

Post Scriptum. Po p?r ty a uroj gj? o Mik i Humbur? Uroj t? kujtohesh sadopak p?r ato letrat e mia t? hapura drejtuar Presidentit t? Shqip?ris?, p?rmes t? cilave, si? m? ke th?n?, edhe u miq?sove me mua n? distanc?n e mosnjohjes personale kur ishe n? Burgun e B?n??s! U hodha mbr?m? nj? sy. Ishin zverdhur krejt, por brenda mbanin ende ato t? v?rteta, t? th?na jo vet?m prej meje natyrisht, q? po t? mos kishin r?n? n? vesh t? shurdh?r, disa gj?ra fort t? r?nda edhe mund t? mos kishin ndodhur n? historin? ton? t? p?rbashk?t. Me nj? shpres? atrofike se ti nuk do t? b?sh gabimin e tij dhe nuk do t? jesh krejt i shurdh?r ndaj t?r? k?tyre fjal?ve t? rreshtuara, gjith?sesi, me kujdesin e njeriut t?nd q?, n? fund t? fundit, "mishin ta ha po kock?n ta ruan", i lutem megjith? zem?r Zotit t? t? mbroj? nga armiku yt i pam?shirsh?m: Vetvetja! 
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From ShkreliM at aol.com  Sat Nov 17 17:53:49 2001
From: ShkreliM at aol.com (ShkreliM at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 17 Nov 2001 17:53:49 EST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] =?ISO-8859-1?Q?Re:=20{QIKSH=20=ABALBEUROPA=BB}=20Te=20harrosh=20?=
 =?ISO-8859-1?Q?Kosoven?=
Message-ID: <136.4be416f.2928447d@aol.com>


> Sot me shume se dy milion kosovare do t'ju drejtohen per here te dyte qe nga 
> 
Per fat te mire zgjedhjet ne Kosove nuk i administrojne Nano as Meta por  
organet nderkombetare. Kushdo te fitoje ne Kosove e ka nga populli e jo 
manipulimi. Edhe dreqi i mallkuar ne fitofte e paste per hajr, sepse e ka 
mandatin e popullit te Kosoves.
Sa per citatin e meseperm, ne Kosove jane 2 milion njerez duke perfshire edhe 
femijte por jo 2 milion voruesa.

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Nov 17 18:12:47 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 17 Nov 2001 15:12:47 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zeri i Popullit, 17 Nentor 2001
Message-ID: <20011117231247.21353.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

Nano: Akuzat publike do t'i kthejm? n? akuza penale 
Po hapim me ju sot k?t? debat t? hapur pub
lik t? analizave politike q? ka p?rfshir? partin? n? shkall? vendi, gjat? k?tyre dy muajve. Natyrisht jan? n? detyr? q? t? gjith? shok?t q? marrin pjes? n? k?t? analiz? t? hapur publike, si kryetari i PS-s? s? Lezh?s, Ndoc Lleshi, ashtu edhe nj? nga drejtuesit e grupit ton? parlamentar deputeti Viktor Doda, nj? nga p?rfaq?suesit m? t? denj? t? trevave t? Veriut n? Kuvendin e Shqip?ris?. Ne po analizojm? k?to dy muaj pune t? institucioneve dhe t? organizatave, n? t? cilat Partia Socialiste jeton politikisht dhe institucionalisht. Dhe vet?m n? saj? t? ndihm?s s? Partis? Socialiste edhe Edi Rama ?sht? n? pushtet. Po p?rq?ndrohem n? dy komponente. S? pari analiza e hart?s s? rezultateve tona elektorale duke identifikuar se cila ?sht? diferenca midis subjektit dhe individ?ve edhe ku kemi fituar edhe ku kemi humbur. Momenti i k?tyre analizave, vler?simi i antar?sis? dhe i forumeve t? Partis? Socialiste, si forca kryesore drejtuese e maxhoranc?s dhe kontaktet dhe tek vler?simi, shqet?simet dhe sugjerimet e zgjedh?sve edhe k?tu n? Lezh?, se si e kemi administruar pushtetin vendor dhe q?ndror, ?far? detyrash kemi realizuar, ?far? mbetet ende p?r t? b?r?, cila ?sht? prirja e qeverisjes son? vendore dhe q?ndrore dhe sidomos n? fillim t? mandatit t? dyt? qeveris?s t? socialist?ve dhe progresist?ve n? Shqip?ri -?sht? nj? rast i ve?ant? n? gjith? Evrop?n ish komuniste - si po p?rpiqet p?r zbatimin e prioriteteve politiko-qeveris?se q? kemi p?rcaktuar s? bashku me zgjedh?sit. Sepse me k?to prioritete u votuam dhe u ndihmuam nga aleat?t e m?dhenj nd?rkomb?tare, para t? cil?ve, n? prag t? zgjedhjeve dham? angazhimin solemn q? ta nxjerrim Shqip?rin? brenda vitit 2003 nga harta e vendeve problematike p?r funksionim t? dob?t t? institucioneve demokratike n? luft? kund?r korrupsionit dhe trafiqeve, nivelin e vet shqet?sues i krimit t? organizuar dhe i l?vizjeve t? paligjshme t? kontraband?s dhe trafiqeve, t? mallrave t? ndaluara n? bot? dhe n? rajon. Duke e nxjerr? Shqip?rin? prej k?saj vatre t? synuar edhe nga trafikant? dhe nga krimi rajonal dhe nd?rkomb?tar, q? nga treg?tia e q?nieve t? gjalla - pra prostitucioni - deri tek ajo e mallrave t? ndaluar n? list?n e OKB-s? dhe t? Organizmave t? tjera nd?rkomb?tare. Vij n? k?t? takim me ju, ashtu si? kam shkuar n? t? gjith? analizat n? k?shillat zonal t? vendit, p?r t? analizuar dhe marr? s? bashku masat p?r ruajtjen e suksesit ton? elektoral ku kemi fituar dhe korrigjimin e difekteve q? na kan? sjell? humbje. Dhe krahas k?saj, p?r t? p?rpunuar s? bashku me ju, nj? num?r konkluzionesh dhe masash politike, programore dhe statutore t? cilat do t?ja paraqesim p?r miratim aktivave komb?tare t? partis? n? rrethe, q? fillojn? s? af?rmi dhe aktivit komb?tar t? Partis? n? shkall? vendi, n? fund t? muajit dhjetor. ?far? del nga ky konsultim i gjer? n? parti jo vet?m i imi por edhe i strukturave dhe an?tar?sis? n? syt? e publikut dhe i udh?heqjes n? t?r?si qeveritare apo partiake edhe socialiste n? shkall? vendi, me zgjedh?sit socialist? dhe qytetar?, por jo detyrimisht an?tar? t? PSSH-s?. Vlera themelore e k?tij konsultimi ?sht? q? ne po realizojm? nj? referendum p?r t? gjith? partin?. K?rkojm? nj? Referendum n? t? gjithe partin?, p?r ??shtjet themelore t? Programit dhe te Statutit, p?r ??shtjet themelore t? administrimit t? investimit ton? politik dhe qeveris?s nga ne dhe aleat?t tan?, p?r ??shtjet themelore t? ecuris? s? sotme dhe t? neserme t? vendit, n? raport me objektivat e rendesishme strategjike q? kemi planifikuar, kryerjen me sukses e detyrave t? asocimit dhe t? p?rfshirjes s? Shqip?ris? n? procesin e Bashkimit Evropian. P?rballe k?tyre diskutimeve t? p?rgjegjshme t? t? gjith? partis?, shqet?simeve t? bazuara n? t? gjitha nivelet p?r prirje q? kan? filluar t? b?hen kritike n? qeverisjen ton?, q? nga trafiku i vot?s deri tek abuzimet me pushtetin, q? nga diskriminimi i an?tar?ve dhe shkelje t? barazis? s? t? drejtave dhe detyrave t? statutit t? partis?, deri tek privilegjimi i shtetasve apo i subjekteve tregtare, sipas af?rsis? me qeveritar?t. Pra me kritere abuzive, e gjitha kjo pjes? e historis? son? t? fresk?t, ?sht? p?raf?rsisht e ngjashme me fenomenet negative dhe gabimet e r?nda q? b?ri rr?gjimi paraardh?s i Berish?s, q? e ?oi at? n? d?shtim t? plot? dhe Shqip?rin? n? prag t? kaosit. P?rball? k?tyre diskutimeve ku shumica dermuese e an?taresis? dhe e p?rfaq?suesve t? partis? s? zgjedhur k?rkon t? mbahet q?ndrim ndaj kriz?s s? moralit t? drejtimit dhe abuzimit me pushtetin - jan? shfaqur dhe nj? num?r pushtetar?sh n? qeveri dhe n? udheheqjen q?ndrore te Partis?, q? k?rkojn? - si? tha shoku Pjet?r, q? diskutimet t? mbyllen n? shtepine ton?, q? diskutimet t? mos b?hen publike, q? t?i mbyllet goja edhe Kryetarit dhe te tjereve q? shtrojn? problemet kritike p?r zgjidhje, n? m?nyre q? t? mos na z?r? sht?pia brenda. Sh?mbulli m? kuptimplot? i k?tij paniku, q? ka z?n? drejtuesit dhe qeveritar?t e Partis? Socialiste, ?sht? puna q? po b?n sot Gramoz Ru?i, Sekretari i P?rgjithsh?m i PSSH, q? ?uditerisht ka dal? nga shtylla e tij e kurrizit dhe nga funksioni i tij statutor dhe ?sht? nisur n? disa rrethe t? mbledhi firma p?r nj? mbledhje t? jasht?zakonshme t? Komitetit t? P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues - n? nj? koh? q? analizat tona jan? t? programuara pra t? zakonshme - n? t? cil?n p?r k?t? k?rkohen firmat dhe nd?shkimi i Kryesis? s? PSSH, sepse nuk po i shkon pas avazit Kryeministrit dhe Qeveris?. Dhe natyrisht do t? nd?shkohet me nj? vote te manipuluar, si me 20 gusht, t? manipuluar nga e shoqja e Kryeministrit Meta me praktikat e njohura freshiste dhe antidemokratike, do te ndeshkohen t? vetmit njer?z n? Kryesi dhe n? drejtim t? Grupit Parlamentar, q? po i shtrojn? problemet me kurajo n? Parti dhe n? publik dhe se p?r shkak t? trafikut t? votave, mbetet n? minoranc?. At?here un? po pyes: p?rball? k?tij q?ndrimi absurd e vet?vras?s p?r Partin? dhe p?r Qeverin? e saj, do t? reagojm? me p?rgjegjesi politike dhe statutore, do t? reagojm? n? bashk?punim me antaresin? - q? jeni ju - dhe me zgjedhesit - q? jeni s?rish ju - apo do t? vihemi t? gjithe n? rresht p?r t? marr? nj? cope pusulle ku firmosim dhe regjistrohemi bashk? me hallet tona "t? nje jete minimale", si? thot? shoku Namik - po i referohem njer?s nga pyetjet - q? Qeveria dha parat? e rezerv?s s? buxhetit t? shtetit kur t? vij? rradha - q? i pari e kishte radhen Ramadan Hasanaj n? Lezh? - t? na japin ndonj? kock?, q? t? lepijm? dhe t? mbyllim syt? dhe q? pasnes?r t? na z?j? shtepia brenda dhe t? na zboj? populli me shqelma si? b?ri n? regjimin e Sali Berish?s. Do t? reagojme duke heshtur dhe duke u v?n? n? rresht p?rball? tentativave t? uzurpimit t? udheheqjes dhe iniciatives son? politike nga nj? grusht i pap?rgjegjsh?m qeveritaresh q? abuzojn? me pushtetin tuaj, apo do t? vazhdojm? ta thellojm? deri n? fund k?t? referendum n? Parti. I cili sipas Nenit 7 t? Statutit, po e lexoj: "...synon q? p?r problemet kryesore t? politik?s s? Partis? dhe p?r vendime t? rendesishme t? organeve drejtuese qendrore, jan? prioritetet politike - qeverise q? po shkelen, kur ka kund?rshtime p?r m?nyren e votimit t? tyre nga organizatat e partis? ose n? organet drejtuese lokale ose kur n? gjirin e organeve drejtuese qendrore ka mosmarreveshje - jan? b?r? t? njohura mosmarreveshjet n? organet drejtuese q?ndrore t? Partis? - zhvillohet diskutim i gj?r? ose referendum n? t? gjith? partin?". Dhe un? jam i vendosur, q? k?t? referendum dhe k?t? diskutim t? gjer? n? t? gjith? partin?, ta ?oj deri n? fund me konkluzionet e aktiveve t? rretheve dhe aktivin Komb?tar t? Partis? Socialiste, p?r t? b?re kurimin e s?mundjeve q? na kan? pllakosur. Mund t? d?gjoni s? af?rmi ndonj? mbledhje t? KPD-s? t? drejtuar nga Sekretari i P?rgjithsh?m Gramoz Ru?i - sipas statutit ai ?sht? i ngarkuar t? drejtoj? mbledhjen e KPD-s? dhe t? ndjek? zbatimin e vendimeve t? saj - dhe me nj? sundim votash t? Monik?s, n? Sarand? Anastas Angjelin e mbronte mamaja, kurse Monika ka nisur nj? tur takimesh me doganier? p?r t? mbrojtur burrin e saj. Nuk besoj se mund t? vazhdojm? t? lejojm? k?t? nepotiz?m skandaloz t? PSSH-s?, kur familja Meta ka marr? frenat kryesore t? drejtimit t? shtetit n? m?nyr? abuzive. K?tu n? Lezh?, s? bashku me ju n? zon?n elektorale ku ka fituar deputeti Nikoll? Lesi, un? s?risht po ndaj me ju shqet?simin dhe angazhimin n? em?r t? Partis? Socialiste, q? t? vazhdojm? t? luftojm? dhe t? kuptojm? s? bashku me partner?t p?r ta nxjerr? Shqip?rin? nga harta e vendeve me trafik dhe krim t? organizuar. Me trafikant?, me trafikun brenda nesh kjo detyr? e r?nd?sishme komb?tare v?shtir?sohet dhe b?het e pamundur. Un? vazhdoj t?ju them n? sy ju, an?tar?sis? dhe zgjedh?sve, p?r t? metat dhe dob?sit? e qeverisjes son?, t? cilat jan? prezente sepse nuk mund t? mos marrim n? koh?n e duhur masat e duhura dhe p?rgjegj?sit? e duhura sepse jan? t? nj?jtit njer?z q? ju keni zgjedhur n? drejtim q? ka punuar shum? mir? dhe bashk? me mua n? ekipin q? kam drejtuar 10 vjet, e ka ?uar partin? n? fitore pas fitoreje politike elektorale deri tani, rrezikojn? t? na fusin n? gremin? p?r shkak t? makut?ris? s? pasurimit n?p?rmjet abuzimit shtet?ror. I them k?to n? Lezh? - sepse jo rast?sisht k?tu n? Lezhe ka hedhur rr?nj?t institucioni shqiptar i Beslidhjes - se sot vendi dhe n? ve?anti Partia Socialiste kan? nevoj? m? shum? se kurr? p?r solidaritet t? iniciativave dhe kontributeve n? luft?n pa kompromis kund?r trafiqeve, krimit t? organizuar, abuzivizmit, korrupsionit, kontraband?s etj. Ne socialist?t dhe aleat?t tan? progresiste n? qeverisje, kemi p?rgjegjesi p?r t? drejtuar jo vet?m betejat elektorale, por dhe p?r t? mposhtur p?rs?ritjen e t? gjitha fenomeneve dhe reminishencave t? regjimeve t? kaluara q? ka sjell? frenimin e zhvillimit, kriza t? r?nda, humbjen e parave dhe r?nimin e shtetit, por dhe n? k?t? dit? t? r?nd? t? imazhit t? Shqip?ris?, p?rball? partnereve euroatlantik?. Kur flas p?r solidaritet t? iniciativave dhe t? kontributeve tona t? p?rgjegjshme, nuk ?sht? plot?sisht e mjaftueshme vet?m angazhimi, investimi dhe iniciativa jon?, e strukturave dhe e forumeve vendore dhe qendrore t? PSSH. Un? i falenderoj n? mas? socialist?t dhe forumet drejtuese t? Partis? q? kam themeluar, p?r mb?shtetjen e pa rezerv? q? po i japin angazhimit tim m? t? fundit politik, p?r t? sh?ndoshur qeverisjen dhe p?r t? realizuar objektivat tona t? integrimit europian. Pa nj? konsensus dhe konvergim t? kontributeve t? p?rfaq?suesve tan? n? qeveri t? gjitha angazhimet tona serioze do t? ktheheshin n? sllogane boshe me kosto elektorale t? paparashikueshme. Por jo vet?m kaq. 
Opozita shqiptare - ajo q? ?sht? prezente dhe ajo q? nuk ka ardhur n? Parlament n? m?nyre t? p?rs?ritur - nuk mund t? vazhdoj? t? luaj? me votat e pasuesve t? saj dhe me institucionin e opozit?s n? m?nyre t? pap?rgjegjshme si deri m? sot - duke b?r? aktualisht loj?n e t? pafajshmit p?rball? fenomeneve negative q? po shoq?rojn? tranzicionin shqiptar - sepse ajo na i ka l?n? trashegim jo vet?m k?to, por dhe kaosin dhe shkat?rrimin e shtetit dhe te institucioneve. N? k?t? k?ndveshtrim, un? i k?rkoj nga Lezha opozit?s s? sotme, t? mbart? mbi vete p?rgjegjesite e djeshme dhe k?to aktuale dhe angazhimin e vet institucional, p?r tu bashkuar me rrymat e progresit, n? lufte kunder krimit t? organizuar, trafiqeve, kontrabandes, korrupsionit, abuzimit mbi pushtetin, sepse ky ?sht? nj? interes komb?tar dhe jo n? dobi t? pushtetit t? dit?s. T? mos ushqejne iluzione, se ne do t?ua dhurojm? pushtetin n? m?nyre t? pamerituar dhe pa zgjedhje. Vet?m nj? konsensus i gjere politik pra, do t? mund ta shp?toje realisht Shqip?rin? nga kthetrat e krimit dhe t? trafiqeve, q? nga brenda dhe nga rajoni synojn? ta coptojn?. Vet?m nj? konsensus i gjere politik do ta shp?tonte vendin nga sanksionet politike dhe ekonomike - t? paralajm?ruara nga SHBA -n? vitin 2003, n?se ne nuk b?jm? mire k?to detyrat tona t? shtepis?, p?r t? cil?n jemi votuar. Cilido q? do ta p?rjashtonte veten nga ky angazhim antikrim, antitrafik, antikorrupsion, antiabuzim me shtetin, do t? paguaj? jo vet?m faturat p?rkat?se elektorale, politike dhe morale p?rballe zgjedhesve dhe historis?, por do t? ket? p?rgjegj?si t? r?nd? p?r bllokimin e zhvillimit t? Shqip?ris? drejt Europ?s.

Ju e kuptoni tashm? q? solidariteti dhe mb?shtetja juaj, investimi dhe angazhimi i mas?s d?rrmuese t? socialist?ve p?r modernizim, progres dhe europianizim t? partis? dhe t? vendit, t? hasur n? rrezistenc?n tashm? tradicionale t? t? nj?jt?ve individ? apo grupime interesash t? cilat p?r 10 vjet me rradh? kan? investuar kund?r reformave tona t? suksesshme, q? kan? vazhduar me an?tar?simin n? Internacionale dhe po afrojm? dit?n e integrimit ton? n? Bashkimin Europian. Pra k?ta individ? sot po p?rdorin pushtetin ekzekutiv - q? u kemi dh?n? ne p?r t? na p?rfaq?suar - p?r t? uzurpuar me trafik votash strukturat dhe institucionet e partis?, p?r t? b?r? q? t? mposhtet ?do analiz? dhe vler?sim programor e politik i ecuris? s? p?rdorimit t? pushtetit. Un? jam kryetar i zgjedhur prej jush nga delegat?t e kongresit komb?tar dhe i votuar bashk? me nj? paket? reformash programore e statutore, e cila n? m?nyr? plebishitare, me m? shum? se dy t? tretat e votave, ka nisur t? zbatohet q? nga viti 1999. Un? p?r asnj? ?ast, me t? gjitha p?rgjegj?sit? e mija, morale, politike, statutore dhe n? drejtim t? maxhoranc?s, nuk kam hequr dor? nga angazhimi p?r t? ruajtur vlerat tona tradicionale q? e kan? ?uar partin? n? fitore t? p?rs?ritura elektorale dhe k?t? kredibilitet politik t? ruajtur n? Shqip?ri. Me t? nj?jta parametra e p?rgjegj?si un? orientova edhe procesin e p?rzgjedhjes s? kandidat?ve tan? dhe p?r listat e deputet?ve n? mbar? vendin, si dhe p?r kryeministrin pas zgjedhjeve. Sepse sipas statutit ton?, n? detyrat kryesore p?rfaq?suese t? partis? konkurohet n? m?nyr? t? fsheht? dhe me kandidatura alternative. K?t? e kam th?n? p?r t?i paraprir? dhe p?r t? penguar me institucione p?rs?ritjen e fenomeneve negative q? dhe k?tu n? Lezh? na soll?n at? rrjedhje elektorale m? 24 qershor. Ky angazhim i Kryetarit t? Partis?, u bllokua sepse sipas Statutit ton?, un? nuk kam t? drejt?n e vetos apo ekskluzitetin n? p?rcaktimin e kandidat?ve dhe p?rfaq?suesve t? niveleve t? ndryshme. Un? nuk kam qen? dakort p?r kandidimin e Ramadan Hasanajt n? zon?n e humbur elektorale k?tu n? Lezh?, si? nuk kam qene dakort p?r Halil Lalajn n? Mat, si? nuk isha, dhe vet?m n? nj? rast p?rdora autoritetin tim ekskluziv t? mosfirmosjes s? proces verbalit t? regjistrimit, p?r kandidaten ose p?r ish kandidaten p?r kandidate t? PSSH n? Durr?s, Prefekten aktuale Natasha Pa?o. N? rastin e fundit, vet?m p?r shkak t? refuzimit tim, p?r ta paraqitur me firm?n time si kandidate t? Partis? Socialiste, ajo u vendos t? vihet n? list?n proporcionale dhe n? Durres p?r her? t? pare u fituan 5 zona elektorale nga 6 q? ishin gjithsej. Dhe sot, me Prefekten Pa?o un? nuk jap asnj? garanci se si do t? jet? rezultati elektoral n? takimet e ardh?shme n? Durr?s. Megjithat?, vet?m zbatimi rigoroz i procedurave statutore p?r zgjedhjen e kandidateve t? shquar t? Partis? Socialiste p?r Kryeminist?r, duke u k?rkuar t? gjitheve t? plot?sonin, n? vemendjen e Partis? forumeve t? saj dhe publikut, nj? dokument ku angazhoheshin p?r konceptet dhe metodat q? do t? p?rdornin n? ushtrimin e detyr?s s? p?rfaq?suesit t? Partis? n? krye t? pushtetit ekzekutiv. Ja disa prej angazhimeve q? ka marr? kryeministri Meta n? momentin e kandidimit dhe t? zgjedhjes si kryeminist?r, pas m? pak 100 dit? t? marrjes s? mandatit politik t? p?rfaq?simit t? PSSH n? k?t? detyr? t? rendesishme. Po ju them di?ka nga dokumenti i tij i kandidimit: "N? funksion t? mir?qeverisjes, un? e shoh si burim ende t? pashfryt?zuar sa dhe si duhet familjen ton? politike dhe si domosdoshm?ri t? mandatit t? ri qeveris?s, transformimin e plot? t? PSSH n? kollon? vertebrale te qeverisjes s? vendit". Un? pyes: Njer?zit q? sot p?rb?jn? m? shum? se gjysm?n e drejtuesve t? lart? ekzekutiv q? ka p?rzgjedhur Meta, t? cilet ose nuk jan? votuar nga elektorati dhe PSSH n? zgjedhje, ose kan? fituar mandatin si deputet pas balotazheve t? st?rmundimshme, jan? ato t? p?rfaq?sojn? PSSH dhe t? p?rb?jn? kollonat vertebrale t? PSSH n? qeverisjen e vendit? Shoku Ilir Meta, do t? mohoj? k?rkes?n e p?rs?ritur t? Kryetarit t? Partis?, p?r t? vler?suar, duke mos p?rfshir? n? kabinetin e Tij qeveritar, ekzigjencat e p?rs?ritura t? opinionit partiak dhe publik, p?r t? mos kaluar n? qeverisje p?rs?ri si Angjeli. Por un? jam i detyruar t?i flas hapur elektoratit n? m?nyr? t? p?rs?ritur edhe k?tu n? Lezh?, sepse edhe k?tu n? Lezh? n? Kune, Angjeli apo vellezerit e tij kan? marre troje n? m?nyre abuzive. E kjo Parti Socialiste fiton vazhdimisht zgjedhjet n? Shqip?ri p?r ta kthyer Shqip?rin? n? t? kat?r an?t n? prona abuzive t? priviligjuara vet?m p?r angjel?t?

Mua m? vjen shum? keq q? Kryeministri yn? Ilir Meta, jo vet?m nuk reflekton p?rball? k?saj akuze publike, t? cilen un? nuk do t? hezitoj ta kthej n? penale dhe identifikohet n? ekranet televizive me Angjelin dhe angjel?t e tij. T? tilla prova dhe fakte nuk mungonin m? 24 qershor. Prandaj dhe Angjeli mezi u votua dhe nuk e di sesi u votua n? nj? nga zonat elektorale t? kryeqytetit.

N?se, shoku yn? Ilir Meta pra, do t? d?shmoj? tani, se punon me t? njejtin met?r q? i ka p?rcaktuar duke e zgjedhur Kryeminist?r, Komiteti i P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues i PSSH, me prioritetet politiko-qeveris?se q? ai ka miratuar p?r mandatin ton? t? dyt?, ?sht? koha q? t? degjoj? opinionin partiak dhe opinionin e sh?ndosh? publik dhe t? largoje angjel?t nga Qeveria, p?r t? shmangur krizat dhe koston elektorale p?r partin?, q? e ka b?r? dhe at? Kryeminister dhe njeri t? udh?heqjes, q? ?sht? rritur duksh?m n? dhjete vjet?t e fundit. Meta tentoi ta shnd?rronte n? parti- shtet PSSH, duke premtuar nj? her? n? jav? do t?ia kushtoj? koh?n e pun?s kontakteve me strukturat dhe antaresin? e Partis? n? zona t? ndryshme t? vendit. Si? po e them, n? k?t? proces analizash t? programuara dhe statutore q? ka p?rfshir? t? gjithe strukturat dhe forumet e Partis?, shoku Meta nuk ka marr? pjes? n? asnj? analiz?, por p?rkundrazi, shok?t tan? n? pushtet edhe kur duan t? mbledhin firma p?r t?i mbyllur goj?n p?rmes p?rjashtimeve t? tipit komunisto-punist shok?ve drejtues t? Partis?, po b?hen z?dh?n?s t? shqet?simeve t? Kryeministrit p?r t? ruajtur karriken dhe jo shqet?simeve t? Partis? t? an?taresis? dhe t? opinionit publik progresist. Nuk zbret posht?, por organizon ?do gj? n? zyrat e shtetit q? nga Namik Dokle e deri tek zyra e kryeministrit, p?r t? thirrur tek e tek ata q? do t? votojn? p?r t?ua prer? deg?t atyre q? abuzojn? ose ata q? do t? rekrutojn? p?r t? votuar kunder atyre q? ngren? shqet?simin parimor p?r t? ndalur kriz?n n? parti dhe qeverisje. Pra shoku Meta e konsideron Partin? si pjes? integrale te qeverisjes. Jo shok?. Partia ?sht? nj? institucion politik q? zgjedh p?rfaqesuesit e saj pasi fiton zgjedhjet n? pushtetet e ndryshme. Dhe k?t? fakt, duhet ta m?soj? edhe Edi Rama. Partia u ka dh?n? zgjedhesve t? saj - dhe ky ?sht? avantazhi i Statutit ton? demokratik - ?ertifikat?n e vler?simit politik t? p?rfaq?simit n? pushtet, por q? e therret at? kur abuzohet me Ligjet me Kushtetut?n dhe me pushtetin.

Prandaj, t? nderuar zgjedhes t? partis?, delegat? t? Konferenc?s lokale dhe t? Kongresit Komb?tar, t? justifikojm? mandatin e p?rhersh?m t? delegatit dhe t? kontrollorit t? njer?zve t? zgjedhur p?r t? qeverisur, ushtroni detyr?n dhe rikthejini t? b?jn? jet?n e Partis?, n? gjirin tuaj, p?rfaq?suesit t? thjesht? dhe jo t? thjesht? q? keni zgjedhur n? qeverisje dhe hiqini ?ertifikaten e kredibilitetit n? qoft? se nuk e meritojn? m?. PSSH nuk ?sht? as pjes?, as shtojc? e qeveris?, por ?sht? burimi i krijimit i nj? shteti q? vihet n? sh?rbim t? qytetareve dhe jo t? qeveritareve. Me k?t? sllogan politik ne kandiduam dhe fituam edhe zgjedhjet e fundit. N? se angjel?t nuk e kuptojn? k?t?, nuk kuptojn? se n? pushtet ?sht? PSSH dhe jo ish refugjati Edi Rama, at?here forca jon? ?sht? k?tu. Mos e tolerojm? tradit?n negative t? abuzimit me pushtetin ekzekutiv, q? po kultivon Ilir Meta. Meqenese her?n e pare, n? fushat?n elektorale k?tu n? Lezh? dhe me nj? z? me Departamentin Amerikan t? Shtetit u angazhuam publikisht p?r t? luftuar dhe goditur se bashku me partin? ?do fenomen q? e mbante Shqip?rin? n? hart?n e vendeve problematike p?r trafiqe dhe krim te organizuar, Meta shkarkoi Drejtorin e P?rgjithsh?m t? Telekomit, Dhimitraq Raftin, njeriun jo vet?m q? kishte drejtuar n? m?nyre t? shkelqyer k?t? institucion t? r?nd?sish?m, por q? edhe un? dhe shoku Meta dhe Partia, e kishim n? krah at? n? inaugurimin e 40 centraleve telefonike gjat? gjith? fushat?s elektorale. Mos u ?udisni q? pas takimit tim k?tu, t? shkarkohet Marash Noka apo ndonj? tjet?r. Un? falenderoj kryetarin e keshillit zonal, an?tarin e shquar t? PSSH dhe Prefektin e Lezh?s, Marash Noka p?r pun?n e tij t? palodhur dhe t? shk?lqyer n? strukturat e PS dhe n? dobi t? qytetar?ve t? prefektur?s s? Lezh?s. Dua q? t? kuptohemi mir?, edhe k?tu n? Lezh?, edhe p?r shok?t e mi q? na d?gjojn? n? Tiran?, besoj edhe n?p?rmjet celulareve se ne nuk po komplotojm? kund?r Qeveris? son? por po k?rkojm? q? ajo t? p?rmiresoje dhe t? realizoj? m? s? miri prioritetet politiko-qeveris?se q? kemi miratuar dhe q? p?rb?jn? skeletin e angazhimeve q? kemi marr? n? zgjedhjet e fundit parlamentare. Askush prej nesh k?tu, nga un? i pari, nuk po k?rkon pushtet personal, por po k?rkojm? q? an?taresia e Partis? - dhe p?r k?t? p?rsh?ndes Pjetrin - t? ushtroj? t? drejt?n e vendimmarrjes dhe t? qeverisjes politike t? vendit, duke kontrolluar te gjith? ata q? ne shtet duhet t? v?n? institucionet n? sh?rbim te qytetareve dhe jo t? xhepave t? tyre, t? zbatojn? ligjet dhe Kushtetut?n duke reflektuar n? administrat?n shtet?rore - p?r shkak t? detyrimit t? Ligjit t? Sh?rbimit Civil q? nga 1 N?ntori - njer?zit m? t? aft? dhe m? p?rfaq?sues t? potencialeve tona, p?r ta ?uar Shqip?rin? nga kriza e Saliut n? prag t? p?rfshirjes n? procesin e pakthyesh?m evropian. Ne po k?rkojm? q? gjithe k?to potenciale - an?taresia dhe militantizmi yn? politik dhe profesional - t? mos konsiderohen si prona q? shtet?zohen apo privatizohen nga qeveritaret, por si protagonist? t? progresit, q? kan? rolin e tyre statutor n? investimin qeveris?s, t? cilin nuk mund ta tjet?rsoj? asnj? tjet?r. Ne duam q? tani n? parti dhe n? ?do hap q? del n? ndertimin e institucioneve demokratike dhe p?r nj? mir?funksionim sipas Kushtetut?s, t? buroj? parimi "nj? njeri, nj? vot?" dhe t? ndalim rrezikun e trafikut, q? po kthen k?t? parim n? zero parimin "nj? vote, p?r nje post".

N? Kongresin e Tret? t? Partis? ne ndertuam mekanizmin e decentralizimit t? vendimmarrjes duke institucionalizuar demokracine direkte t? Partis?. Dhe ky referendum q? po zhvilloj ?sht? shprehja m? e plot? e demokracis? dhe e forc?s demokratike t? Partis? Socialiste t? Shqip?ris?. N?se institucionet p?rfaqesuese t? Partis? dhe t? Qeverisjes s? saj kan? hyre n? kriz?, jeni ju q? p?rmes k?tij plebishiti partiak, po e zgjidhni dhe do ta zgjidhni k?t? kriz?, duke siguruar vazhdimesine e qeverisjes dhe realizimin e angazhimeve tona p?rball? zgjedhesve shqiptareve dhe partnereve nd?rkomb?tare. Un? jam i bindur se ne do ta b?jm? detyren vet?m s? bashku, duke ftuar dhe t? paudh?t t? nd?rrojn? rrug? dhe t? kthehen n? rrug?n e solidaritetit ton? parimor dhe europian.

Lajme nga Agjensia Telegrafike shqiptare

Departamenti i Informacionit prane Keshillit te Ministrave

Presidenti i Republikes se Shqiperise

Kuvendi i Republikes se Shqiperise

Agjensia e Lajmeve Kosovapress

 

 
 

 

 


  


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From endril at rocketmail.com  Sat Nov 17 19:25:15 2001
From: endril at rocketmail.com (Endri Leno)
Date: Sat, 17 Nov 2001 16:25:15 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Seizing Dictatorial Power
In-Reply-To: <20011115201917.8789858A51@email5.lga2.nytimes.com>
Message-ID: <20011118002515.41013.qmail@web14608.mail.yahoo.com>

Even though Mr. Protopapa is addressing the ?fact
presenter? rather harshly, I think, that he is
undoubtedly right.  
The facts, and interpretations that XHA sends to the
list are generally one sided, and their aim seems to
be the denigration of the US President and his
policies. 
These views are usually typical of the
neocommunist-environmentalist (pseudo ecologist)
hippies of Harvard and Central Squares. For those who
don't know what I am talking about, these are the
people who handout anti-government leaflets and stalk
others to sign their petitions in every train station.
The problem with these people is that even though
sometimes they might be right, they never present a
clear solution to the problems they are complaining
about.
These people fail to recognize the fact that without
the imperialist and expansionist Western politics,
which sometimes are by the way, the world would have
never gotten past the stone age.  These people
criticize the imperialist policies and at the same
time enjoy the benefits that resulted from these
policies.  
This standing not only makes them as "guilty" as the
US President is, but also makes them hypocrites at the
same time.
Endri Leno


--- jetkoti at hotmail.com wrote:
>           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List
> ---------
>           - ALBSA Web Site:
> http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
>  
> This article from NYTimes.com 
> has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.
> 
> 
> Exclusively from the New York Times for Sejfi
> Protopapa.
> 
> Being that Mr. Protopapa accused me not very long
> ago that I am
> "hell bent to tell members of ALBSA that America is
> a Fascist country and that President Bush is the
> Dictator."
> Or that,
> "You, Ms Agolli are using ALBSA to PROPAGATE YOUR
> NOTIONS of fascists America and the dictatorial Mr.
> Bush."
> 
> I feel therefore obliged to tell Mr. Protopapa that
> it's not that I'm trying to propagate notions, even
> less MY notions, but simply present facts and
> interpretations of those facts, if need be.
> Corteously,
> XhA 
> 
> jetkoti at hotmail.com
> 
> 
> Seizing Dictatorial Power
> 
> November 15, 2001 
> 
> By WILLIAM SAFIRE
> 
> 
>  
> 
> WASHINGTON -- Misadvised by a frustrated and
> panic-stricken
> attorney general, a president of the United States
> has just
> assumed what amounts to dictatorial power to jail or
> execute aliens. Intimidated by terrorists and
> inflamed by a
> passion for rough justice, we are letting George W.
> Bush
> get away with the replacement of the American rule
> of law
> with military kangaroo courts. 
> 
> In his infamous emergency order, Bush admits to
> dismissing
> "the principles of law and the rules of evidence"
> that
> undergird America's system of justice. He seizes the
> power
> to circumvent the courts and set up his own drumhead
> tribunals - panels of officers who will sit in
> judgment of
> non-citizens who the president need only claim
> "reason to
> believe" are members of terrorist organizations. 
> 
> Not content with his previous decision to permit
> police to
> eavesdrop on a suspect's conversations with an
> attorney,
> Bush now strips the alien accused of even the
> limited
> rights afforded by a court-martial. 
> 
> His kangaroo court can conceal evidence by citing
> national
> security, make up its own rules, find a defendant
> guilty
> even if a third of the officers disagree, and
> execute the
> alien with no review by any civilian court. 
> 
> No longer does the judicial branch and an
> independent jury
> stand between the government and the accused. In
> lieu of
> those checks and balances central to our legal
> system,
> non-citizens face an executive that is now
> investigator,
> prosecutor, judge, jury and jailer or executioner.
> In an
> Orwellian twist, Bush's order calls this
> Soviet-style
> abomination "a full and fair trial." 
> 
> On what legal meat does this our Caesar feed? One
> precedent
> the White House cites is a military court after
> Lincoln's
> assassination. (During the Civil War, Lincoln
> suspended
> habeas corpus; does our war on terror require
> illegal
> imprisonment next?) Another is a military court's
> hanging,
> approved by the Supreme Court, of German saboteurs
> landed
> by submarine in World War II. 
> 
> Proponents of Bush's kangaroo court say: Don't you
> soft-on-terror, due-process types know there's a war
> on?
> Have you forgotten our 5,000 civilian dead? In an
> emergency
> like this, aren't extraordinary security measures
> needed to
> save citizens' lives? If we step on a few toes, we
> can
> apologize to the civil libertarians later. 
> 
> Those are the arguments of the phony-tough. At a
> time when
> even liberals are debating the ethics of torture of
> suspects - weighing the distaste for barbarism
> against the
> need to save innocent lives - it's time for
> conservative
> iconoclasts and card-carrying hard-liners to stand
> up for
> American values. 
> 
> To meet a terrorist emergency, of course some rules
> should
> be stretched and new laws passed. An ethnic dragnet
> rounding up visa-skippers or questioning foreign
> students,
> if short-term, is borderline tolerable. Congress's
> new law
> permitting warranted roving wiretaps is
> understandable. 
> 
> But let's get to the target that this blunderbuss
> order is
> intended to hit. Here's the big worry in Washington
> now:
> What do we do if Osama bin Laden gives himself up? A
> proper
> trial like that Israel afforded Adolf Eichmann, it
> is
> feared, would give the terrorist a global propaganda
> platform. Worse, it would be likely to result in
> widespread
> hostage-taking by his followers to protect him from
> the
> punishment he deserves. 
> 
> The solution is not to corrupt our judicial
> tradition by
> making bin Laden the star of a new Star Chamber. The
> solution is to turn his cave into his crypt. When
> fleeing
> Taliban reveal his whereabouts, our bombers should
> promptly
> bid him farewell with 15,000-pound daisy-cutters and
> 5,000-pound rock-penetrators. 
> 
> But what if he broadcasts his intent to surrender,
> and
> walks toward us under a white flag? It is not in our
> tradition to shoot prisoners. Rather, President Bush
> should
> now set forth a policy of "universal surrender": all
> of Al
> Qaeda or none. Selective surrender of one or a dozen
> leaders - which would leave cells in Afghanistan and
> elsewhere free to fight on - is unacceptable. We
> should
> continue our bombardment of bin Laden's hideouts
> until he
> agrees to identify and surrender his entire
> terrorist
> force. 
> 
> If he does, our criminal courts can handle them
> expeditiously. If, as more likely, the primary
> terrorist
> prefers what he thinks of as martyrdom, that
> suicidal
> choice would be his - and Americans would have no
> need of
> kangaroo courts to betray our principles of justice.
> 
> 
>
http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/15/opinion/15SAFI.html?ex=1006855557&ei=1&en=454d0209d9782e61
> 
> 
> 
> HOW TO ADVERTISE
> ---------------------------------
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> 
> or other creative advertising opportunities with The
> 
> New York Times on the Web, please contact Alyson 
> Racer at alyson at nytimes.com or visit our online
> media 
> kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo
> 
> For general information about NYTimes.com, write to 
> help at nytimes.com.  
> 
> Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company
>
_______________________________________________________
> ALBSA-Info mailing list: ALBSA-Info at alb-net.com
> http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/albsa-info


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From xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu  Sat Nov 17 20:13:56 2001
From: xagolli at stumail.sjcsf.edu (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Sat, 17 Nov 2001 18:13:56 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Harvard's latest "acquisition"
Message-ID: <000b01c16fce$4bf04c30$6528a8c0@sjcsf.edu>

       


      November 17, 2001
      Harvard's Prize Catch, a Delphic Postcolonialist
      By EMILY EAKIN
      t Harvard University, the acquisition of Homi K. Bhabha from the University of Chicago this fall is regarded as a major coup, as if Sammy Sosa had defected to the Boston Red Sox.

      "It was our dream to get Homi Bhabha," said Henry Louis Gates Jr., chairman of the Afro-American studies department, where Mr. Bhabha will begin teaching in the spring. Reaction in the English department, where Mr. Bhabha will be spending the bulk of his time, was just as enthusiastic. "He's manifestly one of the most distinguished cultural theorists of the postcolonial and diasporic experience in the world," said Lawrence Buell, the department chairman. 

      Elsewhere, however, news of the appointment, which was first announced a year ago, provoked less jubilation than disbelief. "When I heard that, I was dismayed," said Marjorie Perloff, an emeritus professor of English at Stanford University. "For Harvard to be thrilled to be hiring Homi Bhabha - he doesn't have anything to say."

      Even in academe, where substance and intelligibility have occasionally been considered dispensable virtues, the Indian-born Mr. Bhabha, 52, is an unusual case. Few scholars of his stature routinely get such starkly mixed reviews. In the field of postcolonial studies he is a leading light, frequently cited in the same breath as Edward Said. He is credited with charting a new way of thinking about identity and cultural conflict. His name merits an entry in the new Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism. And he is one of the most-sought-after speakers on the academic lecture circuit. 

      Yet at the same time, Mr. Bhabha is dogged by critics who say his followers have been bewitched by his indecipherable jargon. In 1998, Mr. Bhabha won second place (Judith Butler, a gender theorist at Berkeley, took the top prize) in the annual Bad Writing Contest sponsored by the journal Philosophy and Literature for this passage from an essay on mimicry: "If, for a while, the ruse of desire is calculable for the uses of discipline soon the repetition of guilt, justification, pseudo-scientific theories, superstition, spurious authorities and classifications can be seen as the desperate effort to `normalize' formally the disturbance of a discourse of splitting that violates the rational, enlightened claims of its enunciatory modality." Such convolution is not unusual for Mr. Bhabha.

      "One could finally argue that there is no there there, beyond the neologisms and latinate buzzwords," said Mark Crispin Miller, a professor of media studies at New York University. "Most of the time I don't know what he's talking about."

      For the most part, Mr. Bhabha, a striking man with warm brown eyes and the voluble charms of an avid conversationalist, takes such complaints in stride. When the subject came up over lunch at a French bistro near his new home in Cambridge, he abandoned a wobbling spoonful of tarte tatin on his plate and smiled ruefully. In his mellifluous, Oxford-accented English, he invoked the words of a student who once cornered him in a hallway. "I've been reading your book and I really like it," he said the young woman told him. "But it frightens me. Did you have to study to become like that or was your brain always that way?" 

      The answer, Mr. Bhabha said, is "probably a bit of both." His prose style owes something to the arcane literary theory he studied at Oxford - in particular, that of the French philosophers Derrida and Lacan. But his signature ideas - concepts like "hybridity," "negotiation" and "in- betweenness" - can just as readily be traced to his experience as a member of an ethnic minority in Bombay. 

      Mr. Bhabha's family were Parsis, descendants of Zoroastrian Persians who paddled to the west coast of India from Iran in long boats during the eighth century. By the time of the Raj, the Parsis had become prosperous bourgeoisie, a community of doctors, lawyers and bankers trusted by both Hindus and British alike. They had wealth and status, Mr. Bhabha said, but aside from their religious beliefs, little in the way of distinct culture. 

      "Name me one great classical Parsi novel, give me one great Parsi artist," Mr. Bhabha said. He was showing off the elegantly renovated Victorian home near the Harvard campus where he lives with his wife, Jacqueline, a human rights lawyer, and the youngest of their three children, a 13-year-old daughter. He paused before a gallery of family portraits mounted along one wall. Stiff-backed men gazing out sternly from under snug brimless caps, these forebears were accomplished lawyers and doctors, not artists.

      By necessity and inclination, Mr. Bhabha said, Parsis were enthusiastic consumers of borrowed culture. Even the language his family spoke at home was a "creolized version" of Gujarati, a language spoken by Hindus and Muslims on India's west coast. 

      But that experience didn't square with academic theory. When Mr. Bhabha got to Oxford in the 1970's, scholars were discussing cultural encounters, especially those between European powers and their colonies in the third world, in terms not of dialogue or exchange but rather stark polarities: East and West, oppressors and victims, powerful and powerless. These views eventually coalesced in literature departments to form a brand new discipline: postcolonial studies. Mr. Said, one of the field's founders, wrote in his landmark book, "Orientalism," (1978), that the East was doomed to play the other to the West, imbued with traits and values that colonial rulers rejected or abhorred. 

      At the same time, Mr. Bhabha read "A House for Mr. Biswas," a novel by V. S. Naipaul that was inspired by the struggle of Mr. Naipaul's father for financial security and self-respect in impoverished postcolonial Trinidad. Neither his own privileged existence, nor even Mr. Biswas's more tenuous one, Mr. Bhabha felt, were adequately explained by postcolonial theory.

      "The day-to-day lives and struggles of people could not simply be seen in terms of binaries and polarities," Mr. Bhabha said. "Who is Mr. Biswas? He is such a bricolage, such a quilt of confluences and influences. And that quilt was very carefully put together." 

      Mr. Bhabha set to work on a new theory. And though it can be hard to make out beneath the aspic of theoretical jargon, its broad outlines are clear enough. Instead of victors and victims, Mr. Bhabha stresses ambivalence and negotiation. Even an illiterate peasant, he argues, may not have been completely defenseless in the face of Western imperialism. In one essay, he offers the example of a group of 19th-century Hindu farmers who told British missionaries that they had nothing against Christianity but could not accept a Bible written by a meat-eater. The conversion effort failed.

      "We all come to the colonial encounter or the global encounter with something that you might call your culture," Mr. Bhabha said. "You come to a site where there is great political inequity and you have to negotiate." 

      The upshot of this process is something he calls hybridization. More than simply a fancy name for multiculturalism - for, say, the fact that Americans have learned how to use chopsticks - hybridization describes the emergence of entirely new cultural forms.

      "Hybridity is not like a cocktail that you can recompose back to its parts," said Srinivas Aravamudan, an English professor at Duke University, who says Mr. Bhabha's work has influenced his own. "It's something that comes about when you're not even sure where your origins are coming from."

      Mr. Bhabha's theory, developed in a series of essays written in the late 1980's and early 1990's while he was a professor at Sussex University in England, brought him to the attention of American scholars and helped him land an appointment at the University of Chicago in 1994. 

      His popularity soared. At its annual meeting that year, the Modern Language Association devoted an entire session to "The Location of Culture," a collection of Mr. Bhabha's essays. "Even if Bhabha's work is forbiddingly opaque, we should make no mistake that he is describing actual social phenomena in the colonial and postcolonial world," said Michael B?rub?, an English professor at Pennsylvania State University.

      Mr. Bhabha benefited from good timing. "His rise had to do with using the right theoretical tools and synthesizing them at the right time," Mr. Aravamudan said. "He was very much a graduate-student favorite. Faculty who hadn't taken him seriously were forced to take him seriously."

      Supporters argue that Mr. Bhabha's work may be even more relevant today, as the war on terrorism forces the United States to make allies out of countries whose cultures are extremely different from its own. "His voice will be very important now that the drums of war are beating," said W. J. T. Mitchell, a professor of English and art history at the University of Chicago. 

      Critics scoff at this idea. "Events of the last couple months seem to have negated much of his theory," Ms. Perloff said. "His idea is that nation-states aren't at each other, that everything is open, porous and possible, but look what's happened." 

      In a withering attack on Mr. Bhabha published last year in Context, an online literary magazine, Mr. Miller of N.Y.U. noted Mr. Bhabha's mesmerizing effect on a student audience there. He spoke, Mr. Miller wrote, "in sentences of such protracted and pretentious emptiness that you might have thought that he was kidding, although not a single titter ever broke the churchlike silence of his auditors, the youthful hundreds rapt and scribbling reverently, and the man himself showed no trace of irony."

      More recently, Mr. Bhabha was invited to speak to more than 300 Harvard undergraduates in a class known on campus as "Idealism 101" for its stated goal of teaching students about becoming "ethically serious global citizens." 

      Fielding questions from the floor in a crisp, dark blue Nehru jacket, Mr. Bhabha proved a big hit. One student wanted to know whether he considered himself a radical. Another asked him to comment on the cultural fallout of the war in Afghanistan. 

      His remarks earned him a sustained round of applause, "proof positive," said Brian C. W. Palmer, the Harvard anthropologist who teaches the class, "of what an agent of social change he is." 

      Afterward, Emma Firestone, an 18-year-old freshman, said that Mr. Bhabha had made a positive impression. Nevertheless, she admitted, "I couldn't exactly follow everything he said." 



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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Sat Nov 17 20:27:16 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 01:27:16 +0000 (UTC)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] For your attention
Message-ID: <20011118012716.3A4995C2@mullet.gul3.gnl>

Xhuliana spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited site and thought you should see it.

-------
Note from Xhuliana:

Apocalyptic, American World Encroachment!!!
-------

To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited site, go to http://www.guardian.co.uk

Other countries could face US military action
Up to 50 states are on blacklist, says Cheney
Ewen MacAskill, diplomatic editor
Friday November 16 2001
The Guardian


The US vice-president, Dick Cheney, warned yesterday that after the Afghanistan campaign is over, America could use military action in a second wave of attacks directed against states which harbour terrorists. 

Mr Cheney said that up to 50 states could be targeted for a range of action, from financial and diplomatic to military, on the grounds that they had al-Qaida networks operating there.  

Somalia, the east African country which is a haven for al-Qaida supporters, would be high on any US list of targets, alongside Iraq.  

Planners in Washington and London are considering the next steps. The ease with   which Kabul has fallen has encouraged hawks within the US administration who are keen to extend military action, particularly against Iraq.  

A Foreign Office source said: "Thinking is going on about a second phase but no decision has been taken yet and we would never speculate on it."  

The British view is that direct military action against another state is unlikely and that action is more likely to be in partnership with other states against internal enemies.  

Mr Cheney, in a rare public foray, said in an interview for the BBC's Pashtu service yesterday morning: "There are a great many places round the world where there are cells of the al-Qaida organisation. Maybe as many as 40 or 50.  

"We're working with the services of other countries and other governments to try to wrap those organisations up."  

This threat of military action serves a useful purpose for Washington, making governments more amenable   to action against terrorism, either inside or outside their own boundaries.  

The US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, asked the Pentagon to come up with post-Afghanistan options in which they were to think the unthinkable. The resulting general command papers were reported to have been dismissed by Mr Rumsfeld for not being radical enough.  

As yet, no specific military target outside Afghanistan has been agreed. That would change overnight if Osama bin Laden were to turn up in a country with close ties to al-Qaida, such as Somalia.    

 Somalia
   Somalia would be an easy target as it is a "failed" state that is even more run-down than Afghanistan.  

Dominic Simpson, an analyst with the Kroll Middle East Monitor, said he thought the next phase of the military campaign might involve Somalia. "The sense of violation would be less than if the US was moving against   a government that was functioning. It could be the next base for Bin Laden if he is not caught in the meantime."  

Action in Somalia would offer an opportunity to settle an old score: 18 US soldiers were brutally killed there in 1993 and since then the US has been wary of committing ground troops anywhere.  

Neighbouring African countries claim al-Qaida has been active in Somalia since 1993. They say it was the base for bombings of US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania five years later and still has camps there.  

If Bin Laden was to escape from Afghanistan, Somalia is one of the few countries left that might provide him succour, though it is a harder place to hide in.  

German forces have served in Somalia before and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung recently reported a plan for a joint US-German operation in which German troops would take Berbera, with the US taking the harbour and airport.  

The US-German force   could operate in alliance with one of the Somali factions or with the neighbouring Ethiopia.  

The main Somali group identified by Washington as close to al-Qaida is al-Itihaad al-Islamiya (Islamic Unity), which is trying to take over a north-eastern region.    

 Yemen
   Yemen is home to several militant groups linked to al-Qaida. The remit of the government does not extend into tribal areas where such groups have their camps.  

The danger was reinforced last year when al-Qaida operatives successfully launched an attack on the USS Cole from a dinghy. The Yemeni president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, has been invited to the White House this month, suggesting the US wants to work in conjunction with the existing government.    

 Iraq
   Mr Rumsfeld has described as significant meetings in Prague between Mohammed Atta, a suspected leader of the September 11 hijackers, and an Iraqi intelligence official. However, a firm connection between al-Qaida and Iraq has proved elusive. Indeed, Bin Laden's people have fewer footholds in Iraq than they do in Britain.  

However, Saddam Hussein, is regarded by Washington as one of the most dangerous leaders in the world, with potential access to weapons of mass destruction, and that is increasingly being regarded as sufficient justification for war. For many in   the US administration, it is unfinished business.  

Britain, though cooperating with the US in bombing Iraq in southern and northern no-fly zones in the past decade, is opposed to extending the war to Iraq because of the lack of a firm link.  

The test of US intentions could come next month when the UN security council discusses sanctions against Iraq. Saddam's refusal to allow in UN weapons inspectors could turn out to be a casus belli.    

 Asia
   Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaysia, which all have problems with al-Qaida groups within their borders and with Muslim militants in general, have agreed to combined operations.  

The US, which has a good relationship with these countries, yesterday expressed a desire to participate in any such operations. It is especially close to the Philippines, and has offered it a generous military package, with an emphasis on counter-terrorism.  

Paul Wolfowitz, the US deputy defence secretary, recently told the Hong Kong-based Far Eastern Economic Review that he saw a clear need to confront al-Qaida in Indonesia: "Going after al- Qaida in Indonesia is not something that should wait until after al-Qaida has been uprooted from Afghanistan." 

Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited


From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Sat Nov 17 20:39:30 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 01:39:30 +0000 (UTC)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] For your attention
Message-ID: <20011118013930.E3E565B6@mullet.gul3.gnl>

x spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited site and thought you should see it.

To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited site, go to http://www.guardian.co.uk

Where next - Alabama?
Jonathan D Farley, a fellow American at Oxford, questions Chelsea Clinton's appetite for war
Jonathan D Farley
Friday November 16 2001
The Guardian


Oxford's ornately decorated town hall was brimming with people. So many people... All of them there to protest against the war in Afghanistan. Well, almost all of them. 

On my way to the meeting, I had seen a group of students standing outside the hall, one of them draped in an American flag. I didn't think much of them until they came in and sat behind me. There were several men and a few women in their group - Americans, judging by their accents. At the centre of attention was a smiling girl with curly brown locks. She looks a lot like Chelsea Clinton, I thought, but I wasn't sure. Then the meeting began.  

The 600-person crowd sat in rapt attention. But at one point, some of the Americans went to the front of the room with their flag, an apparent protest against peace: one of them tried to drown out the speakers by shouting. Embarrassed, I got up to move away from them.The heckling Americans, who were few in number, failed to derail the meeting, their jibes deftly countered by the speakers.  

Chelsea, to her credit, remained silent throughout. But, according to recent interviews with CNN and Talk Magazine, she has now broken her silence. Chelsea has said that, because of anti-American and anti-war sentiment in England, she no longer wants to "seek out non-Americans as friends". Instead, she wants to "be around Americans" - by which she means, I presume, people who support America's war against terror.  

Shame on you, Chelsea. There are millions of people, every bit as American as you, who have every reason to question whether or not this is really a "war for democracy", a "war against terror" that   will "keep Americans safe". I am speaking about the millions of us who are Americans of African descent, and the millions of others who oppose this war.  

While many black Americans felt wounded after the September 11 attacks - indeed, only one of the 38 blacks in Congress voted against giving Bush war powers - we're far more circumspect than our white compatriots. Fully 20% of blacks opposed Bush's response, compared to only 6% of whites (64% of blacks were in support, compared with 83% whites). As bombs fell, black opposition rose. We're less enthusiastic about America's wars in the developing world because we are aware, as has often been said, that no Iraqi ever called us nigger.  

Don't misunderstand me: many black Americans are remarkably patriotic. We've fought in all of America's wars. But, 20 years after we helped liberate Nazi death camps, we still could not vote in our own country. When black Freedom Riders challenged America's apartheid laws, they were firebombed and beaten. The police and FBI did not hunt down the "evil-doers" responsible for these crimes; indeed, more often than not they assisted them.  

Mind you, just because the FBI broke the law in the 1960s does not mean that they're wrong about Bin Laden. But we have every right to question US "intelligence" when the same FBI and CIA now chasing Bin Laden also once trained their sights on Martin Luther King and Malcolm X (when both men were shot, the first people to rush to their sides were undercover policemen who had infiltrated their entourage).  

In a country that refuses to pay reparations for slavery, the FBI spent the equivalent of $500m to "neutralise" black leaders - with frightening success, as the mothers of Black Panther activists Fred Hampton and the exiled Assata Shakur can attest. (The former was killed in his sleep in a police raid in 1969, for which the government, admitting wrongdoing, was forced to pay $1.85m in damages.) White supremacist murders and police killings have claimed the lives of thousands of blacks - most famously in the Tulsa massacre of 1921 - and the prisons house nearly one million more.  

So you see, Chelsea, African Americans are not much less safe now than we were before September 11. Even if we found out who was sending the anthrax tomorrow, innocent black males in LA and New York and Cincinnati would continue to have fatal allergic reactions to bullets fired by white cops.  

 Are blacks expected to line up to fight the Taliban? How can we, when one of our own senators (ex-Klansman Robert Byrd of West Virginia) once vowed that he would never fight "with a negro by my side", preferring instead to "die a thousand times"? Even now, while our FBI is arresting anyone whose first name rhymes with Osama, the Klan is operating openly and legally in all 50 states. Next time you're in Tennessee, Chelsea, come visit Nathan Bedford Forrest Park, named after the founder of America's al-Qaida, the KKK.  

Absurdly, we're supposed to breathe a sigh of relief now that we think the anthrax was sent, not by Arabs, but by white supremacists. But why were black postal workers treated a week after the whites on Capitol Hill? Has US attorney general John Ashcroft detained 1,000 Christians without charge? Is everyone   with links to Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh now under surveillance? And what terrorist-harbouring state will be bombed next - Alabama?  

The charge has been laid that the left predicted a long war. "Look how they got it wrong, big-time!" as Dick Cheney might say. But this phase of the war - the massacres, continued bombing, the infighting as returning warlords reassert themselves - is far from over, let alone what is likely to happen once Bush turns his attention to Iraq. The irony is that it was the right, especially the military, which expected the Taliban regime to hold out. Last month, Donald Rumsfeld predicted that the war in Afghanistan would take "years, not weeks or months".  

So the real question is: how could the military and the CIA have got it so wrong? After all, we're paying them $300bn a year to (a) predict the fall of the Berlin wall, (b) predict the invasion of Kuwait, (c) not bomb Chinese embassies when we're not at war with China, (d) not train and fund Osama bin Laden when he will later use our own weapons against us. Maybe we deserve to be laughed at, left and right, for giving the military and CIA so much money, when they've done such a hopeless job.  

So, Chelsea, please do not corral all Americans into the pro-war camp. The stars and stripes your friend draped across his back remind too many of us of the bloody stripes that once laced our own. One of Bill Clinton's redeeming traits is the fact that, when he studied at Oxford, he opposed America's war. Maybe sometime, Chelsea, you will too.  

&#183; Professor Jonathan David Farley is a Distinguished Scholar at Oxford University.  

farley at maths.ox.ac.uk  

Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited


From kbejko at hotmail.com  Sun Nov 18 00:50:29 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 00:50:29 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dhuna nis prape ne FYROM
Message-ID: <OE222DJkhYUjACRSRRs0000a70a@hotmail.com>

Armata Kombetare fillon "luften per ?lirimin e trojeve te pushtuara ne ish-Jugosllavi".


Per ore te tera bresheri armesh ne fshatra te FYROM.

FYROM/ PRELE- Armata Kombetare Shqiptare ka nisur sot nje proces te cilin nepermjet zedhenesit te saj e cilesoi si "nisje te luftes per clirimin e territoreve te pushtuara shqiptare ne Ish-Jugosllavi". Kete pohim e ka bere zedhenesi i kesaj Armate Kombetare, Alban Berisha.

Berisha pohoi gjithashtu edhe se ky proces synon te beje clirimin e plote nga ata qe i cilesoi pushtues te shqiptareve dhe zonave te populluara nga ata. Nderkohe edhe reagimet e para kane mberritur. Vetem pak ore me pare jane konstatuar nje sere bresherish me arme zjarri ne fshatrat Prele dhe Lubishte. 

Per mese dy ore, luftetare shqiptare te Armates Kombetare Shqiptare, grup i ri ushtarak, kane hapur zjarr kunder patrullave maqedone ne keto fshatra me shumice shqiptare. Por megjithate mesohet se deri tani nuk eshte shenuar asnje viktime ne rradhet e shqiptareve. Pasoja nuk ka patur as ne krahun kundershtar i cili mesohet se gjithashtu eshte pergjigjur me zjarr ne batarene e se shtunes.

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From albboschurch at juno.com  Sun Nov 18 07:15:07 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 07:15:07 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] George Washington's Message for Thanksgiving Day
Message-ID: <20011118.072917.-475713.8.albboschurch@juno.com>


I thought many of you might be interested in reading George Washington's
original Thanksgiving Proclamation.



 George Washington's
1789 Thanksgiving Proclamation 



Whereas it is the duty of all nations to acknowledge the providence of
Almighty God, to obey His will, to be grateful for His benefits, and
humbly to implore His protection and favor; and Whereas both Houses of
Congress have, by their joint committee, requested me "to recommend to
the people of the United States a day of public thanksgiving and prayer,
to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many and signal
favors of Almighty God, especially by affording them an opportunity
peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and
happiness:"

Now, therefore, I do recommend and assign Thursday, the 26th day of
November next, to be devoted by the people of these States to the service
of that great and glorious Being who is the beneficent author of all the
good that was, that is, or that will be; that we may then all unite in
rendering unto Him our sincere and humble thanks for His kind care and
protection of the people of this country previous to their becoming a
nation; for the signal and manifold mercies and the favorable
interpositions of His providence in the course and conclusion of the late
war; for the great degree of tranquility, union, and plenty which we have
since enjoyed; for the peaceable and rational manner in which we have
been enable to establish constitutions of government for our safety and
happiness, and particularly the national one now lately instituted' for
the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed, and the means
we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and, in general, for
all the great and various favors which He has been pleased to confer upon
us.

And also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and
supplications to the great Lord and Ruler of Nations and beseech Him to
pardon our national and other transgressions; to enable us all, whether
in public or private stations, to perform our several and relative duties
properly and punctually; to render our National Government a blessing to
all the people by constantly being a Government of wise, just, and
constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and obeyed; to
protect and guide all sovereigns and nations (especially such as have
show kindness to us), and to bless them with good governments, peace, and
concord; to promote the knowledge and practice of true religion and
virtue, and the increase of science among them and us; and, generally to
grant unto all mankind such a degree of temporal prosperity as He alone
knows to be best.

Given under my hand, at the city of New York, the 3d day of October, A.D.
1789.

(signed) G. Washington
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 18 07:40:27 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 04:40:27 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfP: Cultural Exchanges between Central/Eastern Europe and  America, Frankfurt May 30 - June 2, 2002
Message-ID: <20011118124027.80719.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


 
East-West American Studies Conference:
Cultural Exchanges between Central/Eastern Europe and America

Call for Papers

This conference intends to recover the exchanges of people and ideas between
America and Eastern Europe. Possible topics include the similarities and
differences in common utopian visions, in ideas of Modernism and technology,
in aesthetic and social experiments, but also the experiences of visitors and
emigrants as mediators between East and West. Moreover, we wish to
illuminate the revisions and blind spots in cultural and literary
historiography which have long concealed the intense relations between
Central/Eastern Europe and America before the Cold War.

>From May 30 to June 2, 2002, the Center for North American Studies and
Research (or Zentrum fuer Nordamerika-Studien - ZENAF) at the Johann
Wolfgang Goethe-University Frankfurt, Germany, will host an American Studies
conference based on these questions. This is to invite those of you
(preferably junior scholars) who are at present working on a research project
in American Studies (a dissertation, a "habilitation", or any other
book-length research) and are willing to present it as work in progress and
discuss it with a group of colleagues from Eastern and Western European
countries. Projects from various fields (Literature, Culture, History) are
welcome if they deal with an aspect of cultural exchange between Eastern
Europe and America.

In order to allow for lively debates the number of participants will be kept
small, i.e. up to 14-16. Everyone will be asked to present their projects in
written statements of 10 to 15 pages, which could be either representative
chapters and/or the outlines of the project. This statement, sent to all
participants before the beginning of the conference, will be the basis of
discussions. At the conference, each participant will summarize his or her
argument in a 10 to 15 minute talk. The following discussion will be chaired
by Prof. Werner Sollors, Harvard University and Prof. Christa Buschendorf,
ZENAF Frankfurt.

If you are interested in presenting your work in progress and also prepared
to engage in the projects of your colleagues, please send a short (one page)
proposal introducing your research. You may send your proposal either by mail
or email, in either case it should arrive no later than January 18, 2002 at
the address given below.

Looking forward to your letter

East-West American Studies Conference: Cultural Exchanges between
Central/Eastern Europe and America

Prof. Dr. Christa Buschendorf, Dr. Astrid Franke
Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universitaet Frankfurt a.M.
Zentrum fuer Nordamerikaforschung (ZENAF)
Robert-Mayer-Strasse 1
60054 Frankfurt
Germany
Email: A.Franke at em.uni-frankfurt.de
Time: May 30 - June 2, 2002
Place: Frankfurt am Main
Accomodation (bed and breakfast) and travel expenses paid by the organizer
Deadline for proposals: January 18, 2002







---------------------------------
Do You Yahoo!?
Find the one for you at Yahoo! Personals.
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 18 07:56:23 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 04:56:23 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] F. Lubonja ne Shekulli
Message-ID: <20011118125623.81437.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


Thirrje Shkrelit,por edhe Angjelit,Ru?it, Na?it, Ku?it dhe Ma?it
Zoti drejtor i Institutit t? Monumenteve 
E lexova me v?mendje polemik?n tuaj lidhur me artikullin tim kund?r shp?rdorimit t? identetit t? nd?rtes?s s? Bashkis?. S? pari, dua t'ju falenderoj q? m'u p?rgjigj?t. Kam qen? gjithmon? p?r respektimin e parimit: ? The ato q? deshe, ndij ato q? s'deshe. ?
Tani m? lejoni ta ndaj p?rgjigjen time n? dy pjes?, si? m? duket se meriton polemika juaj. 
Mbi shtes?n mbi Monumentin e Kultur?s 
Nga sa kuptova prej shtjellimit tuaj t? ides? s? Kthimit n? Identiet, pas atij mishmashi me argumente ? t? ditura ? dhe emra t? diturish, ju, zoti Shkreli, na ?oni n? p?rfundimin se: ?Kthim ne Identitet, pra, do t? thot? rifreskim i atyre regjistrave q? e b?n? Shqip?rin? p?r her? t? par? n? historin? e saj, q? nga koha e mbretit ilir Gent (sikurse do t? thoshte konsulli Degrand), me shtet t? vetin?). Pra, duke na shpjeguar se identitet do t? thot? shtet apo se identitetin e p?rcakton shteti, ju na sugjeroni se edhe kjo shtes? e nd?rtes?s s? bashkis? b?n pjes? n? procesin e pafund?m t? kthimit t? shqiptar?ve n? identitetin/shtet, duke na b?r? t? hamend?sojm? se, pas shum? gjasash, t? gjitha nd?rtesat ku ka institucione shtet?rore do t'i n?nshtrohen, her?t ose von?, rifreskimeve t? tilla shteto - identifikuese. Shembulli q? edhe Zogu edhe Hoxha kan? kryer rifreskime mbi k?to nd?rtesa, duke u imponuar atyre identitetin e tyre, e ilustron m? s? mir? k?t? ide. P?rpara k?tij p?rfundimi t? hatash?m, q? mund t? dal? vet?m nga nj? mendje e s?mur? nga dashuria p?r shtetin, nuk m? mbetet ve?se t? pranoj se ? padituria ? ime pask?sh qen? v?rtet e madhe dhe t? t?rhiqem, por, meqen?se shkrimi juaj flet edhe p?r arkitektur?n p?rve? shtetformimit, duke respektuar lexuesin e "Shekulli"-t, po p?rpiqem t? kaloj nga proza paranojake n? proz? kritike.
Pa u zgjatur shum?, mund t'ju them q? p?rpara se t? shkruaja at? artikull, duke qen? i vet?dijsh?m p?r faktin se vet?m dashuria ime p?r monumentet e kultur?s nuk m? jep t? drejt?n t? flas si specialist, u konsultova me nj? arkitekte t? huaj q? merret pik?risht me nd?rtimet italiane n? Shqip?ri. N? shkrimin tim jepet edhe konkluzioni i saj se ajo q? keni kryer me nd?rtes?n e bashkis? ?sht? nj? fyerje p?r historin? e arkitektur?s dhe p?r arkitektin e famsh?m italian q? ka projektuar kompleksin e ministrive. Lidhur me argumentin tuaj se kryerja e shtesave ?sht? nj? praktik? e njohur, p?rgjigja e saj dhe e t? tjer? ekspert?ve q? kam konsultuar ?sht? se edhe kur b?hen - n? raste mjaft t? rralla dhe p?r arsye mjaft madhore - ato b?hen ose t? stilit t? p?raf?rt me nd?rtes?n (rasti i Operas s? Londr?s) ose krejt t? ndryshme (rasti i piramid?s s? Luvrit dhe i Rajshtagut) - por b?hen n? m?nyr? q? integriteti i nd?rtes? s? vjet?r t? mbetet i qart?, pra, ndaras dhe jo ngjitmas e nallban?e, si? e keni b?r? ju dhe, po ashtu, me nj? konkurs dhe debat specialist?sh. N? rastin konkret, as q? b?het fjal? se mund t? pranohej konkurs (q?, sikurse del qart?, nuk ?sht? b?r? kurr?), sepse ?far?dolloj shtese - me nj? synim krejt qesharak n? krahasim me Luvrin dhe Rajshtagun, nd?rtimin e nj? salle p?r K?shillin inekzistent Bashkiak) - p?rve?se do t? deformonte ansamblin, si? e ka deformuar, do t? cenonte edhe dy monumente t? tjera q? q?ndrojn? af?r atij ansambli, ve?an?risht xhamin? e Ethem Beut.
Gjithashtu ju kujtoj, zoti Shkreli, se un? jam edhe nj? njeri i kultur?s, q? drejtoj edhe nj? revist? kulturore ("P?rpjekja"), e cila n? numrat e saj ?sht? marr? edhe me k?to probleme. Midis t? tjerash, nuk besoj ta keni harruar se ?sht? botuar edhe nj? artikull juaji dhe i kolegut tuaj Daniel Gjoni me titull ?Tirana, ferri urban i shekullit XX? ("P?rpjekja" 10), i cili m? ka m?suar edhe mua ca gj?ra. Po ju freskoj ndonj? fragment t? shkurt?r p?r at? se si mendonit p?r k?to fenomene n? koh?n kur nuk kishit post shtet?ror: 
?T? parat q? u n?nshtrohen modifikimeve masakruese jan? zonat historike [...] Pas nj? procesi asgj?simi me natyr? ideologjike q? p?suan k?to kuartiere gjat? viteve t? diktatur?s, tani po i n?nshtrohen nj? tjet?r procesi q? asgj?son dhe memorien e tyre (amnezi urbane) e q? ka natyr? komerciale... P?rmasat e k?saj katastrofe shpirt?rore jan? akoma t? pallogaritshme. Bile as godinat, rrug?t, lagjet apo qytetet "e ruajtura" nga shteti nuk i kursehen k?saj shfarosjeje t? grimcave t? fundit t? kujtes?s dhe kultur?s son? materiale...? Ca m? posht? thoni: ?Po priten pem? t? vjetra e dekorative - dhe ky ?sht? nj? tjet?r skandal, po prishen godina q? transmetojn? nj? kujtes? t? ?muar t? s? kaluar?s - dhe ky ?sht? nj? skandal; po komprometohet gati n? m?nyr? t? parekuperueshme peizazhi urban - dhe ky ?sht? nj? nga skandalet e skandaleve.... ? dhe p?rmendni m? posht? edhe zhdukjen e ? nd?rtesave t? Tiran?s s? viteve '20 - '30 ?. 
Dhe kur flisni p?r pafuqin? ton? p?r t'i ndalur k?to skandale shkruani :
? ... nuk gjendet askush q? t? protestoj?, pasi t? gjith? ndodhen n? t? nj?jtin pozicion p?rfitimi: qoft? arkitekt?t e inxhinier?t q? b?jn? projektin, qoft? spekulator?t q? shesin, qoft? noter?t apo avokat?t q? p?rpilojn? aktet, qoft? nd?rmarrjet e nd?rtimit, qoft? imobilier?t q? kontraktojn? e deri te funksionar?t e shtetit, q? korruptohen p?r shkak se shesin fuqine e tyre mbi lejet e shesheve apo nd?rtimeve...?
Mir?po tani, n? rolin e dyfisht? t? arkitektit-projektues privat dhe funksionarit t? shtetit, ju, zoti Shkreli, me nd?rhyrjet ideologjke t? Enver Hoxh?s po na justifikoni nd?rhyrjet tuaja. Megjithat? ju kujtoj se n? at? koh? ato nuk ishin ansamb?l monumental kulture dhe nuk mbroheshin nga ligji p?r mbrojtjen e pasurive kulturore, t? cilin un? jua shkrova qart? e shkoqur, kurse ju e kaluat sikur t? ishte gj?ja m? e par?nd?sishme e shkrimit tim, duke na b?r? tym me termat ?zona historike? dhe ?zona muzeale?, nd?rkoh? q? ligji, i cili e shpall at? ?ansamb?l monumental kulture? e v?, s? bashku me qytetet muze, sipas nenit 16 t? ligjit "P?r pasurit? kulturore", n? mbrojtje direkte t? Kryesis? s? K?shillit t? Ministrave. Dyshoj shum? t? keni ndonj? firm? t? Met?s apo Gjinushit p?r ? rifreskimin ? q? keni b?r?. 
P?r t? mos u zgjatur, zoti Shkreli, mua m? duket se mjafton kaq p?r t? arritur n? konkluzionin se n? k?t? debat ne t? dy nuk na ndan edhe aq dituria dhe as paqart?sia e ligjit, por ca gj?ra t? tjera q? po i shtjelloj m? posht?: 
Konflikti i interesave
Para disa koh?sh, m? sakt? kur kryetari i bashkis?, Edi Rama, ishte eprori juaj si minist?r i Kultur?s, nj? dit? t? bukur ky m? b?ri nj? telefon t? shqet?suar dhe, n? cil?sin? e mikut dhe t? k?shilltarit t? jasht?m, m? k?rkoi nj? takim. Kontrolli i Shtetit, kur kishte kaluar n?p?r dikasterin tuaj, kishte konstatuar ca si abuzime dhe Rama erdhi t? merrte mendimin n?se duhej t? t? procedonte. K?shilla q? i dhash?, me dy fjal?, ishte se nuk m? dukej se Shkreli mund t? ishte i pari njeri n? administrat?n shtet?rore q? meritonte t? futej n? burg p?r korrupsion, se ndoshta m? shum? se me abuzime t? q?llimshme aty duhet t? kishte pakujdesi dhe paeksperienc? apo trash?gime nga paraardh?sit dhe se, n? nj? rast t? till?, k?t? mund ta kalonte me nj? v?rejtje apo paralajm?rim p?r pushim nga puna. K?t? jua them p?r t'ju provuar se asokohe nuk kam pasur ndonj? q?ndrim nihilist me zot?rin? tuaj, si? k?rkoni t'i quani q?ndrimet e mia e me k?t? t'i skualifikoni kritikat q? ju b?j. Ishte nj? koh? kur ende besoja se ju dhe ministri juaj nuk do t? lajthitnit kaq shum? nga pushteti, sa t? arrinit deri t? shkat?rronit monumentet e kultur?s (dhe ju kujtoj se bashkia nuk ?sht? i vetmi shkat?rrim kund?r ligjit q? keni b?r?). 
N? fakt, m? ka p?lqyer gjithmon? ajo parabola e Krishtit me at? fshatarin q?, duke dashur t? pastroj? fush?n e grurit nga egjra, prishi edhe grurin, morali i t? cil?s ?sht? se drejt?si absolute nuk mund t? b?het n? k?t? bot?. Mir?po, zoti Shkreli, sikur nuk po mban m? uj? pilafi. Egjra juaj po e mbyt fare grurin dhe dhunimi deri i nd?rtes?s s? bashkis? mu n? mes t? Tiran?s ?sht? nj? nga treguesit e abuzivizmit tuaj galopant. Duhet, m? n? fund, ta kuptoni edhe ju se ne, qytetar?t q? nuk kemi ndonj? post shtet?ror, po shqet?sohemi e revoltohemi gjithnj? e m? shum? kur m?sojm? se filan minist?r ka kaq nd?rmarrje private, filan deputet ka fabrik?, filan shef dogane ka nj? magazin? t? madhe mallrash, ashtu sikurse keni edhe ju nj? studio projektimi private, duke qen? nj?her?sh edhe drejtor i Institutit t? Monumenteve, kurse kolegu juaj, funksionar i lart? n? bashki. Doni apo nuk doni ju ne kemi shum? arsye t? mendojm? se k?ta filan fistek? nuk i lypin postet qeveritare p?r t? marr? at? rrog?n modeste, q? shum? nga ju e quajn? ?t? qelbur?, por p?r t? ndihmuar bizneset e tyre. N? rastin e shtes?s s? bashkis?, kemi t? b?jm? me nj? konflikt t? hapur interesash: drejtori q? duhet t? merret me ruajtjen e monumenteve t? kultur?s nga nd?rhyrjet - sipas ligjit nr. 7867, "P?r mbrojtjen e pasurive kulturore", na del se ?sht? edhe projektuesi i nd?rhyrjes. (P?r t? mos folur k?tu p?r pjes?n delirante t? k?tij projekti q? p?r mua, si shkrimtar, m? ngjason me at? sikur t'i shtoja ca kapituj dhe nj? epilog nj? libri t? nj? shkrimtari t? njohur italian t? viteve '20). Ju, zoti Shkreli, nuk na bindni se mund t'i mbroni nd?rtesat e vjetra t? Tiran?s, sepse ju k?rkoni t? fitoni, nj?koh?sisht, duke b?r? prejektime t? reja mbi shembjen e tyre. Ky konflikt i hapur interesash na b?n q? ato historit? q? na tregon kryebashkiaku Rama p?r ca t? stafit t? tij, q? paskan l?n? Amerik?n p?r t? gjetur Shqip?rin?, n? vend t? na mall?ngjejn?, po na b?jn? t? qeshim. Se, n? fakt, p?r politikan?t tan?, ka koh? q? meriton t? thuret anekdoda ?ka gjetur Shqip?rin? ?.
Prandaj un? ju b?j thirrje ju, zoti Shkreli, por edhe Angjelit, edhe Ru?it, Na?it Ku?it dhe Ma?it, t? gjith?ve atyre q? kan? konflikte interesash t? heqin dor? sa nuk ?sht? von? nga funksionet shtet?rore, sepse bizneset tuaja t? lidhura me shtetin pak nga pak rrezikojn? t? shnd?rrohen n? piramidat e reja, q? mund t? na sjellin nj? tjet?r 1997. 
Tek e mbrajmja, edhe di?ka m? mbeti pa th?n?: m? erdhi shum? keq kur pash? se edhe ju, n?n frym?zimin e kryebashkiakut Rama, pun?n e gazetarit q? ai ka b?r? p?rpara se t? vishte petkun e shtetarit dhe q? un? vazhdoj ta b?j prej dhjet? vjet?sh, e cil?soni thjesht si ?nj? pusi prej s? cil?s mund t? sulmohet me leht?si e pa rrezik?, pra, si nj? pun? t? pabes?sh, kurse pun? ?t? v?rtet?? t? njeriut t? ndersh?m e t? bes?s quani vet?m at? t? shtetarit. ?sht? e v?shtir? t? besohet kjo, zoti Shkreli, qoft? edhe duke pasur parasysh se n? historin? ton?, t? pakt?n q? kur ?sht? krijuar shteti shqiptar, nuk kan? qen? gazetar?t dhe shkrimtar?t ata m? t? poshtrit dhe m? t? pabes?t, por shtetar?t. Duke e lidhur k?t? p?rcaktim edhe me at? konkluzionin tuaj se kthimi n? identitet ?sht? kthimi n? shtet, un? po kam frik? shum? se ndonj? dit? ju, njer?zit e bes?s shtet?rore, do t? k?rkoni t? na ?oni ne, njer?zit e kultur?s, t? pen?s dhe penelit, p?r riedukim n? pun? fizike me kazma dhe lopata. Kam frik? v?rtet se mund t'ia arrini k?saj - prandaj dhe kam filuar t? b?rtas kaq shum?, pra, jo p?r nihiliz?m, si? thoni ju, por p?r mbrojtje t? liris? sime - sepse, ashtu sikurse e v?rteton edhe rasti i ? piramid?s ? suaj modeste, zoti Shkreli, s?ra juaj po e grumbullon si shum? pushtetin politik, ekonomik, kulturor dhe mediatik n?n t? nj?jtin kulm piramidal.
Duke ju uruar dor?heqje t? shpejt?, ju falenderoj q? gjithsesi mu p?rgjigj?t dhe q? m? dhat? rastin t'ju b?j k?t? thirrje p?r dor?heqje, ende jo shum? t? vonuar, si ju dhe siv?llez?rve tuaj. 
Nga Fatos Lubonja 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 18 08:19:46 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 05:19:46 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Interesting Website
Message-ID: <20011118131946.58917.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www2.essex.ac.uk/ecpr-scripts/east_search.asp



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 18 08:25:46 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 05:25:46 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Festa e Flamurit ne Michigan
Message-ID: <20011118132546.83285.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


SHOQATA E STUDENTEVE SHQIPTARE TE SAINT MARY`S COLLEGE

te mbeshtetur nga A&R EXPRESS

organizon:

 

FESTA E FLAMURIT 2001

 

Ju sjellim nga New York nje sere artistesh shume te shquar shqiptare nder te cilet 

marrin pjese:

Xhevahir Zeneli-humorist

Anita Bitri-kengetare

Te shoqeruar nga orkestra me muzikantet profesioniste qe kane luajtur me Teatrin e Estrades se Tiranes 

si dhe artiste te tjere surprise

 

 

Kjo mbremje do te zhvillohet te Shtunen, 24 Nentor ne Burton Manor ne Livonia Michigan. Mbremja fillon pasdite ne ora 6:30. 

Cmimi eshte 50$ per te rriturit dhe 35$ per femijet nen moshen 12 vjec.

Lutemi ti beni rezervimet para te Premtes, 23 Nentor

 

Per informacion te metejshem mund te telefononi ose te lini mesazh ne numrin (248) 706-5362, ose (248) 851-7310. Gjithashtu mund te dergoni nje mesazh tek AlbStudents at yahoo.com

 



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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Sun Nov 18 16:27:05 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 21:27:05 +0000 (UTC)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] For your attention
Message-ID: <20011118212705.E027A589@mullet.gul3.gnl>

x spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited Observer site and thought you should see it.

To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited Observer site, go to http://www.observer.co.uk

Kabul paper trail damns al-Qaeda
War in Afghanistan: Observer special
Jason Burke in Jalalabad, Tim Judah in Kabul and Peter Beaumont
Saturday November 17 2001
The Guardian


Crucial evidence linking both Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network and the Taliban to the suicide hijackings on New York and Washington on 11 September has been uncovered in secret documents discarded in Kabul and other Afghan cities. 

Among papers seen by Western journalists, and abandoned by retreating Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters, were a flight simulator computer programme and a list of flight schools in the US.  

Other documents describing chemical, biological and nuclear warfare and referring to the al-Qaeda organisation were also found yesterday in two houses in Kabul.  

The flight simulator programme is understood to be identical to one discovered in the luggage of Mohamed Atta, one of the key leaders of the suicide hijackers who flew two airliners into the World Trade Centre, killing almost 5,000 people.  

Other documents seen by Observer reporters make clear the scale of al-Qaeda's ambitions for a global jihad, including a notebook detailing plans to assassinate Western leaders. Other evidence uncovered at al-Qaeda sites indicates that major power plants in the US and Europe - some of them nuclear - were being targeted for attack.  

Other documents, apparently prepared by Pakistani diplomats and intelligence officers, make it absolutely clear that the Taliban, far from simply hosting bin Laden's network, was involved in every stage of the plan for global jihad against Western interests and had repeatedly ignored warnings before the 11 September attacks that it faced bombing by the US or Russia if it continued to support terrorists.  

The most damning documents were discovered at two sites in the former diplomatic district of Kabul, both of which were scattered with forms labelled 'al-Qaeda Ammunition Warehouse'.   The presence of al-Qaeda documents in the first - a Taliban Defence Ministry building - is compelling evidence of the inseparable links between al-Qaeda and the Taliban.  

The discovery of the documents will be a source of considerable satisfaction to President George Bush and his allies, who have sometimes seemed to struggle in providing the smoking gun linking bin Laden's organisation to the 11 September attacks.  

Among documents uncovered by the New York Times at this location was a page torn out of  Flying magazine, listing flight schools in Florida, including Walkawitz Aviation in Titusville and Phoenix East Aviation in Daytona Beach.  

Greg Nardi, the manager of Walkawitz Aviation, told the paper that several Arab students had approached the school in the last year asking about flight training. One Arab man, with a thick accent, asked him whether it was possible to jump safely out of a jet using a parachute. He also asked how far the parachute would carry him.  

'At the time you just pass it off,' Nardi said of the questions. His staff told the prospective student that it would be difficult to open the door of a pressurised jet .  

The houses were also decorated with maps, including one listing the location of power plants in Europe, Africa and Asia. Another showed Saudi Arabia with American military bases marked with the words in Arabic, 'Occupied by the Crusader'.  

Neighbours described the men who occupied the houses as Arabs who kept to themselves and followed regular routines. The documents suggest a broad network, including Somalis, Algerians, Bosnians, Uzbeks, Sudanese and natives of the Dagastan region of Russia.  

The apparent interest of the people who occupied the houses in American flying schools is particularly significant. Some of the hijackers of the planes that crashed on 11 September trained in Florida.  

Another document discovered at the house gave further evidence of al-Qaeda's interest in weapons of mass destruction. Written in Arabic and entitled, 'Before and After Precautions For Using Chemical, Biological and Nuclear Warfare', it was found on the floor of the private house. 

Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited


From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Mon Nov 19 01:18:11 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 22:18:11 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Behind the Burka: Women Subtly Fought Taliban
Message-ID: <20011119061811.CB20C15C27@email4.lga2.nytimes.com>

This article from NYTimes.com 
has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.



Behind the Burka: Women Subtly Fought Taliban

November 19, 2001 

By AMY WALDMAN


 

HERAT, Afghanistan, Nov. 18 - In the walled garden of her
house, Soheila Helal waged a quiet rebellion against the
Taliban. On a patio softened by rugs and book-ended by two
small blackboards, she ran a school for 120 students,
mostly girls. It was a transgression on two counts: as a
woman Mrs. Helal was not supposed to work, and her female
students were not supposed to learn. 

So her students' lessons included what to tell any Taliban
forces who stopped them - that they were just going to
visit her. The after-school activities included learning
how to leave discreetly in small groups, so as not to
attract attention. 

Mrs. Helal, a teacher for 17 years, saw no other choice.
Her husband died as the Taliban came to power, leaving her
with three small children to support. She says that
continuing to teach also kept her sane. 

"I thought of killing myself many times," she said of life
under the Taliban. As a woman she was not supposed to leave
home without a male relative; as a widow she had no choice.
Buying groceries could bring a beating from the religious
police. "Only my love for my students saved me." 

That love no longer needs to be hidden behind an adobe
wall. The school where Mrs. Helal worked before the Taliban
came to power is reopening now that they are gone from
Herat and much of Afghanistan. In areas now controlled by
the Northern Alliance, the petty brutality that women
endured for nearly a half decade has ended. When Ismail
Khan, the commander now in control here, arrived last week,
he made clear that he believed that women should be in
school and at work. 

The freedom is still too new to completely trust, and the
wounds too fresh to be healed, but for the first time in
years, women here say they have hope - that they will be
treated like human beings, not wayward cattle; that they
will be free to leave their homes and work; that their
daughters will be able to learn. 

"The good days are ahead," said Rana Entezari, a neighbor
who stopped by Mrs. Helal's house today. A doctor, she was
fired from a laboratory for being a woman after the Taliban
came to power. 

Herat is still full of women in burkas, the full-length
shroud that covers even the face, rendering a woman more
column than human, and making it impossible for close
friends to recognize each other on the street. But now many
of the burka-clad women are on their own or with other
women. A week ago, that would have brought a lashing. 

Today women showed off bruises and scars earned for going
it alone or daring to speak in a government office. They
described the cruel illogic of the Taliban: male doctors
were not allowed to treat women but female doctors were not
permitted to be trained; many widows here who were the sole
support of their family were barred from going to work.
Many of them resorted to shelling nuts or washing clothes
at home, barely earning enough to fill their children's
stomachs. 

Women also showed resilience, even crafty defiance, for
those who were expected to be neither seen nor heard.
Knowing they would be lashed, they went out alone anyway.
Confined to their homes, many taught their daughters to
read. They started secret schools or secured small
concessions - permission to open a nursing school, for
example - from the Taliban bureaucracy. 

Nouri, who uses only one name, described going to a
courtroom on behalf of a relative who had been wrongly
arrested. The Taliban beat her so hard for appearing there
that her hands were swollen for days. 

"Why are you doing this?" she said she shouted. "Aren't you
Muslim? Aren't you afraid of God?" They told her they would
do it as long as she was out of the house. Today she was
out looking for work at the office of Habitat, the United
Nations Centre for Human Settlement. Many other women were
there as well. 

Sima Rezahi, 22, said she needed to support her elderly
parents but had been allowed to work only in a relief
distribution center since her family returned from Iran two
years ago. She has been well educated, she said, and being
restricted to such a lowly job smarted. 

Her younger sister, Zahra, went out of the house today for
the first time in two years. No one knew it was her since
she wore a burka. But within the confines of the maternity
clinic where Habitat's office is situated, the 17-year-old
removed the veil, let the sun hit her face and allowed
herself to think about a life outside four walls and after
the Taliban. All she did for two years was cook. 

"It was like being in jail," said another woman, Delband.


Today, the prisoners were free. Fatimeh Sadeghi brought her
16- year-old daughter to the office, hoping she could get a
job sewing. Mrs. Sadeghi has seven children, one at her
breast, and no foreseeable way out of poverty. Her only
education had come from a childhood friend, Kobra Zeithi,
who runs the Habitat office. Mrs. Zeithi, who had an
education, shared what she had learned with her friend. 

Mrs. Zeithi is a pharmacologist who became an activist. She
was briefly imprisoned by the Taliban for traveling to
Pakistan to pick up educational materials. She saw the
Taliban threaten to beat her daughter, then 13, for not
covering her face. She saw the opportunities for
Afghanistan's women narrow unbearably. 

She would not give up fighting, she said. "If we stayed
home these five years, we would lose what little culture we
have." 

She managed to get permission from the Taliban to start a
sewing program for women, although the permission took a
month to get. She got permission to teach the Koran to
women at a new cultural center, although the permission was
then revoked. Her organization was one of the only places
in Herat that women could get jobs. For 80 jobs at the
cultural center she received 1,500 applications, mostly
from educated women. Her activities were financed by
international organizations. She and other employees had to
swear to the Taliban that they would continue to uphold the
Islamic values. 

Now jobs, not to mention dreams and plans, do not have to
be scrimped and hoarded. Mrs. Zeithi had forced her
16-year-old daughter to go to a nursing school started here
three years ago because it was the only schooling available
to women. Her daughter cried because she wanted to be
anything but a nurse. Now she is free to choose. 

The nursing school was a hard-won victory. It has 230
students, including Jamileh Ramani, 18, who said she
enrolled because the country desperately needed medical
practitioners - and because it was the only avenue out of
the house. 

The school's director, Sadaat Satahi, said she expected
that applications would drop now that women have other
options. But the problem that took root during Taliban rule
remains: Doctors here say the lack of female surgeons and
specialists working over the last few years has led to a
higher mortality rate among women. 

Afghanistan's illiteracy rate is high but education is
valued, particularly in this wealthy western city. Woman
after woman lamented that she had been educated only to be
reduced by the Taliban to menial labor or no labor at all. 

"I was educated but it was worth nothing," Mrs. Helal, the
teacher, said. "The Taliban did not care." 

Her daughter Ghazal, 13, would ask her why boys could go to
school when she could not. Mrs. Helal could only tell her
to thank God she was not in a society that buried women
alive. Mrs. Helal also said she was so desperate
financially that she had considered marrying Ghazal off as
many desperate families here have done with young girls.
Now she feels optimistic enough to let Ghazal wait for
marriage. 

For Mrs. Helal, one thing will not change - she will
continue to wear her burka in public. Her husband's family
would be very upset if she did not, she said. Showing her
face in public would suggest she was looking for a new
husband. 

To the outside world, the burka was the most obvious and
chilling symbol of the Taliban rule. Its meaning here is
more complicated, which helps explain why women have not
thrown it off en masse. Many women here said they would
like to return to wearing a chador, which leaves the face
exposed, but are frightened that the Taliban may return. 

"If other women take off their veils, I'll take mine off,"
said Tayebeh Amini, 48, a mother of three out shopping
alone today. 

Many other women, usually poor or less-educated, said that
they would continue to wear the burka as they had done
before the Taliban came to power. "I wore it then and I'll
wear it now," said Maryam Nazhamat, 55. "I'm a Muslim."
Nonetheless she said she was thankful the Taliban were
gone: she wanted her 11-year-old, whom she had taught to
read at home, in school. 

Many men who say women should be able to work or go to
school still say they should wear the burka. "It is a
tradition in Afghanistan," said Gholom Mohammed, 55. The
dusty street around him was filled with women in light blue
burkas. 

Ismail Khan, the local commander, said he would not enforce
the wearing of the burka but would not ban it either. He
said he supports full rights for women, but that progress
might be slow - in appointing women to government posts,
for example. 

"The Taliban created very bad notions about women," he
said. "If we go to the other extreme some people might
confront us in hostile ways." He said that after he
announced that television broadcasting would resume here,
some men had approached him to argue that women should not
be on television. "Afghanistan is a backward country," he
said. "There's a kind of patriarchy in most families,
especially in the villages, in which men tell women what to
do and what to wear." 

But for most women here what they wear is the least of
their worries. That is certainly true for Parigol
Abdulrasoul. She is 50, with no schooling, eight children
and a dead husband. Unable to leave the house under Taliban
rule, she shelled nuts in the dark at home, her eyes
weakening from the strain of working with no electricity.
Even now, she wonders how she will be able to earn enough
to feed her family. "It doesn't make any difference who
rules here," she said. "We are hungry." 

On Saturday, though, she came on her own to Herat's main
hotel to look for a person powerful enough to help her get
food for her family from relief shipments entering the
country. She assertively corralled journalists and
buttonholed government officials - male officials. It was a
mission she could never have undertaken under the Taliban. 

Now, at least, she is free to
beg.

http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/19/international/asia/19WOME.html?ex=1007150691&ei=1&en=a37d6ff522a00d7f



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Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 19 07:29:29 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 19 Nov 2001 04:29:29 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Universiteti i Tetoves
Message-ID: <20011119122929.8604.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

Media Advisory
16 November 2001            

Media invited to opening of multi-lingual university in Tetovo, former 
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
SKOPJE, 16 October 2001 ? On Tuesday, 20 November, the South East European 
University in Tetovo, former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, will 
officially open its doors. The university is a project launched by the OSCE 
High Commissioner on National Minorities to address the issue of higher 
education for national minorities in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
The University is open to all students regardless of ethnicity. The 
curriculum will be in Albanian, Macedonian, English and other European 
languages. The university will include faculties of law, business 
administration, public administration, teacher training, communications and 
computer studies. The university is financed through voluntary 
contributions from the international community, particularly OSCE 
participating States.
Members of the press are invited to attend the official opening ceremony, 
which will take place on 20 November, at 10:00 a.m. in Tetovo. The ceremony 
will be attended by senior OSCE and Macedonian Government officials, as 
well as representatives from the academic community.
For
                           further information, please contact:
Harald Schenker
Minority Officer
OSCE Spillover Monitor Mission to Skopje                                          
Makosped Building, Marshal Tito 9-2,                                           
91000 Skopje                                          
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia                                          
GMT +1      
                                          
Tel.:
                                                      (+389-91 111 143)
Fax:
                                                      (+389-91 111 267)
E-mail:
                                                      oscemsk at unet.com.mk
Martin Czaplinski
Senior Adviser
OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities                                          
P.O. Box 20062,                                           
2500 EB The Hague                                          
Netherlands                                          
GMT +1      
                                          
Tel.:
                                                      (+31-70 312 55 00)
(+31-6 23 36 60 30)
Fax:
                                                      (+31-70 363 59 10)
E-mail:
                                                      hcnm at hcnm.or


---------------------------------
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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Mon Nov 19 17:42:10 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Mon, 19 Nov 2001 15:42:10 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Seizing Dictatorial Power
Message-ID: <F70cimoyxW9AxxmQDp600017537@hotmail.com>

In a way, one's views and one's tendencies in opining can be shaped by one's 
experiences. At least, that's what I see happening in my case. I think 
you're right in so far as you imply that I too am one of these 
anti-government "hippies". I have no problem saying it outloud that I am not 
for or with the administration of a dimwit such as George W. Bush and of a 
dangerous fundamentalist such as Ashcroft. They both offend my intellect 
very deeply.

As per your claim that I should be feeling "guilty" for 'enjoying' the 
benefits of Imperialist America, I can only say to you that that is a very 
poor argument. Actually it's not an argument at all if one considers its 
object. It doesn't address the views that you think I may have; it addresses 
a fact that no one can change, a fact that has to do with the location of my 
body rather than my beliefs and/or views, viz., that I was born and raised 
in Albania and not Pakistan, and that I've ended up in the States rather 
than Afghanistan. That tells absolutely nothing as to whether I'm actually 
"enjoying" the consequenes of imperialist/expansionist policies excercised 
by the US. People can't do much about where they're born or where they end 
up becoming old. And that should have nothing to do with the issue here, if 
we're considering the nature of American foreign policies and whether 
they're right or wrong or... I actually am having a hard time seeing what 
you're thinking of when you say that "These people criticize the imperialist 
policies and at the same time enjoy the benefits that resulted from these 
policies." Please cite me some "benefits" that have been enjoyed BY THE 
PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA from imperialist/expansionist 
tactics.

And, please, don't be so naive as to consider the alternative to an 
imperialist/expansionist US as the equivalent of "stone-age". America, YOUR 
America, did not invent its (mind you,REPRESENTATIVE) "democracy". And 
civilization was not born here. If there is one other thing that was born 
here, besides the Atomic Bomb, and besides the other many great 
technological and scientific novelties--I'm sorry to say--is the opposite of 
what is generally considered as civilization. And please control your 
patriotism lest you should declare me at some point an 'infidel' of the 
United States of De-civilization. Because I know I was told I was such one 
in the country where you, and many of you, were born.
xha
>From: Endri Leno <endril at rocketmail.com>
>To: albsa-info at alb-net.com
>Subject: Re: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Seizing Dictatorial Power
>Date: Sat, 17 Nov 2001 16:25:15 -0800 (PST)
>
>           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List ---------
>           - ALBSA Web Site: http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
>
>Even though Mr. Protopapa is addressing the ?fact
>presenter? rather harshly, I think, that he is
>undoubtedly right.
>The facts, and interpretations that XHA sends to the
>list are generally one sided, and their aim seems to
>be the denigration of the US President and his
>policies.
>These views are usually typical of the
>neocommunist-environmentalist (pseudo ecologist)
>hippies of Harvard and Central Squares. For those who
>don't know what I am talking about, these are the
>people who handout anti-government leaflets and stalk
>others to sign their petitions in every train station.
>The problem with these people is that even though
>sometimes they might be right, they never present a
>clear solution to the problems they are complaining
>about.
>These people fail to recognize the fact that without
>the imperialist and expansionist Western politics,
>which sometimes are by the way, the world would have
>never gotten past the stone age.  These people
>criticize the imperialist policies and at the same
>time enjoy the benefits that resulted from these
>policies.
>This standing not only makes them as "guilty" as the
>US President is, but also makes them hypocrites at the
>same time.
>Endri Leno
>
>
>--- jetkoti at hotmail.com wrote:
> >           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List
> > ---------
> >           - ALBSA Web Site:
> > http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
> >
> > This article from NYTimes.com
> > has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.
> >
> >
> > Exclusively from the New York Times for Sejfi
> > Protopapa.
> >
> > Being that Mr. Protopapa accused me not very long
> > ago that I am
> > "hell bent to tell members of ALBSA that America is
> > a Fascist country and that President Bush is the
> > Dictator."
> > Or that,
> > "You, Ms Agolli are using ALBSA to PROPAGATE YOUR
> > NOTIONS of fascists America and the dictatorial Mr.
> > Bush."
> >
> > I feel therefore obliged to tell Mr. Protopapa that
> > it's not that I'm trying to propagate notions, even
> > less MY notions, but simply present facts and
> > interpretations of those facts, if need be.
> > Corteously,
> > XhA
> >
> > jetkoti at hotmail.com
> >
> >
> > Seizing Dictatorial Power
> >
> > November 15, 2001
> >
> > By WILLIAM SAFIRE
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > WASHINGTON -- Misadvised by a frustrated and
> > panic-stricken
> > attorney general, a president of the United States
> > has just
> > assumed what amounts to dictatorial power to jail or
> > execute aliens. Intimidated by terrorists and
> > inflamed by a
> > passion for rough justice, we are letting George W.
> > Bush
> > get away with the replacement of the American rule
> > of law
> > with military kangaroo courts.
> >
> > In his infamous emergency order, Bush admits to
> > dismissing
> > "the principles of law and the rules of evidence"
> > that
> > undergird America's system of justice. He seizes the
> > power
> > to circumvent the courts and set up his own drumhead
> > tribunals - panels of officers who will sit in
> > judgment of
> > non-citizens who the president need only claim
> > "reason to
> > believe" are members of terrorist organizations.
> >
> > Not content with his previous decision to permit
> > police to
> > eavesdrop on a suspect's conversations with an
> > attorney,
> > Bush now strips the alien accused of even the
> > limited
> > rights afforded by a court-martial.
> >
> > His kangaroo court can conceal evidence by citing
> > national
> > security, make up its own rules, find a defendant
> > guilty
> > even if a third of the officers disagree, and
> > execute the
> > alien with no review by any civilian court.
> >
> > No longer does the judicial branch and an
> > independent jury
> > stand between the government and the accused. In
> > lieu of
> > those checks and balances central to our legal
> > system,
> > non-citizens face an executive that is now
> > investigator,
> > prosecutor, judge, jury and jailer or executioner.
> > In an
> > Orwellian twist, Bush's order calls this
> > Soviet-style
> > abomination "a full and fair trial."
> >
> > On what legal meat does this our Caesar feed? One
> > precedent
> > the White House cites is a military court after
> > Lincoln's
> > assassination. (During the Civil War, Lincoln
> > suspended
> > habeas corpus; does our war on terror require
> > illegal
> > imprisonment next?) Another is a military court's
> > hanging,
> > approved by the Supreme Court, of German saboteurs
> > landed
> > by submarine in World War II.
> >
> > Proponents of Bush's kangaroo court say: Don't you
> > soft-on-terror, due-process types know there's a war
> > on?
> > Have you forgotten our 5,000 civilian dead? In an
> > emergency
> > like this, aren't extraordinary security measures
> > needed to
> > save citizens' lives? If we step on a few toes, we
> > can
> > apologize to the civil libertarians later.
> >
> > Those are the arguments of the phony-tough. At a
> > time when
> > even liberals are debating the ethics of torture of
> > suspects - weighing the distaste for barbarism
> > against the
> > need to save innocent lives - it's time for
> > conservative
> > iconoclasts and card-carrying hard-liners to stand
> > up for
> > American values.
> >
> > To meet a terrorist emergency, of course some rules
> > should
> > be stretched and new laws passed. An ethnic dragnet
> > rounding up visa-skippers or questioning foreign
> > students,
> > if short-term, is borderline tolerable. Congress's
> > new law
> > permitting warranted roving wiretaps is
> > understandable.
> >
> > But let's get to the target that this blunderbuss
> > order is
> > intended to hit. Here's the big worry in Washington
> > now:
> > What do we do if Osama bin Laden gives himself up? A
> > proper
> > trial like that Israel afforded Adolf Eichmann, it
> > is
> > feared, would give the terrorist a global propaganda
> > platform. Worse, it would be likely to result in
> > widespread
> > hostage-taking by his followers to protect him from
> > the
> > punishment he deserves.
> >
> > The solution is not to corrupt our judicial
> > tradition by
> > making bin Laden the star of a new Star Chamber. The
> > solution is to turn his cave into his crypt. When
> > fleeing
> > Taliban reveal his whereabouts, our bombers should
> > promptly
> > bid him farewell with 15,000-pound daisy-cutters and
> > 5,000-pound rock-penetrators.
> >
> > But what if he broadcasts his intent to surrender,
> > and
> > walks toward us under a white flag? It is not in our
> > tradition to shoot prisoners. Rather, President Bush
> > should
> > now set forth a policy of "universal surrender": all
> > of Al
> > Qaeda or none. Selective surrender of one or a dozen
> > leaders - which would leave cells in Afghanistan and
> > elsewhere free to fight on - is unacceptable. We
> > should
> > continue our bombardment of bin Laden's hideouts
> > until he
> > agrees to identify and surrender his entire
> > terrorist
> > force.
> >
> > If he does, our criminal courts can handle them
> > expeditiously. If, as more likely, the primary
> > terrorist
> > prefers what he thinks of as martyrdom, that
> > suicidal
> > choice would be his - and Americans would have no
> > need of
> > kangaroo courts to betray our principles of justice.
> >
> >
> >
>http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/15/opinion/15SAFI.html?ex=1006855557&ei=1&en=454d0209d9782e61
> >
> >
> >
> > HOW TO ADVERTISE
> > ---------------------------------
> > For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters
> >
> > or other creative advertising opportunities with The
> >
> > New York Times on the Web, please contact Alyson
> > Racer at alyson at nytimes.com or visit our online
> > media
> > kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo
> >
> > For general information about NYTimes.com, write to
> > help at nytimes.com.
> >
> > Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company
> >
>_______________________________________________________
> > ALBSA-Info mailing list: ALBSA-Info at alb-net.com
> > http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/albsa-info
>
>
>__________________________________________________
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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Nov 19 18:32:12 2001
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 19 Nov 2001 18:32:12 EST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject)
Message-ID: <7c.1ec9f4d8.292af07d@aol.com>

Analysis: The second coming in Albania

SKOPJE, Macedonia, Nov. 19 (UPI) -- Albania, which not long ago resembled ravaged Somalia both politically and economically, has rebounded enough economically to return to the good graces of the International Monetary Fund.

Blessed with Chinese-level gross domestic product growth rates of 7-8 percent in each of the last 3 years and German-level inflation of 4 percent, Albania -- just four years ago the site of a civil war that dragged an already moribund economy into Third World depths, has completed a quick economic turnaround.

In 1997, the collapse of a series of politically sanctioned pyramid schemes in which one third of the population lost their life savings, Albania imploded. Mobs looted 700,000 guns from the armories of the army and the police and went on a rampage, in bloody scenes replete with warlords, crime and 1,500 dead. It took 5 percent of GDP to recapitalize Albania's tottering banks and overall GDP dropped by 7 percent that year.

Two years before that, Albania had been the IMF's poster boy. Since October 1991, the World Bank has approved 43 projects in the country, committed nearly $570 million and disbursed two thirds of its commitments. Additional aid was proposed from a series of international organizations, yet, as Chris Patten, the commissioner in charge of aid, admitted to The Economist, "The EU'S capacity for making political promises is more impressive than our past record of delivering financial assistance."

The aid was bungled and mired in pernicious bureaucratic infighting. The EU delegation in Tirana was recently implicated in "serious financial irregularities."

The economic picture, if notoriously unreliable official statistics are to be trusted, has been mixed since.

The budget deficit hovers around 9 percent of GDP. The external debt -- very soft and very long term -- is at a nadir of 28 percent of GDP, though 150 percent of exports and foreign exchange reserves cover more than four months of imports. This is reflected in the export-averse stable exchange rate of the lek.

And the overall public debt is much higher -- 70 percent of GDP -- and the domestic component may well be unsustainable. Money supply is roaring (+12 percent) and interest rates are punishingly high at 8 percent per annum -- though in steep decline.

With a per capita GDP of less than $1,000, Albania is still one of Europe's poorest countries, especially its rural north. Most of its GDP growth is in construction and trade. Health and education are decrepit and deteriorating. And people have been emigrating in great numbers and supporting the dollar over the lek.

Privatization receipts, which were supposed to amortize public debt, did not materialize. Negative sentiment toward emerging economies, Albania's proximity to the Kosovo and Macedonia killing fields and global recession make this prospect more doubtful. Had it not been for the $500 million in remittances from the 20 percent of the country's workforce, which is employed in Greece and Italy, Albania would have been even worse off.

Money from Albanian drug dealers, immigrant smugglers and other unsavory characters still filters in from Prague, Zurich, and the United States. These illicit -- but economically crucial -- funds may explain the government's foot dragging on the privatization of the Savings Bank, which holds 83 percent of all deposits and 85 percent of all treasury bills while giving a 2 percent net return on equity, and officials' reluctance to overhaul the moribund banking system and enact anti-money-laundering measures. It took crushing pressure by the international financial institutions to force the government to move the Savings Bank's pension plan business.

In the intervening years, Albania got its fiscal act together and made meaningful inroads into the informal economy (read: organized crime), not least by dramatically improving its smuggler-infested customs service. A collateral registry has been introduced and much debated bankruptcy and mediation laws may be enacted next year. Everything, from the operations of the Central Bank to the executive branches is being revamped. Those who remained in Albania are much more invigorated than they have been in a long time.

But the problems are structural. Albania is among the few countries in that rely on agriculture -- 55 percent of GDP -- rather than industry or services. Some 40 percent of the population lives in cities and female illiteracy is 24 percent. Tourism, especially of the archeological kind, is promising. But there are fewer than six computers and 40 phones per 1,000 citizens and less than 40 percent of the roads are paved (Albanians were forbidden to own private cars until 1985). Foreign direct investment amounts to a measly $50 million a year and aid per capita has tripled to about $160 since 1997. Pervasive electricity shortages, despite budget-draining subsidies of imported energy, hamper economic activity. Albania was rated 100th (out of 174) in the UNDP's Human Development Index and 90th (out of 175) in UNICEF's Report on the State of the World's Children (under-5 mortality). Its neighbors ranked 55-73.

The isolationist legacy of the demented and paranoid Enver Hoxha is only partly to blame. Mismanagement, corruption, the criminalization of society, and tribalism are equally at fault in post-Communist Albania. Everyone takes bribes -- not surprising when a senior minister earns less than $1,000 a month (10 times the average salary). A well developed, though fast eroded, social safety net through extended families ensures that only 20 percent of the population is under the official poverty line. But these extended ties are one of the reasons for local unemployment -- at almost 20 percent of the workforce. Migrant workers constitute more than 25 percent of those employed.

With a 32-year-old prime minister -- Ilir Meta, overwhelmingly re-elected this year -- an economist by profession, Albania is reaching out to its neighbors. As early as 1992 it joined the improbable Black Sea Economic Cooperation Pact, which lobbies for the re-opening of the Danube River. Albanian cheap exports are competitive only if transported via river. Albania signed recently a series of agreements with Montenegro regarding transportation on the Bojana River and the Skadar Lake, use of harbors, the extension of railways and roads and the regulation of aviation rights.

Despite the unusual fact that neighboring Macedonia is not an important trading partner, Albania has responded positively to all the Macedonian initiatives for economic and political integration of the region. It is here, in regional collaboration and synergy, that Albania's future rests. Should the region deteriorate once more into mayhem and worse, Albania would be amongst the first and foremost to suffer. Hence its surprisingly conciliatory stance in the recent crisis in Macedonia. It seems that Albanian politicians have wisely decided to move from a "Great Albania" to a prosperous one.


Copyright 2001 by United Press International.



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 19 20:23:51 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 19 Nov 2001 17:23:51 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Rilindja Demokratike - 21 dhjetor 2001
Message-ID: <20011120012351.10952.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

 
Kryetari i PS, sulmon ashp?r Qeverin? dhe ministrin Angjeli

Nano: Projekt-buxhetin Meta e bllokoj n? Parlament

"Ky buxhet ?sht? etatist, i centralizuar, parat? nuk aktivizohen dhe shkalla e lart? e qarkullimit t? parave n? m?nyr? private jasht? bankave favorizon veprimtari ekonomike t? paligjshme, p?r trafiqe, korrupsion, kontraband?, krim etj. N? rast se qeveria nuk do t? b?j? korrigjime n? projektbuxhetin e paraqitur, at?her? un? do t? k?rkoj mosmiratimin e tij n? Parlament"

Fatos Nano, gjat? nj? takimi me drejtuesit dhe an?tar?t e PS n? Divjak?, u shpreh kund?r projektbuxhetit Meta t? vitit 2002, dhe sulmoi s?rish me tone t? ashpra ministrin e Financave, Anastas Angjeli. Kryetari i PS deklaroi se, n? rast se nuk do t? b?hen korrigjime nga qeveria n? projektbuxhetin e vitit 2002, ai do t?i k?rkoj? Parlamentit mosmiratimin e tij. Nano tha nd?r t? tjera se, "n? projektbuxhet nuk ka praktika t? sakta, nuk ka projekt t? orientuar sakt?, nuk ka stimuj dhe instrumente buxhetore dhe fiskale q? nxisin aft?sit? konkurruese dhe eksportuese t? biznesit vendas. ?far? do t? b?het p?r nxitjen e prodhimit vendas, rritjen e aft?sive eksportuese t? tij?".

M? pas, Nano iu drejtua banor?ve t? Divjak?s: "Nj? milion dollar? futen n? muaj n? Lushnje nga djemt? dhe t? af?rmit e t? pranishm?ve n? emigracion, nga Greqia dhe Italia. Po ku shkojn? k?to para?, pyeti Nano. Jan? para q? investohen, apo jan? para q? ushqejn? krimin? A duhet t? jen? k?to para pjes? e programeve tona buxhetore e menaxhuese t? rezervave ekonomike? N? rast se qeveria nuk do t? b?j? korrigjime n? projektbuxhetin e paraqitur, at?her? un? do t? k?rkoj mosmiratimin e tij n? Parlament".

Gjat? kund?rshtimit t? buxhetit, Nano iu kund?rvu p?rs?ri ministrit t? Financave, Anastas Angjeli. "Po t? vazhdojm? k?shtu me munges? skandaloze t? transparenc?s q? shfaqi Angjeli parmbr?m? n? ekran, tha Nano, ky buxhet at?her? ?sht? etatist, i centralizuar dhe ajo q? pason ?sht?, jo vet?m mosaktivizimi i parave, jo vet?m shkalla e lart? e qarkullimit t? parave n? m?nyr? private jasht? bankave, jasht? tregut finaciar zyrtar, por ato jan? subjekti m? i favorizuar p?r veprimtari ekonomike t? paligjshme, p?r trafiqe, korrupsion, kontraband?, krim etj. Por, korrupsionin nuk e luftojn? t? korruptuarit, as k?tu n? Lushnj? as n? Tiran?", tha Nano.

"Nuk mund t? kap?rcehet situata me fjalime zyrtare, q? her? pas here thon? q? Shqip?ria po rritet 7-8 p?rqind n? vit p?r t? kat?rtin vit, apo p?r t? pestin vit radhazi, ngaq? vet?m 4-5 maune n? vit dalin nga zona juaj p?r eksport", deklaroi Nano n? Divjak?. "Kjo do t? thot?, tha ai, q? ekonomia bujq?sore mbi baz?n e s? cil?s mund t? ngrihet agrobiznesi, sh?rbimet dhe turizmi, por plazhin dhe pyllin ne e kemi p?r Xhevdet Mustaf?t", ironizoi kryetari i PS.

Gjat? nj? takimi me drejtuesit dhe an?tar?t e PS t? Sarand?s, kryetari i PS, Fatos Nano sulmoi ashp?r Angjelin p?r vjedhje dhe korrupsion. Ai e akuzoi me fakte ministrin e Financave p?r pushtimin e bregdetit t? Sarand?s, ku dhjet?ra hektar? tok? n? bregdet do t? kthehen n? kazino nga farefisi i Angjelit. Nano k?rkoi largimin e Angjelit nga minist?r Financash, dhe deklaroi se do t? k?rkonte ndjekje penale p?r t?.

R.POLISI

 

Kryetari i PS u k?rkon ndihm? intelektual?ve

Nano: Ja pse Meidani nuk rib?het president

Fatos Nano, n? nj? takim me intelektual?t t? zhvilluar mbr?m? n? kryeqytet, sulmoi s?rish Qeverin? e Met?s dhe la t? kuptohet arsyet pse ai ?sht? kund?r rizgjedhjes s? Meidanit president. Nd?r t? tjera Nano tha se, "un? nuk mund t? rri duarkryq kur Europa ngopet me propagand? qeveritare dhe kur paketa e re fiskale frenon biznesin e ndersh?m". K?to fenomene, tha Nano, kan? ardhur nga trafiku i vot?s. "Un? nuk po organizoj ndonj? konspiracion antiqeveritar me ju, por po shtroj alternativa p?r ta nxjerr? Shqip?rin? nga bataku ku ?sht? futur". Nano i b?ri thirrje Met?s q? t? pranoj? gabimet dhe t? rikompozoj? kabinetin, p?rndryshe ?do kok?fort?si e tij mund ta thelloj? edhe m? tej k?t? kriz?.

Edhe m? e ashp?r ka qen? lufta ndaj Meidanit nga kryetari i PS, Fatos Nano. "Un? do ta votoj s?rish kanditatur?n e Profesor Meidanit si president, tha Nano, n?se ai do t? ushtronte t? gjitha kompetencat e tij si garant i Kushtetut?s p?r t? normalizuar dhe drejtpeshuar gjendjen anormale kritike q? po krijon ekzekutivi n? Shqip?ri. Un? do ta votoj s?rish Meidanin, n?se ai do t? ushtronte funksionin e tij t? rritjes dhe konsolidimit t? sistemit t? drejt?sis?, kund?r trafiqeve, kund?r krimit t? organizuar, kund?r korrupsionit dhe sidomos vendimmarrjeve abuzive dhe klienteliste q? k?rc?nojn? lirit? e qytetar?ve dhe pron?n publike n?p?rmjet privatizimit edhe t? institucioneve shtet?rore nga klane politike q? bashk?punojn? dhe jan? shum? af?r me bot?n e krimit".

N? takimin e mbr?msh?m, p?rkrah Nanos n? tribun? ishin ulur edhe Makbule ?e?o, Arben Malaj, Petro Ko?i dhe Spartak Po?i, t? cil?t njihen si mb?shtet?sit kryesor? t? tij.

R.P



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 19 20:37:11 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 19 Nov 2001 17:37:11 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] London Times
Message-ID: <20011120013711.31347.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

The Times (London) 
November 19, 2001, Monday 
Features 



 Balkan turnaround 



The decisive victory of Ibrahim Rugova in the general election in Kosovo on Saturday is a rare ray of hope in an area that has long suffered the darkness of violence and instability. Mr Rugova's moderate Democratic League for Kosovo captured 45 per cent of the popular vote, far ahead of the 24 per cent won by the more nationalist Democratic Party of Kosovo. This is easily enough to ensure that the veteran pacifist leader of the Kosovan Albanians becomes President, though still short of the outright majority that would enable his party to form a government without coalition partners. Nevertheless, the election - the first free vote ever held in this Yugoslav province - marks a turning point in the uphill task to promote moderation, political stability and ethnic reconciliation. The importance of the vote lies as much in the way it was conducted as in its outcome. It was remarkably free of intimidation or violence. Former leaders of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who showed little readiness to renounce the politics of armed struggle, fought the election fairly, under democratic rules. The Serb minority, which until recently was preparing to boycott the vote, took a last-minute decision to participate, encouraged by the sensible advice from Belgrade that they should seize this chance to make their voice heard. After the flight of almost 200,000 Serbs and other minorities, those remaining account for only 5 per of the population. But in defiance of some hardline leaders, around 46 per cent voted, giving credibility to the system of proportional representation that reserves 10 per cent of the seats for them and a further 10 for other minorities. 

Mr Rugova's victory does not lessen the Albanian pressure for full independence. He insisted it was a mandate for a break from Yugoslavia, which the United Nations has refused to countenance so far. But as President he can appoint a prime minister who would be ready to work within the existing framework of a Western protectorate that has wide-ranging autonomy. The new assembly can make laws and debate issues while leaving resolution of Kosovo's final status till later. 

International attention has moved away from the Balkans, and the West's preoccupation with the war on terrorism may have made quiet compromise easier. But the war has also sent useful signals to Kosovo. The first is that the West has not lost its will to defend its interests and use force to defeat extremism. The calculations by Albanian extremists, in Kosovo as well as Macedonia, that the West would be unwilling to take up arms again to oppose them have been dented. The second signal is that the new closeness between Russia and the West extends now also to the Balkans, and undercuts hopes by Serb nationalists of exploiting differences. 

This message has been well understood by President Kostunica, who next week begins a visit to Western Europe. He has gradually reconciled Yugoslavia to the realities of defeat in Kosovo and the crimes committed there by Serbs. Last week he insisted that Belgrade would have to co-operate with the criminal tribunal in The Hague, and called for new laws to regularise the extradition of suspects. 

Facing down a mutiny by former Milosevic henchmen in the police, he is skilfully preparing his country for what is as inevitable as it is necessary: face-to-face talks with Mr Rugova on Kosovo's future. The atmosphere has already been helped further south by the welcome passage in Macedonia's parliament of a constitutional package to reassure the Albanian minority. Tensions remain, but the turnaround in the Balkans looks as sudden and as welcome as it has been in Afghanistan. 



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From KBejko at MFS.com  Tue Nov 20 10:04:58 2001
From: KBejko at MFS.com (Bejko, Kreshnik)
Date: Tue, 20 Nov 2001 10:04:58 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Wall St Journal Article
Message-ID: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2E6@perseus.mfs.com>

CIA-Backed Team Used Brutal Means
To Break Up Terrorist Cell in Albania
By ANDREW HIGGINS and CHRISTOPHER COOPER 
Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
TIRANA, Albania -- Ahmed Osman Saleh stepped off a minibus here in the
Albanian capital in July 1998 and caught what would be his last glimpse of
daylight for three days. As he paid the driver, Albanian security agents
slipped a white cloth bag over Mr. Saleh's head, bound his limbs with
plastic shackles and tossed him into the rear of a hatchback vehicle.
Supervising the operation from a nearby car were agents from the U.S.
Central Intelligence Agency.
Mr. Saleh's Albanian captors sped over rutted roads to an abandoned air base
35 miles north of Tirana. There, recalled an Albanian security agent who
participated, guards dumped the bearded self-confessed terrorist on the
floor of a windowless bathroom.
 </pages/terattack.htm>
 <<...OLE_Obj...>> 
 </pages/terattack.htm>
After two days of interrogation by CIA agents and sporadic beatings by
Albanian guards, Mr. Saleh was put aboard a CIA-chartered plane and flown to
Cairo, according to the Albanian agent and a confession Egyptian police
elicited from Mr. Saleh in September 1998. "I remained blindfolded until I
got off the plane," Mr. Saleh said in the confession, a document written in
Arabic longhand that he signed at the bottom.
There were more beatings and torture at the hands of Egyptian authorities.
And 18 months after he was grabbed outside the Garden of Games, a Tirana
childrens' park, Mr. Saleh was hanged in an Egyptian prison yard.
By the Script
His capture was one of five scripted and overseen by American agents as part
of a covert 1998 operation to deport members of the Egyptian Jihad
organization to Cairo from the Balkans. At the time, Egyptian Jihad was
merging with Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network. U.S. authorities considered
the Tirana cell among the most dangerous terror outfits in Europe.
The CIA has refused to acknowledge the 1998 operation. But privately, U.S.
officials have described it as one of the most successful counterterrorism
efforts in the annals of the intelligence agency.
 
<http://discussions.wsj.com/n/mb/message.asp?webtag=wsjvoices&nav=messages&m
sg=1890> <<...OLE_Obj...>>
<http://discussions.wsj.com/n/mb/message.asp?webtag=wsjvoices&nav=messages&m
sg=1890>How far should the CIA go to thwart terrorism? Participate in the
Quesiton of the Day.	
Today, as the Bush administration loosens its interpretation of the rules on
foreign assassinations and other restraints imposed on the CIA in the 1970s,
America's clandestine role in Albania illuminates some of the tactical and
moral questions that lie ahead in the global war on terrorism. Taking this
fight to the enemy will mean teaming up with foreign security services that
engage in political repression and pay little heed to human rights. By
authorizing special military trials for some terrorists caught abroad,
President Bush has signaled that the protections of American-style justice
won't apply to all.
Although executed swiftly, the CIA's operation in Albania was far from
clean. At least two men targeted by the Americans eluded capture. Another
was shot dead during a gunfight with Albanian security forces.
One Albanian participant in the violent arrests recalled that an apparently
innocent elderly man was grabbed at Tirana's airport and then bound and
blindfolded. The old man was interrogated for several days by the CIA before
being dumped on a downtown street. In statements to their lawyer in Egypt,
the five men who were deported there said they suffered the sort of
elaborate torture that has been a hallmark of a decade-long Egyptian
counterterrorist campaign.
Bill Harlow, a spokesman for the CIA, said any suggestion that "the CIA
either participated in or condoned torture" in any of its operations is
"wrong." He declined to comment further.
Albania is nominally Muslim but largely secular and pro-American. It has
served as a laboratory for counterterrorism tactics shunned in Western
Europe, for example, where governments are wary of giving the CIA too much
leeway and balk at sending suspects to countries that employ the death
penalty.
Fatos Klosi, head of Albania's intelligence service, acknowledged that some
of his agency's actions, undertaken at the CIA's behest, were "not so
justified legally." But he defended them as necessary. "They convinced us
not to be soft with terrorists," said Mr. Klosi, who oversaw the 1998
operation.
Cast of Characters The Tirana Cell Mohamed Zawahri: Brother of al Qaeda
lieutenant Ayman Zawahri, he came to Tirana in 1992 to set up a terrorist
cell there. Mohamed Hassan Tita: Arrived in Tirana in 1993 and was put in
charge of collecting dues from other cell members and finding them jobs.
Ahmed Ibrahim al-Naggar: Former head of Jihad cell in Aden, Yemen, he
arrived in Tirana in 1996 and began training as a propagandist. Shawki
Salama Attiya: A forger with the most military training of the cell members,
he led the group in Albania. Ahmed Osman Saleh: Before he came to Tirana, he
had fought with the Taliban against what is now the Northern Alliance. Essam
Abdel Tawwab: Belonged to a cell in Yemen before coming to Albania in late
1995 or early 1996. Later, he moved to Bulgaria. The Albanians Fatos Klosi:
A former physics professor, he took charge of Albania's intelligence service
in 1997 and oversaw the joint CIA-Albanian covert operation in 1998 to roll
up the Tirana cell. Sali Berisha: A cardiologist who was elected Albania's
president in 1992, he led the administration that initiated close
cooperation with the CIA.	
The Tirana group broken up by the CIA was years in the making. Its members,
who ultimately numbered more than 20, started drifting in and out of Albania
in the early 1990s. They eventually coalesced into what appears to have been
a classic "sleeper" cell: a self-sufficient group ensconced in its
surroundings, awaiting a call from its leadership to begin terrorist
activities.
In addition to Mr. Saleh, a self-described terrorist with a 1993 Cairo car
bombing to his credit, cell members included an accomplished forger and a
budding propagandist. Most had spent time in Afghanistan or Pakistan,
learning how to handle weapons and explosives. Egyptian Jihad's leader was
Ayman Zawahri, a Cairo surgeon-turned-mujahedeen warrior who became Mr. bin
Laden's right-hand man after the Jihad group merged with al Qaeda in 1998.
The interrogation of the five Tirana cell members by Egyptian authorities in
the summer and fall of 1998, and the military trial that followed in Egypt
the next year, produced some 20,000 pages of confession transcripts and
other documents. The confessions apparently were coerced, which could cast
doubt on the credibility of some self-incriminating statements. But the
defendants' descriptions of their activities generally are consistent with
those of other sources and provide a rare detailed account of the activities
of a Muslim terrorist cell.
Fertile Ground
Islamic militants and CIA agents began arriving in Albania at about the same
time -- when the country's doctrinaire Communist regime collapsed in 1992.
Both groups of outsiders saw fertile ground for expansion.
Arriving early was Mohamed Zawahri, the younger brother of Ayman Zawahri.
The younger Zawahri worked as an engineer for the Islamic Relief
Organization, one of more than a dozen charities based in Saudi Arabia and
other Islamic states that opened offices in Tirana. Mohamed Zawahri helped
other Egyptian Jihad members land jobs with charities that were building
mosques, orphanages and clinics there.
The CIA, meanwhile, found shelter in the new U.S. Embassy, which opened
after the Communists' fall. CIA agents provided the Albanian intelligence
service, known by its initials, SHIK, with equipment to record telephone
calls, as well as lessons on surveillance techniques, according to current
and former SHIK operatives.
The CIA, which aimed to track Muslim extremists in the region, found an
eager partner in Sali Berisha, a cardiologist elected Albania's president in
1992. "Total cooperation," is how Mr. Berisha described his relationship
with the American intelligence agency. "They worked in Albania as if they
were in New York or Washington," he added.
Gaining permission for wiretaps was a snap, requiring little of the legal
red tape common in the U.S. Mr. Berisha estimated that almost two-thirds of
the hundreds of telephone conversations recorded in Albania during his
five-year tenure as president were taped at the CIA's behest.
While the CIA organized, so did Egyptian Jihad. In January 1993, Mohamed
Zawahri recruited Mohamed Hassan Tita, an architect and Jihad member, to
work at the Islamic Relief Organization. Funded by Saudi Arabia, the group
had offices in a former Communist Party academy, alongside Western charity
groups.
Within hours of stepping off the plane from Egypt, Mr. Tita was told by Mr.
Zawahri that he would have a special duty: collecting dues from the
charity's Jihad employees at a rate of 20% of their salary. "I think that
all Jihad members employed at the organization were employed through Mohamed
Zawahri," Mr. Tita said in his 1998 confession.
By the mid-1990s, the Egyptian Jihad cell in Tirana had swelled to 16
people, according to the Tita confession. His collections were running about
$1,100 a month.
Meanwhile, the CIA monitored the mixture of Muslim charity and militancy in
the Albanian capital. SHIK agents who worked with the Americans said the CIA
scrutinized the travel, phone calls and contacts of various charity workers
with suspected links to extremist groups from Egypt, Algeria and other
countries.
Every few days, a CIA officer from the American Embassy collected audio
tapes of phone conversations that SHIK operatives recorded on
American-supplied equipment in a secret eavesdropping center next to
Tirana's central post office. Since nearly all the conversations were in
Arabic, the tapes went back to the U.S. for translation, SHIK agents said.
For much of the 1990s, the CIA and SHIK contented themselves with observing
the suspected terrorists. The strategy, said ex-President Berisha, was "not
to cleanse [Albania of] these people, but to study them."
U.S. diplomats and spies did worry that Jihad members or other Muslim
extremists might attack the American Embassy in Tirana, SHIK officials said.
On one occasion in 1993, the Americans were alarmed when a suspected Islamic
militant drove repeatedly around the embassy. In another incident, phone
intercepts picked up an apparent order from overseas instructing a
Muslim-charity worker to case the embassy. An attack never came.
In 1994, the CIA sent an agent to Tirana to oversee the training of a new
SHIK unit dedicated to surveillance of suspected terrorists, according to
Albanian security officials. The American was a Vietnam veteran and spoke
Arabic. Operating out of a former military academy in Tirana, the agent, who
has since died in an unrelated car accident, according to his former
Albanian pupils, taught recruits how to follow and monitor targets. The SHIK
contingent, said then-President Berisha, was "trained by the CIA, chaired by
the CIA and run by the CIA." Some Albanian agents to this day save
surveillance photographs they said they took under CIA tutelage.

 <<...OLE_Obj...>> 
As American intelligence activity increased in the mid-1990s, Egyptian Jihad
expanded its network in Albania. In February 1996, Mr. Tita, the dues
collector, offered a job to Mr. Saleh, the man later grabbed near Tirana's
Garden of Games. Wanted by Egyptian authorities in connection with a botched
1993 attempt to assassinate former Egyptian Prime Minister Atef Sedki, Mr.
Saleh came to Albania for the nominal purpose of teaching the Quran to
school children and running a Muslim orphanage.
Mr. Tita's most important hire was Shawki Salama Attiya, a forger and
instructor at al Qaeda camps originally set up in the 1980s to train
anti-Soviet fighters in Afghanistan. The son of a Cairo carpenter, Mr.
Attiya arrived at the camps in 1990, too late to fight the Soviets, who had
left in 1989. But that didn't diminish his enthusiasm. "We used to train on
attacking [mock] tourist buses," he said later in his confession.
Instructors "always told us to imagine the people in these buses were
Israeli tourists."
Learning Forgery
By 1994, Mr. Attiya had relocated his family to Sudan, then home to Mr. bin
Laden and al Qaeda. He apprenticed himself to a forgery expert, learning how
to doctor passports, a talent much in demand among Muslim militants. "I
specialized in removing stamps and visas from passports and putting new ones
on," he said in his 1998 confession. Most of what he said in the confession
was corroborated by his wife, Jihan Hassan Ahmed, who gave a statement to
Egyptian police in 1998 but wasn't tortured or charged.
After awarding himself a diploma of his own making from the prestigious
al-Azar University in Cairo, Mr. Attiya arrived in Albania in August 1995,
with a fake passport and a new name, Magad Mustafa, he said in his
confession. His job at the Islamic Heritage orphanage paid $700 a month.
The main force drawing Egyptian Jihad operatives to Albania at the time was
the availability of paying jobs with the Muslim charities. The subject of
Jihad finances surfaced during a meeting in Sana, Yemen, in December 1995.
Ayman Zawahri, the Jihad leader, discussed a successful bombing that year of
the Egyptian Embassy in Pakistan. Then, he delivered discouraging news:
Jihad was nearly broke. "These are bad times," he said, according to the
confession of Ahmed Ibrahim al-Naggar, a Jihad member who attended the Yemen
gathering.
A month after the conclave, Egyptian Jihad outfitted Mr. Naggar with a plane
ticket, laptop computer and $500. He followed Messrs. Attiya, Saleh and Tita
to Tirana. A trained pharmacist from a Cairo slum, he got a job with
al-Haramein, a Saudi charity operating out of a three-story villa in the
center of Albania's dilapidated capital.
In April 1996, eight Jihad operatives gathered in a Tirana house for a
fast-breaking feast at the end of Ramadan, the Muslim holy month. A visiting
Jihad leader appointed Mr. Attiya the chief of the Tirana cell and
"emphasized the need for Jihad leaders to stick together," Mr. Tita recalled
in his 1998 confession.
The threat to Americans posed by al Qaeda was becoming clearer at that time.
In June 1996, the Khobar Towers U.S. Marines barracks in Saudi Arabia were
bombed in an attack attributed to the bin Laden group.
In Albania, the CIA struggled to maintain its carefully nurtured
relationship with SHIK, as Mr. Berisha's regime wobbled. Elections in May
1996 were marred by violence and voting irregularities. Nonetheless, in
October 1996, six SHIK agents traveled to Langley, Va., for a weeklong CIA
course in surveillance offered at a Marriott Hotel near the agency's
headquarters, according to Albanians familiar with the visit.
Conditions in Albania deteriorated into anarchy in early 1997, following the
collapse of a large investment-pyramid scheme. Protesters stormed a
government armory, emptied prisons and attacked SHIK offices.
Amid the turmoil, Mr. Attiya kept up a lively forgery business. And Mr.
Naggar began training as a propagandist, cultivating contacts with the media
center that Egyptian Jihad ran openly in London. In May 1997, Mr. Naggar saw
his first article published: a feature on the life of Muhammed in "Call of
Jihad" magazine.
New Urgency
President Berisha called an election in June 1997, lost and resigned. The
new government quickly revived surveillance operations with the CIA, which
had waned during the unrest. There was new urgency on the American side.
U.S. military planners, alarmed by mounting strife in neighboring Kosovo and
considering American intervention, wanted Albania purged of any extremists
who could threaten U.S. forces.
In 1998, as SHIK expanded its eavesdropping with yet more American
equipment, Mr. Attiya and Mr. Naggar began making frequent calls to Ayman
Zawahri, the Egyptian Jihad leader, who by then had joined Mr. bin Laden in
Afghanistan, Mr. Attiya said in his confession. The Tirana cell received
word of the merger of the two organizations during a phone call from Jihad's
media committee in London, Mr. Naggar said in his confession. Jihad, which
had primarily targeted the secular Egyptian government, would now join a
broader assault on Americans, Mr. Naggar recalled.
"There is a direct benefit from the merging of the groups under bin Laden,
financial strength being the most important," Mr. Naggar said. "Joining with
bin Laden is the only solution to keeping the Jihad organization abroad
alive."
With war in Kosovo looming and Jihad resurgent, the U.S. shifted from
monitoring the Tirana cell to crushing it. In the spring of 1998, the CIA
asked Albania to help round up a half-dozen extremists operating locally,
according to current and former SHIK operatives. Egypt also was recruited to
help with the project, Egyptian court records show.
The Albanians were skeptical that the Muslim charity workers posed a serious
threat. But SHIK's head, Mr. Klosi, recalled that he was convinced after
visiting CIA headquarters in Langley in the spring of 1998.
About a dozen U.S. agents arrived in Albania to plan the arrests, according
to their Albanian counterparts. CIA and SHIK operatives spent three months
devising the operation, often meeting in a conference room next to Mr.
Klosi's office.
On June 25, 1998, the Egyptian government issued a prearranged arrest
warrant for Mr. Attiya, the forger, and demanded his deportation. Most such
requests to Western countries had been ignored in the past, said Hisham
Saraya, Egypt's attorney general at the time. This one was not.
That day, while driving in his 1986 Audi in Tirana, Mr. Attiya found himself
being trailed by an Albanian police car and another vehicle, he later
recalled in his confession. He was stopped and arrested. The same day,
Albanian security officers raided his home and found more than 50 plates and
stamps used to produce fake visas and other bogus documents, according to
court records from his 1999 trial.
Several days later, he was taken, handcuffed and blindfolded, to the
abandoned air base, north of Tirana. "There, a private plane was waiting for
me," he said in his confession. Once in Cairo, he was blindfolded again and
driven to Egypt's state security offices on July 2, 1998. "Since then, the
interrogations have not stopped," he said.
Mr. Attiya later told his lawyer, Hafez Abu-Saada, that while being
questioned, he was subjected to electrical shocks to his genitals, suspended
by his limbs, dragged on his face, and made to stand for hours in a cell,
with filthy water up to his knees. Mr. Abu-Saada, who represented all five
members of the Tirana cell, subsequently recorded their complaints in a
published report.
Also deported from Tirana was Mr. Naggar. He was nabbed in July 1998 by SHIK
on a road outside of town. He, too, was blindfolded and spirited home on a
CIA plane. In complaints in his confession and to his defense lawyer, Mr.
Abu-Saada, Mr. Naggar said his Egyptian interrogators regularly applied
electrical shocks to his nipples and penis.
Mr. Naggar's brother, Mohamed, said in an interview that he and his
relatives also were -- and continue to be -- harassed and tortured by
Egyptian police. He said he had suffered broken ribs and fractured
cheekbones. "They changed my features," Mohamed Naggar said, touching his
face.
About two weeks after Messrs. Attiya and Naggar were deported to Egypt,
Albanian security agents took Mr. Tita, the dues-collector, from his Tirana
apartment. They covered his head and put him on a plane. "After I was
arrested, [Egyptian interrogators] hung me from my wrists and applied
electricity to parts of my feet and back," he said in his confession.
As the CIA operation drew to a close, an Arab newspaper in London published
a letter on August 5, 1998, signed by the International Islamic Front for
Jihad. The letter vowed revenge for the counterterrorism drive in Albania,
promising to retaliate against Americans in a "language they will
understand."
Two days later, U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania were blown up, killing
224 people. U.S. investigators have attributed the embassy bombings to al
Qaeda and now believe the attacks were planned far in advance. At the time,
American officials were rattled enough about the possible connection to the
Tirana arrests that they closed the U.S. Embassy there, moving the staff to
a more-secure compound across town.
The embassy bombings didn't stop the CIA from going after Mr. Saleh in
Tirana. In August, Albanian security agents grabbed him outside the
children's park. During two months of detention in Egypt, he was suspended
from the ceiling of his cell and given electrical shocks, he told his
lawyer, Mr. Abu-Saada. Also rounded up was Essam Abdel-Tawwab, an Egyptian
Jihad member who had lived for a time in Tirana before moving to Sofia,
Bulgaria. He, too, later told Mr. Abu-Saada he was tortured. Egyptian
prosecutors acknowledged in court documents that they observed a "recovered
wound" on Mr. Tawwab's body.
Mass Trial
The Jihad members brought back from the Balkans were tried by the Egyptian
military in early 1999. The prosecution of cell members expanded into one of
the country's largest-ever mass trials of alleged Islamic terrorists. In
all, 107 people were tried in the so-called Returnees-from-Albania Case.
Many were rounded up locally and had no direct connection to Albania. There
are no appeals from such trials.
About 60 of the defendants were tried in absentia, including Ayman and
Mohamed Zawahri, who were sentenced to death. Like his al Qaeda comrade, Mr.
bin Laden, Ayman Zawahri is thought by U.S. officials to be on the run in
Afghanistan. Mohamed Zawahri is assumed to be there, as well.
Messrs. Naggar and Saleh were hanged in February 2000 in connection with
charges from earlier terror cases. Mr. Attiya was sentenced to life
imprisonment. Messrs. Tita and Tawwab each received 10-year prison terms.
Egyptian presidential spokesman Nabil Osman said of such mass prosecutions:
"Justice is swift there, and it provides a better deterrent. The alternative
is to have cases of terrorism in this country dangling between heaven and
earth for years."
Mr. Osman brushed off torture claims by members of the Tirana cell, without
commenting directly on their validity. Egypt permits alleged torture victims
to seek remedies in civil court, he said. Members of the Tirana cell,
however, have been held incommunicado with no way to file suit.
"Forget about human rights for a while," Mr. Osman said. "You have to
safeguard the security of the majority."




From KBejko at MFS.com  Tue Nov 20 12:58:20 2001
From: KBejko at MFS.com (Bejko, Kreshnik)
Date: Tue, 20 Nov 2001 12:58:20 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Eliot Cohen:This is WW IV
Message-ID: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2E7@perseus.mfs.com>

This is from the editorial section of today's edition of the Wall Street
Journal
By Eliot A. Cohen. Mr. Cohen is professor of strategic studies at the Nitze
School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University.
Political people often dislike calling things by their names. Truth,
particularly in wartime, is so unpleasant that we drape it in a veil of
evasions, and the right naming of things is far from a simple task.

Take the matter of this war. It is most assuredly something other than the
"Afghan War," as the press sometimes calls it. After all, the biggest
engagement took place on American soil, and the administration promises to
wage the conflict globally, and not, primarily, against Afghans.
The "9/11 War," perhaps? But the war began well before Sept. 11, and its
casualties include, at the very least, the dead and wounded in our embassies
in Africa, on the USS Cole, and, possibly, in Somalia and the Khobar Towers.
"Osama Bin Laden's War"? There are precedents for this in history (King
Philip's War, Pontiac's War, or even The War of Jenkins' Ear), but the war
did not begin with bin Laden and will not end with his death, which may come
sooner than anyone had anticipated -- including, one hopes, the man himself.
Global Conflicts
A less palatable but more accurate name is World War IV. The Cold War was
World War III, which reminds us that not all global conflicts entail the
movement of multimillion-man armies, or conventional front lines on a map.
The analogy with the Cold War does, however, suggest some key features of
that conflict: that it is, in fact, global; that it will involve a mixture
of violent and nonviolent efforts; that it will require mobilization of
skill, expertise and resources, if not of vast numbers of soldiers; that it
may go on for a long time; and that it has ideological roots.
Americans still tiptoe around this last fact. The enemy in this war is not
"terrorism" -- a distilled essence of evil, conducted by the real-world
equivalents of J. K. Rowling's Lord Voldemort, Tolkien's Sauron, or C. S.
Lewis' White Witch -- but militant Islam. The enemy has an ideology, and an
hour spent surfing the Web will give the average citizen at least the kind
of insights that he or she might have found during World Wars II and III by
reading "Mein Kampf" or the writings of Lenin, Stalin or Mao. Those
insights, of course, eluded those in the West who preferred --
understandably, but dangerously -- to define the problem as something more
manageable, such as German resentment about the Versailles Treaty, an
exaggerated form of Russian national interest, or peasant resentment of
landlords taken a bit too far. In the reported words of one survivor of the
Holocaust, when asked what lesson he had taken from his experience of the
1940s, "If someone tells you that he intends to kill you, believe him."
Al Qaeda and its many affiliates consist of Muslim fanatics. They will, no
doubt, find almost as many enemies among moderate Muslims as among infidels,
and show them, if anything, less mercy. One hopes for a wave of revulsion
among Muslims who abhor this rendition of their faith, understand the
calamities of all-out war waged to erect a theocratic dystopia, and will
fight these movements with no less vigor, and no more reservations, than do
Christians, Jews, Hindus, and, for that matter, atheists.
Afghanistan constitutes just one front in World War IV, and the battles
there just one campaign. The U.S. is within range of gaining two important
objectives there: smashing al Qaeda (including the elimination of its
leadership), and teaching the lesson that governments that shelter such
organizations will themselves perish. But what next? Three ideas come to
mind.
First, if one front in this war is the contest for free and moderate
governance in the Muslim world, the U.S. should throw its weight behind
pro-Western and anti-clerical forces there. The immediate choice lies before
the U.S. government in regard to Iran. We can either make tactical
accommodations with the regime there in return for modest (or illusory)
sharing of intelligence, reduced support for some terrorist groups and the
like, or do everything in our power to support a civil society that loathes
the mullahs and yearns to overturn their rule. It will be wise, moral, and
unpopular (among some of our allies) to choose the latter course. The
overthrow of the first theocratic revolutionary Muslim state, however, and
its replacement by a moderate or secular government would be no less
important a victory in this war than the annihilation of bin Laden.
Second, the U.S. should continue to target regimes that sponsor terrorism.
Iraq is the obvious candidate, having not only helped al Qaeda, but attacked
Americans directly (to include an assassination attempt against the last
President Bush), and developed weapons of mass destruction. Again, American
allies will flinch, and the military may shake its head at the prospect of
revisiting the aborted Gulf War victory, but the costs of failing to do so,
and the opportunities for success make it good sense. The Iraqi military is
weak, and the consequences of finishing off America's arch-enemy in the Arab
world would reinforce the awe so badly damaged by a decade of cruise
missiles flung at empty buildings.
Third, the U.S. must mobilize in earnest. The Afghan achievement is
remarkable -- within two months to have radically altered the balance of
power there, to have effectively destroyed the Taliban state and smashed
part of the al Qaeda -- is testimony to what the American military and
intelligence communities can do when turned on to a problem. But the Taliban
were not the hardest case, and the airplanes dropping bombs on the enemy in
Kunduz and Kandahar are in some cases older than their pilots, and suffering
for lack of spare parts.
The combination of precision weapons, Special Operations forces, and
sophisticated intelligence-gathering systems indicates the beginning of a
desperately needed "transformation" of the American military. But this will
require something more than the $20 billion a year in defense spending
increases over the budget now in the offing.
Government Reluctance
Similarly, the creation of a homeland security office without real powers,
the reluctance of the government to open comprehensive, formal inquiries
into the disaster of Sept. 11, and the absence of big, imaginative programs
-- mass scholarships for public health programs, for example, or, more
ambitious yet, a really substantial program of scientific research to
emancipate the West from dependence upon Persian Gulf oil -- tell us that
Washington is somewhere between a war footing and business as usual.
It is, of course, early yet, and many of the signs -- from the B-52s
pounding Taliban front lines to CIA teams scouring the Afghan hills, from
enhanced spending on vaccines and the Centers for Disease Control to the
creation of military tribunals for foreign terrorists -- indicate that the
government is truly serious. But much remains to be done, beginning with
acknowledging the scope of the task, and acting accordingly. Yet if after
the Afghan campaign ends, the government lapses into a covert war of
intelligence-gathering, arrests, and the odd explosion in a terrorist
training camp, it will be a sign that it would rather avoid calling things
by their true name.




From endril at rocketmail.com  Tue Nov 20 16:04:35 2001
From: endril at rocketmail.com (Endri Leno)
Date: Tue, 20 Nov 2001 13:04:35 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Seizing Dictatorial Power
In-Reply-To: <F70cimoyxW9AxxmQDp600017537@hotmail.com>
Message-ID: <20011120210435.20375.qmail@web14605.mail.yahoo.com>

Duke a marre stafeten atje ku e late juve.
I am curious to know where I can find your real
democracy, because I can't think of any place where it
is exercised, at least not right now, but, please,
enlighten me if you can.  
You are able to speak out your mind, oppose government
policies, and criticize in a country with "the
administration of dimwit such as George W. Bush and of
a dangerous fundamentalist such as Ashcroft", ISN'T
THIS AS GOOD AS IT GETS???!!!
Well, maybe it can get better, we can all send a
petition to President Bush, asking him to apologize to
XHA for offending her hippie intellect.  Or, maybe
even better, we can nominate her for President, so
that once and for all "real" democracy will be
established and we wouldn't have to look further.

And, also read more carefully.  I didn't say US
imperialism, I said Western imperialism.  
You may not like but wasn't it imperialism - maybe
with a different name - that yes, pulled us out of the
stone age, into the ancient civilizations, of the
Greek world, Rome etc. etc., into the middle ages, and
on, and on, to where we are now?
I hope, you don't say that this was done by democracy,
love, or righteousness during all those past
centuries.  If you really think that, YOU ARE NAIVE. 
Because as far back as I can see world advanced by
means war, and expansionism.  

The societies of your real democracy, and love, are
indeed excellent ideas, but they never have and
probably will never exist because this is not in the
human nature and it will actually cause a society to
freeze in time.  
Wasn't communism but a failed attempt to create such a
society?  

As a general observation, it wasn't a long time ago,
actually before 9/11 terrorist attack, that we were
receiving, email-s, in this and other lists, about why
no one is doing anything about the suffering of the
people of Afghanistan, and how we should pressure the
Western governments to do something about it.
Well, A LOT IS BEING DONE NOW.  But for strange
reasons some people do not seem to like this. This war
against Taleban is called cruel and it is the only
reason why thousands of innocent Afghanis are only
starving right now.  
This is, as the saying goes, "Hall me burre, hall pa
burre, hall te mos martohesh kurre."

As far as my patriotism goes keep in mind that I am
neither an American citizen nor a permanent resident,
I am an Albanian student, a person who is able to see
how things really are, and understand that not
everything is right in this country - after all
nothing is perfect - and does not ramble on and on
about the "fundamentalist", "dictatorial", "fascist",
etc, etc, government of this country.  After all I
haven't had any problems with these "monsters" that
you describe, and I don't know of any other person who
has.

In conclusion, please, be calm.  I am not going to
call you an "infidel" but an angered pre-youth, who
protests because the theoretical democracy is not
being respected.  I am going to call you "A Rebel
Without a Cause".

E. Leno


--- Xhuliana Agolli <jetkoti at hotmail.com> wrote:
>           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List
> ---------
>           - ALBSA Web Site:
> http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
>  
> In a way, one's views and one's tendencies in
> opining can be shaped by one's 
> experiences. At least, that's what I see happening
> in my case. I think 
> you're right in so far as you imply that I too am
> one of these 
> anti-government "hippies". I have no problem saying
> it outloud that I am not 
> for or with the administration of a dimwit such as
> George W. Bush and of a 
> dangerous fundamentalist such as Ashcroft. They both
> offend my intellect 
> very deeply.
> 
> As per your claim that I should be feeling "guilty"
> for 'enjoying' the 
> benefits of Imperialist America, I can only say to
> you that that is a very 
> poor argument. Actually it's not an argument at all
> if one considers its 
> object. It doesn't address the views that you think
> I may have; it addresses 
> a fact that no one can change, a fact that has to do
> with the location of my 
> body rather than my beliefs and/or views, viz., that
> I was born and raised 
> in Albania and not Pakistan, and that I've ended up
> in the States rather 
> than Afghanistan. That tells absolutely nothing as
> to whether I'm actually 
> "enjoying" the consequenes of
> imperialist/expansionist policies excercised 
> by the US. People can't do much about where they're
> born or where they end 
> up becoming old. And that should have nothing to do
> with the issue here, if 
> we're considering the nature of American foreign
> policies and whether 
> they're right or wrong or... I actually am having a
> hard time seeing what 
> you're thinking of when you say that "These people
> criticize the imperialist 
> policies and at the same time enjoy the benefits
> that resulted from these 
> policies." Please cite me some "benefits" that have
> been enjoyed BY THE 
> PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA from
> imperialist/expansionist 
> tactics.
> 
> And, please, don't be so naive as to consider the
> alternative to an 
> imperialist/expansionist US as the equivalent of
> "stone-age". America, YOUR 
> America, did not invent its (mind
> you,REPRESENTATIVE) "democracy". And 
> civilization was not born here. If there is one
> other thing that was born 
> here, besides the Atomic Bomb, and besides the other
> many great 
> technological and scientific novelties--I'm sorry to
> say--is the opposite of 
> what is generally considered as civilization. And
> please control your 
> patriotism lest you should declare me at some point
> an 'infidel' of the 
> United States of De-civilization. Because I know I
> was told I was such one 
> in the country where you, and many of you, were
> born.
> xha
> >From: Endri Leno <endril at rocketmail.com>
> >To: albsa-info at alb-net.com
> >Subject: Re: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article:
> Seizing Dictatorial Power
> >Date: Sat, 17 Nov 2001 16:25:15 -0800 (PST)
> >
> >           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List
> ---------
> >           - ALBSA Web Site:
> http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
> >
> >Even though Mr. Protopapa is addressing the ?fact
> >presenter? rather harshly, I think, that he is
> >undoubtedly right.
> >The facts, and interpretations that XHA sends to
> the
> >list are generally one sided, and their aim seems
> to
> >be the denigration of the US President and his
> >policies.
> >These views are usually typical of the
> >neocommunist-environmentalist (pseudo ecologist)
> >hippies of Harvard and Central Squares. For those
> who
> >don't know what I am talking about, these are the
> >people who handout anti-government leaflets and
> stalk
> >others to sign their petitions in every train
> station.
> >The problem with these people is that even though
> >sometimes they might be right, they never present a
> >clear solution to the problems they are complaining
> >about.
> >These people fail to recognize the fact that
> without
> >the imperialist and expansionist Western politics,
> >which sometimes are by the way, the world would
> have
> >never gotten past the stone age.  These people
> >criticize the imperialist policies and at the same
> >time enjoy the benefits that resulted from these
> >policies.
> >This standing not only makes them as "guilty" as
> the
> >US President is, but also makes them hypocrites at
> the
> >same time.
> >Endri Leno
> >
> >
> >--- jetkoti at hotmail.com wrote:
> > >           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List
> > > ---------
> > >           - ALBSA Web Site:
> > > http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
> > >
> > > This article from NYTimes.com
> > > has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.
> > >
> > >
> > > Exclusively from the New York Times for Sejfi
> > > Protopapa.
> > >
> > > Being that Mr. Protopapa accused me not very
> long
> > > ago that I am
> > > "hell bent to tell members of ALBSA that America
> is
> > > a Fascist country and that President Bush is the
> > > Dictator."
> > > Or that,
> > > "You, Ms Agolli are using ALBSA to PROPAGATE
> YOUR
> > > NOTIONS of fascists America and the dictatorial
> Mr.
> > > Bush."
> > >
> > > I feel therefore obliged to tell Mr. Protopapa
> that
> > > it's not that I'm trying to propagate notions,
> even
> > > less MY notions, but simply present facts and
> > > interpretations of those facts, if need be.
> > > Corteously,
> > > XhA
> > >
> > > jetkoti at hotmail.com
> > >
> > >
> > > Seizing Dictatorial Power
> > >
> > > November 15, 2001
> > >
> > > By WILLIAM SAFIRE
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > WASHINGTON -- Misadvised by a frustrated and
> > > panic-stricken
> > > attorney general, a president of the United
> States
> > > has just
> > > assumed what amounts to dictatorial power to
> jail or
> > > execute aliens. Intimidated by terrorists and
> > > inflamed by a
> > > passion for rough justice, we are letting George
> W.
> > > Bush
> > > get away with the replacement of the American
> rule
> > > of law
> > > with military kangaroo courts.
> > >
> > > In his infamous emergency order, Bush admits to
> > > dismissing
> > > "the principles of law and the rules of
> evidence"
> > > that
> > > undergird America's system of justice. He seizes
> the
> > > power
> > > to circumvent the courts and set up his own
> drumhead
> > > tribunals - panels of officers who will sit in
> > > judgment of
> > > non-citizens who the president need only claim
> > > "reason to
> > > believe" are members of terrorist organizations.
> > >
> > > Not content with his previous decision to permit
> > > police to
> > > eavesdrop on a suspect's conversations with an
> > > attorney,
> > > Bush now strips the alien accused of even the
> > > limited
> > > rights afforded by a court-martial.
> > >
> > > His kangaroo court can conceal evidence by
> citing
> > > national
> > > security, make up its own rules, find a
> defendant
> > > guilty
> > > even if a third of the officers disagree, and
> > > execute the
> > > alien with no review by any civilian court.
> > >
> > > No longer does the judicial branch and an
> > > independent jury
> > > stand between the government and the accused. In
> > > lieu of
> > > those checks and balances central to our legal
> > > system,
> > > non-citizens face an executive that is now
> > > investigator,
> > > prosecutor, judge, jury and jailer or
> executioner.
> > > In an
> > > Orwellian twist, Bush's order calls this
> > > Soviet-style
> > > abomination "a full and fair trial."
> > >
> > > On what legal meat does this our Caesar feed?
> One
> > > precedent
> > > the White House cites is a military court after
> > > Lincoln's
> > > assassination. (During the Civil War, Lincoln
> > > suspended
> > > habeas corpus; does our war on terror require
> > > illegal
> > > imprisonment next?) Another is a military
> court's
> > > hanging,
> > > approved by the Supreme Court, of German
> saboteurs
> > > landed
> > > by submarine in World War II.
> > >
> > > Proponents of Bush's kangaroo court say: Don't
> you
> > > soft-on-terror, due-process types know there's a
> war
> > > on?
> > > Have you forgotten our 5,000 civilian dead? In
> an
> > > emergency
> > > like this, aren't extraordinary security
> measures
> > > needed to
> > > save citizens' lives? If we step on a few toes,
> we
> > > can
> > > apologize to the civil libertarians later.
> > >
> > > Those are the arguments of the phony-tough. At a
> > > time when
> > > even liberals are debating the ethics of torture
> of
> > > suspects - weighing the distaste for barbarism
> > > against the
> > > need to save innocent lives - it's time for
> > > conservative
> > > iconoclasts and card-carrying hard-liners to
> stand
> > > up for
> > > American values.
> > >
> > > To meet a terrorist emergency, of course some
> rules
> > > should
> > > be stretched and new laws passed. An ethnic
> dragnet
> > > rounding up visa-skippers or questioning foreign
> > > students,
> > > if short-term, is borderline tolerable.
> Congress's
> > > new law
> > > permitting warranted roving wiretaps is
> > > understandable.
> > >
> > > But let's get to the target that this
> blunderbuss
> > > order is
> > > intended to hit. Here's the big worry in
> Washington
> > > now:
> > > What do we do if Osama bin Laden gives himself
> up? A
> > > proper
> > > trial like that Israel afforded Adolf Eichmann,
> it
> > > is
> > > feared, would give the terrorist a global
> propaganda
> > > platform. Worse, it would be likely to result in
> > > widespread
> > > hostage-taking by his followers to protect him
> from
> > > the
> > > punishment he deserves.
> > >
> > > The solution is not to corrupt our judicial
> > > tradition by
> > > making bin Laden the star of a new Star Chamber.
> The
> > > solution is to turn his cave into his crypt.
> When
> > > fleeing
> > > Taliban reveal his whereabouts, our bombers
> should
> > > promptly
> > > bid him farewell with 15,000-pound daisy-cutters
> and
> > > 5,000-pound rock-penetrators.
> > >
> > > But what if he broadcasts his intent to
> surrender,
> > > and
> > > walks toward us under a white flag? It is not in
> our
> > > tradition to shoot prisoners. Rather, President
> Bush
> > > should
> > > now set forth a policy of "universal surrender":
> all
> > > of Al
> > > Qaeda or none. Selective surrender of one or a
> dozen
> > > leaders - which would leave cells in Afghanistan
> and
> > > elsewhere free to fight on - is unacceptable. We
> > > should
> > > continue our bombardment of bin Laden's hideouts
> > > until he
> > > agrees to identify and surrender his entire
> > > terrorist
> > > force.
> > >
> > > If he does, our criminal courts can handle them
> > > expeditiously. If, as more likely, the primary
> > > terrorist
> > > prefers what he thinks of as martyrdom, that
> > > suicidal
> > > choice would be his - and Americans would have
> no
> > > need of
> > > kangaroo courts to betray our principles of
> justice.
> > >
> > >
> > >
>
>http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/15/opinion/15SAFI.html?ex=1006855557&ei=1&en=454d0209d9782e61
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > HOW TO ADVERTISE
> > > ---------------------------------
> > > For information on advertising in e-mail
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> > >
> > > or other creative advertising opportunities with
> The
> > >
> > > New York Times on the Web, please contact Alyson
> > > Racer at alyson at nytimes.com or visit our online
> > > media
> > > kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo
> > >
> > > For general information about NYTimes.com, write
> to
> > > help at nytimes.com.
> > >
> > > Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company
> > >
>
>_______________________________________________________
> > > ALBSA-Info mailing list: ALBSA-Info at alb-net.com
> > >
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> >
> >
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From KBejko at MFS.com  Tue Nov 20 16:34:39 2001
From: KBejko at MFS.com (Bejko, Kreshnik)
Date: Tue, 20 Nov 2001 16:34:39 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US to Albania: Retire All Planes
Message-ID: <0555B6986D9BD411843B00E00900000418B2E8@perseus.mfs.com>

from www.defensenews.com
U.S. Recommends Albania Eliminate Fixed-wing Aircraft for Now
WASHINGTON ? A new study from the Department of Defense recommends Albania
retire most of its fleet of 75 Chinese-made fighter aircraft, delay major
military procurements until 2005 and focus its limited resources on training
and improving the quality of life for military personnel




From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Wed Nov 21 12:43:40 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (jetkoti at hotmail.com)
Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 12:43:40 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Blessings and Bombings
Message-ID: <20011121174340.F043E58A4E@email5.lga2.nytimes.com>

This article from NYTimes.com 
has been sent to you by jetkoti at hotmail.com.



Blessings and Bombings

November 21, 2001 

By MAUREEN DOWD


 

WASHINGTON -- In "The Crack-Up," F. Scott Fitzgerald wrote
that "The test of a first-rate intelligence is the ability
to hold two opposed ideas in the mind at the same time and
still retain the ability to function." 

So now we know for sure that George W. Bush has a
first-rate intelligence. 

The president, his team and the rest of us have been
juggling a lot of contradictory notions since Sept. 11. 

Many who came of age during the Vietnam War, wincing at
America's overweening military stance in the world, are now
surprised to find themselves lustily rooting for the
overwhelming display of force against the Taliban. 

Over the years the country's ethos had gone from John Wayne
to Jerry Springer, from gunfighter nation to
anger-management nation, rugged frontier mentality to
designer lifestyle mentality. 

Once we prided ourselves on being strong and silent. Then
we got weak and chatty. And now we seem to be evolving to
strong and chatty. 

We are pulverizing our enemies even as we try to show them
a little compassion, crushing our foes even as we try to
understand and address some of their grievances against us.


We are functioning holding opposing ideas, new ones every
day. 

The president invited 52 Muslim diplomats to a traditional
lamb and rice dinner at the White House Monday to wish them
"a blessed Ramadan," even as the U.S. bombed Muslims in
Afghanistan over Ramadan. 

The president urged Americans to travel and act normally as
they celebrated the holiday season, even as the White House
and the Capitol were closed to public tours, and the
audience for the lighting of the national Christmas tree
was limited to ticket holders for the first time. 

George Bush was rooting out Osama bin Laden from
underground even as Dick Cheney was burrowing underground. 

The president continued to cozy up to the Saudis and
protect them with American forces, even though the Saudis
were educating, exporting and financing terrorists. 

Administration officials made the argument that the Saudis
are bad rulers but great allies, even as their bad rule
threatened us more than their allied behavior helped us. 

The president told aides not to press the Saudis to change
the strict Islamic teaching in schools that encourages
young men to die for Allah and hate Western infidels. "We
didn't go to the American Methodists about Tim McVeigh,"
Mr. Bush said to aides. This even as the president told the
Muslim diplomats dining at the White House that the
holidays were "a good time for people of different faiths
to learn more about each other." 

Condoleezza Rice urged that women be included in the
post-Taliban government in Afghanistan and have equal
rights. "When women are fully incorporated, a country is
better off for it," she said. This even as our allies, the
Northern Alliance, did not let any women into the reopened
600-seat movie theater in Kabul to see the Afghan film
"Uruj," about three mujahedeen heroes who fought the Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan. (No date movies or chick flicks
for these guys.) 

The president christened the Justice Department building
for the antiwar presidential candidate Bobby Kennedy, even
as the U.S. was waging a war. John Ashcroft sought to link
his assault on terrorism, with its heightened surveillance
and wiretaps, with his Democratic predecessor's assault on
organized crime. But Kerry Kennedy Cuomo declared publicly
yesterday that her father would never have swallowed the
restrictions on civil liberties that the Bush attorney
general is pushing. 

The president continued to espouse the conservative
orthodoxy of keeping the federal government from growing,
even as he breathed a sigh of relief when Congress voted to
turn airport screeners into federal employees, thus saving
the Republicans a political beating on the issue. 

After Sept. 11, Mr. Bush promised $20 billion to New York
for reconstruction, but the White House says the city has
gotten enough for now, though only about half of it may be
in hand. No bailouts for big business was a Bush principle,
but the White House speedily funneled money to the airlines
and limited payouts for insurance companies, both
politically powerful industries. 

Mr. Bush definitely has a talent for holding opposed ideas
in his mind. But then, he did start as a compassionate
conservative. 

http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/21/opinion/21DOWD.html?ex=1007364620&ei=1&en=9b99b8e3e6107019



HOW TO ADVERTISE
---------------------------------
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or other creative advertising opportunities with The 
New York Times on the Web, please contact Alyson 
Racer at alyson at nytimes.com or visit our online media 
kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo

For general information about NYTimes.com, write to 
help at nytimes.com.  

Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 20 22:53:24 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 20 Nov 2001 19:53:24 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dr. Rugova at The Daily Telegraph
Message-ID: <20011121035324.42205.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) 
November 20, 2001, Tuesday 
Pg. 24 


Bombing stopped Milosevic: it will stop bin Laden, too Ibrahim Rugova sees many parallels between the misguided criticisms of Nato's worthy campaign in Kosovo and those being levelled today 

By Ibrahim Rugova 


The rapid collapse of the Taliban after weeks of bombing reminds me of Slobodan Milosevic's sudden capitulation in 1999. The military operation in Afghanistan is far from over, but otherwise the parallels are many. 

When evil struck America on September 11, all of Kosovo's people were appalled by the tragedy. There were spontaneous demonstrations in the streets, as our heartfelt sympathies went out to one of the nations that stood by us in our hour of need. When we were attacked, it did not matter to America and its Nato allies that many of us were Muslims. All they saw was that we were wronged and they could help. Now, once again, America, Britain and their coalition partners are taking determined action against international terrorists based in Afghanistan. To describe it as a war against Islam, as Osama bin Laden and his associates have done, is as senseless as describing the Nato air campaign as a war against Orthodox Christianity. 

As I listen to reports of American air strikes over Afghanistan, I can remember when Nato aircraft were in action in the skies above Kosovo. We saw them as our saviours, defending us because we were at risk. But some people in Nato countries criticised their governments for intervening. Fortunately for us, they were ignored. For all Kosovo Albanians trapped inside Kosovo, the Nato air strikes held the promise of our future freedom from oppression and danger. We knew that, if the bombing stopped, Milosevic would win and we would all pay a dreadful price. 

To a Kosovo Albanian, the criticisms of the military campaign in Afghanistan are strikingly familiar. When Milosevic refused to capitulate after only a few days of bombing, the critics queued up to say the military campaign was flawed and failing. I never thought Milosevic would give up on Kosovo after only a limited bombing campaign. And because of that experience, I have never thought the Afghanistan campaign would be over in a few days. But that does not mean I ever thought the coalition's military strategy was not working. On the contrary, Kosovo shows us that when victory comes, it comes quickly and with little warning. Events over the past week have made that clear again. 

Another criticism of the Nato air campaign in Kosovo at the time was that it created, rather than averted, a humanitarian crisis there. People are today saying the same thing about the military campaign in Afghanistan. But in Kosovo, as in Afghanistan, what many people failed to realise was that the humanitarian crisis had begun much earlier. In Kosovo, many thousands of people were displaced by Milosevic's security forces the year before. In Afghanistan, the situation is even more stark: more than 4.5 million Afghans had been forced to flee their homes in the years of conflict before September 11. 

In Kosovo, as I believe to be the case in Afghanistan, what many also failed to realise was that military action was the only way to create the conditions for resolving the humanitarian crisis. Following the successful conclusion of the Nato air campaign, nearly all the one million displaced Kosovo Albanians were able to return home and rebuild their lives in relative peace. Without Nato's intervention and determination, hundreds of thousands would still be living in refugee camps all over Europe. 

The only real chance that 4.5 million Afghan refugees have of returning to their towns and villages is if America and its allies can see this action through to help create the situation where Afghanistan has a competent and representative government, which wants to live in peace. Only then will the international aid and reconstruction agencies be able to operate freely and help rebuild the country. 

Many in the Muslim world are cynical about whether America and its allies will really undertake the long and expensive business of making Afghanistan a viable country again. I can speak only of our experience in Kosovo. Britain, America and their allies did not abandon us when the Nato campaign was over. In total, more than $1.5 billion has been invested in Kosovo's future by the international community over the past two years - more than $750 for each person here. 

The uncomfortable reality is that military force is sometimes necessary to protect human rights and enforce the rule of law. In the Balkans, military force brought an end to four years of suffering in Bosnia. It reversed the ethnic cleansing that had begun in Kosovo on a massive scale in 1998. And Nato forces have delivered many of those indicted for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia to justice in the Hague. 

To use military force in the pursuit of just objectives poses stark moral choices. But I believe that America and its allies are right to use force in Afghanistan. How else can bin Laden and his lieutenants be held to account for what even his own spokesmen all but admit they carried out on September 11? How else can the Taliban's sponsorship of terrorism be ended? How else can Afghanistan take its place again in the family of nations? Those who are against military action have no credible answers to these questions. 

Of course nobody wants the campaign to go on any longer than it has to. Using force is never popular, and requires America's allies to face up to difficult choices. But I believe leaders around the world have a duty to explain what would happen if al-Qa'eda is not stopped. This is a conflict not only between moderates and extremists within Islam, but also against those who want to slam the door shut on progress in our world. 

We should not forget that the allies are not only holding the perpetrators of the September 11 atrocities to account in Afghanistan. They are also defending the modern world from the forces of extremism. We should all be thankful for that. 

Ibrahim Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo won Saturday's parliamentary elections 



---------------------------------
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From artin_spahiu at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 21 01:50:40 2001
From: artin_spahiu at yahoo.com (Artin Spahiu)
Date: Tue, 20 Nov 2001 22:50:40 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Seizing Dictatorial Power
In-Reply-To: <20011120210435.20375.qmail@web14605.mail.yahoo.com>
Message-ID: <20011121065040.30708.qmail@web10006.mail.yahoo.com>

Endri pershendetje,

Pa dashur te shpreh qendrimin personal per ceshtjen ne
vetvete thjesht po shkruaj dicka parimore. 
Eksistenca e nje ekstremi sherben shpeshhere per te
ballancuar ekstremin tjeter. Ligjet natyrore priren
drejt ekuilibrit. Shoqeria njerezore ka evoluar nga
ekspansionizmi/kolonizmi ne imperializem dhe deri ne
shoqerine moderne qe perben nje rezultante midis atyre
ekstremeve dhe vlerave moralo-"naive", kjo balance
eshte me efikase se cilido nga ekstremet. Amerika
eshte sinteza me e mire e ketij shembulli, hipi-te e
viteve 60-70 paten nje rol shume te rendesishem ne
politiken e jashtme amerikane dhe shoqatat pacifiste
apo te te drejtave te njeriut dhe ato ambientaliste
luajne rol shume te rendesishem ne vendimet e ndryshme
politike apo ekonomike. Ka qene roli i tyre qe ka bere
shoqerine e sotme te fokusohet dhe te vleresoje
gjithnje e me shume vlerat e individit. 
Zhvillimi shoqeror nuk ka ardhur thjesht si pasoje e
imperializmit apo ekspansionizmit, ato kane qene me
teper bashkuedhetare me te si shume dukuri te tjera,
se sa krijues te tij ne vetvete. Prania e ketyre
dukurive ne shekuj shpeshhere na ben ne, qe ne menyre
te pavetedijshme ti identifikojme ato me progresin
njerezor. Sidoqofte une mendoj qe cdo gje e merr
kuptimin e saj ne nje periudhe kohe te caktuar, pas te
ciles humbet vleren dhe zhduket nese nuk eshte e
nevojshme, ose mbahet dhe vleresohet nese eshte
jetike. Po ashtu si kuptimi, edhe vlera e gjerave
ndryshon ne kohe. Si psh vlera e te drejtave te
njeriut ose edhe jetes se tij ne fund te fundit.
A eshte nje gje e tille nje shkop ne rroten e madhe te
njerezimit. Koha deri tani e ka pranuar rehatshem, dhe
eshte vetem ajo qe do te vendosi per kete gje. 
Me pak fjale Xhuliana mund te jete cdo gje perfshire
edhe "The enemy within" (bej shaka), por ajo nuk eshte
hipokrite sepse beson ne ate qe thote dhe padyshim qe
e ka nje ideal perderisa e mbron ate. Sigurisht ky
ideal mund te jete i ndryshem nga ai i shumices dhe
prandaj mund ta quash rebele, por per te ka te njejten
vlere qe ka ideali yt per ty, pra fakti qe ideali i
saj nuk ka vlere per ty nuk do te thote qe nuk
egziston, gjerat kane vlera relative per njerez te
ndryshem.

Artini

--- Endri Leno <endril at rocketmail.com> wrote:
>           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List
> ---------
>           - ALBSA Web Site:
> http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
>  
> Duke a marre stafeten atje ku e late juve.
> I am curious to know where I can find your real
> democracy, because I can't think of any place where
> it
> is exercised, at least not right now, but, please,
> enlighten me if you can.  
> You are able to speak out your mind, oppose
> government
> policies, and criticize in a country with "the
> administration of dimwit such as George W. Bush and
> of
> a dangerous fundamentalist such as Ashcroft", ISN'T
> THIS AS GOOD AS IT GETS???!!!
> Well, maybe it can get better, we can all send a
> petition to President Bush, asking him to apologize
> to
> XHA for offending her hippie intellect.  Or, maybe
> even better, we can nominate her for President, so
> that once and for all "real" democracy will be
> established and we wouldn't have to look further.
> 
> And, also read more carefully.  I didn't say US
> imperialism, I said Western imperialism.  
> You may not like but wasn't it imperialism - maybe
> with a different name - that yes, pulled us out of
> the
> stone age, into the ancient civilizations, of the
> Greek world, Rome etc. etc., into the middle ages,
> and
> on, and on, to where we are now?
> I hope, you don't say that this was done by
> democracy,
> love, or righteousness during all those past
> centuries.  If you really think that, YOU ARE NAIVE.
> 
> Because as far back as I can see world advanced by
> means war, and expansionism.  
> 
> The societies of your real democracy, and love, are
> indeed excellent ideas, but they never have and
> probably will never exist because this is not in the
> human nature and it will actually cause a society to
> freeze in time.  
> Wasn't communism but a failed attempt to create such
> a
> society?  
> 
> As a general observation, it wasn't a long time ago,
> actually before 9/11 terrorist attack, that we were
> receiving, email-s, in this and other lists, about
> why
> no one is doing anything about the suffering of the
> people of Afghanistan, and how we should pressure
> the
> Western governments to do something about it.
> Well, A LOT IS BEING DONE NOW.  But for strange
> reasons some people do not seem to like this. This
> war
> against Taleban is called cruel and it is the only
> reason why thousands of innocent Afghanis are only
> starving right now.  
> This is, as the saying goes, "Hall me burre, hall pa
> burre, hall te mos martohesh kurre."
> 
> As far as my patriotism goes keep in mind that I am
> neither an American citizen nor a permanent
> resident,
> I am an Albanian student, a person who is able to
> see
> how things really are, and understand that not
> everything is right in this country - after all
> nothing is perfect - and does not ramble on and on
> about the "fundamentalist", "dictatorial",
> "fascist",
> etc, etc, government of this country.  After all I
> haven't had any problems with these "monsters" that
> you describe, and I don't know of any other person
> who
> has.
> 
> In conclusion, please, be calm.  I am not going to
> call you an "infidel" but an angered pre-youth, who
> protests because the theoretical democracy is not
> being respected.  I am going to call you "A Rebel
> Without a Cause".
> 
> E. Leno
> 
> 
>

__________________________________________________
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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Wed Nov 21 13:38:21 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 13:38:21 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] college workshop + tournament
In-Reply-To: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111101556470.11505-100000@is05.fas.harvard.edu>
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111211311520.8391-100000@is05.fas.harvard.edu>

Dear all,

we are holding both the college workshop and chess/backgammon tournament
on Sunday, November 25. The location for both will be at Au Bon Pan in
Harvard Square. See the info below for times and info both events:


College Workshop
----------------
Date: Sunday, November 25
Time: 3pm
Location: Au Bon Pan, Harvard Square
List of mentors so far:

Adnan Derti	Boston University (PhD)	adnan at genetics.med.harvard.edu
Kreshnik Bejko	Pt. Loma	        kbejko at mfs.com
Iris Pilika	Wellesley	        ipilika at hotmail.com
Jerina Dushku	Harvard University	dushku at fas.harvard.edu
Nevis Bregasi	Harvard Law School	nbregasi at law.harvard.edu
Eriola Kruja    Harvard University      kruja at fas.harvard.edu
Oltion Gjura	Northeastern	        kulufi at hotmail.com
(more are likely to be in attendance as well)

What to bring:
Completed/semi-completed applications, essays, questions, etc.


Pan-albanian-student chess/backgammon tournament
------------------------------------------------
Date: Sunday, November 25
Time: After workshop (probably around 4:30pm-5pm)
Locations: Au Bon Pan, Harvard Square
Bring: yourself :). whichever game you own (THIS IS VERY IMPORTANT,
otherwise there'll be nothing to play with)
Prizes: $50 first place (for each game). $25 second place.
Rules: Due to time constraints everybody can't play everybody in each
round, so we'll set up a random system where each player is randomly
coupled with one or two others in each round, and the winner advances to
the next round.

So, hope to see you Sunday. For any questions please contact me directly.

Happy Thanksgiving!
eriola.



From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Wed Nov 21 14:48:12 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 12:48:12 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Council for Secular Humanism Electronic Newsletter, Wednesday, No vember
 21, 2001
Message-ID: <F142YpfNbebPbwHn4SK00021184@hotmail.com>



>From: BusterHL <busterhl at centerforinquiry.net>
>Subject: Council for Secular Humanism Electronic Newsletter, Wednesday, No 
>vember 21, 2001
>Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 14:34:01 -0500
>
>FORTHCOMING IN FREE INQUIRY:
>
>A New American Junta?:
>Civil Liberties and Military Tribunals:
>In its haste to protect the American people against terrorists, real or
>imagined, present or future, many in the George W. Bush administration have
>demanded that our traditional civil liberties be abridged. Security, we are
>admonished, must take precedence over liberty.
>
>We do not deny the fact that open democratic societies need to protect
>themselves against terrorists. Everyone grants that tight security at
>airports is vital. Similarly, intelligence agencies need to monitor those
>who are likely to pose a threat. Thus a case can be made that some wire 
>taps
>of cell phones and e-mail are reasonable methods of protection.
>
>I think we need to dissent, however, from many of the provisions which were
>rushed through the United States Congress in the Act labeled USA PATRIOT.
>Attorney General Ashcroft and the White House stampeded Congress and the
>American people into adopting this antiterrorism bill. From many accounts,
>most Congressmen did not even have a chance even to read the final version
>of the bill, much less deliberate before adopting it with very little
>dissent. The anthrax scare (who were the culprits has not yet been 
>answered)
>closed down Congress just as the bill was being considered. There was no
>debate and no amendments were permitted.
>
>The bill, in my judgment, seriously compromises the Fourth Amendment of the
>Constitution (please see attached box), which limits search and seizure. I
>don't see why federal judges cannot examine the requests and issue warrants
>with dispatch prior to searches or wiretaps, and thus not violate the 
>Fourth
>Amendment. The legislation also compromises the Sixth Amendment, which
>concerns procedures for trying accused persons (please see attached box).
>Reports indicate that anywhere from 1,000 to 5,000 people of Middle Eastern
>origin have been detained. We still don't know the names of most of them,
>nor the charges against them. Moreover, the bill enables the government to
>monitor conversations between selected inmates and their lawyers, thus
>compromising the client-lawyer relationship. The Constitution (Article VI)
>clearly states that accused shall have the assistance of counsel for
>defense.
>
>Even more ominous than the antiterrorism bill is the "military order" 
>signed
>by President Bush as Commander in Chief and issued on November 13th, 2001,
>on "the detention, treatment, and trial of noncitizens." This order was not
>discussed by members of the Congress, nor was there any effort to seek
>Congressional approval. The order authorizes noncitizens to be tried before
>military tribunals composed of officers of the armed forces. Accused 
>persons
>can be tried in secret, and if convicted by a two-thirds majority of those
>presiding, they can be executed. No grand-jury indictment is required, as
>specified in the first part of Article V of the Constitution, nor is there
>the right of appeal.
>
>Some members of the administration have said that noncitizens "do not
>deserve" equal protection of the laws. According to Vice President Cheney,
>"where military justice is called for, military justice will be dispensed."
>This claim is astonishing. In my view the Constitution applies to all 
>people
>within the United States, not simply to citizens. I have not seen any
>passages excluding the millions of aliens, immigrants, residents, or
>tourists from Constitutional protection. The military tribunal thus clearly
>violates the Sixth Amendment and part of the Fifth.
>
>The real question concerns the phrase "individuals subject to this order."
>(Please see section II, in the attached box.) These provisions may be so
>broadly construed that innocent persons might be accused, tried, and
>executed in secret by kangaroo courts without any Constitutional
>protections. These tribunals are to be selected by the Secretary of 
>Defense.
>The individuals who come under the order are selected by the President (and
>members of his entourage) who will determine who is to be tried. The fear 
>is
>that this power may be abused, or so widely applied so that anyone merely
>said to aid, abet, conspire, or harbor terrorists can be brought before a
>military tribunal in secret with no indictment by a grand jury, found
>guilty, and summarily executed. Where do you draw the line and who is to 
>say
>who is guilty or innocent before a trial?
>
>Chillingly, some have said that these tribunals will not only operate
>overseas, but in the United States itself. We call upon the Congress to 
>hold
>extensive hearings on the limits of Presidential power. How can the 
>American
>people protect itself from tyranny by a military junta? We need to petition
>the government for a redress of grievances.
>
>* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
>* * * * * * *
>
>Article {IV} (1791)
>The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and
>effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated,
>and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or
>affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the
>persons or things to be seized.
>Article {V} (1791)
>No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous
>crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in
>cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in 
>actual
>service in time of War or public danger . . . .
>Article {VI} (1791)
>In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy
>and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein 
>the
>crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously
>ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the
>accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have
>compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the
>Assistance of Counsel for his defence.
>* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
>* * * * * * *
>
>Section 2. Individuals Subject to This Order, from Executive Order of
>November 13, 2001.
>(a) The term "individual subject to this order" shall mean any individual
>who is not a United States citizen with respect to whom I determine from
>time to time in writing that:
>(1) there is reason to believe that such individual, at the relevant times,
>(i) is or was a member of the organization known as al Qaeda;
>(ii) has engaged in, aided or abetted, or conspired to commit, acts of
>international terrorism, or acts in preparation therefor, that may have
>caused, threaten to cause, or have as their aim to cause, injury to or
>adverse effects on the United States, its citizens, national security,
>foreign policy, or economy; or
>(iii) has knowingly harbored one or more individuals . . .
>(2) it is in the interest of the United States that such individual be
>subject to this order.


_________________________________________________________________
Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp



From Jboci at aol.com  Wed Nov 21 16:27:43 2001
From: Jboci at aol.com (Jboci at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 16:27:43 EST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Copy and past Mrs.AGOLLI
Message-ID: <14c.4698d99.292d764f@aol.com>

    E nderuara Zonja apo Zonjusha Xhuli,

megjithese i lexoj vazhdimisht mesazhet e ALBSA-s, nuk kam shkruar me pare 
per disa arsye, mes te cilash faktori kohe eshte kryesorja.
Ju vazhdoni te na bombardoni me artikuj nga gazetat qe sipas mendimit tuaj 
duhet t'i lexojme edhe ne te tjeret. Gjithkush qe lexon gazetat e di qe ato 
jane ne shumicen e rasteve relativisht te pavarura dhe botojne artikuj nga 
cilido, nga njerez qe e pelqejne kete qeveri apo nga ata qe e urrejne ate. 
Por edhe gazetat e bejne ate ne menyre te balancuar, mjafton te shikosh faqen 
e fundit te Washington Post psh cdo dite. Prandaj do te qe me e udhes te 
rekomandoni dy apo tre artikuj te kundert ne analizimin e situates me nje 
hyperlink e te jepni nje mendimin tuaj per ata artikuj.
Fakti qe ju jeni ne gjendje te shkruani ne keto borde sic ju do qefi, flet 
shume per demokracine e ketij vendi. Neqoftese ky vend eshte shume i ngushte 
per hapesiren e mendimit tuaj dhe fashist ne natyre, ju fare mire mund te 
ktheheni atje ku keni lindur ose mund te shkoni ne Sudan, Afganistan apo 
Arabine Saudite. Ato gjepura qe njeriu nuk e ka ne dore ku te banoje, nuk 
pijne uje. Asnje nuk ju mban ju ne kete vend kunder deshires tuaj. Ndoshta 
atje do te ndiheni me mire dhe jeta juaj do te marre me se fundi nje kuptim 
dhe nuk do te jete me JET(E)KOTI ashtu sic ju vete e keni pohuar ne adresen 
tuaj te Email-it.
Me respekt
J.Boci


From besnik at alb-net.com  Wed Nov 21 21:16:09 2001
From: besnik at alb-net.com (Besnik Pula)
Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 21:16:09 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dr. Rugova at The Daily Telegraph
In-Reply-To: <20011121035324.42205.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>
Message-ID: <B821CA19.1710%besnik@alb-net.com>

Anyone faintly familiar with Rugova's writings will find it hard to believe
that this article was actually authored by him. It doesn't even appear as if
he got some editorial help by someone with foreign policy expertise to
spruce up his own drafts, rather it seems like Rugova's name was simply
stuck on an article written by someone else.

Rugova's not known to make these kinds of PR stunts so I wonder who's trying
to prop him up. Perhaps now after Flora Brovina's piece in the New York
Times someone in Rugova's camp feels like he should make an appearance in
the Western press as well. And as if there are no grave problems in Kosova,
just after an election, the likely future president finds it necessary to
speak about the policy dilemmas over the military campaign in Afghanistan
while most Kosovars spend over half of their day without electricity. Very
encouraging.

-Besnik

> THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON)
> November 20, 2001, Tuesday
> 
> Pg. 24 
> 
> 
> Bombing stopped Milosevic: it will stop bin Laden, too Ibrahim Rugova sees
> many parallels between the misguided criticisms of Nato's worthy campaign in
> Kosovo and those being levelled today
> 
> By Ibrahim Rugova
> 
> 
> The rapid collapse of the Taliban after weeks of bombing reminds me of
> Slobodan Milosevic's sudden capitulation in 1999. The military operation in
> Afghanistan is far from over, but otherwise the parallels are many. 



From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Wed Nov 21 21:58:35 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 19:58:35 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Copy and past Mrs.AGOLLI
Message-ID: <F19795XkZ1HaRH4Nury0001cd2c@hotmail.com>

J. Boci,

Ju keni absolutisht te drejte ne gjithcka qe thoni. Dhe jo vetem ju, por te 
gjithe ata qe me kane 'bombarduar' me kritika.
Falemnderit,
xha

>From: Jboci at aol.com
>To: albsa-info at alb-net.com
>Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Copy and past Mrs.AGOLLI
>Date: Wed, 21 Nov 2001 16:27:43 EST
>
>           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List ---------
>           - ALBSA Web Site: http://www.albstudent.com/albsa -
>
>     E nderuara Zonja apo Zonjusha Xhuli,
>
>megjithese i lexoj vazhdimisht mesazhet e ALBSA-s, nuk kam shkruar me pare
>per disa arsye, mes te cilash faktori kohe eshte kryesorja.
>Ju vazhdoni te na bombardoni me artikuj nga gazetat qe sipas mendimit tuaj
>duhet t'i lexojme edhe ne te tjeret. Gjithkush qe lexon gazetat e di qe ato
>jane ne shumicen e rasteve relativisht te pavarura dhe botojne artikuj nga
>cilido, nga njerez qe e pelqejne kete qeveri apo nga ata qe e urrejne ate.
>Por edhe gazetat e bejne ate ne menyre te balancuar, mjafton te shikosh 
>faqen
>e fundit te Washington Post psh cdo dite. Prandaj do te qe me e udhes te
>rekomandoni dy apo tre artikuj te kundert ne analizimin e situates me nje
>hyperlink e te jepni nje mendimin tuaj per ata artikuj.
>Fakti qe ju jeni ne gjendje te shkruani ne keto borde sic ju do qefi, flet
>shume per demokracine e ketij vendi. Neqoftese ky vend eshte shume i 
>ngushte
>per hapesiren e mendimit tuaj dhe fashist ne natyre, ju fare mire mund te
>ktheheni atje ku keni lindur ose mund te shkoni ne Sudan, Afganistan apo
>Arabine Saudite. Ato gjepura qe njeriu nuk e ka ne dore ku te banoje, nuk
>pijne uje. Asnje nuk ju mban ju ne kete vend kunder deshires tuaj. Ndoshta
>atje do te ndiheni me mire dhe jeta juaj do te marre me se fundi nje kuptim
>dhe nuk do te jete me JET(E)KOTI ashtu sic ju vete e keni pohuar ne adresen
>tuaj te Email-it.
>Me respekt
>J.Boci
>_______________________________________________________
>ALBSA-Info mailing list: ALBSA-Info at alb-net.com
>http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/albsa-info


_________________________________________________________________
Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp



From armata_kombetare_shqiptare at hushmail.com  Thu Nov 22 10:55:51 2001
From: armata_kombetare_shqiptare at hushmail.com (armata_kombetare_shqiptare at hushmail.com)
Date: Thu, 22 Nov 2001 07:55:51 -0800
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KOMUNIKATË TË PËRBASHKËT, NR. 7
Message-ID: <200111221555.fAMFtpr00823@mailserver1.hushmail.com>

KOMITETI KOMB?TAR P?R ?LIRIMIN DHE MBROJTJEN E TOKAVE SHQIPTARE (KK?MTSH)
DHE ARMATA KOMB?TARE SHQIPTARE (AKSH) 
___________________________________________________________________________


Kryesia e K?shillit t? P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues e KK?MTSH-s? dhe Shtabi Suprem i AKSH-s?, n? mbledhjen e p?rbashk?t (urgjente) t? dat?s 20.11.2001, shqyrtuan t? gjitha burimet e veta dhe t? mundshme, sikurse veprimtarit? e deritashme. Prandaj, me q?llim t? informimit t? drejt? t? opinionit publik (shqiptar dhe nd?rkomb?tar), dhe n? shenj? t? mbrojtjes s? p?rcaktimeve tona tejet t? qarta, parimore dhe t? past?rta (konform Platform?s son?), l?shojn? unanimisht k?t?: 


KOMUNIKAT? T? P?RBASHK?T, NR. 7

me an?n e s? cil?s, parasegjithash demantojm? dezinformat?n e mediave lidhur me rastin e shp?rthimit enigmatik n? tregun e boshatisur t? Tetov?s, t? dat?s 18 N?ntor 2001, e Diele, t? cilin, sipas tyre, e paska marr? p?rsip?r (p?rmes nj? telefonate anonime) nj? pjes?tar i Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare (AKSH).  Lidhur me k?t? dhe n? p?rputhje t? Platform?s son?, konfirmojm?, si vijon:

1). Komiteti Komb?tar p?r ?lirimin dhe Mbrojtjen e Tokave Shqiptare (KK?MTSH), Armata Komb?tare Shqiptare (AKSH), dhe askush nga strukturat tona komb?tare, nuk jan? autor? t? t? ashtuquajturit "aksion gueril" n? Tetov?, me 18 N?ntor 2001, e Diel, sipas t? cilit jan? d?mtuar disa dyqane shqiptare n? nd?rtes?n ku shp?rtheu bomba e kurdisur nga persona t? panjohur. Ky "aksion", jo vet?m q? nuk mund t? quhet "gueril" apo "komb?tar", por ai paraqet vet?m nj? vep?r t? ndyr? antishqiptare, me t? cil?n strukturat tona fare nuk kan? t? b?jn?! Nj? akt t? till? tipik terrorist, mund ta b?jn? vet?m vegla t? shitura apo vet? organet e policis? shoviniste maqedonase, duke dashur t? d?mtojn? moralisht, fizikisht, materialisht dhe politikisht popullin autokton shqiptar t? IRJM-s?; duke dashur t? krijojn? pretekste p?r hakmarrjen e tyre t? turpshme dhe antinjer?zore; duke dashur t? hedhin balt? mbi strukturat tona, t? cilave, nuk do mend se u frik?sohen! 

2). Armata Komb?tare Shqiptare (AKSH) nuk ?sht? nj? struktur? q? p?rgadit dhe "zhvillon" akte t? tilla. Ajo ?sht? kund?r ?do veprimi nga baza e terrorizmit; kontraband?s; kriminalitetit dhe akteve tjera n? kund?rshtim t? normave progresive nd?rkomb?tare. AKSH-ja ?sht? struktur? serioze ushtarake dhe struktur? poashtu serioze komb?tare q? vepron n? m?nyr? rigoroze sipas Platform?s s? Komitetit Komb?tar p?r ?lirimin dhe Mbrojtjen e Tokave Shqiptare (KK?MTSH), t? aprovuar p?rfundimisht n? Kuvendin Themelues t? Komitetit, me 10 Qershor 2001, sipas t? cil?s profili moral i ?donj?rit q? angazhohet n? strukturat tona ?sht? kriteri baz? i verifikimit! Akte si k?to t? tregut t? Tetov?s, jan? veprime qesharake q? mund t`i "zhvilloj?" nj? f?mij? batak?i, pa vet?dije komb?tare dhe karakter njer?zor! Prandaj, vepra n? fjal?, nuk ?sht? vep?r e AKSH-s? dhe askush nga strukturat tona nuk e ka marr? p?rsip?r si akt tonin legjitim. "Burimi telefonik" q? citojn? mediat, ?sht? p?r ne nj? "burim" i shpifur; i pasakt? dhe tejet i dyshimt?!...

3). D?mtimi i dyqaneve private dhe forma t? tilla t? "luft?s" nuk jan? dhe nuk mund t? jen? taktik? dhe strategji e Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare (AKSH). Ato jan? dhe mund t? jen? vet?m akte terroriste t?  bandave terroriste maqedonase, t? cilat, vite t? t?ra, madje decenie me radh? po e shtypin; terrorizojn? apo shfryt?zojn? pa m?shir? popullin autokton shqiptar t? Ilirid?s. Edhe pas n?nshkrimit t? marr?veshjes tradh?tore t? Ohrit, strukturat shoviniste sllavo-maqedonase vazhdojn? t? injorojn? t? drejtat elementare t? popullit ton?; vazhdojn? t? zvarrisin e t? manipulojn? n? pafund?si me aktet e k?saj marr?veshje qyqare; vazhdojn? paturp?sisht t? mashtrojn? popullat?n e painformuar shqiptare me sot e me nes?r, duke forcuar vet?n e tyre ushtarakisht; materialisht; sikurse n? aspektin nd?rkomb?tar, plot?sisht n? d?min e tok?s dhe t? popullit autokton shqiptar.  Shovinizmi shtet?ror sllavo-ortodoks ka nd?rsyer fare hapur lakejt antishqiptar? dhe grupe t? t?ra paramilitar?sh t? uniformuar si polic?, p?r t? vrar?, burgosur dhe maltretuar pjes?tar?t e pafajsh?m t? etnis? shqiptare, sidomos ish-pjes?tar?t e U?K-s? s? demobilizuar dhe simpatizuesit e strukturave tona. Nj?sit? e Ushtris? dhe t? Policis? maqedono-sllave, vazhdimisht po p?rdhosin nderin dhe dinjitetin e qytetar?ve tan?; vazhdimisht po rrahin e maltretojn? t? pafajshmit, duke mos kursyer as akte t? tilla kontroverse dhe t? pakuptim!

4). Ne ua t?rheqim v?rejtjen e fundit atyre dhe kujdo q? guxon t? paraqitet n? emrin ton?, se AKSH-ja ?sht? struktur? ushtarake komb?tare q? lufton p?r zgjidhjen e drejt? dhe t? t?r?sishme t? ??shtjes shqiptare, duke p?rgaditur Kryengritjen e P?rgjithshme t? Armatosur p?r ?lirimin dhe mbrojtjen e tok?s son? legjitime, pra edhe t? asaj q? shekuj me radh? l?ngon n?n shovinizmin ultra-nacionalist sllavo-maqedonas; dhe se p?r k?t? ??shtje ajo i zgjedh fare mir? mjetet dhe taktikat e veta! Ajo nuk merret me goditje t? tilla qesharake! Prandaj, strukturat shoviniste sllavo-maqedonase i paralajm?rojm? q? t? nd?rpresin t? gjitha manevrimet e tilla t? turpshme; t? l?n? politik?n e shantazhit antishqiptar; t? nd?rpresin ?do form? t? shtypjes e t? diskriminimit t? popullat?s autoktone shqiptare n? zonat etnike t? Ilirid?s, dhe t? heqin dor? p?rfundimisht nga tratativat e supremacis? etnike! P?rndryshe, jo vet?m se nuk do t? mund t? futen n? qytetet shqiptare ku bandat e tyre vazhdimisht po ndeshen me rezistenc?n e organizuar qytetare, si? po ndodh? p?rgjat? k?tyre dit?ve n? rrethinat e Shkupit, t? Tetov?s e m? gj?r?, por s? shpejti do t? ballafaqohen me goditjet tona t? koncentruara, t? cilat, ndarjen territoriale t? IRJM-s? do ta b?jn? t? patjet?rsuar! Edhe durimit tejet t? gj?r? shqiptar, po i vie fundi! ?do gj? ka nj? kufi, prandaj edhe gjenocidi sllavo-madh mbi shqiptar?t! ...

5).  Nj?herit, popullat?s shqiptare t? Ilirid?s,  sikurse ish luft?tar?ve t? U?K-s?, ua theksojm? edhe nj?her? drejt?sin? e q?ndrimeve tona, duke i p?rfshir? edhe ato lidhur me marr?veshjen e Ohrit. Q?ndrimet tona t? drejta dhe komb?tare, jan? v?rtetuar kat?rcip?risht! ?sht? dhe ka qen? fare e kot? t? bisedosh (apo t? negociosh) me nj? struktur? antipopullore ultra-nacionaliste, si? ?sht? klika neofashiste e Shkupit! ?sht? dhe ka qen? e do t? jet? kurdoher? e kot? t? bisedosh me nj? shoviniz?m shtet?ror, p?r ndryshime "demokratike"! ?sht?, ka qen? dhe do t? jet? p?rher? e d?mshme, t? ul?sh kok?n kundrejt brutalizmit shtet?ror shovinist! Prandaj, ne u b?jm? thirrje atyre dhe popullit autokton shqiptar t? IRJM-s? q? t? k?ndellen dhe t? shohin gremin?n e pafund t? shkat?rrimit, ku i ka hedhur armiku komb?tar dhe veglat tradh?tore sahanl?pir?se shqipfol?se! U b?jm? thirrje t? hapin syt? kundrejt k?tij shovinizmi dhe makinacioneve t? tij diskriminuese; u b?jm? thirrje t? na bashkohen n? luft?n vendimtare p?r ?lirim dhe bashkim komb?tar, si e vetmja alternativ? e sukseshme n? zgjidhjen e ??shtjes son? komb?tare! Sepse, asnj?her? dhe n? asnj? koh? populli autokton shqiptar n? IRJM, nuk do t? ket? "p?rmir?sim t? kushteve"  n?n shovinizmin sllavo-maqedonas dhe nuk do t? ket?  "barazi politike"! Shovinizmi maqedonas ?sht? nj? ujk dinak; gjakpirr?s; lakmitar dhe i pangopur me gjakun e pafajsh?m shqiptar! Atij, vet?m forca e goditjes s? p?rt?rir? ?lirimtare, mund t`i dal? hakut!...

Rroft? KK?MTSH-ja! Rroft? AKSH-ja! JA VDEKJE-JA LIRI!... 

Dib?r-Tiran?-Prishtin?, 21 N?ntor 2001


P?r Kryesin? e KPD t? KK?MTSH-s?,          P?r Shtabin Suprem t? AKSH-s?
Kryetari, Kushtrim Dukagjini, d.v.         Shefi i Shtabit, Gjeneral-Kolonel
                                           Hekuran Asllani, d.v.





From foticici at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 22 12:18:38 2001
From: foticici at yahoo.com (Fatmir Cici)
Date: Thu, 22 Nov 2001 09:18:38 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: Agolli - Protopapa
In-Reply-To: <20011122060107.E091E8AC6@alb-net.com>
Message-ID: <20011122171838.33206.qmail@web9208.mail.yahoo.com>

Vendtakimi yn? k?tu nuk ?sht? di?ka m? shum? se
bombardimi me artikuj t? cil?t r?ndom p?r?ojn?
ideologjin? e d?rguesve. Edhe kur hapet ndonj?
diskutim nuk ?sht? gj? tjet?r ve?se nj? shk?mbim i
thart? t? sharash apo k?rc?nimesh q? shprehen duke u
mb?shtetur n? q?ndrime t? s?mura pavar?sisht se
formulimet jan? gjoja jo vulgare; k?shtu e pash? un?
polemik?n Agolli-Protopapa.

N? qoft? se nuk kemi di?ka t? udh?s p?r t? diskutuar,
le t'i kthehemi m? mir? heshtjes s? leximit t?
artikujve-menu q? na d?rgojn?, sesa t? vazhdojm? t'u
biem pas vog?lsirave t? tanishme. Ka edhe m?nyra t?
tjera jasht? nga k?tej p?r t? shkarkuar mllefet dhe
marazet.

Fatmir Cici  
> 
>     E nderuara Zonja apo Zonjusha Xhuli,
> 
> megjithese i lexoj vazhdimisht mesazhet e ALBSA-s,
> nuk kam shkruar me pare 
> per disa arsye, mes te cilash faktori kohe eshte
> kryesorja.
> Ju vazhdoni te na bombardoni me artikuj nga gazetat
> qe sipas mendimit tuaj 
> duhet t'i lexojme edhe ne te tjeret. Gjithkush qe
> lexon gazetat e di qe ato 
> jane ne shumicen e rasteve relativisht te pavarura
> dhe botojne artikuj nga 
> cilido, nga njerez qe e pelqejne kete qeveri apo nga
> ata qe e urrejne ate. 
> Por edhe gazetat e bejne ate ne menyre te balancuar,
> mjafton te shikosh faqen 
> e fundit te Washington Post psh cdo dite. Prandaj do
> te qe me e udhes te 
> rekomandoni dy apo tre artikuj te kundert ne
> analizimin e situates me nje 
> hyperlink e te jepni nje mendimin tuaj per ata
> artikuj.
> Fakti qe ju jeni ne gjendje te shkruani ne keto
> borde sic ju do qefi, flet 
> shume per demokracine e ketij vendi. Neqoftese ky
> vend eshte shume i ngushte 
> per hapesiren e mendimit tuaj dhe fashist ne natyre,
> ju fare mire mund te 
> ktheheni atje ku keni lindur ose mund te shkoni ne
> Sudan, Afganistan apo 
> Arabine Saudite. Ato gjepura qe njeriu nuk e ka ne
> dore ku te banoje, nuk 
> pijne uje. Asnje nuk ju mban ju ne kete vend kunder
> deshires tuaj. Ndoshta 
> atje do te ndiheni me mire dhe jeta juaj do te marre
> me se fundi nje kuptim 
> dhe nuk do te jete me JET(E)KOTI ashtu sic ju vete e
> keni pohuar ne adresen 
> tuaj te Email-it.
> Me respekt
> J.Boci
> 
> 
> --__--__--
> 
> _______________________________________________
> ALBSA-Info mailing list
> ALBSA-Info at alb-net.com
> http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/albsa-info
> 
> 
> End of ALBSA-Info Digest


__________________________________________________
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From albboschurch at juno.com  Fri Nov 23 11:54:29 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Fri, 23 Nov 2001 11:54:29 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Urgent : ) Albanian Recipe sought for: "Festal Petula"
Message-ID: <20011123.115457.-185653.0.albboschurch@juno.com>

krenar at juno.com

   A parishioner's  great grandmother used to prepare a special type of
Festal Petula for Holy Days.  It is different from  the usual "Fried
Dough" recipe that is common and known.  Instead, layers of thin dough
are placed on a lakror-type sheet ( sometimes made of copper.)  Crushed
walnuts and placed between the buttered layers. It is served with syrup
or honey.

     If anyone has this recipe, kindly transmit to us. Thank you.

Fr.Arthur Liolin 
________________________________________________________________
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Join Juno today!  For your FREE software, visit:
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 23 13:55:43 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 23 Nov 2001 10:55:43 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shekulli
Message-ID: <20011123185543.33580.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>


FJALA E KRYEMINISTRIT ILIR META P?R OPINIONIN PUBLIK PAS MBLEDHJES S? KRYESIS? S? PARTIS? SOCIALISTE
Meta:Un? ose Nano n? burg 

Duke ju falenderuar fillimisht p?r v?mendjen q? keni treguar ndaj zhvillimeve t? muajit t? fundit n? Partin? Socialiste dhe duke shpresuar se, fal? jush, ky prononcimi  im do t'i transmetohet i plot? opinionit publik, theksoj se, n? rendin e dit?s s? mbledhjes s? sotme t? kryesis? s? Partis? Socialiste, nuk figuronte ??shtja q? ka rindezur interesin e qytetar?ve ndaj jet?s son? politike. Madje, si? e keni marr? vesh t? gjith?, n? k?t? mbledhje, nuk figuronte as hartuesi i rendit t? dit?s dhe protagonisti kryesor i k?tyre zhvillimeve, shoku yn?, Fatos Nano, i cili tashm? na ka m?suar me largime nga vendi i detyr?s n? momente ballafaqimesh serioze. 

Ashtu si t? gjith? shok?t dhe koleg?t e preokupuar seriozisht p?r mbar?vajtjen e pun?ve n? Partin? Socialiste dhe n? vet? qeverisjen e vendit, e kam ndjekur me v?mendje aktivitetin politik t? kryetarit t? partis? son? gjat? muajit t? fundit. Megjith?se ky aktivitet, i servirur si nj? tur bashk?bisedimesh t? kryetarit me baz?n e Partis? Socialiste, ka qen? vet?m nj? zinxhir monolog?sh t? Fatos Nanos p?rpara kamerave, un? nuk do t? nisesha nga ky fakt p?r ta zhvleft?suar k?t? ??shtje, tashm? t? hapur n? gjirin ton?, apo p?r t? dal? menj?her? n? p?rfundimin se kriza ?sht? e Fatosit dhe jo e Partis?. 

U ndala k?tu me ju jo p?r t'i rrumbullakosur gj?rat, por p?r t'i komentuar ato nga k?ndv?shtrimi im, si kryeminist?r i zgjedhur nga socialist?t p?r t? realizuar programin e mandatit t? dyt? radhazi n? qeverisjen e vendit dhe si an?tar i kryesis? s? Partis? Socialiste t? Shqip?ris?, e cila - dua ta kujtoj sot p?r t? gjith? - ?sht? e vetmja forc? politike e majt? n? t?r? Evrop?n postkomuniste, q? ka marr? dy mandate qeveris?se rresht nga populli.

Duhet th?n? se situata e krijuar nga monolog?t e kryetarit t? Partis? Socialiste p?rpara mediave, ?sht? nj? situat? q? nuk ka precedent, jo vet?m n? historin? dhjet?vje?are t? forc?s son? politike, po as n? historin? e t?r? partive demokratike t? Evrop?s, qoft? Per?ndimore, qoft? Lindore. Nj? situat? absurde, ku kryetari rr?mben flamurin e opozit?s destruktive dhe v?rsulet kund?r forumeve drejtuese t? partis? s? tij apo kund?r qeveris? s? votuar nga partia e tij dhe nga ai vet? n? k?to forume e n? Parlament. Prandaj edhe ?sht? fare i natyrsh?m p?shtjellimi q? krijon nj? shfaqje e till? ekstreme e protagonizmit politik.

Ashtu si? ?sht? e natyrshme q? qytetar?t t? v?n? pik?pyetje mbi forc?n politike, q? vet?m disa muaj m? par? e votuan p?r t? qeverisur vendin!

Dua t'ju tregoj fare sinqerisht juve dhe, p?rmes jush, bashk?qytetar?ve t? mi, se gjat? k?tij muaji e kam pyetur vazhdimisht veten, lidhur me pun?n time n? krye t? qeveris?, p?r pun?n e ministrave t? mi, p?r pun?n e administrat?s son?. E kam pyetur veten lidhur me sukseset dhe mossukseset tona dhe jam p?rpjekur t? reflektoj sa m? objektivisht mbi frym?n e sulmeve t? Fatos Nanos, sepse nuk kam dashur t? mjaftohem me faktin se t? t?ra akuzat e tij specifike ndaj meje apo ndaj shoqes sime t? jet?s jan? sa t? pav?rteta, aq edhe t? turpshme p?r liderin e nj? partie t? madhe politike, si e jona.  

D?shiroj t? theksoj, po aq sinqerisht, se nuk besoj t? ket? qytetar normal n? k?t? vend q? t? jet? m? i pak?naqur se un? nga puna ime, nga puna e ministrave t? qeveris? sime, nga puna e administrat?s son?.  Punojm? p?rdit? me nj? trash?gimi mjaft t? r?nd? n? kurriz dhe boshll?qet e s? kaluar?s nuk mbushen me nj? t? r?n? t? lapsit.  Nuk riparohen me nj? t? r?n? t? lapsit as gabimet e pashmangshme q? b?hen n? nj? vend ku punohet intensivisht. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? t? vazhdojm? t? punojm? pa u lodhur, si? kemi b?r? dy vjet rresht. T? punojm? e t? ruajm? ekuilibrin mes pun?s s? p?rditshme plot energji e vullnet q? kryejm? n? sh?rbim t? vendit dhe vet?dijes se kjo pun? ka plot dob?si e t? meta q? duhen riparuar n? vazhdim?si. 

Duke mbajtur mbi kurriz trash?gimin? e r?nd? t? nj? administrate t? superpolitizuar, ne po p?rpiqemi t? forcojm? kapacitetet tona menaxhuese duke rritur transparenc?n e rekrutimit n? administrat?n publike. Por jemi t? vet?dijsh?m se kjo administrat? ?sht? ende larg standardeve evropiane, ashtu si? jan? larg k?tyre standardeve pagat e n?pun?sve tan? civil?. Jemi te vet?dijsh?m, gjithashtu, se kemi filluar nj? reform? t? thell? n? administrat?n publike, t? cil?n jemi t? vendosur ta zbatojm? me shpejt?si.

T? nisur nga nj? boshll?k i madh ligjor e moral, ne kemi dy vjet q? jemi t? angazhuar n? luft?n kund?r korrupsionit, ku kemi progresuar mjaft n? p?rgatitjen e kuadrit ligjor n? bashk?punim me partner?t tan? nd?rkomb?tar?, por ku nuk kemi ende rezultatet e d?shiruara nga t? gjith? ne. Kemi hartuar, p?r shembull, ligjin p?r deklarimin e pasurive, por nuk kemi arritur ende t? nd?rtojm? e t? zbatojm? procedura t? qarta p?r verifikimin e k?tyre deklarimeve dhe, p?r k?t?, kemi k?rkuar asistenc?. Kemi hedhur hapa t? sigurt n? luft?n kund?r trafiqeve, por do t? b?heshim qesharak?, n?se do t? pretendonim q? trafiqet t? eliminoheshin brenda koh?s s? shkurt?r q? ka kaluar, nga fillimi me seriozitet i k?saj lufte. Dua t? n?nvizoj k?tu se komuniteti nd?rkomb?tar ka qen? dhe ?sht? me t? drejt? kritik ndaj nesh p?r trafiqet e paligjshme, por, po ky komunitet, ka qen? dhe ?sht? realist n? vler?simin se ato nuk jan? nj? fenomen dyvje?ar, sa ?'?sht? mosha e qeveris? q? un? kam kryesuar, dhe as nuk mund t? zhduken n? dy muaj, sa ?'?sht? koha q? ka kaluar q? kur kabineti aktual mori vot?besimin. Rr?nj?t e fenomeneve negative t? tranzicionit, p?rfshir? edhe trafiqet, jan? shum? m? t? vjetra se kaq, q? nga koha kur qeveriste Berisha dhe, pas tij, vet? shoku Nano, dhe, sigurisht, do t? duhet koh? q? ato t? ?rr?njosen. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? se qeveria aktuale ka lindur me vullnetin e duhur p?r t? vepruar n? k?t? drejtim, ku shpresojm? q? edhe Prokuroria dhe sistemi gjyq?sor do t? luajn? rolin e tyre. 

N? vet?m dy vjet kemi arritur p?rmir?sime thelb?sore n? dogana dhe n? mbledhjen e tatimeve e taksave, por sot nj?koh?sisht jan? sofistikuar me tej metodat e evazionit fiskal. 

Duke e gjetur kriz?n energjetike n? zhvillim e sip?r, ne kemi marr? masa thelb?sore p?r kap?rcimin e saj dhe jemi kryelart?, sepse kemi mundur t? vendosim, p?r her? t? par?, nj? afat t? p?rcaktuar qart? p?r kap?rcimin e k?saj krize. Fundin e vitit 2003! Por jemi m? shum? se t? vet?dijsh?m p?r rraskapitjen psikologjike dhjet?vje?are t? qytetar?ve, t? cil?t, personalisht, i mir?kuptoj edhe kur  bien pre e demagogjis?, lidhur me k?t? problem, dhe besojn? p?rrall?n q? faj?son qeverin? q? un? kryesoj p?r munges?n e dritave.

Jam i vet?dijsh?m se nj? pjes? e mir? e ?oroditjes q? provokojn? llafolog?t e politik?s shqiptare tek qytetar?t ka t? b?j? edhe me pun?n ton? t? pamjaftueshme shpjeguese, si t? arritjeve, ashtu edhe t? v?shtir?sive objektive n? kap?rcimin e pengesave. Por dua q? t? jeni t? gjith? t? vet?dijsh?m se problemet e administrat?s publike, t? korrupsionit e t? trafiqeve apo t? vet? sektorit t? energjis? jan? probleme tipike t? nj? trash?gimie aspak pozitive nga qeverisjet me mentalitetin e s? kaluar?s dhe nga v?nia mbi gjith?ka e interesave politike individuale. Spostimi n? koh? i problemeve t? mprehta e katandisi sektorin e energjis? n? gjendjen q? ?sht? sot dhe i pengoi p?r thuajse dhjet? vjet institucionet financiare nd?rkomb?tare t? nd?rhynin p?r frenimin e kriz?s. K?shtu q? un? mund t? marr? p?rsip?r ?far?do gabimi, lidhur me k?t? kriz?, vet?m pasi akuzator?t e mi, Fatos Nano dhe Sali Berisha, t? ken? marr? p?rsip?r fajin e trash?gimit t? k?saj krize dhe t? malit me probleme t? akumuluara mbi supet e Pandeli Majkos e t? miat.

D?shiroj te ritheksoj me forc?n e sinqeritetit se jam plot?sisht i vet?dijsh?m p?r t? gjitha gj?rat q? duhet t? korrigjojm? n? rrug?n e p?rmir?simit t? vazhduesh?m t? qeverisjes dhe t? rritjes e t? forcimit t? institucioneve n? bashk?punim me partner?t tan? nd?rkomb?tar?. D?shiroj, gjithashtu, t'ju garantoj se vet?dija  ime ?sht? rezultat i v?mendjes ndaj kritikave e ndaj vet? faktit se un? nuk kam asnj? kund?rshtim q? dob?sit? e t? metat e pun?s sime t? m? thuhen e t? m? p?rs?riten kudo, kurdoher? dhe nga cilido q? d?shiron, aq m? tep?r nga an?tar?sia e Partis?, nga forumet apo nga kryetari. Nuk kam, po ashtu, asnj? kund?rshtim q? puna e ekipit qeveritar q? un? drejtoj t? analizohet me holl?si, me transparenc? dhe n? vazhdim?si, sikund?r b?jn? me qeverin? institucionet nd?rkomb?tare, t? cilat, pas ?do hapi q? hedhim, na kritikojn?, na vler?sojn? dhe na mb?shtetin fuqimisht.  

Por ??shtja ?sht? se, gjat? muajit t? fundit, un? nuk jam ndier i kritikuar nga kryetari i Partis? Socialiste, por i akuzuar nga nj? individ agresiv, spekulant dhe abuziv, q? duket sikur ka ardhur nga nj? planet tjet?r! Nj? individ q?, papritmas, ?sht? b?r? pal? me kund?rshtarin ton? politik dhe ka marr? rolin e shkat?rruesit t? imazhit t? forumeve t? zgjedhura t? Partis? Socialiste dhe t? qeveris? son?. Nj? individ q? k?rkon t? fitoj? v?mendjen e telespektator?ve duke shpifur, fyer dhe akuzuar njer?zit e familjes s? tij politike.

Problemi im si kryeminist?r ?sht? se k?to shpifje, fyerje dhe akuza nuk kan? si efekt t? vet?m p?rbaltjen e Ilir Met?s, si person. Kjo do t? ishte m? pak se gjysma e s? keqes. K?to shpifje, fyerje dhe akuza mbartin t? keqen e madhe t? ngjalljes s? panikut tek qytetar?t. Ato nxitin krimin, futin ankth n? komunitetin e biznesit dhe frenojn? ecjen ton? p?rpara, duke paralizuar administrat?n shtet?rore, e cila, natyrsh?m, humbet motivimin. Kjo fushat? denigruese brenda llojit, e shoq?ruar me k?rc?nimin absurd t? kryetarit t? Partis? p?r zgjedhje t? parakohshme, l?kund besimin tek institucionet, krijon zhg?njim tek partner?t tan? nd?rkomb?tar? dhe godet publikisht imazhin e Partis? Socialiste.

Nuk do t? ishte e tep?rt t? thuhej se kjo l?kundje besimi e provokuar pap?rgjegjshm?risht reflektohet p?r keq n? imazhin e Shqip?ris?, si faktor stabiliteti n? rajon.

Kam p?rshtypjen e hidhur se Fatos Nano po shp?rdoron n? m?nyr?n m? t? pap?rgjegjshme figur?n e tij, sakrific?n e tij njer?zore e politike n?n regjimin e Berish?s, imazhin e politikanit t? tryezave e jo t? rrug?ve. Fatos Nano po divorcohet p?rfundimisht nga Fatos Nano. Simboli i dikursh?m p?rbashkues i t? gjith? ne socialist?ve n? luft?n p?r nj? shtet t? s? drejt?s dhe t? ligjit po simbolizon sot p?rdit? e m? shum? ?ndrr?n e vjet?r t? Sali Berish?s p?r t? p?r?ar? e p?r t? ndar? Partin? Socialiste.

Un? jam plot?sisht dakord me profesorin e nderuar Ylli Popa, i cili iu drejua Fatos Nanos me fjal?t: " N?se k?to i b?n p?r t? korrigjuar, bravo t? qoft?, n?se jo, at?her? ne nuk mund t? jemi me ty". Po a mund t? korrigjohet ligji i buxhetit me monolog? n? Divjak? apo n? Lezh?? A mund t? luftohet korrupsioni dhe trafiqet me gjyqe popullore, pa avokat? A mund t? zgjidhen hallet e pezak?ve duke demonizuar skraparllinjt?? A mund t'u thuhet periferive se parat? tuaja ua merr padrejt?sisht Tirana? A mund t? sh?ndoshet Partia, duke denigruar forumin e rinis? t? saj, si? b?n kryetari yn? me FRESH-in?

Atyre q? pyesin, pse nuk i heq Meta ministrat e perfolur nga Kryetari, u p?rgjigjem hapur se detyra ime si Kryeminist?r ?sht? t? p?rkrah ?do an?tar t? ekipit tim gjat? koh?s q? punojm? s? bashku dhe t? mos b?j kurr? koka turku p?r t? mbyllur nj? fushat? denigruese apo per te siguruar nj? kompromis afatshkurt?r. Nga ana tjet?r zbulimi apo konfirmimi n?se ka apo jo t? v?rteta n? akuzat q? u b?hen n? publik bashk?pun?tor?ve t? mi, ?sht? nj? detyr? q? n? nj? shtet demokratik e b?jn? mbi baz? provash prokuroria e gjykata. Kryeministri nuk ?sht? as gjykat?s dhe as prokuror dhe nuk ?sht? i till? as Fatos Nano. Prandaj, ne duhet t'i japim fund nj?her? e mir?, akuzave t? r?nda dhe t? pand?shkuara. Q? do t? thot? se i akuzuari ose akuzuesi duhet t? nd?shkohen nga drejt?sia. I pari n?se e ka kryer vepr?n penale p?r t? cil?n akuzohet. I dyti n?se ka shpifur apo fyer p?r shkak t? detyr?s. Ka ardhur koha t? mendojm? seriozisht, t? gjith? bashk?, p?r t'i dh?n? fund tranzicionit edhe n? k?t? aspekt.

Por, duke p?rfituar nga ky rast d?shiroj t? b?j t? qart? se pun?n e ?do ministri e vler?soj me rezultatet konkrete q? ai ka n? p?rmbushjen e detyrave t? programit t? Qeveris?, si dhe me respektimin e etik?s s? funksionarit t? lart?. Un? kritikoj rregullisht ?do shmangie eventuale nga k?to kritere dhe nuk b?j asnj? kompromis me veten, kur gabimet p?rs?riten. Nuk kam familjaritet ose dob?si p?r ndonj? minist?r, por n? m?nyr? t? natyrshme e t? drejt? i nxis t? gjith? t? punojn? dhe i mb?shtes q? t? mos stepen para presioneve q? u b?hen. Jam i hapur t? analizoj ?do fakt q? m? paraqitet n? rrug? institucionale p?r cilindo nga ministrat. Jam i interesuar, gjithashtu, q? ministrat e p?rfolur gjat? k?saj fushate populiste, t? qart?sojn? sa m? par? pozicionin e tyre, duke sqaruar pa u lodhur opinionin dhe forumet e Partis? dhe duke u drejtuar n? institucionet p?rkat?se p?r t? v?n? n? vend dinjitetin e c?nuar. T? jeni t? bindur se do t? mbaj nj? q?ndrim t? prer? e transparent, n? lidhje me k?to qart?sime.

Ne socialist?t kemi inicuar dhe do t? zbatojm? politik?n e p?rmir?simit t? vazhduesh?m t? qeverisjes e me k?t? kuptojm? ndryshimin, si rezultat i nj? l?vizjeje t? pun?ve n? t? gjith? sektor?t e jet?s s? vendit. Kjo l?vizje konstante n?nkupton edhe ndryshimin e njer?zve t? drejtimit n? ?do nivel, dor?heqjen e atyre q? nuk e ndjekin dot ritmin e pun?s apo shkarkimin e t? paaft?ve dhe t? pap?rkushtuarve. Por nj?koh?sisht kjo l?vizje p?rjashton bastet e klubeve t? nat?s p?r shkarkimin e X ministri apo futjen e Y socialisti n? qeveri, ashtu si? p?rjashton p?rfshirjen n? axhend?n e ekzekutivit t? interesave financiare t? lobeve t? dyshimta apo premtimet dhe paradh?niet p?r t? ushtruar trafik influence nga zyrat e partis? n? zyrat e qeveris?. 

Ju e dini fare mir? se emrat e an?tar?ve t? qeveris? s? Shqip?ris? si edhe emrat e z?v?nd?sministrave i kam paraqitur n? forumet drejtuese t? Partis?, n? kryesin? e saj dhe n? Komitetin e P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues dhe kam marr? p?r ?do nj?rin prej tyre miratimin dhe mb?shtetjen e plot? t? forumeve dhe t? kryetarit t? Partis?. Mendoj se ka ardhur koha t? thuhet hapur se ajo q? k?rkon kryetari i Partis? me presionin e tij t? papranuesh?m ?sht? p?rfshirja n? qeveri, apo n? struktura t? tjera t? qeverisjes, e personave t? ve?ant?. 

?sht? e nj?jta Qeveri q? u votua dy muaj e ca m? par?, edhe nga kryetari i partis?. Madje pa asnj? koment dhe me siguri t? plot?. ?sht? po ai program q? u votua nga parlamentar?t tan?, edhe nga Kryetari i Partis?, madje pa asnj? koment thelb?sor. Nuk mund te thuhet se gj?rat kane ndryshuar dramatikisht n? m? pak se tre muaj. At?her? kujt duhet t'i besojm?, kryetarit q? e votoi Qeverin? dhe Programin e saj, apo kryetarit q? tani po e mallkon Qeverin? e tij?

Qeveria nuk ?sht? aspak e p?rkryer. Por, po p?r t? nj?jt?t persona gjat? fushat?s elektorale ?sht? folur nga Kryetari me terma glorifikues, duke i konsideruar ata si njer?z t? aft?, si njer?z q? do t? na ?ojn? drejt Europ?s, etj. Pyetja shtrohet: kujt i duhet besuar, Kryetarit t? fushat?s elektorale t? qershorit, apo Fatosit t? fushates presidenciale t? N?ntorit? V?rtet, ministrat u korruptuan p?r m? pak se tre muaj? Ose, n?se Kryetari e dinte k?t? m? par?, p?rse foli ndryshe, kur u k?rkoi votat shqiptar?ve, ose p?rse nuk foli kur u votua Qeveria n? strukturat e Partis? dhe n? Parlament? A ?sht? e moralshme kjo?

Fatkeqesisht mendoj dhe jam i shtr?nguar t? shprehem se m? shum? se dyzim mendimesh i Kryetarit, ky ?sht? nj? dyzim karakteri i Fatosit, qe po shfaqet qartazi me figur?n e Sekretarit t? Par?, q? nuk pyet p?r Partin? dhe p?r ask?nd, q? duhet t? pyetet p?r gjith?ka, q? pa fjal?n e tij nuk mund t? b?het asgj?, ose q? me fjal?n e tij mund t? p?rfundosh keq e m? keq. Bile me fjal?n e tij mund t? b?hesh e t? ?'b?hesh Kryeminist?r, me fjal?n e tij funksionet e forumeve t? Partis? mund t? ?vler?sohen dhe t? zgjedhurit n? k?to forume mund t? kthehen n? trafikant?.

Tashm? ?sht? e qart? p?r t? gjith?, por ?sht? koha q? edhe Nano me n? fund ta kuptoj? se koha e Sekretar?ve t? Par?, q? rrijn? prapa skenes dhe telekomandojn? aktor?t politik?, ka marr? fund nj?her? e mir?. ?sht? nj? mentalitet tejet i s? shkuar?s kerkesa q? vendimet e Qeveris? t? marrin m? par? bekimin e Fatosit. Per shembull, esht? krejt?sisht e papranueshme p?r nj? Parti moderne, si Partia Socialiste, deklarata e Kryetarit q? Qeveria p?r ?mimin e energjis? elektrike nuk duhet t? diskutoj? me FMN-n?, por me Partin?. Dhe me Parti n?nkuptohet vet?m Fatosi, sepse Kryeministri dhe ministrat q? diskutojn? me FMN-n? t? Partise Socialiste jan?. Un? shpresoj se Fatosi e ka pasur fjal?n vet?m p?r ?mimin e energjis? elektrike, dhe jo p?r vendime t? tjera q? lidhen me privatizimet, me pro?edurat e tenderave, etj.

Padyshim, ?sht? pjes? e rregullave t? loj?s n? nj? demokraci q? kryetari i Qeveris? respekton opinionin e kryetarit t? mazhoranc?s q? e ka miratuar, por vendin e qeveris Kryeministri dhe jo Sekretari i Pare. N?se kryetari i Partis? ka t? drejt? dhe ka shumic?n, ai mund ta rrezoj? Kryeministrin n? rrug? institucionale. Por, n? asnj? rast, ai nuk mund ta z?vend?soj? at?, as t'i imponohet atij. Aq me pak me presione te gjithfarllojshme.

Mentaliteti i Sekretarit t? Par? u duk qart?, edhe n? mosmarrjen pjes? t? Kryetarit t? Partis? n? mbledhjen e sotme t? Kryesis?. Kjo ishte nj? mbledhje me nj? r?nd?si tep?r t? ve?ant?, ku u diskutuan ??shtje thelb?sore p?r Partin? dhe me ndikime t? dukshme n? jet?n e vendit. Fatosi edhe k?t? rradh? caktoi dat?n e mbledhjes dhe iku pa adres?, duke na dh?n? mesazhin e qart? se ai mund t? vij? e t? ik? nga mbledhjet e forumeve, kur t? doj? ai vete. Bile ai mund t'i cil?soj? forumet edhe si jolegjitime, n? rast se vendimet e tyre nuk i p?lqejn?.

Un? desha t'ju shpreh n?p?rmjet k?tij diskutimi shqet?simin tim p?r k?t? debat q? ?sht? hapur dhe vizionin tim p?r k?t? dukuri, pa u futur n? replika p?r ??shtje t? ve?anta. Un? kam bindjen se Partia Socialiste, si nj? Parti e pjekur dhe e konsoliduar do t? dij? ta p?rcjell? e p?rfshij? me maturi n? forumet e saj k?t? debat, duke respektuar statutin e Partis?. Le t? p?rpiqemi t? analizojm? me kujdes gjith?ka racionale n? k?t? debat, n? t? mir? t? progresit t? vendit dhe te shpresojme, gjithashtu, se kryetari i Partis? do t? reflektoj? ndaj kritikave t? forumeve me realiz?m dhe n? p?rputhje me rregullat e Partis?.

Duke perfunduar, i siguroj te gjithe qytetaret dhe partneret tane nderkombetare se si Qeveri jemi teresisht te angazhuar qe te mos lejojme qe debati, polemikat apo konflikti artificial i krijuar brenda Partise te reflektohet ne trajten e nje krize te institucioneve te vendit. Viti 1997 dhe Shtatori I vitit 1998 nuk do te perseriten me ne Shqiperi, e cila ka hyre perfundimisht ne proceset e integrimit Europian. 

Falemderit. 
 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 23 13:58:30 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 23 Nov 2001 10:58:30 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shekulli
Message-ID: <20011123185830.8544.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


FJALA E KRYEMINISTRIT ILIR META P?R OPINIONIN PUBLIK PAS MBLEDHJES S? KRYESIS? S? PARTIS? SOCIALISTE
Meta:Un? ose Nano n? burg 

Duke ju falenderuar fillimisht p?r v?mendjen q? keni treguar ndaj zhvillimeve t? muajit t? fundit n? Partin? Socialiste dhe duke shpresuar se, fal? jush, ky prononcimi  im do t'i transmetohet i plot? opinionit publik, theksoj se, n? rendin e dit?s s? mbledhjes s? sotme t? kryesis? s? Partis? Socialiste, nuk figuronte ??shtja q? ka rindezur interesin e qytetar?ve ndaj jet?s son? politike. Madje, si? e keni marr? vesh t? gjith?, n? k?t? mbledhje, nuk figuronte as hartuesi i rendit t? dit?s dhe protagonisti kryesor i k?tyre zhvillimeve, shoku yn?, Fatos Nano, i cili tashm? na ka m?suar me largime nga vendi i detyr?s n? momente ballafaqimesh serioze. 

Ashtu si t? gjith? shok?t dhe koleg?t e preokupuar seriozisht p?r mbar?vajtjen e pun?ve n? Partin? Socialiste dhe n? vet? qeverisjen e vendit, e kam ndjekur me v?mendje aktivitetin politik t? kryetarit t? partis? son? gjat? muajit t? fundit. Megjith?se ky aktivitet, i servirur si nj? tur bashk?bisedimesh t? kryetarit me baz?n e Partis? Socialiste, ka qen? vet?m nj? zinxhir monolog?sh t? Fatos Nanos p?rpara kamerave, un? nuk do t? nisesha nga ky fakt p?r ta zhvleft?suar k?t? ??shtje, tashm? t? hapur n? gjirin ton?, apo p?r t? dal? menj?her? n? p?rfundimin se kriza ?sht? e Fatosit dhe jo e Partis?. 

U ndala k?tu me ju jo p?r t'i rrumbullakosur gj?rat, por p?r t'i komentuar ato nga k?ndv?shtrimi im, si kryeminist?r i zgjedhur nga socialist?t p?r t? realizuar programin e mandatit t? dyt? radhazi n? qeverisjen e vendit dhe si an?tar i kryesis? s? Partis? Socialiste t? Shqip?ris?, e cila - dua ta kujtoj sot p?r t? gjith? - ?sht? e vetmja forc? politike e majt? n? t?r? Evrop?n postkomuniste, q? ka marr? dy mandate qeveris?se rresht nga populli.

Duhet th?n? se situata e krijuar nga monolog?t e kryetarit t? Partis? Socialiste p?rpara mediave, ?sht? nj? situat? q? nuk ka precedent, jo vet?m n? historin? dhjet?vje?are t? forc?s son? politike, po as n? historin? e t?r? partive demokratike t? Evrop?s, qoft? Per?ndimore, qoft? Lindore. Nj? situat? absurde, ku kryetari rr?mben flamurin e opozit?s destruktive dhe v?rsulet kund?r forumeve drejtuese t? partis? s? tij apo kund?r qeveris? s? votuar nga partia e tij dhe nga ai vet? n? k?to forume e n? Parlament. Prandaj edhe ?sht? fare i natyrsh?m p?shtjellimi q? krijon nj? shfaqje e till? ekstreme e protagonizmit politik.

Ashtu si? ?sht? e natyrshme q? qytetar?t t? v?n? pik?pyetje mbi forc?n politike, q? vet?m disa muaj m? par? e votuan p?r t? qeverisur vendin!

Dua t'ju tregoj fare sinqerisht juve dhe, p?rmes jush, bashk?qytetar?ve t? mi, se gjat? k?tij muaji e kam pyetur vazhdimisht veten, lidhur me pun?n time n? krye t? qeveris?, p?r pun?n e ministrave t? mi, p?r pun?n e administrat?s son?. E kam pyetur veten lidhur me sukseset dhe mossukseset tona dhe jam p?rpjekur t? reflektoj sa m? objektivisht mbi frym?n e sulmeve t? Fatos Nanos, sepse nuk kam dashur t? mjaftohem me faktin se t? t?ra akuzat e tij specifike ndaj meje apo ndaj shoqes sime t? jet?s jan? sa t? pav?rteta, aq edhe t? turpshme p?r liderin e nj? partie t? madhe politike, si e jona.  

D?shiroj t? theksoj, po aq sinqerisht, se nuk besoj t? ket? qytetar normal n? k?t? vend q? t? jet? m? i pak?naqur se un? nga puna ime, nga puna e ministrave t? qeveris? sime, nga puna e administrat?s son?.  Punojm? p?rdit? me nj? trash?gimi mjaft t? r?nd? n? kurriz dhe boshll?qet e s? kaluar?s nuk mbushen me nj? t? r?n? t? lapsit.  Nuk riparohen me nj? t? r?n? t? lapsit as gabimet e pashmangshme q? b?hen n? nj? vend ku punohet intensivisht. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? t? vazhdojm? t? punojm? pa u lodhur, si? kemi b?r? dy vjet rresht. T? punojm? e t? ruajm? ekuilibrin mes pun?s s? p?rditshme plot energji e vullnet q? kryejm? n? sh?rbim t? vendit dhe vet?dijes se kjo pun? ka plot dob?si e t? meta q? duhen riparuar n? vazhdim?si. 

Duke mbajtur mbi kurriz trash?gimin? e r?nd? t? nj? administrate t? superpolitizuar, ne po p?rpiqemi t? forcojm? kapacitetet tona menaxhuese duke rritur transparenc?n e rekrutimit n? administrat?n publike. Por jemi t? vet?dijsh?m se kjo administrat? ?sht? ende larg standardeve evropiane, ashtu si? jan? larg k?tyre standardeve pagat e n?pun?sve tan? civil?. Jemi te vet?dijsh?m, gjithashtu, se kemi filluar nj? reform? t? thell? n? administrat?n publike, t? cil?n jemi t? vendosur ta zbatojm? me shpejt?si.

T? nisur nga nj? boshll?k i madh ligjor e moral, ne kemi dy vjet q? jemi t? angazhuar n? luft?n kund?r korrupsionit, ku kemi progresuar mjaft n? p?rgatitjen e kuadrit ligjor n? bashk?punim me partner?t tan? nd?rkomb?tar?, por ku nuk kemi ende rezultatet e d?shiruara nga t? gjith? ne. Kemi hartuar, p?r shembull, ligjin p?r deklarimin e pasurive, por nuk kemi arritur ende t? nd?rtojm? e t? zbatojm? procedura t? qarta p?r verifikimin e k?tyre deklarimeve dhe, p?r k?t?, kemi k?rkuar asistenc?. Kemi hedhur hapa t? sigurt n? luft?n kund?r trafiqeve, por do t? b?heshim qesharak?, n?se do t? pretendonim q? trafiqet t? eliminoheshin brenda koh?s s? shkurt?r q? ka kaluar, nga fillimi me seriozitet i k?saj lufte. Dua t? n?nvizoj k?tu se komuniteti nd?rkomb?tar ka qen? dhe ?sht? me t? drejt? kritik ndaj nesh p?r trafiqet e paligjshme, por, po ky komunitet, ka qen? dhe ?sht? realist n? vler?simin se ato nuk jan? nj? fenomen dyvje?ar, sa ?'?sht? mosha e qeveris? q? un? kam kryesuar, dhe as nuk mund t? zhduken n? dy muaj, sa ?'?sht? koha q? ka kaluar q? kur kabineti aktual mori vot?besimin. Rr?nj?t e fenomeneve negative t? tranzicionit, p?rfshir? edhe trafiqet, jan? shum? m? t? vjetra se kaq, q? nga koha kur qeveriste Berisha dhe, pas tij, vet? shoku Nano, dhe, sigurisht, do t? duhet koh? q? ato t? ?rr?njosen. E r?nd?sishme ?sht? se qeveria aktuale ka lindur me vullnetin e duhur p?r t? vepruar n? k?t? drejtim, ku shpresojm? q? edhe Prokuroria dhe sistemi gjyq?sor do t? luajn? rolin e tyre. 

N? vet?m dy vjet kemi arritur p?rmir?sime thelb?sore n? dogana dhe n? mbledhjen e tatimeve e taksave, por sot nj?koh?sisht jan? sofistikuar me tej metodat e evazionit fiskal. 

Duke e gjetur kriz?n energjetike n? zhvillim e sip?r, ne kemi marr? masa thelb?sore p?r kap?rcimin e saj dhe jemi kryelart?, sepse kemi mundur t? vendosim, p?r her? t? par?, nj? afat t? p?rcaktuar qart? p?r kap?rcimin e k?saj krize. Fundin e vitit 2003! Por jemi m? shum? se t? vet?dijsh?m p?r rraskapitjen psikologjike dhjet?vje?are t? qytetar?ve, t? cil?t, personalisht, i mir?kuptoj edhe kur  bien pre e demagogjis?, lidhur me k?t? problem, dhe besojn? p?rrall?n q? faj?son qeverin? q? un? kryesoj p?r munges?n e dritave.

Jam i vet?dijsh?m se nj? pjes? e mir? e ?oroditjes q? provokojn? llafolog?t e politik?s shqiptare tek qytetar?t ka t? b?j? edhe me pun?n ton? t? pamjaftueshme shpjeguese, si t? arritjeve, ashtu edhe t? v?shtir?sive objektive n? kap?rcimin e pengesave. Por dua q? t? jeni t? gjith? t? vet?dijsh?m se problemet e administrat?s publike, t? korrupsionit e t? trafiqeve apo t? vet? sektorit t? energjis? jan? probleme tipike t? nj? trash?gimie aspak pozitive nga qeverisjet me mentalitetin e s? kaluar?s dhe nga v?nia mbi gjith?ka e interesave politike individuale. Spostimi n? koh? i problemeve t? mprehta e katandisi sektorin e energjis? n? gjendjen q? ?sht? sot dhe i pengoi p?r thuajse dhjet? vjet institucionet financiare nd?rkomb?tare t? nd?rhynin p?r frenimin e kriz?s. K?shtu q? un? mund t? marr? p?rsip?r ?far?do gabimi, lidhur me k?t? kriz?, vet?m pasi akuzator?t e mi, Fatos Nano dhe Sali Berisha, t? ken? marr? p?rsip?r fajin e trash?gimit t? k?saj krize dhe t? malit me probleme t? akumuluara mbi supet e Pandeli Majkos e t? miat.

D?shiroj te ritheksoj me forc?n e sinqeritetit se jam plot?sisht i vet?dijsh?m p?r t? gjitha gj?rat q? duhet t? korrigjojm? n? rrug?n e p?rmir?simit t? vazhduesh?m t? qeverisjes dhe t? rritjes e t? forcimit t? institucioneve n? bashk?punim me partner?t tan? nd?rkomb?tar?. D?shiroj, gjithashtu, t'ju garantoj se vet?dija  ime ?sht? rezultat i v?mendjes ndaj kritikave e ndaj vet? faktit se un? nuk kam asnj? kund?rshtim q? dob?sit? e t? metat e pun?s sime t? m? thuhen e t? m? p?rs?riten kudo, kurdoher? dhe nga cilido q? d?shiron, aq m? tep?r nga an?tar?sia e Partis?, nga forumet apo nga kryetari. Nuk kam, po ashtu, asnj? kund?rshtim q? puna e ekipit qeveritar q? un? drejtoj t? analizohet me holl?si, me transparenc? dhe n? vazhdim?si, sikund?r b?jn? me qeverin? institucionet nd?rkomb?tare, t? cilat, pas ?do hapi q? hedhim, na kritikojn?, na vler?sojn? dhe na mb?shtetin fuqimisht.  

Por ??shtja ?sht? se, gjat? muajit t? fundit, un? nuk jam ndier i kritikuar nga kryetari i Partis? Socialiste, por i akuzuar nga nj? individ agresiv, spekulant dhe abuziv, q? duket sikur ka ardhur nga nj? planet tjet?r! Nj? individ q?, papritmas, ?sht? b?r? pal? me kund?rshtarin ton? politik dhe ka marr? rolin e shkat?rruesit t? imazhit t? forumeve t? zgjedhura t? Partis? Socialiste dhe t? qeveris? son?. Nj? individ q? k?rkon t? fitoj? v?mendjen e telespektator?ve duke shpifur, fyer dhe akuzuar njer?zit e familjes s? tij politike.

Problemi im si kryeminist?r ?sht? se k?to shpifje, fyerje dhe akuza nuk kan? si efekt t? vet?m p?rbaltjen e Ilir Met?s, si person. Kjo do t? ishte m? pak se gjysma e s? keqes. K?to shpifje, fyerje dhe akuza mbartin t? keqen e madhe t? ngjalljes s? panikut tek qytetar?t. Ato nxitin krimin, futin ankth n? komunitetin e biznesit dhe frenojn? ecjen ton? p?rpara, duke paralizuar administrat?n shtet?rore, e cila, natyrsh?m, humbet motivimin. Kjo fushat? denigruese brenda llojit, e shoq?ruar me k?rc?nimin absurd t? kryetarit t? Partis? p?r zgjedhje t? parakohshme, l?kund besimin tek institucionet, krijon zhg?njim tek partner?t tan? nd?rkomb?tar? dhe godet publikisht imazhin e Partis? Socialiste.

Nuk do t? ishte e tep?rt t? thuhej se kjo l?kundje besimi e provokuar pap?rgjegjshm?risht reflektohet p?r keq n? imazhin e Shqip?ris?, si faktor stabiliteti n? rajon.

Kam p?rshtypjen e hidhur se Fatos Nano po shp?rdoron n? m?nyr?n m? t? pap?rgjegjshme figur?n e tij, sakrific?n e tij njer?zore e politike n?n regjimin e Berish?s, imazhin e politikanit t? tryezave e jo t? rrug?ve. Fatos Nano po divorcohet p?rfundimisht nga Fatos Nano. Simboli i dikursh?m p?rbashkues i t? gjith? ne socialist?ve n? luft?n p?r nj? shtet t? s? drejt?s dhe t? ligjit po simbolizon sot p?rdit? e m? shum? ?ndrr?n e vjet?r t? Sali Berish?s p?r t? p?r?ar? e p?r t? ndar? Partin? Socialiste.

Un? jam plot?sisht dakord me profesorin e nderuar Ylli Popa, i cili iu drejua Fatos Nanos me fjal?t: " N?se k?to i b?n p?r t? korrigjuar, bravo t? qoft?, n?se jo, at?her? ne nuk mund t? jemi me ty". Po a mund t? korrigjohet ligji i buxhetit me monolog? n? Divjak? apo n? Lezh?? A mund t? luftohet korrupsioni dhe trafiqet me gjyqe popullore, pa avokat? A mund t? zgjidhen hallet e pezak?ve duke demonizuar skraparllinjt?? A mund t'u thuhet periferive se parat? tuaja ua merr padrejt?sisht Tirana? A mund t? sh?ndoshet Partia, duke denigruar forumin e rinis? t? saj, si? b?n kryetari yn? me FRESH-in?

Atyre q? pyesin, pse nuk i heq Meta ministrat e perfolur nga Kryetari, u p?rgjigjem hapur se detyra ime si Kryeminist?r ?sht? t? p?rkrah ?do an?tar t? ekipit tim gjat? koh?s q? punojm? s? bashku dhe t? mos b?j kurr? koka turku p?r t? mbyllur nj? fushat? denigruese apo per te siguruar nj? kompromis afatshkurt?r. Nga ana tjet?r zbulimi apo konfirmimi n?se ka apo jo t? v?rteta n? akuzat q? u b?hen n? publik bashk?pun?tor?ve t? mi, ?sht? nj? detyr? q? n? nj? shtet demokratik e b?jn? mbi baz? provash prokuroria e gjykata. Kryeministri nuk ?sht? as gjykat?s dhe as prokuror dhe nuk ?sht? i till? as Fatos Nano. Prandaj, ne duhet t'i japim fund nj?her? e mir?, akuzave t? r?nda dhe t? pand?shkuara. Q? do t? thot? se i akuzuari ose akuzuesi duhet t? nd?shkohen nga drejt?sia. I pari n?se e ka kryer vepr?n penale p?r t? cil?n akuzohet. I dyti n?se ka shpifur apo fyer p?r shkak t? detyr?s. Ka ardhur koha t? mendojm? seriozisht, t? gjith? bashk?, p?r t'i dh?n? fund tranzicionit edhe n? k?t? aspekt.

Por, duke p?rfituar nga ky rast d?shiroj t? b?j t? qart? se pun?n e ?do ministri e vler?soj me rezultatet konkrete q? ai ka n? p?rmbushjen e detyrave t? programit t? Qeveris?, si dhe me respektimin e etik?s s? funksionarit t? lart?. Un? kritikoj rregullisht ?do shmangie eventuale nga k?to kritere dhe nuk b?j asnj? kompromis me veten, kur gabimet p?rs?riten. Nuk kam familjaritet ose dob?si p?r ndonj? minist?r, por n? m?nyr? t? natyrshme e t? drejt? i nxis t? gjith? t? punojn? dhe i mb?shtes q? t? mos stepen para presioneve q? u b?hen. Jam i hapur t? analizoj ?do fakt q? m? paraqitet n? rrug? institucionale p?r cilindo nga ministrat. Jam i interesuar, gjithashtu, q? ministrat e p?rfolur gjat? k?saj fushate populiste, t? qart?sojn? sa m? par? pozicionin e tyre, duke sqaruar pa u lodhur opinionin dhe forumet e Partis? dhe duke u drejtuar n? institucionet p?rkat?se p?r t? v?n? n? vend dinjitetin e c?nuar. T? jeni t? bindur se do t? mbaj nj? q?ndrim t? prer? e transparent, n? lidhje me k?to qart?sime.

Ne socialist?t kemi inicuar dhe do t? zbatojm? politik?n e p?rmir?simit t? vazhduesh?m t? qeverisjes e me k?t? kuptojm? ndryshimin, si rezultat i nj? l?vizjeje t? pun?ve n? t? gjith? sektor?t e jet?s s? vendit. Kjo l?vizje konstante n?nkupton edhe ndryshimin e njer?zve t? drejtimit n? ?do nivel, dor?heqjen e atyre q? nuk e ndjekin dot ritmin e pun?s apo shkarkimin e t? paaft?ve dhe t? pap?rkushtuarve. Por nj?koh?sisht kjo l?vizje p?rjashton bastet e klubeve t? nat?s p?r shkarkimin e X ministri apo futjen e Y socialisti n? qeveri, ashtu si? p?rjashton p?rfshirjen n? axhend?n e ekzekutivit t? interesave financiare t? lobeve t? dyshimta apo premtimet dhe paradh?niet p?r t? ushtruar trafik influence nga zyrat e partis? n? zyrat e qeveris?. 

Ju e dini fare mir? se emrat e an?tar?ve t? qeveris? s? Shqip?ris? si edhe emrat e z?v?nd?sministrave i kam paraqitur n? forumet drejtuese t? Partis?, n? kryesin? e saj dhe n? Komitetin e P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues dhe kam marr? p?r ?do nj?rin prej tyre miratimin dhe mb?shtetjen e plot? t? forumeve dhe t? kryetarit t? Partis?. Mendoj se ka ardhur koha t? thuhet hapur se ajo q? k?rkon kryetari i Partis? me presionin e tij t? papranuesh?m ?sht? p?rfshirja n? qeveri, apo n? struktura t? tjera t? qeverisjes, e personave t? ve?ant?. 

?sht? e nj?jta Qeveri q? u votua dy muaj e ca m? par?, edhe nga kryetari i partis?. Madje pa asnj? koment dhe me siguri t? plot?. ?sht? po ai program q? u votua nga parlamentar?t tan?, edhe nga Kryetari i Partis?, madje pa asnj? koment thelb?sor. Nuk mund te thuhet se gj?rat kane ndryshuar dramatikisht n? m? pak se tre muaj. At?her? kujt duhet t'i besojm?, kryetarit q? e votoi Qeverin? dhe Programin e saj, apo kryetarit q? tani po e mallkon Qeverin? e tij?

Qeveria nuk ?sht? aspak e p?rkryer. Por, po p?r t? nj?jt?t persona gjat? fushat?s elektorale ?sht? folur nga Kryetari me terma glorifikues, duke i konsideruar ata si njer?z t? aft?, si njer?z q? do t? na ?ojn? drejt Europ?s, etj. Pyetja shtrohet: kujt i duhet besuar, Kryetarit t? fushat?s elektorale t? qershorit, apo Fatosit t? fushates presidenciale t? N?ntorit? V?rtet, ministrat u korruptuan p?r m? pak se tre muaj? Ose, n?se Kryetari e dinte k?t? m? par?, p?rse foli ndryshe, kur u k?rkoi votat shqiptar?ve, ose p?rse nuk foli kur u votua Qeveria n? strukturat e Partis? dhe n? Parlament? A ?sht? e moralshme kjo?

Fatkeqesisht mendoj dhe jam i shtr?nguar t? shprehem se m? shum? se dyzim mendimesh i Kryetarit, ky ?sht? nj? dyzim karakteri i Fatosit, qe po shfaqet qartazi me figur?n e Sekretarit t? Par?, q? nuk pyet p?r Partin? dhe p?r ask?nd, q? duhet t? pyetet p?r gjith?ka, q? pa fjal?n e tij nuk mund t? b?het asgj?, ose q? me fjal?n e tij mund t? p?rfundosh keq e m? keq. Bile me fjal?n e tij mund t? b?hesh e t? ?'b?hesh Kryeminist?r, me fjal?n e tij funksionet e forumeve t? Partis? mund t? ?vler?sohen dhe t? zgjedhurit n? k?to forume mund t? kthehen n? trafikant?.

Tashm? ?sht? e qart? p?r t? gjith?, por ?sht? koha q? edhe Nano me n? fund ta kuptoj? se koha e Sekretar?ve t? Par?, q? rrijn? prapa skenes dhe telekomandojn? aktor?t politik?, ka marr? fund nj?her? e mir?. ?sht? nj? mentalitet tejet i s? shkuar?s kerkesa q? vendimet e Qeveris? t? marrin m? par? bekimin e Fatosit. Per shembull, esht? krejt?sisht e papranueshme p?r nj? Parti moderne, si Partia Socialiste, deklarata e Kryetarit q? Qeveria p?r ?mimin e energjis? elektrike nuk duhet t? diskutoj? me FMN-n?, por me Partin?. Dhe me Parti n?nkuptohet vet?m Fatosi, sepse Kryeministri dhe ministrat q? diskutojn? me FMN-n? t? Partise Socialiste jan?. Un? shpresoj se Fatosi e ka pasur fjal?n vet?m p?r ?mimin e energjis? elektrike, dhe jo p?r vendime t? tjera q? lidhen me privatizimet, me pro?edurat e tenderave, etj.

Padyshim, ?sht? pjes? e rregullave t? loj?s n? nj? demokraci q? kryetari i Qeveris? respekton opinionin e kryetarit t? mazhoranc?s q? e ka miratuar, por vendin e qeveris Kryeministri dhe jo Sekretari i Pare. N?se kryetari i Partis? ka t? drejt? dhe ka shumic?n, ai mund ta rrezoj? Kryeministrin n? rrug? institucionale. Por, n? asnj? rast, ai nuk mund ta z?vend?soj? at?, as t'i imponohet atij. Aq me pak me presione te gjithfarllojshme.

Mentaliteti i Sekretarit t? Par? u duk qart?, edhe n? mosmarrjen pjes? t? Kryetarit t? Partis? n? mbledhjen e sotme t? Kryesis?. Kjo ishte nj? mbledhje me nj? r?nd?si tep?r t? ve?ant?, ku u diskutuan ??shtje thelb?sore p?r Partin? dhe me ndikime t? dukshme n? jet?n e vendit. Fatosi edhe k?t? rradh? caktoi dat?n e mbledhjes dhe iku pa adres?, duke na dh?n? mesazhin e qart? se ai mund t? vij? e t? ik? nga mbledhjet e forumeve, kur t? doj? ai vete. Bile ai mund t'i cil?soj? forumet edhe si jolegjitime, n? rast se vendimet e tyre nuk i p?lqejn?.

Un? desha t'ju shpreh n?p?rmjet k?tij diskutimi shqet?simin tim p?r k?t? debat q? ?sht? hapur dhe vizionin tim p?r k?t? dukuri, pa u futur n? replika p?r ??shtje t? ve?anta. Un? kam bindjen se Partia Socialiste, si nj? Parti e pjekur dhe e konsoliduar do t? dij? ta p?rcjell? e p?rfshij? me maturi n? forumet e saj k?t? debat, duke respektuar statutin e Partis?. Le t? p?rpiqemi t? analizojm? me kujdes gjith?ka racionale n? k?t? debat, n? t? mir? t? progresit t? vendit dhe te shpresojme, gjithashtu, se kryetari i Partis? do t? reflektoj? ndaj kritikave t? forumeve me realiz?m dhe n? p?rputhje me rregullat e Partis?.

Duke perfunduar, i siguroj te gjithe qytetaret dhe partneret tane nderkombetare se si Qeveri jemi teresisht te angazhuar qe te mos lejojme qe debati, polemikat apo konflikti artificial i krijuar brenda Partise te reflektohet ne trajten e nje krize te institucioneve te vendit. Viti 1997 dhe Shtatori I vitit 1998 nuk do te perseriten me ne Shqiperi, e cila ka hyre perfundimisht ne proceset e integrimit Europian. 

Falemderit. 
 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Nov 24 11:57:39 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 24 Nov 2001 08:57:39 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zeri i Popullit
Message-ID: <20011124165739.41368.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

Nano: Meta, rikompozo Qeverin?, hiq trafikant?t, t? korruptuarit, inkompetent?t 
Nga Fatos Nano

 

T? nderuar pjesmarr?s, koleg?. Do t? desha q? n? fillim t? k?rkoj mir?kuptimin dhe partneritetin tuaj p?r ta shnd?rruar k?t? mjedis, n? nj? mjedis q? shoq?ria shqiptare e ka t? sajin dhe nuk duhet t?i mungoj?, mjedis interlokutor?sh p?r t? korrektuar s?bashku vendimarrjen politike, politikat e zhvillimit, me t? cilat n? vler?simin ton? si maxhoranc? ?sht? e pamundur t? zhvillohet si proces q? na ?on n? identifikimin e pajtueshm?ris? s? plot? t? vlerave t? qytet?rimit ton? me ato t? BE dhe ato t? vendeve t? Europ?s moderne, pa ju, pa kontributin tuaj dhe pa integrimin tuaj n? vendimarrjen politike dhe qeveris?se. Un? do t? desha t?ju marr leje p?r t? shprehur drejt?p?rs?drejti me ju, disa nga konkluzionet e analizave q? po kryej bashk? me mjaft koleg? t? tjer? vendimarr?s n? Partin? Socialiste dhe me struktur?n ton? politike dhe qytetare n? sensin e transparenc?s dhe t? institucionalizimit t? kontaktit me zgjedh?sit, ne i kemi pjes? t? veprimtaris? son? publike si forc? drejtuese e maxhoranc?s aktuale. Dhe mbi k?t? baz? ne jemi shum? t? v?mendsh?m p?r t? d?gjuar gjith?ka q? ju do t? mendoni t? mundshme n? k?t? seri takimesh. Ne jemi p?rpjekur m? shum? se kat?r vjet, si periudh? e drejtimit t? vendit nga ne, pas kriz?s s? vitit ?97 q? ta strukturojm? bashk?punimin me ju dhe sot, un?, do t? shpreh q?ndrimin tim autokritik p?r mosarritjen e bllokimit t? t? gjitha pengesave, jo vet?m konceptuale por dhe strukturore t? politik?s dhe t? funksionimit institucional t? shoq?ris? shqiptare, nuk kemi arritur ta b?jm? k?t? gj? si? duhet. Do t? t? desha t?ju qet?soj q? n? fillim ju dhe opinionin publik, kam bindjen se nuk keni ardhur n? k?t? takim p?r t?u b?r? ose shfaqur nanoist?, pasi ju jeni nj? komponent i shoq?ris? shqiptare q? e bashkon nd?rgjegjia p?r zhvillim dhe angazhimi atdhetar p?r t? treguar vlerat tona europiane si shqiptar?. T? gjith? ne, jam i bindur, e dim? q? ?far?dolloj etiketimi apo pozicionimi emocional nuk p?rb?jn? asnj? zgjidhje. Un? jam sot me ju, me bindjen q? s? bashku do t? vazhdojm? t? d?shmojm? vullnetin dhe kurajon ton? civile, morale dhe politike p?r t? mos lejuar m? tej frenimin e progresit n? proceset e demokratizimit, zhvillimit, modernizimit t? p?rafrimit dhe integrimit t? Shqip?ris? me komunitetin euroatlantik. Un? tashm? kam b?r? publike shqet?simet e mija politike q? grumbullohen rreth vler?simit se ky progres ndihet i rrezikuar tashm? nga fenomenet e trafiqeve, t? korrupsionit, kontraband?s, krimit t? organizuar dhe ve?an?risht t? abuzivizmit dhe menaxhimit klientelist t? pushtetit etj.

Nuk besoj se jan? fenomene t? importuara, thjesht?, dhe kam besim n? aft?sin? ton? t? p?rbashk?t p?r t? identifikuar rr?nj?t minimalisht konceptuale dhe strukturore t? autoktonitetit t? k?tyre fenomeneve n? Shqip?ri dhe n? Ballkan. Besoj se ndaj me ju t? njejtin shqet?sim q? t? menduarit ndryshe n? raport me qeverin?, cilado qoft? ajo, sot ka filluar s?rish t? konsiderohet si sjellje e ashtuquajtur "antikomb?tare?, t? shprehurit hapur s?rish po tentohet t? nd?shkohet edhe n? mjedisin ton? politik p?r fat t? keq si antistatutore apo i paligjsh?m, n? nj? koh? q? ata q? dyshohen nga publiku, dhe un? kam marr? p?rgjegj?sit? p?r t?i denoncuar publikisht si trafikant? dhe t? korruptuar po shfaqen s?rish si ?ngj?j t? martirizuar. Po sjell n? v?mendjen ton? t? p?rbashk?t disa komponent? t? evolucionit aktual. Zgjidhja e kriz?s energjitike s?rish u rishty p?r n? vitin 2003, nd?rsa p?rpjekja dhe programet e nxjerrjes s? vendit nga hartat e trafiqeve dhe krimit t? organizuar, q? disa prej qeveritar?ve duke p?rdorur median e lir? i paraqesin si t? realizuara tashm?, jo angazhime, n? nj? koh? kur aleat?t dhe partner?t nd?rkomb?tar? k?rkojn? angazhime, impenjim dhe rezultate m? t? prekshme p?r t? evituar sanksionet.

M? tej besoj se jeni d?shmitar? t? faktit q? nj? metodologji teknike p?r reduktimin e varf?ris? dhe rritjen ekonomike t? ofruar nga FMN dhe Banka Bot?rore ?sht? p?rvet?suar nga profesor minist?r Angjeli dhe titullohet "program komb?tar i zhvillimit".

M? tej akoma biznesi i ligjsh?m vazhdon t? p?rballet me arbitraritetin e shfrenuar tashm? t? administrat?s fiskale, nd?rsa tregu informal mbetet komod dhe ushqen trafiqet dhe trafikant?t.

Evropa vazhdon t? paraqitet prej propagand?s qeveritare si ndonj? anije q? po pret n? rad?n e portit t? Durr?sit p?r t? hyr? dhe p?r t? na shkarkuar n? form? grantesh para, mir?q?nie, demokraci apo institucione standarte p?r t? gjtih?.

Me paket?n e re fiskale q? ka mb?rritur p?r shqyrtim n? Kuvend, n? vend t? nxitjes s? sip?rmarrjes private, investimeve nga kursimet dhe t? ardhurat e emigrant?ve, q? jan? t? rendit 1 miliard dollar? n? vit t? pakt?n, sigurisht do t? b?heshin t? gjitha t? rikuperueshme, n? oqoft?se do t? kishin m? shum? impenjim p?r t? nd?rtuar institucione t? strukturuara t? nj? tregu legal financiar dhe bankar. E pra kjo paket? e re fiskale shkon n? sens t? kund?rt duke parashikuar thellim t? arbitraritetit fiskal ndaj sip?rmarr?sve t? lir? dh? t? ligjsh?m.

Ajo q? m? shqet?son politikisht gjithashtu ?sht? fakti se profesionist? e teknokrat? t? p?rkushtuar ndaj atdheut dhe detyr?s, me rr?nj? n? shoq?rin? civile q? mezi po e krijojm?, po z?vend?sohen tashm? vazhdimisht n? administrat?n publike nga pseudomilitant? t? pavotuar apo besnik? t? atyre q? em?rojn?.

M? lejoni t? ndaj me ju vler?simin jofyes q? n? vend t? konceptit primitiv p?r militant?t, un? dhe ju militojm? p?r progres dhe zhvillim konteporan t? Shqip?ris?, pra jemi dhe ne militant?. Shkurt t? nderuar koleg?, akademik? dhe p?rfaq?sues t? komunitetit t? biznesit, t? nderuar koleg? deputet?, gjithashtu un? kam vler?simin q? kriza n? Shqip?ri po shfaqet n? aspekte shum? t? mbprehta politike, ekonomike, energjitike, morale, institucionale. Dhe kjo ka bllokuar dhe riskon t? bllokoj? apo t? deformoj? vendimmarrjen strategjike p?r zhvillimin e ardhsh?m.

Me lejoni q? t? shfaqem q? n? krye autokritik, duke theksuar si Kryetar i Partis? s? maxhoranc?s, se ndjej pjes?n time t? p?rgjegj?sis? ndaj rishfaqjes s? t? gjitha fenomeneve q? n? sintez? dhe p?r nj? kombinacion rrethanash, q? nuk u evituan dot shkaktuan n? Shqip?ri kriz?n dhe kaosin e vitit ?97. Prandaj dhe kam hyr? me kurajo dhe me autoritetin q? m? jep PSSH q? m? ka zgjedhur dhe elektorati i saj, n? nj? proces intensiv kontaktesh, komunikimesh n? publik dhe konsultimesh me ju dhe me t? tjer? aleat? t? zhvillimit, q? t? arrijm? s?bashku t? frenojm? degradimin e shtetit dhe p?r t? b?r? s? bashku t? gjitha korrigjimet e duhura, q? shpresoj t? jemi n? koh?n e duhur.

Besoj se ndodhem sot, bashk? me koleg?t e tjer? vendimmarr?s n? vendin dhe mjedisin e p?rshtatsh?m p?r t? analizuar s? bashku me ju shkaqet q? procesi i bashk?punimit dhe bashk?veprimit t? shoq?ris? civile dhe p?rfaq?suesve t? saj legjitim? me qeverin? gjendet n? nj? pik? t? vdekur, duke sh?nuar hapa t? ndjesh?m prapa. Ky fenomen shqet?sues p?r vendin dhe diskriminues p?r ju, po ndodh sidomos p?r shkak t? trafikut t? votave q? vazhdoj t? denoncoj dhe t? abuzimit me autoritetin fals q? buron prej tij, t? interesave ilegjitime afatshkurtra t? individ?ve me pushtet ekzekutiv dhe t? mediokritetit q? si gjithnj? ka frik? t? p?rballet me profesionalizmin, me racionalitetin e reformave t? ndryshimit, integrimit dhe globalizmit.

N? vitin ?97, bashk? me marrjen e detyr?s m? t? v?shtir? t? Kryeministrit p?r kthimin e Shqip?ris? s? piramidave n? normalitet, shpalla n? em?r t? maxhoranc?s progresiste "Politik?n e Ndryshimit". N? themel t? asaj politike ishte meritokracia dhe pjes?marrja e shoq?ris? civile n? institucionet dhe proceset vendimmarr?se. Sot shpreh shqet?sim t? thell? q? n? politik?n qeveris?se dhe n? administrat?n e lart? shtet?rore, drejtuesit p?rzgjidhen mbi kritere t? af?rsis? apo besnik?ris? ndaj Kryeministrit, duke l?n? n? hije armat?n e dijetar?ve, shkenc?tar?ve, profesionist?ve dhe menaxher?ve q? vendit ton? nuk i kan? munguar asnj?her? dhe q? me gjith? t? ardhurat modeste, po vazhdojn? t? q?ndrojn? dhe t? kontribuojn? n? Atdhe.

Vazhdoj t? shpreh me forc? shqet?simin p?r l?nien e katedrave dhe auduitor?ve nga nj? num?r shum? i madh specialist?sh dhe profesor?sh. Jam i bindur ashtu si dhe ju se emigrimi i intelektual?ve dhe teknokrat?ve nuk frenohet me fjalime apo l?mosha n? form? paraje, por me veprime t? programuara dhe konkrete. Problemi ?sht? se edhe ju q? keni q?ndruar n? detyr?, po ndiheni si mish i huaj p?r shkak t? nj? qeverisje ekzekutive q? nuk po ju ofron hap?sirat e merituara t? integrimit dhe kontributit n? proceset e zhvillimit dhe reformate modernizimit t? vendit. Si mund t? mos ndihen refugjat n? vendin e tyre psh profesor?t e inxhinieris? s? nd?rtimit apo t? asaj elektrike kur shohin se Drejtori i P?rgjithsh?m i Rrug?ve em?rohet me kriterin e vet?m t? kontributit pro ?iftit Meta n? FRESSH, nd?rsa ai i KESH si "talent" n? besnik?rin? e bindur ndaj Kryeministrit? A nuk ju duket edhe juve i friksh?m Drejtori i P?rgjithsh?m i Burgjeve me t? nj?jtin mbiem?r si Kryeministri? Un? nuk po organizoj ndonj? konspiracion antiqeveritar me ju por po shtroj alternativa q? na nxjerrin nga bataku i degradimit t? p?rs?ritur.

Meqen?se Kryeministri Ilir Meta ka d?shmuar se e ka dor?n t? lir? p?r t? dh?n? fonde dhe financime me prokurim t? drejtp?rdrejt?, do ta mb?shtesja politikisht n?se do t? angazhonte fonde publike p?r t? aktivizuar profesoratin n? hartim dhe zbatim projektesh, studimesh, programesh, reformash, monitorimesh dhe auditimesh t? administrat?s. Ky do t? ishte      i i zhvillimit q? na inspirojn? v?llez?rit nju-jorkez?, apo londinez?, apo berlinez? dhe jo mbushja e auditor?ve me lista t? rinjsh t? krijuara mbi kritere trafiqesh t? votave, t? influenc?s apo parave t? pista q? ekstrapolojn? trafiqe dhe trafikant? n? t? ardhmen. Ju m? mir? se kushdo e dini se kur "gjenerata e re" n? pushtet c?non r?nd? lirit?, t? drejtat, shpres?n dhe moralin e bashk?moshatar?ve t? vet, ne profesor?ve t? tyre na takon t? reagojm? t? par?t. K?to fenomene po shnd?rrohen n? avion kamikaze dhe t? shpuar n? bisht, q? kan? si target gjithshka pozitive q? kemi arritur t? nd?rtojm? gjat? nj? dekade tranzicioni n? demokraci.

Nj? miku dhe kolegu im, profesor i Fakultetit Ekonomik, po m? thoshte para pak koh?sh se e ndjente veten dyfish t? fyer nga qeveria. P?r shkak t? vlerave dhe p?rgatitjes profesionale q? p?rfaq?son, ai punon si konsulent n? nj? sip?rmarrje private. Prej andej m? denoncoi arbitraritetin antiligjor t? organeve fiskale dhe doganore ndaj p?rfaq?suesve t? biznesit, veprime q? i b?jn? k?shillat e ligjshme t? nj? profesori pavler?. Sa profesionist? t? till? t? dijes dhe menaxhimit e ndjejn? veten t? pavler? p?r shkak t? arroganc?s antiligjore t? shtetit kur m?son se rreth 2 miliard lek? (14 milion USD) rimbursime legale fiskale nuk u kthehenarbitrarisht sip?rmarr?sve? Dyshoj q? e gjitha kjo b?het vet?m q? ministri Angjeli t? raportoj? realizime t? korrash fiskale n? rendin e 100%. Nd?rhyrja deformuese e shtetit n? tregun komb?tar n? favor t? disa subjekteve klienteliste n? d?m t? konkurenc?s s? ndershme dhe t? ligjshme mes sip?rmarrjes s? lir?, tashm? ?sht? nj? fakt shum? kritik q? po kompromenton r?nd? stabilitetin makroekonomik dhe burimet e rritjes. Mungesa e veprimeve konkrete p?r minimizimin e tregut informal, m? shum? se evazion fiskal po shkakton deformime t? r?nda n? tregjet komb?tare dhe po pengon kanalizimin e kursimeve komb?tare (rreth 1 miliard dollar? n? vit vijn? vet?m nga emigracioni) p?r investime t? ligjshme n?p?rmjet nj? sistemi bankar profesional dhe bashk?kohor.

Po rimarr s?rish tem?n e bashk?punimit t? politik?s dhe vendimmarrjes politiko-qeveris?se me shoq?rin? civile, pasi ashtu si edhe ju, kam konstatuar q? partit? politike shqiptare vazhdojn? t? l?ngojn? nga s?mundja ngjit?se e bunkerizimit. Iniciativat e mia politike si lider i maxhoranc?s p?r t? p?rfshir? n? qeverisje apo n? ekipet legjislative dhe ekzekutive, q?ndrore e lokale sa m? shum? profesionist? me integritet-p?rfaq?sues t? shoq?ris? civile, vazhdojn? t? bllokohene t? degradojn?. Partia q? drejtoj ka vazhduar t? q?ndroj? e koracur p?rball? flukseve t? an?tar?simit dhe promovimit t? militant?ve t? progresit evropian nga rradh?t e dijetar?ve, shkenc?tar?ve, specialist?ve apo ekspert?ve atdhedash?s. Jam i bindur se jo vet?m Partia Socialiste, por e gjith? politika shqiptare do t? kishte qen? shum? m? ndryshe, n?se do t? kishte hapur m? shum? dyert dhe forumet p?r t? integruar at? pjes? tuaj?n q? e ka pasion politik?n dhe partneritetin me t?. ??bunkerizimi i partive shqiptare, institucionalizimi i lidhjeve t? tyre me shoq?rin? e hapur n? t?r?si dhe me njer?zit e ditur n? ve?anti, do t? ishin mocioni i nevojsh?m "p?r ndryshim dhe integrim" n? k?t? faz? kritike t? zhvillimeve demokratike dhe n? Shqip?ri, p?rball? rajonit dhe realitetitglobal.

T? nderuar miq dhe koleg?!

Mbrojtja e vetme q? po b?jn? bart?sit dhe nxit?sit e fenomeneve regresive t? qeverisjes nga analizat e mia kritiket n? publik, ?sht? akuza se Fatos Nano po k?rkon t? djeg? Shqip?rin? p?r t? marr? kolltukun e Presidentit.

N?se do t? vija gjithshka mbi nj? objektiv personal si detyra e Presidentit t? Republik?s, nuk do t? isha sot me ju, as me zgjedh?sitn? mosh? madhore n?p?r qytetet dhe fshatrat e Shqip?ris? p?r t? denoncuar dhe bllokuar trafiqet dhe trafikant?t, korrupsionin dhe t? korruptuarit, krimin dhe kriminel?t, q? k?rc?nojn? individin dhe shtetin ligjor. Personalisht do ta kisha shum? komode t? "b?ja pazar" me Kryeministrin Ilir Meta q? n? k?mbim t? heshtjes sime p?r gjith? sa po analizoj dhe shpall publikisht, t? merrja vot?n e tij, t? ministrave dhe deputet?ve trafikant? q? e p?rdorin mandatin p?r t? b?r? pasuri p?r vete, fisin apo miqt? e tyre. Nj? pushtet i ngritur mbi trafikun e vot?s brenda forumeve q?ndrore t? Partis?, do ta vuloste menj?her? nj? pazar t? till? t? f?lliqur.

Kontributi im politik dhe institucional, asnj?her? nuk ?sht? bazuar mbi pazare t? f?lliqura interesash private amorale. N? pazare t? tilla un? nuk hyra as n? vitin ?93 me Berish?n, pavar?sisht se e pagova me 4 vite qeli. Un? do t? vazhdoj t? investoj sa t? kem vot? dhe frym? q? Shqip?ria t? ket? at? q? meriton, q? shqiptar?t t? ken? at? q? kan? nevoj?; realitetin evropian n?sht?pit? e tyre. Prandaj i kam p?rbuzur votat e trafikant?ve t? Met?s n? ?do rast.

Por, n? k?t? kuad?r un? nuk e fsheh dot shqet?simin p?r mosshfaqjen n? lart?sin? e detyr?s institucionale nga kolegu juaj dhe miku juaj dhe miku im Rexhep Meidani si President i Republik?s. Un? do ta votoj s?rish n?se n? k?t? faz? t? fundit t? mandatit t? tij t? par? dhe n? fillim t? mandatit t? dyt? t? maxhoranc?s son? progresiste, profesor Meidani do t? ushtronte t? gjitha kompetencat e tij si garant i Kushtetut?s, si ekuilibrues i pushteteve, si Kryetar i K?shillit t? Lart? t? Drejt?sis? dhe si Komandant i P?rgjithsh?m i Forcave t? Armatosura, p?r t? normalizuar dhe drejtpeshuar gjendjen anormale kritike q? po krijon ekzekutivi n? Shqip?ri. Un? do e votoj s?rish n?se profesor Meidani e nxjerr institucionin e Presidenc?s nga steriliteti gati laboratorik p?r ta v?n? n? sh?rbim t? t? gjith? shtetasve, n? dobi t? zhvillimit, n? dobi t? stabilitetit, n? dobi t? rritjes s? ligjshme ekonomike, t? rritjes dhe konsolidimit t? sistemit t? drejt?sis?, kund?r trafiqeve, kund?r krimit t? organizuar, kund?r korrupsionit dhe vendimmarrjeve abuzive e klienteliste, kund?r c?nimit t? lirive dhe privatizimit t? institucioneve shtet?rore nga klane politike q? bashk?punojn? me bot?n e krimit.

Po k?shtu gjej me vend t? ndaj me ju shqet?simin p?r mosveprimin dhe rolin thuajse inefi?ent t? institucioneve dhe organeve t? specializuara t? shtetit ligjor n? luft?n ndaj fenomeneve abuzive q? po denoncohen?do dit? publikisht. N?se nuk kan? guximin e duhur institucional p?r t? shfryt?zuar hap?sirat e Kodit t? Procedur?s Penale n? nisjen e pavarur t? hetimeve "kryesisht", un? jam gati t? b?j edhe denoncime ligjore formale nj?lloj t? p?rgjegjshme.

Personalisht nuk do t? hezitoja p?r asnj? ?ast t? kryeja ?do veprim q? ruan dhe konsolidon vlera t? tilla si liria, demokracia, solidariteti dhe drejt?sia sociale. Ky ?sht? investimi politik dhe qytetar q? pritet prej maxhoranc?s progresiste dhe "koalicionit t? t? urt?ve" n? Shqip?ri dhe un? jam duke e kryer. L?vizja evropianizuese dhe reformiste q? p?rfaq?soj dhe inicoj prej 10 vjet?sh, nuk ka synuar gj? m? themelore nga p?rafrimi i vazhduesh?m i politik?s vendimmarr?se me shoq?rin? e hapur. Sidomos kur partit? jan? n? pushtet, pa k?t? funksion, qeverisja humbet baz?n e besimit tek zgjedh?sit si protagonist? t? kontrollit t? shoq?ris? mbi pushtetin.

N? k?t? funksion, duke rikonfirmuar n? m?nyr? autokritike p?rgjegj?sit? e mia, ndaj me ju shqet?simin p?r thellimin e hendekut mes qeverisjes okulte dhe asaj q? ne socialist?t dhe progresist?t mund t? zhvillojm? dhe q? zgjedh?sit e maxhoranc?s presin prej nesh. Ne jemi angazhuar t? nd?rtojm? nj? shtet n? sh?rbim t? qytetar?ve dhe jo vet?m p?r pushtetar?t.

E kam th?n? disa her? gjat? tureve elektorale q? ne socialist?t nuk jemi t? p?rkryer, por jemi m? t? mir?t. Kur je p?rball? detyr?s s? realizimit t? angazhimeve elektorale, t? q?nit "m? t? mir?t", ka vler? vet?m p?r krahasim me Berish?n dhe aleat?t e tij, por nuk ka ekuivalenc? me at? q? qytetar?t dhe zgjedh?sit shqiptar? k?rkojn? tanim? publikisht prej nesh.

Zgjidhja e kriz?s s? besimit q? qytetar?t kan? sot ndaj institucioneve qeveris?se (jo p?r shkak t? Fatos Nanos, por t? fenomeneve negative q? po ndikojn? drejtp?rdrejt? dhe n? jetes?n dhe sip?rmarrjen e shqiptar?ve), zgjidhet me kurajon e pranimit t? gabimeve dhe korrigjimeve t? tyre.

Vazhdoj t?i k?rkoj edhe n? syt? tuaj Kryeministrit Ilir Meta t? bashk?punoj? p?r rikompozimin e qeveris? duke larguar s? pari t? gjith? element?t e diskredituar p?r korrupsion, trafik apo inkompetenc?. Ky rikompozim do t?i hapte rrug? nd?rtimit t? nj? raporti t? ri marr?dh?niesh mes forumeve politike t? Partis? Socialiste, institucioneve t? saj, p?rfaq?suesve tan? n? qeverisje dhe nj? bashk?veprimi transparent gjithashtu, n? v?mendjene publikut. ?do rezistenc? irracionale ndaj nj? k?rkese legjitime t? Kryetarit t? Partis? dhe pjes?s m? t? madhe t? p?rfaq?sive tona zgjedhore partiake e qytetare, do t? thellonte kriz?n qeveris?se dhe do ta interpelonte at? brenda vet? maxhoranc?s parlamentare.

Dalja nga kriza aktuale, por ve?an?risht heqja e emrit t? Shqip?ris? nga hartat e vendeve me trafik dhe krim t? organizuar brenda vitit 2003 dhe asociimi me BE, k?rkon nj? proces t? ri bashk?punimi politik dhe institucional mes maxhoranc?s dhe opozit?s. P?rpara se t?i gjuajm? nj?ri-tjetrit pas shpine n? dyert e bot?s, le t? arrijm? nj? marr?veshje strategjike n? interes t? vendit, t? demokracis?, t? luft?s ndaj s? keqes s? p?rbashk?t, t? integrimit komb?tar n? komunitetin euroatlantik.

Sfidat q? kemi p?rpara k?rkojn? m? shum? se kurr? nj? konsensus politik komb?tar n? p?rballimin e tyre. Un? vler?soj se ?do zgjidhje ndryshe, apo me metoda t? luft?s politike tradicionale ballkanase, do t? ishte nj? kosto e r?nd? p?r t? gjith? zgjedh?sit tan? dhe n? p?rgjith?si p?r t? ardhmen ton?.

Ju Faleminderit!

 



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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Sun Nov 25 03:05:41 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Sun, 25 Nov 2001 03:05:41 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] REMINDER: college workshop + tournament
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111250302430.27828-100000@is07.fas.harvard.edu>

Tomorrow - Sunday November 25 @ 3pm. Au Bon Pain, Harvard Sq.


College Workshop
----------------
Date: Sunday, November 25
Time: 3pm
Location: Au Bon Pain, Harvard Square
What to bring:
Completed/semi-completed applications, essays, questions, etc.


Pan-albanian-student chess/backgammon tournament
------------------------------------------------
Date: Sunday, November 25
Time: After workshop (probably around 4:30pm-5pm)
Location: Au Bon Pain, Harvard Square
Bring: yourself :). whichever game you own (THIS IS VERY IMPORTANT,
otherwise there'll be nothing to play with)
Prizes: $50 first place (for each game). $25 second place.



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 25 09:08:03 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 25 Nov 2001 06:08:03 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfP: Symposium on Ethnic Identities, 6-9.7.2002, Xanthi, Thrace
Message-ID: <20011125140803.48358.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>



From: Craig Zelizer <czelizer at conflicttransformation.org>

Subject: Call for Papers on Ethnic Identity Greece

CALL FOR PAPERS: SYMPOSIUM ON ETHNIC IDENTITIES
4th Internat. Symposium on Ethnic Identities
Organised by Laboratory of Anthropology (Democritus
University of
Thrace)
International Democritus Foundation
The end of the Cold War and the accelerated pace of
globalization have
challenged the traditional state oriented view of
national security. In
this new environment, security tends to be perceived
and defined in
more
human centered terms, which include cultural, ethnic
identity, and
cilivization dimensions. Security is now centered on a
society's
ability
to maintain its cultural, religious, and national
identity and
character. An ever-proliferating number of ethnic
and/or religious
groups view the economic, cultural, and other
manifestations of western
driven globalization as a threat to their security and
seek to slow
down
or reverse its march by resorting to
protests,violence, and even acts
of
terrorism.
The Symposium aims to shed light on the causes,
effects, and national
as well as international implications of post-Cold War
security by
bringing together a select but multidisciplinary and
diverse group of
scholars and practitioners.
GENERAL INFORMATION
Dates & Deadlines
January 15, 2002: Deadline for Applications
February 1, 2002: Selection of Abstracts
May 1, 2002: Deadline for Papers
July 5, 2002: Arrival Day
July 6-9, 2002: Symposium
July 10, 2002: Departure Day
Contact Person:
Efi Styliara (Ms)
International Democritus Foundation
P.O.Box 234
GR-67100, Xanthi, Greece
Tel.: 0030 5410 28333
E-mail: museum at he.duth.gr




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 25 09:09:49 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 25 Nov 2001 06:09:49 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Education opportunities
Message-ID: <20011125140949.27856.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


Please distribute.

Lutemi shperndajeni tek persona te interesuar.

====

From: Iraj Hashi <I.Hashi at staffs.ac.uk>

Dear colleagues

I am writing to bring to your attention the new
round of scholarships offered by Staffordshire
University Business School and Open Society
Foundation for MA and PhDs in Economics.

There are 8 MA Economics scholarships for candidates from
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Montenegro and 4
scholarships for PHD (by distance learning mode) for
candidates from Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia.

If you know any qualified candidates (good English and good
university degree), please pass the info to them. If you
know someone who may be in better position, please pass it
on to them (or let me know their details and I will pass it
on to them) so that they could give these to appropriate
candidates.

Details are attached [Moderator: Attachement are converted to the body of 
the message below, except actual application forms]. Further information 
can be obtained
from either Soros Foundation Offices or from
Miss Lisa Woodhouse at Staffordshire Univesity Business
School (lw4 at staffs.ac.uk)

Best regards

Iraj



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 25 11:34:50 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 25 Nov 2001 08:34:50 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Libra ne shqip - Books in Albanian
Message-ID: <20011125163450.59349.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.botimpex.com/


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 25 17:14:01 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 25 Nov 2001 14:14:01 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Event at WWC
Message-ID: <20011125221401.43295.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


LECTURE - WOODROW WILSON CENTER (WWC) 

Woodrow Wilson Center (WWC) presents "Macedonia: Building a Civic State or Slouching Toward Crisis and Partition?" 


WWC, One Woodrow Wilson Plaza, Ronald Reagan Building, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC -- November 28, 2001 

Edward Joseph, senior analyst, International Crisis Group, Skopje, Macedonia, and former U.N. deputy administrator, Mitrovica, Kosovo 




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 26 10:51:20 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 26 Nov 2001 07:51:20 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kadare tek Korrieri
Message-ID: <20011126155120.50239.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

Kadare: Po tallen me popullin

Pyetje: Do t? m? lejoni ta nisim k?t? intervist? jo me
probleme letrare, por me ??shtje t? p?rgjithshme. Pas
fjal?ve p?r kriz? morale t? kreut t? socialist?ve n?
Shqip?ri ka shp?rthyer nj? polemik? q? po ndihet n?
jet?n e gjith? vendit. Do t? na interesonte nj? mendim
i juaj.

P?rgjigje: M? vjen keq q? vendi yn? ?sht? i detyruar
t? tronditet nga grindjet e brendshme t? nj? partie.
Nga nj?ra an? kjo tregon se vendi ?sht? ende jo larg
makthit komunist. Nj? an? tjet?r d?shmohet se partia e
t? grindurve, ka ende nj? b?rtham? t? keqe staliniste.
?sht? kjo b?rtham? q? rreh ta tregoj? se partia ?sht?
vet? Shqip?ria, madje mbi t?. Populli shqiptar duhet
t?i tregoj? asaj t? kund?rt?n, q? ajo ?sht? n?n
Shqip?rin?.
P?r ?far? trafik votash b?het fjal? nga kreu i
partis?? P?r at? q? ndodhi n? kryesin? e saj. Kurse
qytetar?ve shqiptar? u intereson n? radh? t? par?
trafiku i madh, ai i zgjedhjeve t? parlamentit. Me
dredhi b?het amalgam midis t? dyve dhe shum? shqiptar?
kujtojn? se ?sht? fjala p?r baz?n e demokracis?:
zgjedhjet e lira. Po ta din? se ?sht? fjala p?r
zgjedhje brenda partis? njer?zit kan? t? drejt? t?
thon?: ??pun? kemi ne me grindjet tuaja? A nuk
mbylleni n? kongreset, a pleniumet, a forumet tuaja
p?r t?i zgjidhur ato?
Nuk besoj se ka njeri normal q? mund t?i p?lqej? ky
mish-mash retorikash, ku ka aq pak sinqeritet e aq
shum? spekullim. Nuk besoj se shqiptar?t mund ta
g?lltitin nj? nivel kaq t? ul?t t? kultur?s politike,
t? mbushur me fjal? e togfjal?sha si: iliri, xhoana,
dh?ndri gjasht?mujor, monika, thonjt? e paprer?,
mamaja e angjelit etj. etj.
Kaq shum? shpenzim energjish n? drejtimin q? nuk
duhet. Kaq shum? aventuriz?m politik, sfidim i
institucioneve, thirrje p?r anarki t? stilit bolshevik
si n? vitin 1997. Ose trysni p?r t? mbyllur goj?n si
n? vitin 1996. S? fundi kaq shum? dekurajim e
paralizim t? jet?s, n? koh?n kur kemi nevoj? p?r t?
kund?rt?n. 
Pyetja q? duhet t? shtronim n? k?t? rast do t? ishte:
?sht? nj? marr?zi e zakonshme shqiptare, apo nj?
men?uri e programuar antishqiptare?

Pyetje: Lidhur me kriz?n morale, di?ka m? konkretisht?

P?rgjigje: Mendimi i par? q? t? vjen ?sht? se kjo
furtun? a pseudofurtun?, nuk ?sht? serioze. Me sa di
un? aktualisht ka kriz? energjitike n? Shqip?ri. P?rsa
i p?rket kriz?s morale ajo ka vite q? vazhdon n? k?t?
vend dhe njeriu q? u kujtua kaq von? t? flasi p?r t?
?sht? nj? nga p?rgjegj?sit dhe shestuesit kryesor? t?
saj. Natyrisht q? ky njeri ka merita p?r emancipimin e
partis? s? vet. Ve? k?saj ai ka b?r? burg
padrejt?sisht, dhe autori i k?tyre radh?ve ?sht? nj?
nga ata q? ka k?rkuar lirimin e tij. Por kjo nuk
p?rligj lajthimin e askujt. Korrupsioni, trafiqet,
shkeljet e demokracis? p?r t? ardhur gjer te votimet e
fundit dhe gjer te zona e famshme 60, t? gjitha k?to
nuk filluan kat?r jav? m? par?. Mir?po p?r liderin
socialist ato filluan pik?risht disa jav? m? par?,
dit?n kur koleg?t e tij i dhan? t? kuptoj? se nuk e
duan p?r president t? Shqip?ris?. At?her? liderit p?r
?udi, iu hap?n syt?, si n? p?rrallat e budist?ve. Gjer
at?her? nuk shikonte as trafiqe, as korrupsion, as
varf?ri, as papun?si, as shkelje t? demokracis?, madje
nuk shikonte as dritat q? nuk ndizeshin. Dhe befas i
pa t? gjitha.

Pyetje: Megjithat? kritikat e tij jan? gjykuar t?
drejta nga nj? pjes? e shtypit dhe e opinionit.

P?rgjigje: Natyrisht q? kritikat jan? t? drejta. ?sht?
v?shtir? q? n? Shqip?ri t? b?sh nj? kritik? q? t? mos
jet? e drejt?. Natyrisht q? disa prej ministrave t?
qeveris? mund t? hiqen, e ndoshta duhet t? hiqen sa m?
par?. Natyrisht q? ka probleme dramatike n? Shqip?ri,
p?r t? cilat qeveria duhet t? p?rgjigjet gjer n? fund,
q? duhet t?i zgjidh? sa m? par? si? ka premtuar. Por
ky nuk ?sht? argument n? favor t? kryesocialistit.
P?rkundrazi kjo ?sht? akuz? kund?r atij vet?. T?
gjitha kritikat q? ai b?n sot i ka b?r? opozita e
djatht? qyshkur. Dhe ?sht? pik?risht kreu i
socialist?ve q? s?ka pranuar asgj?, madje i ka sulmuar
kritikuesit me fjal?t m? t? egra, me retorik?
marksiste e ?arturi gjuh?sore, t? pad?gjuara ndonj?
her? n? k?t? truall.
P?r k?t? arsye ai s?mund t? jet? i besuesh?m.
Personazhi nuk ?sht? serioz. Serioze ?sht? e keqja q?
po i sjell vendit.
Shtypi flet p?r munges? p?rgjegj?sie e pandjesi
kriminale t? politikan?ve ndaj halleve t? v?rteta t?
shqiptar?ve. Shum? gj?ra mund t?i falen nj?
politikani, por pap?rgjegjshm?ria asnj?her?. Prapa
munges?s s? p?rgjegj?sis?, prapa t? folurit ?orodit?s
fshihet shpesh di?ka edhe m? e keqe edhe m? e
rrezikshme: tallja me popullin t?nd.
Populli shqiptar ?sht? tep?r i vuajtur e me fat mizor.
Ndaj p?r t? p?rqeshja e politikan?ve ?sht? ndoshta m?
e padurueshme se varf?ria dhe shtypja.
Ndaj q? t? kthehemi te kriza morale, n? qoft? se duam
t? flasim p?r nj? trazim moral n? nj? kuptim m?
filozofik, ky ka t? b?j? me shplarjen e Shqip?ris?
prej krimit komunist, shplarje pa t? cil?n s?mund t?
ket? kthjellim e emancipim t? v?rtet? t? vendit.

Pyetje: Keni ngritur shpesh ??shtjen e stabilitetit n?
vend. Sipas jush ky problem q? ka dal? lidhet me
destabilizimin e vendit?

P?rgjigje: Ky problem lidhet drejtp?rdrejt me t?. M?
1997 nj? forc? politike erdhi n? pushtet me ?mimin e
lart? t? destabilizimit. Tani brenda k?saj force q?
?sht? n? pushtet, nj? klan i pak?naqur i saj d?shiron
t? arrij? di?ka, n?p?rmjet destabilizimit. ?sht? e
rrall? n? historin? e shteteve q? klasa politike q? ka
pushtetin t? k?rkoj? t? destabilizoj? at?. E ka b?r?
Mao Ce Duni me revolucionin fam?keq kulturor, at? q? i
vuri pish?n Kin?s m? 1966. Sot konsiderohet nj? nga
krimet m? t? m?dha.
Un? nuk jam ndonj? fanatik i stabilitetit me ?do
kusht. Me fjal? t? tjera jam kund?r stabilitetit n?
kurriz t? demokracis?. Nj? stabilitet i till? ?on
drejt diktatur?s. Por aq m? pak jam p?r demokraci n?
kurriz t? stabilitetit, gj? q? ?on n? anarki.
Stabiliteti m? fort se kurr? i duhet hap?sir?s
shqiptare n? Ballkan. Liria e Kosov?s, t? drejtat e
shqiptar?ve n? Maqedoni, Serbi e Mal t? Zi, t? gjitha
k?to rrezikohen nga mungesa e tij. N?se stabiliteti
prishet n? qendr?n e bot?s shqiptare, n? Shqip?ri,
at?her? gjith? hap?sira shqiptare do t? vuaj?. Do t?
fitojn? popujt q? do t? cil?sohen faktor stabiliteti e
do t? humbin, n? mos do t? nd?shkohen ata q? do t?
marrin namin e keq t? kombit grind?s. Ju e dini se
p?r?arja, tribalizmi, mungesa e aft?sis?
shtetformuese, jan? faj?sime q? po i b?hen prej koh?sh
kombit shqiptar. Ato jan? shnd?rruar n? nj?far?
mallkimi t? trash?guar. Dhe kjo nuk b?het kot. Jan?
m?kate t? shkuara q? projektojn? t? keqen drejt s?
ardhmes. Hyrja e Shqip?ris? n? Evrop? do t? pengohet
prej tyre. Pavar?sia e Kosov?s gjithashtu.
Po i kthehem pap?rgjegjshm?ris? s? politikan?ve. Fjala
n? k?t? rast ?sht? tep?r e but?. M? lejoni t? p?rs?ris
nj? mendimin tim t? hersh?m. Gjithmon? ia kam b?r?
vetes pyetjen: jan? v?rtet kaq t? pap?rgjegjsh?m apo
hiqen si t? till? p?r t? mbuluar nj? t? keqe m? t?
madhe? Duke p?rfytyruar dit?n e dh?nies llogari t?
tyre, duke p?rfytyruar justifikimin e tyre: ?ne i b?m?
k?to faje se ishim t? pap?rgjegjsh?m?, kam menduar
p?rgjigjen e popullit shqiptar: ?ju hiqeshit t? till?
p?r t? fshehur krimin tuaj: shkat?rrimin e vendit?.

Pyetje: N? k?t? rast kuptohet q? p?rve? grindjes
brenda P.S. ?sht? at?her? fjala p?r raportet
pozit?-opozit?.

P?rgjigje: Do t?ju jap nj? p?rgjigje pa kurrfar?
kujdesi dhe pa kurrfar? diplomacie. Mendoj se n?
zgjedhjet e ardhshme t? vitit 2005 pushtetin n?
Shqip?ri do t? duhej ta merrte e djathta. Jo vet?m e
mendoj por edhe e d?shiroj nj? gj? t? till?. E
d?shiroj sepse kjo do t? jet? n? t? mir?n e
Shqip?ris?. Do t?i jepet rast popullit shqiptar t?
provoj? alternativ?n tjet?r t? qeverisjes. Do t? jet?
v?rtetimi m? i mir? se makina e demokracis? po
funksionon m? n? fund n? k?t? vend. Se nuk mund t?
kuptohet nj? vend demokratik pa k?t? ciklim pa dhun?
t? pushtetit. S? fundi se e djathta shqiptare, ka nj?
histori kaq t? gjat? vuajtjeje n? epok?n komuniste
saq? moralisht do ta meritonte pushtetin edhe n?
kushte t? barazvlefshme me t? majt?n.
Mir?po p?r k?t? marrje n? dor? t? qeverisjes e djathta
duhet t? p?rgatitet. P?r fat t? keq kjo nuk po ndodh.
Nj? pjes? e s? djatht?s ?sht? ende robin? e nj?
vizioni negativist. G?zohet p?r ?do munges? dhe
disfat? t? qeveris?, nuk e fsheh ngaz?llimin p?r
prap?sit? q? b?hen, p?r dritat q? mungojn?, p?r
v?shtir?sit?, krimet gjer p?r mospranimin e Shqip?ris?
n? Evrop?.
K?tu desha t? kujtoj se e majta q? ?sht? sot n?
pushtet, ka treguar t? nj?jtin negativiz?m, t? nj?jt?n
fytyr? meskine e t? nj?jt?n lig?si kur ka qen? n?
opozit?.
Kemi t? drejt? t? dyshojm? se opozita t? tilla, m?
shum? se p?r qeverisje p?rgatiten p?r hakmarrje
ballkanase.
N? Shqip?ri ka koh? q? ndodh nj? luft? q? s?di ??em?r
t?i v?sh. Ve? ta quash ?luft? nd?rqeveritare?, form? e
re e luft?s civile, mot?rzim shqiptar. Qeverit? nuk
duan t?i l?n? nj?ra-tjetr?s asgj?. T? kishte mund?si
do t?ia prishnin rrug?t e urat, ashtu si? digjet
trualli n? luft?. Dhe kjo gj? e tmerrshme nuk ndodh
vet?m me qeverit? e klaneve politike kund?rshtare, por
edhe brenda klanit t? nj?jt?.
?sht? e hidhur t? shoh?sh n? TV brenda nj? dite, nj?
lider socialist dhe nj? z?dh?n?s t? PD-s?, se si iu
ndritin syt? nga g?zimi hakmarr?s kur t? dy u kujtojn?
shqiptar?ve sanksionet q? mund t? merren kund?r
Shqip?ris?, n? rast se nuk del nga lista e trafiqeve.
Natyrisht q? Shqip?ria duhet t? b?j? ?mos t? dal? nga
ajo list? e mallkuar, por si mund t? ket? politikan?
q? nuk e fshehin dot ngaz?llimin p?r sanksione t?
mundshme?

Pyetje: Keni b?r? thirrje shpesh p?r nj? afrim
pozit?-opozit?. Dit?t e fundit flitet n? shtyp p?r nj?
si afrim t? till?. ??mund t? na thoni?

P?rgjigje: ?sht? e v?rtet? se kjo ka qen? nj? ?ndrra
ime e p?rhershme. Dhe mbetet ende e till?.
Por afrimi p?r t? cil?n flisni ju, afrimi midis pjes?s
m? radikale t? s? majt?s me pjes?n radikale t? s?
djatht?s, m? duket m? se i ?uditsh?m.
Ish-kryeministri socialist Majko, nj? nd?r lider?t m?
t? emancipuar shqiptar?, u sulmua e u quajt gati
tradhtar nga stalinist?t e partis? s? vet, pik?risht
sepse propozoi afrim dhe zbutje me opozit?n e djatht?.
Kurse tani, pik?risht ky krah radikal i partis?, p?r
q?llime q? merren me mend, ia b?n me sy t? djatht?s.
Shpresoj se e djathta e v?rtet? shqiptare, dhe jo e
djathta e rreme, ajo me zanafill? marksiste, nuk do t?
pranoj? flirte t? tilla, q? v?n? n? dyshim moralitetin
e saj.
Megjithat? un? jam gjithmon? p?r afrimin e forcave
politike kur ato b?hen p?r t? mir?n e vendit dhe jo t?
shtyr? nga pasioni i shkat?rrimit.
Megjith?se thash? m? lart sa mendoj q? m? 2005
pushteti t?i kaloj? t? djatht?s un? nuk f?rkoj duart
kur shoh dob?simin e partis? q? ?sht? sot n? fuqi.
D?shiroj me gjith? shpirt q? partia socialiste qoft?
n? opozit?, qoft? n? pushtet t? jet? serioze. Ashtu
si? e uroj p?r partit? e tjera. Ato jan? pjes? e
vendit, dhe kur ato jan? t? sh?ndetshme, rrjedhimisht
gjith? Shqip?ria ?sht? e till?. 
N? k?t? sens, do t? doja q? edhe brenda socialist?ve
t? gjendej rruga e kompromisit dhe e fashitjes s?
k?saj grindjeje q? nuk i sjell t? mir? askujt. Z?rat e
socialist?ve t? men?ur e t? ndersh?m po e k?rkojn?
k?t?. Kreu i socialist?ve nuk ka pse t? k?rkoj? me
ngulm postin e presidentit, sepse ky post k?rkon dy
tipare kryesore q? pretendenti nuk i ka: e para t?
jet? bashkues e pajtues i kombit, e dyta t? pranohet
edhe nga pjesa e shqiptar?ve q? jetojn? jasht?
kufijve, n? m?nyr? q? muri ndar?s midis kombit t? mos
krijohet. Nga ana tjet?r kryeministri nuk duhet t?
k?mb?ngul? p?r mbrojtjen e ministrave t? p?rfolur. N?
raste t? tilla, pra edhe n? raste hamendjesh t?
p?rgjithshme, ato mjaftojn? p?r t? p?rligjur
dor?heqjet. Jam i sigurt se shumica e shqiptar?ve, t?
djatht? apo, t? majt? qofshin, pavar?sisht se mund t?
ndizen nga pasionet p?rpara ekranit t? TV, kur shkojn?
t? flen? thon? me vete: e, sikur t? mbaronte ky sherr
i panevojsh?m? E sikur t? mendojm? nj? ?ik? m? shum?
si do ta ndreqim k?t? jet?n ton??

Pyetje: T? kalojm? te nj? pyetje tjet?r. Lufta e re e
koalicionit global e ka rreshtuar Shqip?rin? p?rkrah
k?tij fronti t? madh. A mjafton kjo p?r t? b?r?
detyr?n e p?rbashk?t t? mbrojtjes s? qytet?rimit?

P?rgjigje: S? pari ky rreshtim i Shqip?ris? nuk duhet
kuptuar kurrsesi vet?m si detyr? morale p?r t? qen?
bashk? me t? tjer?t. M? 11 shtator n? Manhatan t? Nju
Jorkut, bashk? me gjith? qytet?rimin per?ndimor, me
lirin? e tij, u godit edhe liria e Shqip?ris?. Dhe
k?to nuk jan? fjal? t? m?dha, por shprehje e nj? t?
v?rtete themelore. Nj? njohje e thjesht? e historis?
shqiptare mjafton p?r t? kuptuar se populli yn? n?
k?t? gjendje t? re ?sht? nj? nd?r m? t? rrezikuarit.
Rrjedhimisht ai ?sht? nj? nd?r m? t? interesuarit q?
kjo luft? e re t? mbaroj? me fitore. Fati i s? ardhmes
s? tij ?sht? i lidhur me t?. Ndaj deklarimi p?rkrah
familjes evropiane do t? ishte i pamjaftuesh?m pa nj?
aksion t? vazhduesh?m, serioz e t? nivelit m? t? lart?
n? k?t? betej?.

Pyetje: Si vend me nj? pjes? t? popullsis? myslimane,
a kemi probleme specifike n? k?t? gjendje t? re?

P?rgjigje: Natyrisht. Kjo luft? i ka hapur probleme t?
m?dha gjith? universit mysliman kudo n? bot?. Rreziku
i amalgamit t? terrorizmit integrist me myslimanizmin
n? p?rgjith?si ?sht? i madh. P?r fat t? mir?, fal?
vetp?rmbajtjes s? lidershipit amerikan, qysh n? or?t e
para u b? thirrje q? mallkimi dhe akuza t? mos bjer?
mbi mysliman?t e pafajsh?m, por mbi terrorist?t.
Mesazhi se armiqt? e bot?s s? qytet?ruar, terrorist?t,
jan? n? radh? t? par? armiq t? popujve mysliman? u
kuptua dhe u hap kudo. U b? thirrje q? lufta duhet t?
transferohet brenda gjith?sis? myslimane, aty ku ky
terroriz?m u poll, aty dhe ku duhet t? shuhet.
Profecia e Huntingtonit p?r p?rplasjen e dy
qytet?rimeve, per?ndimorit dhe islamikut, tani kur
reklamohet me buj? nga disa si e v?rtetuar, pik?risht
tani ting?llon e pabesueshme. N? rastin e tanish?m nuk
ka ndeshje midis dy qytet?rimeve, ngaq? terrorizmi
s??sht? qytet?rim.

Pyetje: Qarqe t? caktuara e etiketojn? vendin ton? p?r
fundamentaliz?m islamik, por edhe nj? er? ferexheje,
ndonj? shkoll? islame varfanjak?sh, ndonj? z? arab me
fjal? doktrinore t? nj? besimi, jan? gjithashtu t?
pranishme n? mjediset tona...

P?rgjigje: ?sht? nj? e v?rtet? e njohur q? rrotull ?do
fushe lufte v?rtiten gjithmon? spekulant?t dhe
p?rfituesit.
Ky ?sht? nj? rast q? rrethet antishqiptare do t?
p?rpiqen ta shfryt?zojn? gjer n? fund. Me flamurin e
luft?s kund?r myslimanizmit u nis n? betej?
Milloshevi?i dhe ra. T? tjer? e kan? b?r? p?rpara tij.
T? tjer? do ta b?jn? n? t? ardhmen.
Shqip?ria nuk ka arsye t? mos e p?rsh?ndesi ?do
mir?kuptim amerikano-rus kund?r terrorizmit. Dhe ?do
vullnet t? fqinj?ve t? saj grek? apo sllav? t? jugut
n? k?t? luft?. Por Shqip?ria duhet t? jet? sy?el?t p?r
t?u mbrojtur n? rastet kur luft?n kund?r terrorizmit
do t? p?rpiqen ta devijojn? kund?r saj. Deklaratat e
pap?rgjegjshme antishqiptare t? ministrit t? Jasht?m
rus Ivanovit, jan? me t? v?rtet t? papranueshme. Ato
tregojn? munges? sinqeriteti n? fushat?n
antiterroriste. Ato tregojn? se ka vende q? duan t?
hyjn? n? k?t? luft? si matrapaz?t, p?r fitim t? tyre.
Vendet ish-komuniste nuk duhet t? harrojn? se kan?
qen? gjer dje streh? e gjithfar? terrorist?ve. Nuk
duhet ta harrojn? gjithashtu urrejtjen e tyre t?
palodhur kund?r Per?ndimit, e sidomos urrejtjen kund?r
SHBA, k?t? shtrat t? s?mur? ku u p?rgatit shpirt?risht
e u nanuris terrorizmi. N? qoft? se k?to vende kan?
vendosur t? ndahen nga kjo s?mundje, kjo ?sht?
pozitive. Por ndarja s?mund t? b?het me q?ndrim
dyfytyr?sh. Ndarja s?mund t? b?het duke e transferuar
urrejtjen e djeshme antiamerikane n? drejtim t?
popujve t? vegj?l, q? kur ua donte interesi i kan?
quajtur miq si p.sh. shqiptar?t ose ballkanasit ose
kaukazian?t.

Pyetje: A u japim ne shkas p?r k?to spekullime?

P?rgjigje: Besoj se po. Marr?zit? tona natyrisht nuk
kan? fund. Por asnj? popull nuk p?rgjigjet bashkarisht
p?r marr?zit? e nj? pjes?ze t? tij. Pak sekte fetare
raciste e politike ka anemban? Evrop?s e SHBA? E
megjithat? askush nuk e identifikon Per?ndimin me to.
N? nj? lib?r botuar koh?t e fundit n? Franc? ?Islami
n? Ballkan, mysliman?t faktor postkomunist?, flitet
gjat? p?r dep?rtimin e integrizmit n? gadishull k?ta
10 vjet?t e fundit. Midis t? tjerave p?rmendet disa
her? ish-shefi i sh?rbimeve sekrete t? Shqip?ris?
Gazidede. Q? t? portretizohet si p?r?ues i
integrizmit, i lidhur me agjenturat e vendeve arabe,
kjo ?sht? e pritshme n? k?t? lib?r. Ajo q? ?sht? m?
pak e zakonshme ?sht? se autor?t hedhin dyshimin e
lidhjeve t? Gazidedes me sh?rbimet e fshehta
jugosllave.
N? qoft? se do t? besohej ky dyshim at?her? vijm? te
teza e njohur se Jugosllavia e m? pas Rusia kan? qen?
t? interesuara t? nxisin dep?rtimin e integrizmit
fetar n? Ballkan, e sidomos n? vende q? ato nuk i
duan, si? ?sht? Shqip?ria, e sidomos Kosova, p?r t?
p?rligjur pastaj goditjen kund?r tyre.
K?t? gj? ato do ta kryenin natyrisht me ndihm?n e
shqiptar?ve. Histori e njohur kjo e renegat?ve.

Pyetje: Edhe nj? pyetje t? fundit p?r k?t? problem.
??duhet t? b?j? shteti, shoq?ria shqiptare, opinioni
publik n? k?t? gjendje t? re?

P?rgjigje: S? pari njer?zit tan? duhet t? ken? nj?
kuptim t? qart? p?r disa gj?ra themelore t? k?tij
vendi e t? k?tij populli. Nd?r k?to ?sht? p?rkat?sia
evropiane e Shqip?ris?. Kjo p?rkat?si ?sht? sa
gjeografike aq edhe historike e shpirt?rore. Shqip?ria
nuk ?sht? midis Lindjes dhe Per?ndimit, si? ?sht? b?r?
zakon t? thuhet. Po t? jet? p?r midis, i till? ?sht?
gjith? Ballkani. Kurse midis Shqip?ris? dhe Lindjes
jan? ende dy vende q? p?rb?jn? kufijt? natyror? me
kontinentin tjet?r: Greqia dhe Bullgaria. Shqip?ria,
ashtu si gjith? gadishulli ballkanik b?n pjes? n?
rrethinat e Evrop?s.
Mendoj se Shqip?ria nuk duhet t? ngaz?llehet as nga
role q? nuk ia mbajn? dot supet e saj t? brishta, si
ai q? propozon Fan Noli: ?bashkon Islamn? me
Krisht?rimn??. Ne vuajt?m mbi shpin?n ton? idet?
delirante hoxhiane si mbrojt?s t? fundit t?
marksiz?m-leninizmit n? shkall? planetare e dokrra t?
tjera si k?to.
Shqiptar?t, ndon?se t? prapambetur e t? vonuar n? disa
rrafshe, jan? gjindje kok?forte e kontinentit, ashtu
si korsikan?t, sard?t, bask?t, sicilian?t, malazezt?,
zviceran?t, tirolez?t etj. Qytet?rimi shqiptar,
megjith? ngjyrimin dhe cenet e veta ?sht? pjes? e
qytet?rimit evropian. Kthimi i nj? pjese t? popullsis?
nga feja e krishter? n? at? myslimane, pas pushtimit
otoman, e kryesisht n? shekujt 17, 18, 19, nuk
ndryshoi ndonj? gj? n? themelet e k?tij qytet?rimi.
Mysliman?t shqiptar? mbet?n p?rgjith?sisht po aq
shqiptar? sa ??ishin t? krishter?t, madje sa ??ishin
t? krishter?t e kryehersh?m, katolik?t.
Myslimanizmi shqiptar e ka zanafill?n jo n? ide
mistike e populiste t? p?rhapura shkall?-shkall? midis
brezave njer?zor?, por n? nj? realitet t? befasish?m:
pushtimin ushtarak osman. Kjo zanafill? perandorake i
dha k?tij myslimanizmi nj? kah pragmatik, nj?
p?rmbajtje e nj? stil administrativ, ku logjika e
jet?s mbetej gjithmon? zot?ruese. K?ndej rrjedh
toleranca e myslimanizmit ballkanas, p?rfshir? edhe
at? shqiptar. K?ndej rrjedh edhe ngjyrimi qytetar dhe
patriotik i tij (Mbeten ende t? pastudiuara
marr?dh?niet e nd?rlikuara Ballkan-Perandori osmane.
Mendoj se dukuria e njohur Rom?-Greqi-pushtues-i
pushtuar, u p?rs?rit n? nj?far? m?nyre n? simbioz?n
Ballkan-Perandori osmane. V?rtet perandoria, duke e
g?lltitur e ndryshoi disi Ballkanin, por ajo vet?, n?
m?nyr? tinzare u ndryshua prej ballkanasve. P?rfundimi
u duk n? shekullin XX, kur qendra e universit osman,
Turqia, p?rfundoi n? nj? shtet laik, an?tar i Aleanc?s
Atlantike. Pa harruar kursesi merit?n e popullit turk
dihet se shtylla e laicizmit turk dhe e vlerave
republikane t? k?tij vendi u b? ushtria, e drejtuar
tradicionalisht prej ballkanasve. K?shtu, me vones?,
Ballkani i krishter? u duk se e kreu hakmarrjen e tij:
konvertimin e pushtuesit t? vet nga sulltan?t n?
republik?.
N? vitet e fundit t? postkomunizmit, n? myslimanizmin
ballkanas e sidomos n? at? shqiptar, u shfaq nj?
dukuri e re: p?rpjekja p?r nj? ndryshim n? themelet e
tij, nj? ndryshim n? gen, si? do t? thoshin biolog?t.
Si pasoj? e trysnis? integriste, u b?n? p?rpjekje q?
identiteti historik i myslimanizmit vendas, t?
ndryshohet n? identitet arab. E bashk? me t? t?
dob?sohet fryma e tij qytetare dhe patriotike n? favor
t? nj? fryme t? p?rgjithshme mistike.
Trysnia e jashtme e ?do lloj integrizmi p?rb?n nj?
rrezik t? mundsh?m p?r Shqip?rin?. Ndaj politika e
mbretit Zog n? ??shtjen e besimeve fetare, politik? q?
ndalonte nd?rhyrjet e huaja, ka qen? gjer m? sot
politika m? realiste dhe m? dobiprur?se p?r vendin.

Pyetje: Mendoni se bota, e natyrisht vendi yn? do t?
nxjerr? ndonj? m?sim me vler? nga k?to q? po ndodhin
n? Afganistan?

P?rgjigje: Natyrisht q? duam apo s?duam ne, nga
ngjarjet e r?nda nxirren gjithmon? m?sime. Mendoj se
nj? afrim, mir?kuptim, ose ripajtim i bot?s me
universin mysliman, ?sht? b?r? m? i nevojsh?m se
kurr?. Mund t? jet? nj? aksion i gjat?, tep?r i gjat?,
politik, ekonomik, kulturor. Problemi dramatik i
varf?ris? n? bot?, ?sht? lidhur me k?t? pajtim.
Meqen?se p?rmend?t Afganistanin, p?rsa i p?rket vendit
ton?, atij i p?rket t? nxjerr? nj? m?sim m? shum? prej
realitetit afgan. Tragjedin? e k?tij vendi e
kusht?zon, ve? t? tjerash, tribalizmi, th?n? ndryshe,
p?r?arja e tij proverbiale.
?sht? b?r? shum? zhurm? p?r ndarjet shqiptare: jug -
veri, mysliman - t? krishter?, gjuh? gege - gjuh?
toske etj. Zhurma ?sht? b?r? me dashakeq?si, pa
sinqeritet. Ka qen? m? tep?r nj? d?shir?, p?r ta par?
Shqip?rin? ashtu, t? ndar? n? kat?rqind copa.
Por nd?rsa kjo lloj p?r?arje ka qen? virtuale, nj?
tjet?r tribaliz?m ka qen? real: tribalizmi politik.
Nuk d?shiroj t? zgjatem me k?t? tmerr p?r t? cilin
?sht? folur aq shum?. N? qoft? se m? lejohet t? p?rdor
termin: ?afganistanizim? t? politik?s shqiptare, k?t?
e b?j me pik?llim t? madh. At? q? nuk ia ka b?r? dot
Shqip?ris? as pushtimi otoman e as shkret?tira rreh
t?ia b?j? klasa e sotme politike.
Pjesa m? e keqe e saj faj?sohet sot nj?z?ri nga
populli shqiptar. Tabloja ?sht? d?shp?ruese. Kjo larmi
groteske partish. Kjo furtun? e pambarim akuzash, q?
neutralizojn? nj?ra-tjetr?n, thua se kund?rshtar?t e
kan? b?r? me fjal? dhe e kan? gjetur bashkarisht si
m?nyr?n m? t? mir? p?r t? mos u prekur prej saj. Kjo
gjuh? barbare, ku arrihet gjer atje sa q? nj? ?lider?
t? p?rdor? si argument kund?r nj? koleges s? vet,
fiziologjin? e saj fem?rore, duke ia kaluar k?shtu
edhe mendjes s? err?t t? taliban?ve, t? gjitha k?to e
t? tjera si k?to, jan? thell?sisht shqet?suese. Por
mbi t? gjitha q?ndron nj? pyetje tjet?r, nj? dyshim q?
e shpreha n? fillim t? k?saj interviste e q? do t? m?
lejoni ta p?rs?ris: kjo k?mb?ngulje p?r t? mos e l?n?
t? marr? frym? vendin ?sht? rrjedhoj? e budallall?kut
dhe e verb?ris? s? k?saj pjese zot?ruese, apo ?sht?
si? e kam p?rs?ritur, duke u b?r? ndoshta i
m?rzitsh?m, nj? k?mb?ngulje e q?llimshme, nj? synim,
nj? strategji cinike e saj?
Viti 1997, viti i r?nies s? shtetit shqiptar n? nj?
m?nyr? ose nj? tjet?r p?rpiqet t? vazhdoj?. Dikush
?sht? i interesuar q? ky vend t? mos gjej? qet?si, t?
mos zhvillohet, t? mos jetoj? normalisht. Jan? forca
tradicionale antishqiptare, q? k?t? q?llim e kan?
v?rtetuar disa her? gjat? k?tij shekulli, q? nga
traktatet e doktrinat p?r zhb?rjen e Shqip?ris? gjer
te shp?rngulja e nj? milion kosovar?ve m? 1999? Jan?
arsye ekonomike e konkurenca, q? aq mir? i njeh
historia? S? fundi jan? grupe mafioze q? ky kaos u
volit dhe q? kan? arritur t? ken? n?n urdh?r nj? pjes?
t? politikan?ve?
Koha do ta tregoj?.

Marr? nga, "Korrieri"



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From pilika at yahoo.com  Mon Nov 26 13:33:34 2001
From: pilika at yahoo.com (pilika at yahoo.com)
Date: Mon, 26 Nov 2001 10:33:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NYTimes.com Article: Communist Effort to Prosecute Czech Priest Raises Ghosts of Past
Message-ID: <20011126183334.0318215C27@email4.lga2.nytimes.com>

This article from NYTimes.com 
has been sent to you by pilika at yahoo.com.



Communist Effort to Prosecute Czech Priest Raises Ghosts of Past

November 26, 2001 

By PETER S. GREEN


 

PRAGUE, Nov. 25 - When Senate elections rolled around last
fall in the small southern Czech village of Rakvice, the
32-year old parish priest, the Rev. Vojtech Vlastimil
Protivinsky, warned his parishioners against voting for the
local Communist Party candidates. 

In sermons, and in a leaflet handed out to his
congregation, Father Protivinsky warned: "The Communist
Party of Bohemia and Moravia presents a grave danger to
democracy, to basic human rights and to each one of us.
Stop the return of Communism, go to vote on Sunday and cast
your ballot against the Communist candidate." 

The Communist candidate, Marta Struskova, lost and the
chairman of the local party committee filed a criminal
complaint with the police accusing the priest of
"disparaging a nation, race or belief." The matter was
largely forgotten until a week ago, when it was catapulted
to the national headlines after the police announced they
would begin a formal investigation of Father Protivinsky. 

President Vaclav Havel stepped in on Wednesday, and blocked
the prosecution. The local prosecutor who had begun the
proceedings resigned, but by then the young cleric's
situation had become the topic of national debate,
reawakening the bitterness many of Communism's victims
still feel toward a system that oppressed their country for
42 years. 

"I don't think ideas should gain acceptance in our society
that are an assault on basic human rights and against which
every individual should take a stand," Father Protivinsky
said, explaining his actions on the BBC's Czech language
service. 

Political analysts have noted the paradox that the
Communists, who imprisoned thousands of clerics during
their 42 years of totalitarian rule, used the instruments
of democracy to prosecute a priest who disagreed with them.
"This case is about freedom of speech and about the
chutzpah the Communists have been showing since 1989, and
which is increasing now that memories of their crimes are
fading," said Petr Brod, a historian and the editor of the
BBC's Czech language news service in Prague. 

Mr. Brod and many other Czechs are also concerned that
their country has not done enough to call to account those
whose crimes, from murder and torture to theft and
defamation, underpinned Communist rule. 

"It's absurd," said Monika Pajerova, a student leader
during the 1989 Velvet Rrevolution to overturn Communism
and today a centrist candidate for Parliament. "Instead of
prosecuting the former officials of the Communist Party,
they go after people who say what everyone else is
thinking." 

The Communists for their part are unrepentant about either
the past or their efforts to prosecute Father Protivinsky. 

"Free speech must exist," said a party spokeswoman, Vera
Zezulkova, "But it can't be replaced by lying accusations.
Does he have the freedom to lie?" The Communists say Father
Protivinsky is tarring their party with the crimes of the
cold-war era Communists and they protest their innocence. 

A Communist member of Parliament, Miroslav Ransdorf,
contends that the real danger is a resurgence of
clericalism, "the clergy's power to meddle in the country's
political affairs." 

The Rev. Daniel Herman, a spokesman for the Czech Bishops'
Conference, said the village priest was not playing party
politics. "He said what the Catholic church believes, that
Communism is evil and wrong," Father Herman said.
"Communism isn't dead. It's still a latent danger." 

Even so, the Communists continue to draw a steady 10 to 13
percent of support by potential voters in polls, with
parliamentary elections coming up next June. They have 24
seats of 200 in the lower house of Parliament, although
every other party has ruled out letting them into
government. 

In fact, in a poll in June, about one- fourth of the adults
interviewed said they believed that life was better under
the Communists. Sociologists say this is largely a
nostalgia among the elderly and less-educated for the
better pensions and free health care during Communism. 

Political analysts say the current strength of the
Communists comes from the relative ease of the transition
in the Velvet Revolution in 1989. 

That meant there was no pressure on the Communists to
reform, apologize for the past and become a modern
social-democratic party as the Polish and Hungarian
Communists have done. 

"The problem in our country is that there is no reformed
Communist Party," said Bohumil Dolezal, a commentator at
the center-right newspaper Lidove Noviny. "And today the
party is not a democratic party, but it exists
legitimately."

http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/26/international/europe/26CZEC.html?ex=1007799614&ei=1&en=2d9a80dda51ed5f5



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help at nytimes.com.  

Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company


From foticici at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 27 00:44:52 2001
From: foticici at yahoo.com (Fatmir Cici)
Date: Mon, 26 Nov 2001 21:44:52 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta 'Illyria' - Kryepeshkopi Anastasios (Janullatos)
Message-ID: <20011127054452.49397.qmail@web9204.mail.yahoo.com>

Illyria 13-15, 2001, Volume 11,# 1089

Kryepeshkopi Anastasios p?r vizit? zyrtare n? Athin?:
?far? ndryshoi? 

Jav?n e par? t? n?ntorit gjith? Greqia u elektrizua
nga vizita zyrtare n? Athin? e Kryepeshkopit t?
Tiran?s dhe gjith? Shqip?ris? zotit Anastasios
Janullatos. Sipas tradit?s s? Kish?s Ortodokse t?
gjith? primat?t e kishave autoqefale, menj?her? mbas
zgjedhjes dhe fron?zimit fillojn? vizitat protokollare
n? kishat simotra. N? rastin e Kryepeshkopit ton?
vizitat n? kishat e tjera fillimisht nuk ishin t?
mundura p?r shkak t? statutit antikanonik t? zotit
Janullatos, gj? q? ndryshoi me formimin e sinodit n?
vitin 1998. Mir?po me ardhjen n? pushtet t?
Kryepeshkopit t? Athin?s dhe gjith? Greqis?
Kristodhulos, n? t? nj?jtin vit, situata politike n?
Greqi u r?ndua p?r arsye t? kund?rv?njes k?mb?ngul?se
t? Kristodhulos ndaj qeveris? socialiste greke, e cila
ka nd?rmarr? nj? fushat? p?r ndarjen e shtetit nga
kisha.

Kjo vizit? e Anastasios n? k?t? moment t? nder? p?r
politik?n kishtare greke ishte d?shir? edhe e disa
personaliteteve t? politik?s greke, t? cil?t besojn?
tek roli i suksessh?m diplomatik i Fortlumturis? s?
Tij, pavar?sisht se n? vitin 1991, kur ai u d?rgua n?
Tiran?, emrin Janullatos nuk e njihte askush n? Greqi.
Shtypi grek u shpreh qart? se  ?Anastasios po vjen t?
ushtroj? gjith? ndikimim e tij p?r t? afruar
zot?rinjt? Simitis dhe Kristodhulos n? nj? takim t?
p?rbashk?t, gj? q? asnj? personalitet grek nuk mundi
ta b?j? t? mundur gjat? kat?r muajve t? fundit?.

Janullatos shkon n? Athin? t? pakt?n nj? her? n? muaj
por kjo vizit? ishte e potershme sepse mbas marrjes s?
shtet?sis? shqiptare dhe arritjes s? p?rhershm?ris? s?
q?ndrimit t? tij n? Shqip?ri, ardhja me zhurm? dhe
lavdi n? Athin? i vuri vul?n pranimit universal t?
figur?s s? imzot Anastasios n? Greqi. Gjat? takimeve
me t? gjitha personalitet e larta politike, kishtare
dhe diplomatike t? shtetit fqinj, dhe gjat? dekorimeve
t? shumta nga institucione shtet?rore dhe kishtare
greke, u than? plot fjal? t? ?mb?la me termat e dal?
boje t? Janullatosit mbi ?paqen e  p?rbotshme? dhe
?bashkekzistenc?n paq?sore? Por nuk doli asnj? fjal?
n? sip?rfaqe p?r m? shum? se gjysm?n e an?tar?ve t?
Kish?s Ortodokse Autoqefale t? Shqip?ris?, t? cil?t
jetojn? n? Greqi ?n?n thundr?n e p?rdhun?s?, t?
privuar nga e drejta e meshimit n? gjuh?n e tyre, gj?
q? emigrant?t e komb?sive t? tjera e kan? t?
praktikuar p?r vite t? t?ra tashm? n? shtetin fqinj.

Lidhja Ortodokse ?Sh?n Asti?

N? vitin 1993 shkuam n? Tiran? dhe i k?rkuam zotit
Janullatos q? t? nd?rhyj? p?r hapjen e nj? kishe n?
gjuh?n shqipe n? Athin?, ashtu si? b?het dhe n?
arabisht, koptisht, sllavisht, etj., po n? Athin?.
?Nuk kam asnj? kund?rshtim, na tha, por nuk mund ta
k?rkoj un?. Duhet q? m? par? t? paraprij? vizita ime
protokollare n? Kish?n e Greqis??. Ne e njohim mir?
misionin dhe karakterin e zotit Janullatos dhe nuk
prisnim q? t? na thoshte t? v?rtet?n por duke ditur se
ai ishte ato vite n? nj? pozit? delikate n? Tiran?,
menduam se n? qoft? se shtr?ngohej disi, edhe mund
t?ia k?rkonte k?t? t? drejt? qeveris? greke. Kaluan
vite dhe ??shtja u gropos.

??shtja e t? drejtave fetare t? emigrant?ve nuk ?sht?
p?rmendur gjat? k?tyre dhjet? vjet?ve dhe kjo ka
arsyet e veta. Ata shqiptar? q? p?rfaq?sojn? ??shtjet
e emigracionit shqiptar n? Greqi r?ndom mb?shteten dhe
vihen n? k?mb? nga organizmat e Partis? s? Koalicionit
t? Majt?, t? cil?t si t? gjith? bashk?fetar?t e tyre
komunist? kan? nj? alergji instiktive ndaj t? drejtave
fetare t? emigrant?ve n? Greqi. Qeverit? tona t?
k?tyre dhjet? vjet?ve e kan? ngritur z?rin p?r ??shtje
madhore dhe jo p?r ?vog?lsira? q? iu p?rkasin
prift?rinjve. Nd?rsa autoqefalistat, t? cilit kishin
tapit? kishtare t? Peshkop Nolit, e pat?n pothuaj t?
v?shtir? t? zbrisnin nga qielli i idealizm?s posht? n?
truallin e fakteve dhe t? problemeve reale q? lind?n
me zbarkimin e Janullatosit n? Tiran?. 

N? vitin 1999, mbasi Kryepeshkopi Anastasios nuk
kishte nd?rmend t? nd?rmerrte asgj? p?rpjekje nga ?ka
kanonet e kish?s m?tonin nga ai, u themelua n? Athin?
Lidhja e Shqiptar?ve t? Krishter? Ortodoks? n? Greqi
?Sh?n Asti?, e cila u njoh nga gjykata e Athin?s dhe
mori lejen nga Kryepeshkopi Kristodhulos p?r t? hapur
nj? kish? n? gjuh?n shqipe p?r nevojat e emigrant?ve
n? Athin?.

Kryepeshkopi Anastasios jo vet?m q? nuk pranoi t?
bashk?punoj? me Lidhjen, i cila i k?rkoi bekimin disa
her?, por kur pa se shoqata po zgjerohej dhe po
fitonte terren t? q?ndruesh?n n? Athin?, me veprimtari
serioze, me kurse falas n? shqip, greqisht e anglisht
dhe me programe t? pasura kulturore p?r t? gjith?
emigrant?t, udh?toi urgjent p?r n? patridh? dhe
nd?rmori nj? luft? t? hapur kund?r grupit t? teolog?ve
shqiptar? q? kishin marr? k?t? nism?. Zoti Janullatos
k?rkoi listat e emrave t? an?tar?ve t? Lidhjes, gj? q?
shkaktoi frik? n? radh?t e an?tar?ve. P?r pasoj? t?
k?saj lufte sistematike dhe bllokuese shoqata u
shp?rb? n? mars 2000. Autori i k?tij shkrimi pati
p?rgjegj?sin? t? ishte d?shmimtar i atyre ngjarjeve. 

A ?sht? oksimor fakti q? Kryepeshkopi i Athin?s
vendosi t? organizoj? nj? famulli me mesh? n? gjuh?n
shqipe n? Athin?, nd?rsa Kryepshkopi i Shqip?ris? e
ndaloi? A do ta b?nte k?t? Janullatos n? qoft? se,
larg qoft?, do t? ishte shqiptar? ?sht? m? se e qart?
se Kristodhuli ?sht? nacionalist, por ama ai vepron i
pavarur si nj? shtet brenda shtetit grek dhe i
intereson nj? kish? e fort? ortodokse n?n
juridiksionin e tij dhe jo vet?m p?r brezin e tij.
Kryepeshkopi Kristodhulos u informua me holl?si nga
nj? komision i posa??m i emigrant?ve se shumica e
shqiptar?ve nuk ndihet lirsh?m t? frekuentoj? kishat
greke dhe shum? prej tyre jan? b?r? pre e feve t?
huaja q? jan? ngulur n? Athin?. Pra,  Kristodhulos
konkludoi se duke hapur nj? kish? n? gjuh?n shqipe
emigrant?t shqiptar?, f?mij?t e t? cil?ve shkojn? n?
t? nj?jtat shkolla me f?mij?t grek?, do t? jen?
moralisht m? af?r mend?sis? greke pavar?sisht nga
identiteti i tyre komb?tar. 

Nga ana tjet?r qeveria socialiste, e cila gjoja i
p?rkrah t? huajt, po ushtron nj? praktik? tep?r t?
suksesshme p?r te asimiluar f?mij?t e emigrant?ve
shqiptar? duke mos iu dh?n? asnj? mund?si p?r t?
kultivuar identitetin e prind?rve t? tyre. Dhe kjo
politik? asimilimi arrihet duke i ndihmuar shqiptar?t
q? t? b?hen pjes? e shoq?ris? greke, dhe jo t?
dallohen nga ata, dometh?n? t? mos trash?gojn? asnj?
gjurm? nga origjina e tyre; dhe gjuha ?sht? pengesa
par?sore p?r t? arritur k?t?. Por k?to p?rpjekje nuk
do t? ken? t? nj?jtat frute n?se nj? kish? n? gjuh?n
shqipe i mbledh emigrant?t dhe iu zgjon f?mij?ve t?
tyre ndjenj?n e origjin?s, gj? q? shkolla greke
p?rpiqet t?a ?rr?njos?. Ja pse Janullatosi i shpalli
luft? Lidhjes Ortodokse dhe u acarua edhe m?  keq me
Kristodhulosin; n? fakt ai b?ri at? q? iu diktua nga
lart.
 
Kur nuk kemi mesh? shqip n? Sarand?, mund t? kemi n?
Athin??

N? qytetin e Sarand?s, ku ndalohet gjuha shqipe n?
Kish?n e Sh?n Harallambit k?to dhjet? vjet, Anastasios
shkon dhe k?ndon nj? her? n? vit di?ka n? shqip p?r t?
na mbyllur goj?n neve dhe p?r t?iu hedhur hi syve
atyre q? kan? r?n? n? dashuri me t? kat?rta me t?. T?
nj?jt?n taktik? demagogjike b?ri edhe k?to dit? n?
Athin?. Duke k?nduar di?ka n? shqip me shpur?n
shqiptaro-greke q? e shoq?ronte nga Shqip?ria, e
mbylli edhe p?r dhjet? vjet t? tjera kapitullin e
ortodoks?ve shqiptar? n? Greqi. Dhurata q? Anastasios
i solli Kristodhulos nga Shqip?ria ishte nj? ikon? e
Sh?n Kozmait, pikturuar me shkronja greke nga t? rinj
shqiptar?. N? fjal?n e tij Kristodhuli e ?moi pun?n e
Sh?n Kozmait n? Shqip?ri si ?ndri?ues i kombit? (I
kujt kombi?). 

Por n? qoft? se kryeurata Janullatos ?sht? me t?
v?rtet? i d?rguar i Kish?s s? Krishtit dhe jo i
Ministris? s? Jashtme t? Greqis? n? Tiran?, tashm?
atij i ka ardhur rasti t? na p?rg?njeshtroj? t?
gjith?ve sa e akuzojm? p?r pun? jo kishtare n?
Shqip?ri duke send?rtuar programin ortodoks t? Lidhjes
?Sh?n Asti?, t? cil?n e p?rndoqi dhe e shfarosi. Ai ka
n? dor? sot t? caktoj? njer?zit e tij ta b?jn? k?t?
pun? kishtare se ndoshta themeluesit dhe drejtuesit e
Lidhjes nuk ishin t? p?rshtatsh?m; krahas t? tjerave
ata punonin pa mb?shtetje dhe pa rrog?. Dhe p?r t?
k?rkuar t? drejtat kishtare t? emigrant?ve shqiptar?
ortodoks? n? Greqi Kryepeshkopi i Shqip?ris? i ka t?
gjitha t? drejtat, dh?n? nga kanonet e Kish?s
Ortodokse dhe nga reputacioni absolut q? ai ka krijuar
n? shoq?rin? greke, p?r arsye t? misionit t? tij t?
suksessh?m politik n? vendin fqinj.

Janullatosi ?sht? kandidat p?r ?mimin Nobel p?r Paqe
2001. Referati i mbajtur gjat? k?saj vizite
protokollare n? Akademin? e Athin?s ?Myslyman?t dhe t?
krishter?t n? Europ?? ?sht? nj? orvajtje tjet?r p?r t?
justifikuar kandidatur?n e tij p?r Nobel, por n? qoft?
se ai i beson k?to me t? cilat po na ?an vesh?t p?r
dhjet? vjet, p?rse nuk k?rkon nga qeveria dhe kisha
greke t?iu lejojn? emigrant?ve shqiptar? t? besimit
myslyman t? ushtrojn? besimin e tyre n? trajt?n e
adhurimit fetar n? Greqi? 

A ?sht? var?sia e Janullatosit nga Ministria e Jashtme
e Greqis? e vetmja arsye q? nuk e lejon t?
pozicionohet n? lidhje me problemin kishtar t?
emigrant?ve shqiptar? n? Greqi? P?rse Anastasios
ngurron t? flas? hapur p?r k?t? ??shtje dhe t? marr?
pjes? n? dialogun q? ka filluar n? shtyp dhe t?
vendos? p?r nj? ??shtje kaq serioze p?r t? ardhmen e
t? dy vendeve? N? qoft? se kjo ??shtje merr zgjidhje
ortodokse ajo i jep dor?n fanarjotit Janullatos p?r t?
dalur nga terri ku e ka ?uar natyra e tij mafioze
gjat? k?tyre dhjet? vjet?ve. 

Veprimtaria e Janullatosit n? Shqip?ri ?sht?
p?rshkruar disa her? me fakte t? pap?rg?njeshtruara n?
faqet e k?saj gazete. Madje nuk duhen shum? mend p?r
t? shquar se roli i Anastasios n? Shqip?ri ka qen? dhe
mbetet kryek?put politik, dhe bile i nj? politike t?
paskrupullt dhe d?mprur?se p?r t? dy popujt.
Janullatosi vazhdon t? abuzoj? pa drojtje me varf?rin?
e shqiptar?ve, me mendjengusht?sin? e grek?ve p?rsa i
p?rket konceptit t? tjetrit, dhe me munges?n e
gjykimit t? sh?ndosh? t? shumic?s d?rrmuese t?
an?tar?ve t? kish?s ortodokse n? Greqi, t? cil?ve nuk
iu ?sht? dh?n? rasti akoma p?r t?u ?liruar nga
idiotizmi masiv i etnofetaris? s? tyre. Si rrjedhoj? e
k?saj taktike t? vet?dijshme dhe afatgjate imzot
Janullatos po abuzon me misteret e Kish?s Ortodokse
dhe i till? do t? mbetet p?r ne, pavar?sisht se ?37
akademik? grek? dhe 13 shqiptar? t? shquar? (sipas
shtypit grek) e kan? propozuar p?r ?mimin Nobel.

Kush nga ne e do Janullatosin si t? till? dhe p?rse?

Sot nuk jan? t? pakt? ata shqiptar? q? nuk mund ta
parafytyrojn? jet?n n? nj? vend ?t? mallkuar si yni?,
pa pranin? e nj? shenjti p?r s? gjalli si ?Kryepiskopi
Anastas?, q? edhe n? qoft? se nuk ekzistonte duhet ta
kishim shpikur.

Sipas mendimit tim ka disa arsye q? shpjegojn?
triumfin e Janullatosit n? Shqip?ri. Nuk ?sht? vet?m
dinak?ria dhe pandershm?ria e tij e nd?rthurur me
nevoj?n e politik?s greke p?r t? krijuar nj?
figur?-instrument t? till? n? Ballkan. Arsyeja
kryesore ?sht? indiferenca e shqiptar?ve ndaj fes?,
mosnjohja e rolit dhe influenc?s s? saj t?
pashmangshme n? kultur? dhe politik? dhe sidomos
injoranca q? na trash?guan p?r sa i p?rket m?simit t?
historis? son?.

Janullatosi mb?shtetet gjithashtu dhe nga nj? akraba
intelektual?sh n? Tiran? t? cil?t besojn? se jan?
lindur t? ??rr?njosin mendimin e kalbur t? kritik?s
kulturore dhe politike n? Shqip?ri. Megjith?se
luftojn? me zell mesianik p?r t? kthyer lumin mbrapa,
edhe k?ta bandill? jan? produkt i s? nj?jt?s shkoll?.
K?tyre iu intereson ta mbrojn? Janullatosin sepse
k?shtu duan t? d?shmojn? se nuk jan? gatuar prej
brumit t? vjet?r. Pastaj mendja e tyre e thell? dhe
largpam?se nuk merret me th?rrime si ?prifti
Janullatos?. P?r m? tep?r me k?t? petk t? njeriut ?t?
s? nes?rmes? k?ta zot?rinj e kan? m? t? leht? p?r t?
dal? e p?r t? shar? vetveten n?p?r simpoziume n?
Europ? e gjetk?. Pra, n? Tiran? b?hen aleanca
ideologjish ku i vetmi fitues ?sht? Janullatosi.

Varf?ria e politikan?ve tan? ka m?katet e saj. Ndoshta
nj? dit? do t? ?uditemi kur t? m?sojm? numrin e sakt?
t? f?mij?ve t? politikan?ve shqiptar? q? studjojn? me
bursa nga qeveria greke dhe shoqata ?Miqt? e vjet?r t?
Krepeshkopit Anastasios? n? Greqi. Un? njoh disa prej
tyre. 

Nj? shkak q? ka ndihmuar shum? Janullatosin p?r t?
patur sukses ?sht? mungesa e nj? komuniteti t?
organizuar ortodoks jasht? Shqip?ris?, me z? dhe me
jet? kishtare e kulturore. Sado q? t? p?rpiqemi ne t?
zmadhojm? q?njen e Peshkopat?s shqiptare n? Amerik?, e
v?rteta ?sht? se ajo nuk ekziston ashtu si? e
paraqesim ne. ?far? ?sht? peshkopata jon? po t?i
heq?sh Fan Nolin? Por a mund t? jetoj? nj? kish? vet?m
me t? kaluar?n? Ajo sot ?sht? pa peshkop, pa nj? prift
teolog n? krye t? saj, pa botime, me kisha gjysm? t?
vdekura q? po mbyllen nj?ra pas tjetr?s, pa plane
konkrete p?r t? hapur kisha t? reja p?r emigrant?t e
ardhur rishtaz dhe pa teolog? laik? q? t? njohin t? dy
gjuh?t dhe t?u vijn? n? ndihm? emigrant?ve (i vetmi
teolog ortodoks shqiptaro-amerikan q? m?soi gjuh?n
shqipe, mundi t? siguroj? pun? vet?m n? nj?
institucion protestant). 

Dhe arsyeja tjet?r, si? e kemi theksuar, ?sht? mungesa
e mendimit teologjik n? Shqip?ri. Nuk mund t? zgjidhet
problemi kishtar dhe komb?tar i KOASh-it me
karagjozll?qet e autofeqalistave. Po t?iu heq?sh edhe
k?tyre qyqeve fanolizmin (Se ku dallohet fanolizmi nga
studimet noliane ?sht? tem? m? vete) dhe
antihelenizmin ?far? do t?iu mbetet t? gjor?ve?

Personalisht i p?rkas atij brezi q? p?r t? shikuar
drejt s? ardhmes s? Shqip?ris? nuk e g?njen veten me
p?rrallat e t? shkuar?s s? lavdishme dhe nuk ?sht?
pushtuar nga histeria e nacionalizmit anakronik.
Gjithashtu brezi yn? nuk i bie vajtuesh?m fyellit t?
shqiptarizmit mbi rr?nojat e historis? dhe as beson se
importimi i idhujve do ta mbush? zbraz?tir?n q? na
krijoi n? mendje dhe n? shpirt e kaluara komuniste.
Nuk pres nga Janullatosi q? t? pendohet se ?n? Ferr
nuk ka pendim?, por shpresoj dhe lutem q? njer?zit q?
jan? vet?thirrur t? na prijn? n? politik? dhe n?
kultur? k?to vite t? v?shtira, t? jen? dhe ata t?
vet?dijsh?m se procesi i demokratizimit dhe
nd?rgjegj?simit t? shoq?ris? shqiptare, n? rastin e
KOASh-it shkon me hapa t? shpejt? mbrapa, pavar?sisht
se Janullatosi e merr apo jo ?mimin Nobel.   

Fatmir Cici

__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 27 07:49:48 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 04:49:48 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [ALBANIAN] school address (fwd)
Message-ID: <20011127124948.26699.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: Etrit Bardhi <etrit at ALB-NET.COM>
Subject: [ALBANIAN] school address (fwd)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 07:34:52 -0500
Size: 2871
URL: <http://www.alb-net.com/pipermail/albsa-info/attachments/20011127/8c904022/attachment.mht>

From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Tue Nov 27 07:00:03 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 07:00:03 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Muslim Sicily (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0111270659150.20262-100000@is05.fas.harvard.edu>

thought this was interesting.
cheers,
eriola.

From: Carolyn F Balducci <balducci at umich.edu>
> ------------------------------------------------------------->
> > This is a copy of a letter sent this morning to the New York Times.
> > Gioacchino Balducci
> >

> > There is no mention in the map, timeline or article, "How Islam Won and
> > Lost the Lead in Science" (10/30/01), that Sicily was part of the Muslim
> > Empire. After Spain, Sicily was the second meeting point between Islamic
> > and European civilizations.
> >
> > For over two centuries, (828-1092 AD) Sicily was ruled by Aghlabid and
> > Fatimid caliphs of Northern Africa.  Travellers and geographers praised
> > the mosques of Palermo, palaces, bath houses, hospitals, markets, walls,
> > citadels and ports, etc. In addition to creating various new industries
> > like paper, silk, ship building and mosaic tiles, introduced new
> > agricultural products such as olive oil, enhanced export trade and mined
> > valuable minerals such as sulphur, ammonia, lead and iron
> >
> > Muslim Sicily was also a center of learning. The Arabic language was
> > spoken by all classes and it is still heard in the vocabulary of the
> > dialect spoken in Sicily today. Muslim Sicily produced a large number of
> > outstanding scholars and writers, such as the Sicilian poet Ibn Hamdis
and
> > the jurist and grammarian Ibn al Qatta'a, who wrote numerous books on
> > language, grammar, prosody and the history of Sicily. It is worth noting
> > that scholars have attributed the work of Arab poet Abu al Ma'arri as
> > being one of the literary sources of Dante's Divine Comedy.
> >
> > Though Sicily fell under the Norman rule (1093 -1189 A.D.) it continued
to
> > be semi-Islamic in religion as well as in its administrative and
military
> > systems. King Roger I (1093-1101 A.D.) not only provided Muslims
religious
> > freedom, but he also allowed them to retain their own judgicial and
> > legislative sectors.  He refused, furthermore, to participate in the
> > Crusades despite Papal insistence.  His successor, Roger II (1101-1154
> > A.D.), described by Michele Amari as an Arab sultan wearing a European
> > crown, inscribed all Sicilian coins in Arabic, Latin and Greek, the
> > languages used by his citizens.  His court in Palermo included numerous
> > Muslim poets and scientists, most notably the major Maghrebi geographer,
> > AI Idrisi who created the map of the world that formed the basis for the
> > map followed by Christopher Columbus.
> >
> > In conclusion, the mingling of the Arab, Greek and Latin cultures
> > transformed Sicily into a major intersection of Islamic and European
> > trade, affluence and culture which, in turn, contributed to the
emergence
> > of the complex economic and cultural forces that gave birth to the
> > Renaissance.
> >
> > Cordially,
> > Gioacchino Balducci
> > Ann Arbor, Michigan
> > gbalducci at prodigy.net
>
>




From naac at naac.org  Tue Nov 27 11:08:05 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 11:08:05 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Washington Post Article on Bytyqi Brothers
Message-ID: <00cd01c1775f$51a7bb70$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Tel: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
Dear Friends,
We wanted to share with you the following article that appeared in today's Washington Post about the Bytyqi Brothers.  The article also talks about the Bytyqi Family Fund created by NAAC to raise money for the return of the bodies of the Bytyqi Brothers to the US and for the funeral expenses.
In adition, Florim Lajqi who interns with our office in Washington is interviewed in this article.  


War Far From -- and Close to -- Home 
Three Sons Went Back To Fight for Kosovo. Their Father Still Waits. 

By Christine Haughney
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, November 27, 2001; Page C01 

NEW YORK
Florim Lagqi weaves his gold Nissan through the Bronx's Albanian neighborhood around Pelham Parkway, lowers the volume on his stereo and apologizes. He knows that not everybody appreciates romantic bellows about Kosovo war heroes.
If his friends the Bytyqi brothers were here, they would pop out Lagqi's patriotic tunes and put on some thumping house or techno. The three brothers would bug him to speed faster down the main four-lane strip with elevated trains rumbling above. And they would bug him in English, not Albanian. The Bytyqi brothers insisted that American boys -- and they considered themselves American boys despite their unbridled devotion to Kosovo -- speak English.
Instead, Lagqi cruises absently through Pelham's streets while his mind churns through war memories. When he and the Bytyqi brothers left New York in 1999 to fight against the Serbs with the Kosovo Liberation Army, his college professor -- a Vietnam War veteran -- wept. It took one day of fighting for this Bronx boy who left Kosovo when he was 3 to understand.
"The first day you have artillery shells falling close to you, you see people get wounded or killed and you feel bullets ricocheting off the rocks," says the 23-year-old.
War sticks with you. He learned that at 21. Now he wonders what so many young soldiers in Afghanistan will see and how it will haunt them.
He and the Bytyqi brothers were among nearly 400 young men from New York's Albanian communities who sold their sports cars and quit their $1,000-a-week jobs as waiters to fight for their relatives in Kosovo. They bristle when people call them "ethnic Albanian rebels" and "guerrilla fighters." They rattle off accounts of ransacked homes and dismembered relatives. The Albanian American soldiers of the Atlantic Brigade fought the Serbs for six weeks until a U.S.-led coalition compelled Slobodan Milosevic to sign a peace agreement and withdraw Serbian troops from Kosovo early that summer. Then most of the Atlantic Brigade returned home to New York.
Since he got back, Lagqi has tried to move far from that first day of war. In late spring he finally stopped having nightmares in which he would be shot and cut up by Serb soldiers.
With the news of what happened to the Bytyqi brothers, Lagqi has started to dream about the war again. It is nighttime; the Serbs perch on a hill and Lagqi thinks he is supposed to be dead. But the Bytyqi brothers bound through his dreams and bring him ammunition.

The Seeds of Change
When Lagqi was young, the word "Kosovo" conjured images of summer afternoons playing hide-and-seek in corn and grain fields on visits to cousins. The trips to the province of Serbia, Yugoslavia's largest republic, were a release from the cramped high-rises and clogged streets he knew in the Bronx. In Kosovo, his cousins didn't have fences -- only rows of apple and plum trees -- to mark where their land ended and their Serb neighbors' began.
Lagqi's first brush with the Serbs came when the neighbors' children hurled snowball-size rocks at him as he passed their fields. His cousins quickly briefed him on Serbs' "savageness," telling him "they could cut people up. . . . Basically I grew up believing that they're evil."
After Milosevic, then the Yugoslavian president, revoked Kosovo's autonomy in 1989, the ethnic unrest made visits too dangerous. The teen's fascination with the region grew. He closely followed the unfolding war, watching documentaries about the conditions and hearing from his relatives about violent demonstrations and Serb abuses.
By the winter of 1999, he was obsessed with the conditions of Albanians in Kosovo. He feared that Kosovo would turn into the next Bosnia and his relatives would be subjected to the same ethnic cleansing that took place there. "I just couldn't stand here and read about it," he says. Despite his parents' fears, he signed up for the Kosovo Liberation Army. He finished his junior-year midterms at John Jay College -- he was majoring in criminal justice -- withdrew before spring break and headed to war.
Lagqi first met the Bytyqi brothers at the soldiers' send-off party in early April. Amid the more reserved soldiers, all the long hugs and farewells, the Bytyqi brothers stood out with their loud American voices and constant jokes.

Over There
Ahmet Bytyqi (Ba-TOO-chee) clings to a picture of his three brave and brazen sons at that send-off party. It was the last time he saw them. As he sits on the back porch of an Albanian friend's modest pale-blue ranch house in the Hamptons, the dark shadows under his eyes hint at his helplessness.
"Those crazy bears," he says of the Serbs through bites of a thick steak and garden-grown hot peppers. "We got stabbed in the back and we won't be stabbed again."
He, his wife, his oldest son and daughter left Kosovo in 1972 because, Bytyqi says, Serbian prejudice against Albanians prevented him from getting a job. They settled in Chicago, where he worked as a machinist. His wife then gave birth to four sons: Iler in 1973, Ylli in 1975, Agron in 1976 and Mehmet in 1978.
In 1979, the couple had to return to Kosovo to care for their ailing parents. In Kosovo, they had another son, Fatos. But within months Ahmet came back to the United States, settling in the Hamptons, to make money for his wife and now seven children in Kosovo. They became a long-distance family and would stay that way for more than 20 years.
By the early 1990s, Serb prejudice against Albanians had grown so severe that new laws prevented Albanians from working, going to school, or buying and selling property without government permission. "Verbal crimes," such as insulting Serbians' "patriotic feelings," could mean prison time. For the Bytyqi brothers, the laws meant fidgety days at home because they could not go to work or school.
In 1993, four of the six sons fled to the Hamptons to live with their father. There the brothers worked as painters and pizza makers. On nights and weekends, they shot pool and flirted with women at the nearby Charlie Brown's Bar and Grill. They played volleyball on the beach. They cleared a friend's driveway of paint trucks and shot baskets. They built up a fleet of used cars -- a Mazda, a Jaguar, a Cadillac, various Dodges and a construction van. The brothers swapped them each time they broke down.
But the troubles in Kosovo tugged at them. They spent hours flipping through TV channels searching for news about the growing abuses of Albanians. They obsessed over how shaky their mother's voice sounded when she told them that tanks had surrounded their house in Prizren. In the spring of 1999, without telling their father, three of the four brothers signed up for the Atlantic Brigade.
When he found out, Ahmet warned: "You're not going to dance in nightclubs, you're going to war!" Then he vowed to follow his sons and fight, too.
But the Atlantic Brigade wouldn't allow an entire family to fight -- too much risk they could all die. Brigade officers finally agreed to take three brothers as long as they would remain separated. Ahmet and Iler, the oldest of the four brothers in the United States, would stay behind to raise money for the family.
"Daddy, we're going to come back," Ahmet remembers his three sons saying.
By the end of the charter flight to Kosovo, the brothers had caught the attention of the other soldiers. In the cramped bathroom, Agron bleached his dark hair a brassy blond. Mehmet tied an American-flag bandanna over his dark crew cut and chatted loudly about the Hamptons. Even the quieter brother, Ylli, boasted that he would use the skills he learned as a restaurant chef to make sure that none of his fellow soldiers died hungry.
Fellow soldiers say the Bytyqi brothers approached any war task with Spartan zeal. Ylli pushed past other KLA soldiers to grab food for his brigade. Mehmet carried a roasted sheep for three hours without taking any to eat for himself.
Sometimes their bravura bordered on brashness, as if they felt they could defy death. On the front line, Agron got so charged about firing at Serbs that fellow soldiers had to pull him to the ground when he stood up before snipers. Agron often left his helmet off so he could show off his bleached hair. Mehmet refused to wear his heavy bulletproof vest.
When NATO ended its bombing campaign against Yugoslavia in mid-June of '99, the brothers escorted their mother, sister and youngest brother, who had fled to an Albanian border town, back to their home in Prizren. When they called their brother in Long Island, Iler said they sounded "ecstatic" and promised to return after they had visited friends and relatives in Kosovo.

End of the Road
For nearly two weeks, Lagqi and the Bytyqi brothers celebrated. They drove around in a Volkswagen Golf the brothers borrowed from a cousin. Lagqi and Agron sped through Prizren's narrow streets while Agron boasted about Eastern Long Island's wide roads he soon would speed on.
On June 26, 1999, Lagqi met Agron and Mehmet for lunch at the family home of a fellow soldier. Dressed in American T-shirts and jeans, the brothers ate tomatoes, peppers and fresh bread and joked about how they soon would feast on lobster and steak in New York. They talked about the parade they hoped the Albanian community would hold for them when they returned and speculated on how their status as war heroes would impress women.
"See you in a couple of days," the brothers told Lagqi. They were heading to the city of Podujevo in northern Kosovo. Then they set out on what turned out to be their last drive.
The details of what happened next still plague Lagqi:
Agron and Mehmet Bytyqi picked up Ylli and several Gypsies who had protected their mother during the war. The group headed north to the Serb border, 3 1/2 hours away. At the makeshift Serb checkpoint of Merdare, officials stopped their car. The Serbs allowed the Gypsies to continue but arrested the brothers. A magistrate judge sentenced the Bytyqis to 15 days for illegally crossing the border between Serbia and Kosovo. The next day -- June 27 -- police transferred them to a prison in southern Serbia. Four days before the end of their sentence, a police inspector told the warden to release them into his custody. The brothers were not seen again.
On July 18, 1999, Lagqi showed up at the Grand Hotel in Pristina to meet the brothers and return with them to New York. "We made an agreement. If we're going to leave, we're going to leave together," Lagqi says.
He heard the rumors that Serb police had kidnapped the brothers and held them in prison. But like his fellow soldiers, Lagqi predicted that as Americans they would return home safely. He waitedtwo weeks for their return, then flew home with 15 fellow soldiers and promises from KLA soldiers who remained to pass on any news.
It wasn't until two years later that Lagqi found out what happened. Ahmet Bytyqi picked up his phone on the morning of July 13 this year. It was a sober State Department official saying they had found his sons' decomposed bodies on the top of a mass burial pit in the Yugoslav national forest. Their executioners -- apparently Serb policemen -- had tied their hands with wire, covered their heads in black hoods and shot them at close range. The brothers were wearing civilian clothes and carried documents identifying them as American citizens of ethnic Albanian origin. A later call said the police beat the brothers until their bones broke, then sprayed them with machine-gun fire.

Moving On
Through the thick haze of cigarette smoke hanging over a Grand Central Terminal bar, Lagqi appears with his girlfriend. She sulks over the prospect of spending another summer evening with KLA soldiers. But Lagqi explains how these men are like his brothers. He kisses her hand, apologizes early for the looming war talk and leads her to a table.
One by one the KLA veterans join them, greeting each other with hugs and jokes. They rotate their conversation between Albanian and English -- jokes about women and jabs at their masculinity.
After a round of beer, talk turns to the fighting in Macedonia between Macedonian government forces and ethnic Albanians of the National Liberation Army. The KLA soldiers say they will help the National Liberation Army fight. They say they will leave in September.
"I'm going," Lagqi vows. He will fight again, he vows.
But when September comes, he doesn't go.
Officials at the National Liberation Army headquarters ask his brigade to hold off and see if the peace process works out. The longer he waits, the more he wonders if he will be able to fight at all. The prospect of putting his life on hold for another war grows less appealing. He wonders if he can help Albanians in other ways -- "not with a gun, using my head."
He checks on his application to George Washington University -- he'd applied long before deciding to fight and was on the waiting list. He finds out he's in. Within days of the start of classes, he registers.
Lagqi wants to get a graduate degree in international affairs. That way he can return to Kosovo someday and help improve conditions for his relatives. He muses over whether his professors will help him understand why the Serbs shot and burned some of his cousins. Maybe he will learn what could have kept him from going to a war that replays in his mind each day, why Serb police killed the Bytyqi brothers.
He, Ahmet and the KLA soldiers have waited close to four months for their bodies to be returned for burial. They have raised $8,000 out of the $25,000 it will cost; the National Albanian American Council has set up a fund to help raise money. Since the Sept. 11 attacks, everything has been put on hold. But the State Department has promised to call Ahmet when it knows the bodies are coming back. When Lagqi picks up his phone in Washington, he hears the weeping of his girlfriend calling from Lower Manhattan, where she now cleans out asbestos from nearby damaged buildings. "I tell her: 'Look, it's part of life. Try to imagine the World Trade Center out of your head. Try to get the image of bodies out of your mind.' "
He consoles her about adjusting to the stench of death.
"After a while you take your hand off your nose."

? 2001 The Washington Post Company 

You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv.  If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed from these lists, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you.

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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Tue Nov 27 11:52:31 2001
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 11:52:31 EST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Unfinest Hour: Britain and the Destruction of Bosnia NEW BOOK by Brendan Simms
Message-ID: <12.161d1a7c.29351ed0@aol.com>

Unfinest Hour: Britain and the Destruction of Bosnia by Brendan Simms  

Britain's low, dishonest Balkan decade

Marcus Tanner
Independent, 13 November 2001

This is a book about grovelling: that is, a book about how the British establishment ? Parliament, Army, Foreign Office and Fourth Estate ? grovelled before Serbia's murderous dictator Slobodan Milosevic and his storm troopers in Bosnia from 1992 to 1995. Let's start with a photograph. It shows General Sir Michael Rose, British head of the UN peacekeepers in Bosnia, having what looks like a fantastic time with a mass murderer, Ratko Mladic, later indicted as a war criminal by the Hague tribunal.

Rose is a central character in the book. Running what Brendan Simms cites as a "a cross between a third-rate public school and a brothel" in his Bosnia HQ, he epitomised everything that was rotten, wrong and plain wicked about British policy in the Balkans. The book shows him to have been a mean-spirited bully towards the Muslims, and obsequious when it came to dealing with Mladic. Such was the climate of philistine Islamophobia at Rose's HQ that when he chanced on President Izetbegovic listening to classical music, he wondered how a Muslim could possibly appreciate its "Christian sentiments".

As Simms makes clear, Rose was not isolated in his doltish prejudices. All the departments of the British state and the two main political parties were as good as united in the belief that helping Bosnia (and Croatia) survive the Serb onslaught meant subscribing to some mysterious German conspiracy to take over the world. This phobia informed Britain's hostility to the American proposal to "lift and strike", meaning lift the arms embargo on Bosnia and strike the Serb armies encircling Sarajevo.

This opposition took Britain far down the road towards condoning Serbia's genocidal war aims. Listen to this. "The Serbs are one of the bravest, fiercest, most patriotic races on earth and always have been ? Greater Serbia is a dream that will never die." The voice of Milosevic? No, this is a British MP, Sir Peter Tapsell, in May 1995, three years after the gigantic massacres in the Drina valley and two months before Mladic exterminated the entire male Muslim population of Srebrenica, all 7,000 of them.

And here is Tam Dalyell, the revered Labour "Father of the House", coming up with the strange remark that the Serbs could not be guilty of ethnic cleansing because the Bosnian Muslims were not an ethnic group; they were the grandchildren of apostate Christians who had betrayed their faith under the Turks. Where did Dalyell get this tripe from? It sounds just like history according to Tanjug, Milosevic's "news" agency, which churned out mountains of pseudo-historical rubbish throughout the war.

There is a happy ending of sorts. In 1995 the Americans put Britain back in the box. They did what all the British generals and their smart-arsed media allies said was certain to bring the house down: they lifted and they struck. And no, there was no new Nazi German Reich and no Third World War. What happened was that the Greater Serbia that Tapsell had confidently prophesied fell apart, and Sarajevo's miserable three-year siege ended.

Some books are hard to put down. This one is hard to pick up and read for any length of time, so excruciating are the remarks and actions it records. Talk about a low, dishonest decade! Reading it made me want to throw my passport on the nearest rubbish heap, so total is the indictment not merely of the British state but of the British intelligentsia, too, from top to bottom and left to right. And how curious that two of the handful of parliamentarians to emerge with any credit on the business were David Trimble and Iain Duncan Smith.

Here we are, a few years on, and wondering why so many Muslims round the world ? not to mention here ? distrust and despise our much-proclaimed "values". Want to know why? This book provides part of the answer.





From Gazhebo at aol.com  Tue Nov 27 11:56:18 2001
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 11:56:18 EST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] PLEAE NOTE ONLY MY SECOND mesage is correct Unfinest....
Message-ID: <ff.fa4c4b6.29351fb3@aol.com>

Plese do not post my first mesage titled, 

Unfinest Hour: Britain and the Destruction of Bosnia NEW BOOK by Brendan Simms,  

since it is incoplete.

Thank you.

GAZ


From admin at albstudent.com  Tue Nov 27 13:40:02 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 10:40:02 -0800
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject)
Message-ID: <200111271840.fARIe2E11618@mail22.bigmailbox.com>

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 27 22:41:30 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 19:41:30 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Konica per Flamurin
Message-ID: <20011128034130.41620.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

FLAMURI

Flamuri permbledh kujtimet e shkuara te nje kombi dhe nje gjuhe 
te pashkruar qe mund ta kuptoj syri dhe zemra e cdo njeriu me
ndjenja.
Cilat jane kujtimet qe shfaq, duke valuar, Flamuri yne?
Nuk jane kujtime goditjesh kundra fqinjeve, nuk jane kujtime 
lakmirash dhe rrembimesh: jane kujtime vetembrojtjeje
me mundime te palodhura dhe me trimerira te gjata e te forta
qe kane lene gjurma ne letersine e gjithe popujve te qyteteruar.
Nga kjo pikepamje mund te mburremi se Flamuri yne, sic eshte
nje nga me te vjetrit e botes, eshte dhe nje nga me te drejtet.
                                        FAIK KONICA

(Postoi: Ferhat Ymeri)



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 27 22:42:05 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 19:42:05 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Interesting website
Message-ID: <20011128034205.53352.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.albanianculturalheritage.com/


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 27 23:22:32 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 27 Nov 2001 20:22:32 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Daily Mail
Message-ID: <20011128042232.59120.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>


 

DAILY MAIL (London) 

November 28, 2001 

PLANESPOTTER 'SPIES' ARE SENT BACK TO JAIL 

ROSS BENSON IN KALAMATA, GREECE 

HOPES of freedom for the British planespotters charged with spying in Greece were dashed again last night. 

After a degrading and humiliating day the 12, including a grandmother, were told they face at least ten more days in prison while the case is referred to a higher court. 

Three weeks since their arrest at an air base, they had all confidently hoped that the public prosecutor would accept their protestations that they were in Greece to look at aeroplanes - not to spy. 

There was a gasp when they were told they would be sent back down while three judges decide whether to commit them for trial. 'I can't believe this is happening,' said Perdita Norris, a nursery nurse whose husband Paul is one of the 12. 'How can they manacle my husband and lead him away as if he's a criminal? I'm very worried about their mental health. The stress they are facing is enormous.' 

The Britons face up to 20 years in prison if convicted of espionage. 

The day began when they were dragged into court in handcuffs in this Peloponnese town, surrounded by an eight-man armed escort of SWAT squad policemen. 

'This is shocking,' said Steve Rush, a 38-year- old green-keeper, from Caterham, Surrey, as he was bundled into an elevator and taken to the 

second floor to be interrogated by public prosecutor, Evangelos Ioanneis. 

One by one they were led into his office to tell the same story - that they were here to look at aeroplanes, that they had written permission from the Greek Ministry of Defence and a faxed letter from a senior brigadier in the airforce inviting them to attend open days at military airfields. 

'For goodness sake, this is just a hobby, nothing more,' said Wayne Groves, a railway manager from Tamworth, Staffordshire. 

The prosecutor clearly did not believe them. 

Like most Greeks, he finds it incomprehensible that anyone should choose to spend their leisure time taking down aeroplane numbers and ticking them off against the numbers in their reference books. 

Yannis Zacharias, lawyer for the 12, blames the United States for their predicament. 

'The new American ambassador, Thomas Miller, must have been the manager of a security firm in a previous life,' he said. 

'Ever since he got here he's been complaining to the Greek government about their appalling security. 

'After September 11 the Greeks decided to do something about it. These unfortunate people just happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time.' Last night the 12 were driven back - again in handcuffs - to the local police station. Today they will be herded into cages in a prison bus and driven to their jails. 

The men will be locked up in Nafplio, 80 miles outside Athens. Lesley Coppin, the 51-year-old grandmother who thought she was coming to Greece for a belated honeymoon with her husband Paul, is being taken to Coryallas, the notorious top-security jail near the Port of Piraeus, to be incarcerated with prostitutes and murderers. 

'I can't believe this is happening to me,' said Mrs Coppin, who married in February. 'The ridiculous thing is t h a t I d o n' t e v e n l i k e planespotting. I only came on this holiday for a break from the housework. Instead I am locked up in prison.' 

The 12 include the manager of an airfreight company and a BT manager. 

>From the British viewpoint the charges sound utterly absurd. One of the Greek air-force bases they are accused of spying on is Megara, which is where they film the top-rated Greek soap The Silent Skies, following the life and loves of four Greek airforce officers. When the 12 asked for a copy of an episode to show in their defence they were told that it was 'classified'. 

'That's ridiculous,' said Gary Fagan, 28, from Leicestershire. 'It's like saying Coronation Street or EastEnders is top secret.' 

Steve Warren, the son of Lesley Coppin, said he was 'devastated' the group had not been released. 

'I can't imagine the feelings they must be going through now,' he said. 'I just feel so angry and frustrated. I was expecting my mother at least would be released. She has had a terrible time and just wants to come home. 

'We have had constant reassurance from MPs and the Foreign Office that it would all be over but again they have been kept in custody. 

'I can't understand why they need more time when it is quite obvious they are all innocent.' 

Mr Warren, added that any information the group had in their notebooks was readily available to anyone with a vague interest in planes. 

'You can find out everything about what the Greeks have got in the way of planes on the internet. All these guys have in their notebooks are the plane numbers.' 

The Foreign Office said the remand was 'disappointing' in the light of Tony Blair's personal call last week to his opposite number Costas Simitis. 

But no fresh representations to the Athens government were planned last night. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Nov 27 23:41:31 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (aalibali at yahoo.com)
Date: Wed, 28 Nov 2001 04:41:31 +0000 ("GMT")
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [www.washtimes.com] Del Ponte Statement
Message-ID: <200111272341426.SM00167@ignatius>

aalibali at yahoo.com has sent you an article from The
Washington Times.



-----------------------------------------------------------

UN PROSECUTOR: BELGRADE SHIELDS GEN MLADIC

William M. Reilly
UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL

-----------------------------------------------------------

     The U.N. prosecutor said Tuesday Yugoslavia was
protecting Bosnian-Serb commander Gen. Ratko Mladic from
justice and former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic was
free in the Serb Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

     Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor of the International
Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia, sitting in The Hague,
complained to the Security Council at a meeting considering
additional judges for the war crimes court.

     "Mladic is enjoying protection as a Yugoslavian army
officer in Belgrade," she said. "He's granted a safe haven
by a member state of the United Nations, namely by the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. So much for Yugoslavia's
commitment to justice, truth and reconciliation.

     "As for Karadzic, he will soon begin his seventh year
as a fugitive," she told reporters, after making her formal
presentation. "Also, authorities in the Republic of Serbia
are very aware of his whereabouts. Behind (the Serbian
capital) Banja Luka's constant stonewalling, this
unacceptable fact also questions seriously the alleged
resolve of the international community to arrest Karadzic
and particularly of its capacity or lack of cooperation.

     "I cannot tell whether the result, or rather the lack
of results, speaks by itself," Del Ponte said. "More than
six years after the war in Bosnia and at a time when huge
resources are being devoted to the war against terrorism and
the arrest of the mastermind of the Sept. 11 attacks, I
think the victims' survivors of the Bosnia conflict rightly
deserve that a real effort be made towards the arrest of
Karadzic and Mladic."

     She was referring to the coalition's search in
Afghanistan for Osama bin Laden and his al Qaida followers.

     The prosecutor said that "if the Security Council wants
the tribunal to conclude its work as soon as possible it
must ensure that all indictees be promptly arrested and
transferred (to The Hague). There is no way we can finish
our task otherwise."

     Del Ponte said she has an a Belgrade address for
Mladic, "but that's it." She expressed hope the
international community would pressure Yugoslavia to arrest
and transfer Mladic for crimes in the Bosnian war of
1992-1995.

     Failing to apprehend the two, indicted for the 1995
Srebrenica massacre of up to 8,000 Muslim men and boys, "is
an affront to the authority of this council, and mocks the
entire process of international criminal justice," she said.

     Ambassador Dejan Sahovic, of Yugoslavia, told the
council the transfer of Milosevic was an indication of
Belgrade's cooperation with the tribunal which he described
as "proceeding well."

     However, he added, that cooperation was a two-way
process and the tribunal should make an effort to show to
Yugoslavians how its mission was balanced and impartial.




-----------------------------------------------------------
This article was mailed from The Washington Times
(http://www.washtimes.com/upi-breaking/27112001-082457-4820r
htm)
For more great articles, visit us at
http://www.washtimes.com

Copyright (c) 2001 News World Communications, Inc. All
rights reserved.



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Nov 28 07:37:14 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 28 Nov 2001 04:37:14 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] Book Review: Lutem, Coskun, Balkan Diplomasisi [Balkan  Diplomacy], Reviewed by Bestami S. Bilgic
Message-ID: <20011128123714.92103.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 
Balkan Academic Book Review 31/2001
_______________________________________

Omer E. Lutem and Birgul Demirtas Coskun (eds.) Balkan Diplomasisi. Ankara: ASAM, 2001. 311 pp., ISBN 975-6769-16-5 (paperback).

Reviewed by Bestami S. Bilgic (The George Washington University, Washington, DC) Email: bestami at gwu.edu
_______________________________________

Many in Turkey have said many things about the importance of the Balkans for Turkey. Romantic references to the Ottoman heritage have been made. The cultural similarities between the peoples of the Balkans have been underlined. The security considerations have been echoed. The economic dimension is often pointed to have played an important role in the relations between Turkey and the Balkan countries. Nonetheless, one cannot help wonder why the amount of academic books published in Turkey on the history and politics of the region is not proportional with the above mentioned rhetoric. Apart from translations from other languages, there are only a few works in the Turkish language about the history and politics of the Balkans.

ASAM [1] attempts to fill this gap a bit with this book on the Balkan diplomacy in the 1990s. Edited by Ambassador Omer E. Lutem, the head of the Balkan Studies Desk in ASAM, and Birgul Demirtas-Coskun, researcher in the same section, this book is a collection of 13 articles written by several Turkish researchers and three non-Turkish contributors, Amer Kapetanovic and Tufik Burnazovic of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Mihai Manea of Romania. 

The articles cover mainly the foreign policies of the Balkan countries with special focus on the 1990s. Croatia?s foreign policy is included, too, whereas that of Slovenia is left aside. There is also one piece about the nationalism of the Kosovar Albanians, by Emir Turkoglu, which is evidently considered by the editors as relevant to the general framework in the whole book, even though Kosovo/a does not have any independent foreign policy as such. Also, the policies of the EU, NATO, the United States and Russia vis-?-vis the region are analyzed.

The Wars of Yugoslav Succession, the Albanian question in the Balkans, and the Turkish-Greek relations form the bulk of the discussions. The analyses in the book show that contrary to the conventional wisdom the Yugoslav wars generated the rise of nationalism in the 1990s, not the other way round. The Albanian question, on the other hand, still remains to be solved, as the recent developments in Macedonia have shown us. At this point, too, the analyses in the book challenge another conventional idea that there is a compact Albanian entity in the Balkans. A particular attention is drawn to the differences between the Albanians in Kosovo/a, in Macedonia and in Albania proper. The 
answer of the question whether a ?Greater Albania?, including Kosovo/a, Western Macedonia, Albania and northwest of Greece, is a genuine Albanian aspiration, or a fabrication by others to turn the world public opinion against the Albanians needs more time to be seen clearly. It seems that there is modicum of truth in both cases. In the book it is argued that it is rather early for the observers of the region to provide a viable answer to this question. Coming to the Turkish-Greek relations, Murat Hatipoglu takes a skeptical stance and questions the substantiality of the current ?rapprochement?. He argues that not much has changed in the positions of the two countries as regards the bilateral issues that cause tension.

?Balkan Diplomasisi? shows us that foreign policy concerns of the Balkan countries in the 1990s were not very much different than those of any other European country. Irredentist dreams or nostalgic sighs in the region are faint today. Greeks do not make references to the ?Northern Epirus? (Southern Albania) or Bulgarians do not make an issue of ?Macedonia? or Romanians do not venture in reclaiming ?Bessarabia? etc. [2] The Balkan countries indeed have domestic ?ethnic? problems but these do not bring two or more states to actual 
war. Today the Balkan states turn their face to the West and yearn for admission to the Western economic and security structures. Among themselves they discuss how to overcome environmental problems, how to deal with organized crime, how to better transportation means, and finally how to establish bilateral and regional economic cooperation fora. ASAM seems to have thought necessary to bring these issues to the attention of the Turkish reader.
_________________________________________

Notes: 

[1] Avrasya Stratejik Arastirmalar Merkezi (Center for Eurasian Strategic Studies) is a prominent think-tank based in Ankara, Turkey. 

[2] Mark Mazower discusses this point briefly in his The Balkans (New York: The Modern Library, 2000) pp.155-156
_________________________________________

This an earlier book reviews are available at: www.seep.ceu.hu/balkans
_________________________________________

? 2001 Balkan Academic News. This review may be distributed and reproduced electronically, if credit is given to Balkan Academic News and the author.For permission for re-printing, contact Balkan Academic News. 

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From naac at naac.org  Thu Nov 29 18:04:38 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Thu, 29 Nov 2001 18:04:38 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nobel Laureate Dr. Ferid Murad Joins NAAC Honorary Board
Message-ID: <007d01c1792a$49ac9900$0301010a@sokol>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922, New York, NY 10001
Telephone: (202) 466-6900   Fax: (202) 466-5593
Web: www.naac.org   Email: naac at naac.org
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release: November 29, 2001    Contact: Sokol Shtylla (202) 466-6900
 
PRESS RELEASE
 
Nobel Laureate Dr. Ferid Murad Joins the Honorary Board of NAAC 
 
Washington, DC, November 29, 2001: The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) issued the following statement announcing Dr. Ferid Murad as a new member of its Honorary Board:
 
1998 Nobel Prize in Medicine or Physiology Laureate Dr. Ferid Murad has joined the Honorary Board of the National Albanian American Council.  Dr. Murad's father was born in Albania and immigrated to the United States in 1913, at the age of 16.  
 
In over three decades of his career, Dr. Murad has contributed to the medical and pharmaceutical fields as a distinguished researcher, doctor, executive, and professor.  He is a member of the National Academy of Sciences and the Association of American Physicians and is the recipient of such prestigious prizes as the Lasker Award for Basic Research and the American Heart Association - Ciba Award.  Since 1997 Dr. Murad has served as Chairman of the Department of Integrative Biology, Pharmacology and Physiology at The University of Texas-Houston Health Science Center Medical School.    
 
In October 1999, the President of Albania, Rexhep Meidani, awarded Dr. Murad with the "Honor of the Nation" award, the highest civilian award of the country.  Dr. Murad has been actively involved in Albanian issues, especially since the war in Kosova.  In September 2001 he wrote to President Boris Trajkovski of Macedonia and Arben Xhaferi, the leader of the Democratic Party of Albanians in Macedonia, urging them and other politicians in Macedonia to move forward with the ratification and implementation of the peace agreement.    
 
Dr. Murad joins other prominent individuals on the NAAC Honorary Board including Anthony Athanas, Bret A. Clesi, Thomas Christo, Dr. Sami Repishti, Ambassador William Ryerson, Bardhyl R. Tirana, and Ambassador William Walker.
 
For more information on the Board and the National Albanian American Council, please visit us on the Internet at: www.naac.org
 
The National Albanian American Council ("NAAC") is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights, and conducting educational and developmental programs.

###
You are receiving this message because you have requested information about our organization directly from us or through an internet listserv.  If you no longer wish to receive such information and would like to be removed, please notify us at naac at naac.org or the listserv that has distributed this information to you.
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 29 19:03:34 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 29 Nov 2001 16:03:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Daily Telegraph
Message-ID: <20011130000334.20124.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) 
November 29, 2001, Thursday 
Pg. 29 

Trust the Greeks to jail the wrong terrorists 

By BORIS JOHNSON 


There is a long history of tourists going to Greece and making fools of themselves. Byron defaced the temple at Sunium. Readers with long memories may recall the German who disgraced himself on Skyros, by punishing the municipality's two mascot pelicans with such affection that they dropped dead. Lawrence Durrell regularly profaned Corfu with his naked form; but nothing, for sheer eccentricity, beats the performance of the 12 plane-spotters at Kalamata. 

Here they were, on a package trip to the isles of Greece - the isles of Greece, where grew the arts of war and peace, where Phoebus rose, where Delos sprung. They had the chance to see the Parthenon in the autumn sunshine. Had their priorities been in order, they could have nodded off, with the help of Bacchus, on the slopes of Parnassus, or wandered the deserted beaches and looked out at the wine-dark sea. And what did they do instead, these crazy English? They packed their Bovril sandwiches and they filled up their vacuum flasks and zipped up their kagouls. They hopped into a minivan and they tooled off to Kalamata, a region distinguished only for its olive trees (many of which do not really exist, since they were invented to attract EU funding); and then they came to a particularly drab airbase, and stood for hours with their noses pressed to the wire mesh, writing down the serial numbers of helicopters. 

Yes, one can forgive the Greeks for a certain initial mystification. What one cannot forgive, three weeks later, when the quaint English habit of plane-spotting has been explained, is the way our harmless nerds have been treated. They have now been held for three weeks without trial, and face a further 10 days in chokey, while one Greek judge defers to another, and the Greek media urge the judiciary on no account to bow to foreign pressure. 

Suppose we were still locked in a Cold War with the Soviet Union; and suppose that 12 blinking English plane-spotters had been arrested at a base in Sverdlovsk. Even then, it is difficult to believe that the Russian authorities would have behaved with such mule-headed brutality. There is a woman among the party, Mrs Lesley Coppin, a grandmother of 51, who now faces another 10 days in the notoriously violent women's jail in Athens, in a dormitory of 14. The men describe their conditions as "filthy", and say they are sleeping on thin mattresses on a concrete floor. 

Look at the pictures of these people, rushed from court to prison, pale, manacled, haggard. Is it really possible to believe that they are agents of the CIA? Are these Greek judges a few olives short of a picnic, or do they really think that Mrs Coppin was on the point of ringing up Ankara? 

The Greeks will presumably retort that they must be extra vigilant after September 11. They will tell us that they are just doing their bit in the war against terror. If only that were credible. Contrast the Greek bullying of the Peloponnese 12 with the Greek passivity towards real terrorists. It is now 18 months since Brigadier Stephen Saunders, the British military attache in Athens, was gunned down by two motorcyclists, as he drove to work through the morning smog. Though responsibility for his murder was claimed by N17, a Marxist-Leninist terror group, there has been no success in tracing his killers. 

More amazing still, there has been no success, over the past 25 years, in finding any member of N17 - and this is a group that is responsible for at least 100 terrorist outrages and has killed 23 people. On the day of Brig Saunders's killing, James Woolsey, a former director of the CIA, said: "I believe there are people within the Greek government who know some members of N17." Given that the terrorists are thought to have emanated from the bowels of Andreas Papandreou's Pasok, whose heirs are now in power, that claim seems plausible. 

In one sense, of course, the Greeks are being outrageously inconsistent: toughing up our plane-spotters and failing to catch the killers of our diplomats. The real sadness, though, is that both are characteristic of the general Greek touchiness: a chronic and childish resentment about the role in the world of America, and of Britain, America's closest ally. 

Greece is the European country most fervently against the current war on terrorism. According to a recent poll, 30 per cent of Greeks believe that the Americans organised for the jets to fly into the World Trade Centre. Their idea, apparently, is that the Americans wanted an excuse to invade Afghanistan. An amazing 30 per cent of Greeks are prepared to express "understanding" for the suicide bombers (though presumably not the same 30 per cent who think the bombers were the Americans themselves). 

At a Uefa match in Athens, not long after the massacre, 30,000 Greek soccer fans jeered through the minute's silence, while the Stars and Stripes was later burnt in the stands. A recent poll found that 78 per cent of Greeks voting for centrist or Left-wing parties were anti-American, while 58 per cent of Right-wing voters were anti-American. 

You may think that a curious way to repay the country that has kept the peace in Europe for 50 years, and prevented Greece from going communist. But that is the way they think. It is time they grew up. 

Why should anyone take Greece's side in the dispute over Cyprus? Turkey is the country that has backed the Northern Alliance and helped to oust the Taliban. All the Greeks have done is burn the US flag, stage demonstrations shouting "Down with Bush the killer", and incarcerate, without trial, a hapless bunch of British plane-spotters. 

The Peloponnese 12 should be sprung, immediately, or else Britain should threaten to boycott the 2004 Olympics, if only on grounds of security. 

Boris Johnson is editor of The Spectator and MP for Henley 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 29 19:14:42 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 29 Nov 2001 16:14:42 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Daily Mail: Albanian Inmates Help Brits
Message-ID: <20011130001442.51721.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

  


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 29 19:15:04 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 29 Nov 2001 16:15:04 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Daily Mail: Albanian Inmates Help Brits
Message-ID: <20011130001504.51841.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

DAILY MAIL (London) 
November 29, 2001 
FREE THE PLANESPOTTER 12 

ROSS BENSON 


The look that tore across the faces of the 12 British planespotters when they were told they were going back to prison was a mix of shock and dread and it was distressing to witness. 

They were expecting to be set free. I certainly thought they would be. The laws of natural justice demanded it. They have done nothing wrong. Their hobby 'may seem a little odd', as Peter Norris, who is one of the spotters, readily admitted to me. 'But is that a crime?' By Greece's preposterous laws, it clearly is. 

It had been a disgraceful day. The 12, including a 51-year-old grandmother, had been dragged into court in handcuffs, surrounded by a phalanx of armed policemen. 

They are accused of spying and they had been ruthlessly interrogated by the public prosecutor for 12 hours in a barren courtroom. They had been given only a piece of bread to eat and a glass of water to drink. 

An armed guard had accompanied them whenever they went to the lavatory and insisted the door be kept open. 

And at the end of those humiliations, at the very moment they thought their three-week ordeal was at an end, they were told they were going back to prison for at least another ten days, maybe a month - and possibly for as long as 20 years. 

It is every British tourist's worst fears made real and it showed. When they were told their fate and the policeman rushed forward to clamp the manacles back on, their shoulders slumped, their heads fell forward and there was an audible gasp of disbelief. 

But there was something else, too, and I could see it on their faces even in the dimly-lit court corridor strewn with empty paper cups and cigarette butts - and that was their look of utter disgust. 

'We've been terribly badly let down,' said Lesley Coppin, the grandmother whose husband, Paul, organised this ill-fated tour to Greece. 

Let down by their lawyers, who had manifestly failed to explain the hobby of planespotting to a disbelieving prosecutor. 

By the British Embassy, which, instead of exercising Britain's diplomatic might, has preferred to play by the diplomatic rulebook and 'let Greek justice take its course' (it is situations like this which explain why Lady Thatcher so detested the Foreign Office). And, most of all, by the Greeks. 

Greece is our partner in the European Community but its legal system is archaic, unjust and Third World. It is also cruel. Instead of being allowed out on bail on charges that any British judge would have thrown out of court, the 12 are back behind bars. 

They are being held in repellent conditions. The men are in the prison at Nafplion, 80 miles outside Athens. 

They are made to sleep on thin mattresses on a concrete floor because there are not enough beds for all inmates. They must buy their own food and several are suffering from severe stomach upsets after drinking the polluted water from the fountain in the corridor outside their cell. 

They had no cups or plates until the British Embassy finally got round to bringing them some, and they had to borrow eating utensils from the other prisoners. 

'Most of the other inmates are illegal immigrants from Albania,' said Peter Norris. 'We have come to rely on them. They have lent us money to buy loo paper and cups of coffee. 

'I never thought I would have to seek help from Albanians, but I have to say that they have been very kind to us.' 

T imes are tough for Norris and the other men, but they are even worse for Lesley Coppin, the only woman in the party. I went to see her in the police cells in Kalamata, where she was being held overnight before being taken before the prosecutor. 

I took her chocolate and cigarettes. I tried to cheer her up, but that proved to be impossible. She is too distraught to be cheered by mere words. 

'I am not a spy - I am just an ordinary housewife,' she told me, over and over again, and she certainly didn't look like a latter-day Mata Hari. 

She was wearing a white T-shirt and a pair of floppy grey trousers. Both were grimy with prison dirt. She was sleeping on a thin mattress laid on a bare concrete ledge with only a thin blanket for warmth. 

Her lavatory is a hole in her cell floor. Her hair was unwashed because there is no hot water and she has no soap. Her eyes were red from crying. 

She told me: 'I want to see my granddaughter, Jennifer, who is 12. And I desperately miss my golden retriever, Emmie. I know she is very miserable without me. All I want to do is go home.' 

Instead, she was put in a cage in the back of a prison bus and driven for seven hours to Korydallos, the notorious top-security prison near the port of Piraeus. 

There, she is locked in a cell with 18 hard-bitten female criminals, including prostitutes and murderers. 

'There is a woman here who chopped up her husband and then buried him in the garden and planted onions on top of his grave,' she said. 'I didn't think people like this existed outside the pages of a novel.' 

But they do. These are the people Lesley, assistant manager of a pizza parlour in Mildenhall, Suffolk, is going to have to mix with in the days to come. And that is unconscionable. 

Yesterday the British ambassador, David Madden, went to see the Greek Minister of Justice to urge him to put pressure on the three judges who have now taken over this extraordinary, absurd case to speed up their review of what is called 'evidence' - but consists of nothing more than a few notebooks, a spotters' guide to aeroplanes and some holiday snaps taken on a beach - with not a plane in frame. 

As things stand at the moment, however, Mr Madden's words are unlikely to have any effect. 

The planespotters were arrested in the little seaside town of Kalamata and it is little men who are in charge of the case. 

And like little men everywhere, they are revelling in their authority. They cannot comprehend why grown men should wish to spend their leisure hours looking at planes. 

All this is disturbing news for the 11 men locked up in Nafplion. 

It is even more upsetting for Lesley Coppin, alone in a foreign jail surrounded by the criminal scum of the Aegean. 

As I looked at the forbidding grey walls of her prison, I felt a sense of shame that we could allow this to happen to her. The Greeks have no moral right to lock her up because she has done nothing wrong. Nor have any of the others. 

They are law-abiding British subjects who came to Greece to enjoy their hobby. And in the front of their British passport it states, clearly and unequivocally, that they be allowed 'to pass freely without let or hindrance.' 

It is now the duty of Tony Blair's government to give real meaning to those words. 



---------------------------------
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Nov 29 23:00:23 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 29 Nov 2001 20:00:23 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Editorial and Response - Washington Times
Message-ID: <20011130040023.33071.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

The Washington Times 
November 25, 2001, Sunday, Final Edition 

PART B; COMMENTARY; EDITORIALS; Pg. B2 

A reign of terror in Greece 

Has Greece become a danger zone for Americans and American businesses? So it would seem. The latest incident is a bomb explosion outside an American Express bank branch in a suburb of Athens. So far no arrests, and no claims of responsibility. That's nothing new. In Greece, assassination of Americans and attacks on American property have become routine. Most recently, terrorists bombarded the U.S. embassy in central Athens and assassinated the British defense attache. Earlier, attempts on the lives of the Dutch and German ambassadors were made. Within the last 25 years, there have been assassinations of an American diplomat and three American military officers and life-threatening attacks on 30 other U.S. officials. During this reign of terror, there have been no arrests, no suspects and no convictions. If the Greek government has granted terrorists immunity, the rest of the civilized world has a problem: Athens will be the scene of the Olympics in 2004. Are we going to witness a tragedy like the one on Sept. 5, 1972, at the Munich Olympics, when 11 Israeli athletes were assassinated by a Palestinian terrorist group that called itself Black September, a covert unit of the Palestine Liberation Organization? All competing athletes, especially American athletes, are potential targets of the so-called November 17, a terrorist organization that surfaced in 1975 to commemorate suppression of a student uprising by an earlier military dictatorship. 

We have the word of a former U.S. ambassador to Athens, Thomas Niles, who told the New York Times that there are links between Greece's ruling political elite and November 17. He said he had given Greek authorities a list of potential suspects linked to the terrorist organization, a Marxist-Leninist group with sympathizers including "prominent members of Greek society." 

November 17 is an equal opportunity terrorist network; scores of Greek citizens have also been assassinated. Last year, there were 100 political bombings. November 17 uses high explosives, mortars and rocket grenades, mostly stolen from Greek police and military arsenals. Same story: no arrests, no suspects, no convictions and no serious investigations. 

Wayne Merry - a former State and Pentagon official who worked in Athens - tried in vain to get the Greek government to do something about this reign of terrorism. "The chances the terrorists will be caught," he writes in the Weekly Standard, "are very low, but the chances for more American victims are high."(spade) 

There is no question that American athletes and tourists will be targeted by November 17. The Greek government has demonstrated that it is incapable of stopping these criminals. Two years ago, former CIA Director James Woolsey and Ambassador L. Paul Bremmer III, who headed a congressional inquiry into fighting terrorism, suggested that Greece be put on the list of countries facing sanctions for failing to do anything about November 17. The Bush administration should seriously consider pressing to move the Olympics to a country where Americans will be safer than they will be in Athens. 


=====

The Washington Times 

November 29, 2001, Thursday, Final Edition 

PART A; COMMENTARY; EDITORIALS; LETTERS; Pg. A20 

 Editorial paints peaceful Greece as country of routine violence 


>From its headline to its last sentence urging a change of venue for the 2004 Olympics, your Nov. 25 editorial "A reign of terror in Greece" is so malicious that one is compelled to question your motivation. Reading it, one wonders whether it is targeting an enemy of the United States rather than an ally that has been standing alongside the United States in the fight against international terrorism and closely cooperating for the eradication of domestic terrorism. 

Those in the U.S. government and the 12 million tourists who safely visit Greece every year certainly will disagree with your portrayal of the country, one of the safest democracies in Europe, as a haven for terrorists who kill at random in the streets of Athens or bomb foreign embassies. 

Though reprehensible, it is amazing that a victimless explosion outside a building that houses a suburban American Express office, no doubt the work of a misguided individual, would suddenly provoke a rehash of all the hyperbolic accusations made by a small number of former U.S. officials. These individuals have never responded to repeated invitations to produce evidence of their damaging claims, and their recommendations have been rejected repeatedly by the Bush administration and Congress. It also is astonishing that your editorial states that the "assassination of Americans and attacks on American property have become routine." Most of the 21 victims since 1975 have been Greeks, but four have been U.S. officials, whose families' grief we share. However, this tragic and unacceptable loss of human life is far from a "routine" occurrence in Greece. 

So, far from "granting terrorists immunity," as you suggest, the Greek government, with the full cooperation of the FBI (which has operated an office in Athens for the past 10 years), British and other European law enforcement agencies, has made diligent efforts to track down and bring to justice those responsible for these attacks. As you correctly say, those efforts have not succeeded so far. However, this is not for lack of effort or political will. Indeed, two suspected terrorists were killed in a confrontation with police, and others have been investigated and arrested. In a democratic country, however, credible and strong evidence is needed to convict in a court of law. Unlike organized and identifiable terror groups in other countries, Greece's November 17 criminals are a small, elusive, clandestine group, which acts sporadically against specific targets and is extremely difficult to penetrate. They are like the Unabomber, who evaded capture in the United States for more than 18 years, or the perpetrator of the bombing at the 1996 Atlanta Olympics, who remains at large five years later. 

Greece's commitment to tackling the problem is recognized in the latest terrorism report by the U.S. State Department, in April, which stated that the "Greek government has undertaken some meaningful steps to combat terrorism." This is conveniently ignored in your editorial, as are expressions of appreciation by Secretary of State Colin L. Powell and other U.S. officials for the military and other facilities that Greece has provided to the United States in its anti-terrorism campaign. 

Today, more than ever, fighting terrorism is one of the highest priorities of the Greek government and, more than ever, Greeks feel the urgency and clearly see the dangers of this scourge. 

In its stepped-up anti-terror program, the Greek government last summer passed legislation that streamlines the judicial process in terrorist trials, provides for DNA testing, conveys broader police surveillance powers and establishes a witness protection program. A reward of more than $4 million has been offered for information, using confidential hot lines, leading to the apprehension of terrorists. With good police work, international cooperation and the support of the public, we hope the desired results will come soon. Authorities will not rest until the terrorists are behind bars. 

This effort has been intensified in view of the approaching 2004 Olympic Games. A comprehensive security plan costing more than $600 million has been approved by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and is upgraded constantly. It provides for thousands of special security units, surveillance cameras and border guards to prevent problems, whether from a domestic or foreign source. An international advisory group also has been formed, with security experts from the United States, Israel, Britain, Germany, Australia, Spain and France, offering their expertise to the Greek authorities. Greek police officers observed the security measures of the Sydney Olympics and are already in Salt Lake City for the Winter Olympic Games. 

In addition to the approval of the IOC itself, senior officials of the United States - including President Bush and Mr. Powell - have looked forward to the successful and trouble-free Olympics in the land of their ancient birth. The U.S. ambassador to Greece, Thomas Miller, responded to the points raised by your editorial in a TV interview in Athens Monday. He spoke of the "excellent cooperation" between Greece and the United States in confronting the terrorist threat and assured his audience that he feels perfectly safe in Athens, where, he added, both he and his wife were glad to be assigned for the third time. 

ACHILLES PAPARSENOS 

Press counselor 

Embassy of Greece 

Washington 



---------------------------------
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From m_tusha at hotmail.com  Fri Nov 30 08:53:05 2001
From: m_tusha at hotmail.com (mirela tusha)
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2001 13:53:05 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shqiperia: rrenje greke??????????
Message-ID: <F127mR6hEqZFb7vB92d000097c4@hotmail.com>

Miredita te gjitheve,

Ne revisten "National Geographic", versioni francez, pashe te botuar nje 
artikull per Shqiperine. Qe ne kopertine ishte shkruar " Albanie: des 
racines grecques" (Shqiperia: rrenje greke) dhe autorja trajtonte e mbronte 
nje teze te tille ne shkrimin e saj. Nuk mund ta kaperdij kete. Do ju 
lutesha atyre qe dijne frengjisht ta lexojne kete artikull dhe nese kane 
mundesi te reagojne. Une personalisht nuk i perkas fushes se historise apo 
arkeologjise, keshtu qe nuk mund ti pergjigjem me argumenta kesaj shpifjeje, 
di vetem qe greket gjate gjithe historise kane dashur te asimilojne popullin 
shqiptar me te gjitha format, dhe me se fundi ate qe po bejne me refugjatet 
shqiptare, qe u nderrojne emrin e fene.

Me respekt

_________________________________________________________________
Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp



From admin at albstudent.com  Fri Nov 30 09:44:31 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2001 06:44:31 -0800
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] George Harrison...
Message-ID: <200111301444.fAUEiVH15998@mail4.bigmailbox.com>

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 30 18:40:55 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2001 15:40:55 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Daily Mail
Message-ID: <20011130234055.36246.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

DAILY MAIL (London) 
November 30, 2001 


EIGHTEEN MONTHS AFTER MY HUSBAND WAS MURDERED, I'M STILL WAITING FOR JUSTICE FROM GREECE 
AS THE PLANESPOTTERS' PLIGHT WORSENS, ONE WOMAN LOOKS ON WITH ESPECIAL SYMPATHY - PROMPTED BY HER OWN TRAGIC EXPERIENCE IN GREECE. HEATHER SAUNDERS' HUSBAND, BRIGADIER STEPHEN SAUNDERS, WAS MURDERED BY TERRORISTS IN ATHENS LAST YEAR AND NO ONE HAS BEEN BROUGHT TO JUSTICE. THIS IS HER STORY E 


More than 18 months after my husband was gunned down, his killers, from the militan Left-wing nationalist group known as November 17, are still at large. 

Indeed, as far as I am aware, not one single member of that pernicious organisation has ever been caught, in spite of a series of brutal political murders of public figures, foreign and Greek, over the past quarter-century. 

So I need no persuading that the wheels of justice, Greek-style, grind frustratingly slowly. So slowly, sometimes, that the temptation is to give way to frustration and anger - and to conclude that members of the security services, police and judiciary are not merely incompetent, but are perhaps being deliberately obstructive. And to conclude (however unfairly) that the Greek government doesn't really care about its relationship with this country or its reputation with other EU members. 

There are even experts - though I am not convinced by them - who say members of November 17 appear to live a charmed life because they are protected by members of the socialist (Pasok) government who have some residual revolutionary sympathy for their anti-Western rhetoric, if not their ghastly activities. 

That is why I feel so strongly for the 12 British planespotters. Common sense and the evidence produced so far suggest that this slightly nerdish group were doing no more than following their strange hobby with too much enthusiasm. 

Of course, you can argue that they were foolish to do so with quite such enthusiasm in a Balkan country which - with some historic reason - has long been fearful for its national security and is now more nervous than ever. 

Its relations with Turkey have always been appalling, and now post-communist Albania is also seen as a threat. And Greece has historically seen itself as defending the European front line against Islamic expansionism. But the truth is surely that the 12 were foolish and foolishness is not a crime - even in Greece. So why are they now languishing in horrifying jails? Perhaps my experience with Greek politicians, security men and bureaucrats, since the murder of my husband, can help provide some answer. 

I write as one who knows Greece, and who continues to love that sometimes infuriating nation in spite of what happened to my husband - and what happened subsequently. 

That is why I am so concerned today for the image that country is presenting to the world. 

You must begin by realising that Greece is a very foreign country. Only recently, as a result of its membership of the EU, is it even beginning to adopt what might be called West European ways. 

As I discovered after the murder of my husband, things move desperately slowly and questions of honour and pride - both personal and national - are desperately important. 

The sympathy I received from ordinary people and public figures was overwhelming and sincere and did much to sustain me. But to get rapid and effective action from the police, the judiciary and the intelligence services was another matter. 

The idleness, incompetence and the Byzantine complexity of the internal politics of these organisations has been notorious - and until recently simply accepted by most Greeks. 

Ironically, some members of the current government, including Prime Minister Costas Simitis, are, I am convinced, genuinely determined to modernise the country. But it takes an infuriatingly long time to achieve results. 

Let me give you two examples. For many years, it has been clear that Greece's anti-terrorist laws were weak and ineffective. After the death of my husband, the government accepted that there was a problem. Even so, it took more than a year to get new legislation onto the statute book. 

And when Scotland Yard's offer to send a team of anti-terrorist specialists to Greece to work with the officers investigating Stephen's murder - and to help train the Greek security services - was taken up, they found very little evidence was available concerning a quarter of a century of atrocities committed by November 17. Was this past idleness or incompetence, or had the evidence been destroyed by Left-wing elements within the investigating authorities? Who can tell? 

But the investigation into my husband's death and the fate of the planespotters suggests that we should proceed cautiously with plans for common European arrest warrants and extradition procedures. 

Meanwhile, if the Greek government cannot bring themselves to send the 12 home at once, they should at least be given bail or decent prison accommodation. 

Anything less would confirm the feeling is growing in this country - and which I deplore - that Greek criminal investigations and justice are tainted and not to be trusted, and that Greece is not to be trusted. 

I hope and pray that this is not the case. 




---------------------------------
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From albboschurch at juno.com  Fri Nov 30 19:48:23 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church)
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2001 19:48:23 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] TOMORROW!  ST GEORGE CATHEDRAL CHRISTMAS BAZAAR
Message-ID: <20011130.195804.-87007.16.albboschurch@juno.com>

Great Albanian Gifts!  Wonderful Food & Albanian Pastry! Rare Finds! 
-----------------------------------------------------------------
   SAINT GEORGE CATHEDRAL CHRISTMAS BAZAAR
                     Saturday, December 1st, 2001

   A wide variety of seasonal tables is offered at the Christmas Bazaar
at Saint George Cathedral, 523 East Broadway to be held on Saturday,
December 1, 2001 from 10 am to 3 pm. Two floors of unique displays offer
hand-made Christmas Bulbs, a Cathedral exclusive sure to delight your
friends.  A sumptuous luncheon menu at the Ethnic Cafe features sauteed
lamb dinners, caesar salad, grilled sausages and hot dogs, and the famous
Albanian Spinach and Leek Pies. Also highlighted are Boutique Array,
Holiday Gift Center, Christmas Cavalcade, Collectibles, White Elephant
Table, Religious Shoppe, General Store, Albanian Pastry, Cakes and
Cookies, Toys and Books.  The Victorian Reception Room and Fellowship
Halls present a unique ambience for browsing and finding just that
perfect gift. Proceeds benefit the Sunday School and Education Programs.
Admission is free. See you there!  SPECIAL THIS YEAR: Albanian Eagle Xmas
Stockings!
________________________________________________________________
GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO!
Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less!
Join Juno today!  For your FREE software, visit:
http://dl.www.juno.com/get/web/.


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Nov 30 21:52:04 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 30 Nov 2001 18:52:04 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Virus Alert
Message-ID: <20011201025204.55819.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.lastampa.it/redazione/news_high_tech/badtrans.asp


---------------------------------
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From naac at naac.org  Fri Nov  9 15:52:06 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 15:52:06 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Flag Day Celebration in New York
Message-ID: <00ec01c16960$a3496e40$0301010a@sokol>





 

The National Albanian American Council

 

in conjunction with

 

New York State Governor George E. Pataki

 

cordially invite you to celebrate

 

ALBANIAN FLAG DAY 2001

(Dita e Flamurit)

 

Tuesday, November 27th, 2001

 

Proclamation, Photo Opportunity and Press Conference

3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m.

Governor's Executive Chamber

633 Third Avenue, 38th Fl.

New York, New York

 

Cocktail Party and Formal Dinner

6:00 p.m. to 10:00 p.m.

Yale Club

50 Vanderbilt Avenue

New York, New York

 

Sponsorship

Event Chairperson: $10,000 (Two Tables of Ten)

Event Co-Chairperson: $5,000 (One Table of Ten)

Event Patron: $1,000 (Dinner for Two)

Individual Attendee: $500

 

($125 per person is not tax-deductible)

 

RSVP with Cristina Gjomarkaj Verger at (212) 685-7722, tastythoughts at aol.com

 

Make checks payable to: 

National Albanian American Council

481 8th Avenue, Suite 922

New York, New York 10001

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From rlukaj at bear.com  Thu Nov  8 20:10:00 2001
From: rlukaj at bear.com (Lukaj, Richard (Exchange))
Date: Thu, 8 Nov 2001 20:10:00 -0500 
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject)
Message-ID: <A96FB38C510FD511A1180003473BBF1C0105E3EA@whmsx35.is.bear.com>


 
The National Albanian American Council
 
in conjunction with
 
New York State Governor George E. Pataki
 
cordially invite you to celebrate
 
ALBANIAN FLAG DAY 2001
(Dita e Flamurit)
 
Tuesday, November 27th, 2001
 
Proclamation, Photo Opportunity and Press Conference
3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m.
Governor's Executive Chamber
633 Third Avenue, 38th Fl.
New York, New York
 
Cocktail Party and Formal Dinner
6:00 p.m. to 10:00 p.m.
Yale Club
50 Vanderbilt Avenue
New York, New York
 
Sponsorship
Event Chairperson: $10,000 (Two Tables of Ten)
Event Co-Chairperson: $5,000 (One Table of Ten)
Event Patron: $1,000 (Dinner for Two)
Individual Attendee: $500
 
($125 per person is not tax-deductible)
 
RSVP with Cristina Gjomarkaj Verger at (212) 685-7722, tastythoughts at aol.com
 
Make checks payable to: 
National Albanian American Council
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922
New York, New York 10001
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From rlukaj at bear.com  Fri Nov  9 13:32:25 2001
From: rlukaj at bear.com (Lukaj, Richard (Exchange))
Date: Fri, 9 Nov 2001 13:32:25 -0500 
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANYONE UNDER THE AGE OF 35 CAN PARTICIPATE AT THE DISCOUNTED YOUT
 H PRICE OF $250 PER PERSON
Message-ID: <A96FB38C510FD511A1180003473BBF1C0105E40F@whmsx35.is.bear.com>


 
The National Albanian American Council
 
in conjunction with
 
New York State Governor George E. Pataki
 
cordially invite you to celebrate
 
ALBANIAN FLAG DAY 2001
(Dita e Flamurit)
 
Tuesday, November 27th, 2001
 
Proclamation, Photo Opportunity and Press Conference
3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m.
Governor's Executive Chamber
633 Third Avenue, 38th Fl.
New York, New York
 
Cocktail Party and Formal Dinner
6:00 p.m. to 10:00 p.m.
Yale Club
50 Vanderbilt Avenue
New York, New York
 
Sponsorship
Event Chairperson: $10,000 (Two Tables of Ten)
Event Co-Chairperson: $5,000 (One Table of Ten)
Event Patron: $1,000 (Dinner for Two)
Individual Attendee: $500
 
($125 per person is not tax-deductible)
 
RSVP with Cristina Gjomarkaj Verger at (212) 685-7722, tastythoughts at aol.com
 
Make checks payable to: 
National Albanian American Council
481 8th Avenue, Suite 922
New York, New York 10001
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From SKochi at eventzero.com  Mon Nov 19 22:10:05 2001
From: SKochi at eventzero.com (Kochi, Stefan)
Date: Mon, 19 Nov 2001 22:10:05 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NAAC: New Year 2002 Dinner Invitation | Dec 30, 2001 | Pier 4 | B
 oston
Message-ID: <FDB990D499D8D4119DF700B0D03D209AB91198@ATLANTIC2>

  

National Albanian American Council





The Massachusetts Chapter of

The National Albanian American Council
 
cordially invites you to 

 CELEBRATE THE NEW YEAR 2002 TOGETHER 


Sunday, December 30, 2001

Seven PM to Midnight

Anthony's Pier 4

140 Northern Avenue

Boston, Massachusetts

The reception will include hors d'oeuvres, dinner, great singers, beautiful
music, dancing, and more.

 

Admission is: 

$85 per person

$50 for students

$ 35 for children 12 and under

 

 

Space is limited so please RSVP by December 23d at:

Artan Simeqi at: (617) 389-5754, email: asimeqi at ccs.neu.edu



Make checks payable to: 

NAAC New Year 2002 

 

Mail checks to:

PO Box 1384

Boston, MA 02104

 


All proceeds to be donated to the National Albanian American Council


 




 


K?shilli Komb?tar Shqiptaro Amerikan 





Dega e Masa?usetit e 

K?shillit Komb?tar Shqiptaro Amerikan 

ju fton t?:


 FESTOJM$ S$ BASHKU VITIN E RI  2002



E Diel, 30 Dhjetor, 2001

7 PM deri n? mesnat?

Anthony's Pier 4

140 Northern Avenue

Boston, Massachusetts

Mbr?mja do t? p?rfshij? koktej, dark?, k?ng?tar? t? njohur, muzik?, vall?zim
dhe arg?tim t? pasur

 

Biletat kushtojn?: 

$85 person madhor

$50 studentet

$35 femijet nen 12 vjec

 

Vendet jan? t? kufizuara; ju lutemi RSVP deri n? 23 dhjetor n? k?t? adres?:

Artan Simeqi: (617) 389-5754, email: asimeqi at ccs.neu.edu



?ekun shkruajeni p?r:

NAAC New Year 2002 

 

Adresa e dergimit te ?ekut:

PO Box 1384

Boston, MA 02104

 


Te gjitha p?rfitimet e dark?s do t'i dhurohen K?shillit Komb?tar Shqiptaro
Amerikan


 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Nov 11 10:23:00 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 07:23:00 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Analize e Konfliktit Nano-Meta - SHEKULLI, 11.11.2001
Message-ID: <20011111152300.53101.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



---------------------------------
Do You Yahoo!?
Find a job, post your resume on Yahoo! Careers.
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From: Agron Alibali <aalibali at yahoo.com>
Subject: Analize e Konfliktit Nano-Meta - SHEKULLI, 11.11.2001
Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 07:22:19 -0800 (PST)
Size: 12190
URL: <http://www.alb-net.com/pipermail/albsa-info/attachments/20011111/91532043/attachment.mht>

From tema at albnet.net  Tue Nov  6 13:40:25 2001
From: tema at albnet.net (Mero Baze)
Date: Tue, 6 Nov 2001 19:40:25 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] From The Free Media Albanian Forum
Message-ID: <002e01c166f2$f0bfb960$f78ebad1@mero>


 
The Prime minister, Ilir Meta, wants to show as a support of America, the space he bought for commercial in the "Washington Times."


To:        Editor in Chief The Washington Times

            Wesley Pruden     



The Prime Minister of Albania, Ilir Meta, has decided to give your newspaper an amount of 100 thousand dollars for the publication of an addition for the ocation of the Albanian national feast. Shtojca, the summary of whitch will be discused by offcials of the Albanian government , will be published, based on the official document "for propandastic purposes". The official order also contains an amount of 70 thousand dollars for a pro-governmental newspaper in Tirana, which has started it publishing only 5 months ago, while the elections and after the hard tries of the Prime minister to be reelected in the elections of June 24, 2001.
Many publishing houses in Tirana, including those close to the government, have strongly opposed this decision of the government, not because it was this certain amount was adressed to your newspaper, but because this decision enforces a work practic that the albanian prime minister, Ilir Meta, who since his election two years ago, has had as his goal the control of the media by bying it. In this case the mentioning of your newspaper's name in a list of donations "for propagandistic purposes" is an offense made to the profession of a journalist whose job is not to create a propagand, but to inform the press about what is going on with its government. I don't know what this adds are going to contain, however i know that goes on in my country and what i would have to write, if i had permission to write such an add for our national feast.
Allow me to describe some of these problems so that you can understand why the actions of the Prime Minister for creating a propagandistic window in the Western press, seeking to hide the truth, are an offense for albanian journalists. First Albania is living through a legitimate crises of the government created after the elections of June 24, from OSBE/ODIHR and also from the commision of Helsink in the American Congress. The Prime Minister Ilir Meta is responsible for what happened in Albania in June 24 and two months later till the elections the elections were over, the longest elections in a democratic country. To cover up the truth about the manipulations of the elections, the prime minister used a sum of 500 thousand dollars for the printed press. The newspaper for which i work was the only one that didn't get anything from this fund, because of it's criticism towards the prime minister. 
After the much criticised elections, the prime minister tried to ensure his mandate as a minister inside his party, a mandate that he got in a strange way. The Leader of the Socialist Party in power, in a political debate, acused the prime minister of a deviation from purchasing, the votes of the socialists. There are many creditble facts that the prime minister paid large amounts, to the socialist deputies in order to gain their support within the party, for a prime minister. The leader of the socialist party has accused the prime minister that he is involving the party in a moral crises with the promises that he has given the citizens. In this fund is inlcuded the amount of 100 thousand dollars that he gave to your newspaper, which he wants to present before the public opinion in albania as a way of support from the United States of America. The Prime minister, Ilir Meta, simply wants to show as a support of America, the space he bought for commercial in the "Washington Times." 
It would be an honor for our little country with a lot of problems, which is in the midst of the Balcanic Crizes, if your newspaper paid more attention to what is happening in Albania. Albania has a lot of problems, which, if seen whith responsibility and realism, can be solved, but if covered with political interest of the moment, can become worse and can also lead to other crises. 

 We would be more than pleased if your newspaper would dedicate some more pages to our country and its problems especially in the month of November, and no pages prepared to be selled for " propandastic purposses" from the office of the Albanian prime Minister. I hope that such a decision would honor your newspaper, and would also give courage to hundreds of albanian journalists, who are dealing day after day with the decisions of the prime minister who considers them, not the spreaders of the free speech, but as mechanisms of "propaganda", a word which we forgot after we have been separated from the communist regime for about 11 years.

Mero Baze
Editor in Chief  "TemA" 

 

Chairmen of  "The Free Media Albanian Forum"



 

 

Editor in Chief
Wesley Pruden

 

The Washington Times
3600 New York Ave., N.E.,
Washington, DC 20002
Tel: 202/636-3000
Fax: 202/269-3419

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