From ipilika at hotmail.com Sun Jun 3 15:15:11 2001 From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika) Date: Sun, 03 Jun 2001 19:15:11 -0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kosovo Liberation Army arming guerrilla group from within Greece Message-ID: Albanian irredentism on the Net Reports claim Kosovo Liberation Army arming guerrilla group from within Greece; government is dismissive By Miron Varouhakis Kathimerini English Edition News reports claiming that the ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army was arming an Albanian guerrilla group inside Greece to "defend" the rights of Albanians were dismissed by government officials this week. But the claims highlighted what appears to be a growing agitation movement over the Internet. The Foreign Ministry and government spokesmen responded to a report over the Internet by a news agency of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) on comments ostensibly made by a Switzerland-based representative of the KLA to Australian radio. Foreign Ministry spokesman Panayiotis Beglitis reacted angrily on Wednesday, charging that "the sick imaginations of some terrorist elements who are trying to raise non-existent issues have no limits." On Thursday, government spokesman Dimitris Reppas played down the report. "We don't give it more importance than necessary, because otherwise we are playing their game," said Reppas. He noted, though, that "we are watching closely the statements and actions of certain groups." The officials were referring to comments ostensibly made last week by KLA representative Ali Ahmeti regarding the existence of a "Camouria Liberation Army" in northwestern Greece, which is ready to "defend" the rights of ethnic Albanians living in the region. He reportedly told an Australian radio station that the rights of the Albanians living in northwestern Greece should be "defended" by the representatives of the "already established and well-trained Camouria Liberation Army." Yesterday Ahmeti denied that he had made such comments in an interview with the BBC. Playing the issue down Government officials were clear in their statements that no such group exists in the region, and that the Albanian government has discredited the actions of paramilitary groups such as the KLA and National Liberation Army waging a rebellion in FYROM. For the record, the Cams (pronounced "Chams") were a group of Albanians who lived in the northwestern Greek province of Thesprotia (with the 1926 population census putting their number at 19,605). During the Italian and German occupation of Greece in World War II, they cooperated with the invaders, leading to their flight to Albania after the war. They were condemned in absentia by a court and their land expropriated. Some of them have formed pressure groups in Albania but Athens has rejected any effort by Tirana to raise such an issue. On the Internet, though, Albanian groups appear to have launched an "information campaign" to put pressure on Greece on an issue that Athens says does not exist. Various groups present maps depicting a "Greater Albania" which includes a large area of northwestern Greece, and forums promoting the "repatriation" of ethnic Albanians. On one website (www.albabel.yucom.be) one reads: "A large number of Cam population is situated on the seaside and goes up to the Gulf of Preveza. Another considerable number of towns and villages are situated on both sides of the river 'Kalamait.' The rest of the Cam villages and towns are situated in more remote places and often on hills and mountains... The Greek government has been very hostile toward Cams and the main reason is the fact that Cams have a very strong Albanian identity... To this day we Cams in Greece are described as bad people from an increasing 'suffocating' Greek propaganda based on the fact that we refuse to be assimilated as is the case with some of 'Arvanites' in south and central Greece." The rather new website (it has had just 11 visits so far) also carries maps of what it calls "Chameria" and illustrations of historic Cam warriors. Another website is that of the Boston-based Frosina Information Network (www.frosina.org/infobits/albgreece), an electronic forum which Albanians use to exchange ideas over current affairs. In the section titled "Albanians in Greece" one reads: "The Albanians in Greece are divided in two categories: Albanians who live on Albanian territory but who have remained outside of the unjust borders which were drawn up by the Ambassadorial Conference of London (1913), and those Albanians who departed Albanian territory during the first diaspora in the 14th and 15th centuries." _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Jun 3 21:08:24 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 3 Jun 2001 18:08:24 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] On Aromunian Language in Greece Message-ID: <20010604010824.66871.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> European Commission asks for more information about conviction of Greek language activist Brussels 14/5/01 by John Walsh & Johan H?ggman (EUROLANG) The European Commission is to ask the Greek government for more information about the recent conviction of a language activist. In February, Sotiris Bletsas of the Aroumanian minority was sentenced to fifteen months in prison, suspended for three years. His lawyer said that he had been convicted of 'disseminating false information' under Article 191 of the Greek Penal Code. Bletsas was first arrested in 1995 after distributing publications of the European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL) at a meeting of the Aroumanian community in central Greece. The publication mentioned the existence of the Aroumanian language. In response to a question from the European Parliament, the European Commissioner for Education and Culture, Viviane Reding, said the Commission considered the case to be 'of great importance' but could not respond exhaustively due to a lack of information. 'Therefore, it has asked the Greek government to send it a copy of the sentence as soon as possible, along with any other information relevant to the case', Commissioner Reding added. The question was asked by two members of the European Parliament's Green/Free Alliance group. Welsh MEP, Eurig Wyn, and Basque MEP, Gorka Kn?rr Borr?s, asked the Commission if it considered that the sentence was 'compatible with European values of freedom of expression and opinion and of cultural and linguistic diversity'. Article 191 of the Greek Penal Code has already been found to be violation of the European Convention for Human Rights, and has criticised by human rights groups such as Amnesty International and the International Helsinki Federation. The Hellenic League of Human Rights and the European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages have also expressed concern at the sentence. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Personal Address - Get email at your own domain with Yahoo! Mail. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Mon Jun 4 10:50:18 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Mon, 4 Jun 2001 10:50:18 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conference on Macedonia Message-ID: Centre for South-East European Studies, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London Macedonia Macedonias: Changing Contexts in the Changing Balkans 14-16 June 2001 Convenors: Peter Siani-Davies, Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, Vesna Popovski & Zhidas Daskalovski Thursday 14 June 2001 Venue: First Floor, 21 Russell Square, London. 9.00 Registration 9.45 Welcoming Address 10.00 Perspectives on the Past Professor Victor Friedman (University of Chicago) Nations and nationalism in Gjorgji Pulevski s trilingual dictionary: what the Nineteenth Century can tell the Twenty-First Dr Nikola Jordanovski (Sts Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje) Between the necessity and the impossibility of a national history 11.30 Coffee/Tea 12.00 Interethnic Relations Goran Janev (Oxford and Sts Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje) Macedonia s ethnic politics and the informal political organisation of Albanians and Macedonians Vassiliki Neofotistos (Harvard University) Beyond stereotypes: the porousness of ethnic labels in the Republic of Macedonia Discussant: Dr Hugh Poulton 1.30 Lunch 2.30 Historical Perspectives Professor Stefan Troebst (Leipzig University) "Fuehrerbefehl" Adolf Hitler and the proclamation of an independent Macedonian state in September 1944 Professor Bernard Lory (INALCO, Paris) The first collective use of Macedonian as an ethnonym Dijana Despodova (Central European University, Budapest) National myths in contemporary Macedonian historiography and literature Discussant: tbc 4.30 Tea/Coffee 5.00 Film: Next Year in Lerin (UK, 50 mins.) Introduced by the Director Jill Daniels Films: Macedonia seen by&Six contemporary documentaries, including One day in the life of& (Director: Igor Pop Trajkov, 12 mins.) 6.30 Wine Friday 15 June 2001 Venue: Room 336, Third Floor, North Block, Senate House, Malet Street, London. WC1E 7HU. 9.30 Communication: Negotiating Boundaries Dr Keith Brown (Brown University) Brokering the Balkans: the abuses of culture in Macedonia Dimitar Bechev (St Antony s College, Oxford) Dot-com antagonisms: the Macedonian question on the web Rozita Dimova (Stanford University) From privilege to burden: tautological limitations of the name Macedonia Discussant: Dr Jane Cowan (Sussex University) 11.30 Coffee/Tea 12.00 Foreign Policy Perspectives Dr Dejan Jovic (University of Stirling) Macedonian foreign policy dilemmas Dr David Phinnemore (Queen s University Belfast) Macedonia and the European Union: security and regional cooperation through the stabilisation and association agreement Discussant: Maja Trajkovska (Journalist & LSE) 1.30 Lunch 2.30 Conflict Prevention and the Outside World Dr Alice Ackermann (Lancaster University) The evolution of conflict prevention norms: the case of Macedonia Andrew Loomis (Search for Common Ground in Macedonia) Politics and identity in Macedonia: intrinsic versus extrinsic understandings Discussant : Adelheid Feilcke-Tiemann (Deutsche Welle) 4.00 Tea/Coffee 4.30 Security: the Domestic Perspective Islam Yusufi (Assistant National Security Adviser to the President of Macedonia) Visions for Macedonian Security Dr Teuta Arifi (Sts Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje) Albanians in Macedonia: division or integration? Professor Ljubomir Frckoski (Sts Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje) The paradox of Macedonian stability and identity Discussant: Gabriel Partos (BBC) 6.30 Wine Saturday 16 June Venue: Room 336, Third Floor, North Block, Senate House, Malet Street, London. WC1E 7HU. 10.00 Spillover Dr Kyril Drezov (Keele University) Collateral damage: the impact of the Kosovo War in Macedonia Arsim Zekolli (Political Analyst, Skopje) Macedonian-Kosovar interactions in the 1980s and their implications for today 11.30 Coffee/Tea 12.00 Interethnic Relations and the Politics of Representation Farimah Daftary (European Centre for Minority Issues) The role of the local NGO sector in promoting inter-ethnic communication Brenda Lee Pearson (International Crisis Group) Census 2001 Discussant: Isak Ramadani (Journalist, Skopje) 1.30 Lunch 2.30 Communication: crossing boundaries Dr Christian Voss (University of Freiburg) Macedonian linguistic and ethnic identity in Aegean Macedonia Dr Gilles De Rapper (University of Marne-la Vallee)The son of three fathers has no hat on his head: minority status and personal strategies in a Macedonian village of Albania and among Albanians of Macedonia Discussant: Dr Galia Valtchinova 4.00 Tea/Coffee 4.30 Visions of the future? Professor Vladimir Ortakovski (Sts Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje) The Albanian minority in Macedonia Jenny Engstrom (LSE) Towards positive peace in Macedonia: resolving the tensions between individual and collective rights Zhidas Daskalovski (SSEES) Changing notions of citizenship and nationality: Macedonia's political identity and the Macedonian Albanians three scenarios for the future Discussant: tbc 6.00 Wine Conference Board: Wendy Bracewell, Zhidas Daskalovski, Vesna Popovski, Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, Peter Siani-Davies and Stefan Troebst Conference Administrator: Nevenka Martin From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Tue Jun 5 11:18:28 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Tue, 5 Jun 2001 11:18:28 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Annual Seminar in Prishtina Message-ID: From: Andreas Cyllok THE TWENTIETH INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR FOR ALBANIAN LANGUAGE, LITERATURE AND CULTURE Faculty of Philology 38000 Prishtina, KOSOVA Tel. ++38138 518 387 mailto:rismajli at hotmail.com mailto:osmangashi at yahoo.com mailto:seminari at uni-pr.edu Institute for Linguistics and Literature Tirana, ALBANIA fax. 003554235134 Honorary Director: Prof. Dr. Idriz Ajeti Director: Prof. dr. Rexhep ISMAJLI, Prishtina Co-Director: Prof. dr. Jorgo BULO, Tirana. Secretary: Dr. Isak SHEMA, Prishtina. Dr. Enver HYSA, Tirana. Assistant Secretary: Osman GASHI, and Bardh RUGOVA, Prishtina, Ardian DOKA, Tirana. The International Seminar for the Albanian Language, Literature and Culture was founded in 1974 at the Faculty of Philology (Faculty of Philosophy at that time) of the University of Prishtina. This seminar is organised for the students, professors and researchers outside Kosova and Albania engaged in the Albanian sciences and in albanology in general. The Seminar has so far organised 19 Sessions. In 1991 the imposed Serbian rule oriented against the Albanian culture and everything Albanian, interrupted the activities of the Seminar. In 1995 and 1996, in co-operation with the Institute of Linguistics and Literature of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Albania, the Seminar was forced to develop its activities in Tirana. THE 20TH SEMINAR WILL DEVELOP THE ACTIVITIES IN PRISHTINA FROM 13-25 AUGUST 2001. The arrival of the participants in Kosova and their accommodation in hotel Iliria - Prishtina - the 12 August 2001. The Seminar opens on the 13th August at 11. The basic program of the Seminar contains the following activities: 1. Intensive courses in the Albanian language: three levels; 2. Lectures in Albanian linguistics, literature and culture; 3. A series of general conferences (on actual developments - economy, culture, history, ethnography, in Kosova and the region); 4. Additional cultural program with the aim to show the participants the natural beauties of Kosova and the activities in other centres; 5. A scientific conference on Azem Shkreli's literary works 6. The 100th anniversary of Zef Serembe COLLOQUIUM (24-25. 08. 2001) Current uses of Standard Albanian in Public Albanian Literature of the 20th Century APPLICATION AND ENROLLEMENT Surname and name .................................... .................................... Date and place of birth ..................................... ..................................... Sex................................. Profession.......................... Nationality......................... Country............................. Address............................. .................................... Would you like to present a communication, a scientific reference? The subject: ..................................... ..................................... The Directory of the Seminar will take over the expenses for accommodation and eventual excursions in Kosova. The travel expenses to Prishtina and return must be covered by the participants them selves. The application for participation at the 20th Seminar should arrive to the Directory by 25th June 2001 in one of the announced addresses. The Directory of the Seminar From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Tue Jun 5 12:27:09 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Tue, 5 Jun 2001 12:27:09 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Jobs at Harvard Message-ID: Requisition Number 9843 Title Faculty Assistant II School / Unit Harvard Law School Department Faculty Support Location Cambridge Full Or Part Time Full-Time Salary Grade 53 Date Posted 05/09/2001 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Duties And Responsibilities Works under direction of two senior faculty members whose combined areas of interest include int'l contemporary legal theory, law of European Communities, family law and discrimination, sexuality and the law. Provide moderately complex secretarial support including preparation of course materials and other academic materials. Maintain databases.Organize intricate travel arrangements. Process financial transactions using web based applications;sort, prioritize mail; maintain files.Act as liaison between faculty member and high volume of foreign students, staff and external contacts. Handle library requests. Support European Law Research Center activities: oversee Visiting Researchers/Scholars appointments(admissions and contact with funding agency). Prepare and track budget,organize events;upkeep web page,oversee work and payroll for research fellow. Process visa and registration paperwork. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Required Education BA strongly pref; 2 years f/t related experience required.Strong interpersonal skill for communicating with multiple constituencies,strong writing and editing skills for drafting letters, email correspondence, website text, and other announcements. Strong organization and admin skills. Must be flexible, able to set priorities, manage deadlines, and work effectively with people. (50 wpm).Windows proficiency required. Word, Eudora, Netscape and Internet research skills, basic HTML/javascript, demonstrated ability to learn and work with new technologies. MS Outlook, Excel, Access, FTP helpful. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- How To Apply Please use the apply on line feature below or send your resume and cover letter to: Harvard University Resume Processing Center Req# 9843 11 Holyoke Street Cambridge, MA 02138 Please note that upon submitting your credentials, you will become part of Harvard's applicant database, and therefore, may be considered for other suitable positions at the University. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Harvard University is an equal opportunity employer committed to diversity. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 5 13:31:08 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 05 Jun 2001 13:31:08 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] A New Atlantic Charter: NEWSWEEK Interview with Gen. Wesley Clark Message-ID: <59.b8bc94c.284e715c@aol.com> A New Atlantic Charter An interview with Gen. Wesley Clark NEWSWEEK Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld spoke recently of pulling U.S. troops out of the Balkans. Secretary of State Colin Powell, touring Africa, told reporters that the Bush administration is looking for opportunities to "back off" some of America?s overseas commitments, adding: "The president wants that." Such talk makes Gen. Wesley Clark nervous. As the Supreme Allied Commander of NATO during the war in Kosovo, and author of a newly published memoir, "Waging Modern War," Clark has been a forceful advocate of humanitarian interventionism and American engagement in the world, especially Europe. Last week he spoke with NEWSWEEK?s Michael Meyer. Excerpts: MEYER: In early 1998, seeing war coming in Kosovo, you urged Washington to intervene before the situation got out of hand. But you were told to back off by Gen. Joe Ralston of the Joint Chiefs: "We?ve got a lot on our plates back here." Are you feeling a bit of deja vu? CLARK: It?s worse. We?re seeing the same institutional infighting as in the past, with the Pentagon pushing its own interests and no clear vision of where it is going in terms of U.S. leadership in the world. How so, exactly? The cold war is over. But we haven?t come to terms with this. We hear a lot of talk of preparing for the "next threat," whether that?s rogue missiles or new enemies. The cold war is over. But we haven?t come to terms with this. Our new world is not dominated by one hostile ideology that seeks, as Khrushchev put it, to "bury us." It?s about democracy, individuality, choice. Our new challenges involve cooperation more than confrontation. The strategic problem the U.S. faces is how to help its friends, strengthen its allies, reinforce those who share its values. We haven?t thought this through, articulated our goals. Our policies will therefore be haphazard and episodic. What?s the main challenge, as you see it? Europe. The rivalry between the United States and the European Union is worse than during Kosovo. Yes, our allies in Latin America and Asia are important. But I look first to Europe. It?s our natural base?with 400 to 500 million people, depending on how you define its borders, and a GDP as big as our own. We share a history and culture. Europe has two votes on the U.N. Security Council. Together with us, they?re the force that can move and shape diplomacy to promote peace and progress in the world. We are a de facto member of Europe, and the Balkans is therefore a vital U.S. interest. Newsweek International June 11 Issue Yet in Bosnia, Secretary Rumsfeld says "mission accomplished." The easy military tasks have been accomplished?the return of territory, separating the warring forces, patrolling flash points. But peace has not been achieved. Neither have the Dayton accords, in part because of pusillanimous ... that?s too strong a word ... because of hesitant, excessively cautious international civilian leadership. It takes a combination of strong, forceful, determined civilian leadership and forward, active military engagement on the ground to ensure success. The military mission is not finished. What about Kosovo? Much of the violence is impelled by our failure to address the issue of "final status." In 1999, when the fighting began, we knew it would be difficult, if not impossible, to reintegrate Kosovo into Yugoslavia. Humpty Dumpty had fallen off the wall. Independence may or may not ultimately be the best solution for Kosovo, but it has to be an option. The West is going to have to sponsor a process by which that will be determined. It can?t happen without active U.S. participation and possibly U.S. leadership. Why couldn?t that be Europe?s job? Because of the varying and often conflicting interests of many European nations, not only Yugoslavia?s neighbors but also countries farther removed that might be dealing with their own separatist movements. They are going to need reassurance, shoring up, firm commitments of support on many different dimensions. Such as Macedonia? Yes. Macedonia needs urgent NATO assistance. Troops on the ground? Absolutely. It?s time to act. Any thoughts on next week?s Europe summit? We need a new Atlantic Charter. Europeans have always questioned the real strength of America?s commitment, but never so deeply. On our side, there?s talk of "differing interests," worries about a separate European defense force. We need to tell Europe, in clear and certain terms, that the United States will be there to help meet any security challenge, whether it requires a company of U.S. Marines or three divisions and all our air assets, as in Kosovo. And we need assurance that Europe will always turn first to NATO. The talk may be more about missile defense ... Yes, but the important thing is a new charter. Then second-level discussions, like missile defense, will take their rightful place, to be decided in consultation with our allies. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 5 13:55:09 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 05 Jun 2001 13:55:09 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Legalization of migrants begins: Kathimerini Message-ID: <7b.15c84911.284e76fd@aol.com> Legalization of migrants begins Major operation of registering immigrants and granting temporary residence permits starts today Ten centers like the one pictured will deal with around 200,000 migrants expected to register in the city of Athens. By Pikia Galati Kathimerini The process of granting temporary residence permits to migrants begins today. An estimated 400,000 migrants are expected to take part, and the majority of them are expected to receive a six-month residence permit. The law stipulates the process must be complete by 2 August, but there has been talk of allowing an extension for the municipality of Athens. During the registration period, no illegal migrants will be expelled for failing to have residence permits. Documentation >From today, all illegal migrants may apply to the municipality in which they live. In order to complete the application form, they must produce: - Two color photographs; - A passport or birth certificate or family status certificate or identity card from their own country, verified and translated into Greek. - Official documents proving their residence in Greece from at least June 2, 2000 until today (such as mobile or fixed-line telephone bills, electricity or water bills, or documents from the Greek school attended by the applicant's child, an unlimited-trip bus pass, or a green card which has expired or will expire by June 2). - "Paravolo" (receipt for deposit) of 50,000 drachmas paid to the taxation office (for adults only). Applicants who have none of the above documents, may buy 250 social insurance stamps from any fund, paying for them without a fine being levied. Applicants who live in a municipality with fewer than 20,000 residents may get a certificate from the municipality that they have been living in since June 2, 2000. Recognition of 250 working days requires that a migrant be insured with OGA by paying 100,000 drachmas, with IKA for 469,750 drachmas or TEBE for 487,000 drachmas. When applicants have lodged the application and supporting documents with the clerk at the municipality, the clerk will issue them with a certificate from the municipal clerk. Once the authorities have checked their documents, applicants can get their six-month residence permit from the the municipality on production of the certificate. Municipalities have done their best to prepare for the registration process. In Athens, where the majority of migrants are expected to register, there are 10 reception centers, where applicants may register by appointment (arranged by telephoning 195 8 a.m.-8 p.m. daily). During the first phase, 150 council and Interior Ministry staff will register migrants. Interpreters in nine languages will be available. Piraeus authorities say the reception center at 38 Ermoupoleos Street, Kaminia is in operation. Seven municipal employees, aided by regional authority and Interior Ministry staff will register applicants. There will be access to the telephone number 1446 for legal advice to settle any procedural snarls. In Macedonia, municipalities are at varying stages of readiness. Responses from local authorities ranged from: "We'll start and see how we go," as Mayor Michalis Selvidis of Echedoro said, to: "It will be chaotic but we hope there won't be any panic during the first days," according to an employee at the Menemeni Municipality. In Thessaloniki, the local council administration says it is ready but does not know quite what to expect. To avoid crowds, the council will accept applications in alphabetical order, starting with those whose surnames begin with the first letters of the Latin alphabet. There is a reception center with about 10 staff at the Music Center in the port (18 Kountouriotou Street). The municipality of Patras is the best prepared in Achaia, said Mayor Evangelos Floratos, with 12 employees working double shifts to register migrants. The council expects to receive 400 million drachmas. By contrast, the Dimis Municipality in Kato Achaia is the least prepared. As Mayor Dionysis Gotsoulias says: "We'll use two employees, because we don't have any others, and other work will be held up. Besides, many of the 600 or more foreigners in the area have expressed caution about registering, for fear the process may lead to their expulsion." "No staff are available, but we'll do our best and we are thinking of taking on extra personnel, in which case the problem will be how to train them," says Mayor Stylianos Korovesis of Aghios Stefanos, Attica. "There are many problems. Apart from finding staff and space, we will probably face the problem of interpretation, contact and understanding." While Elefsina's Deputy Mayor Antonis Manolakas said: "We hope two employees will be enough, even though a large number of people in the area need to be dealt with. Otherwise we'll try and send others. But where can we send them from, when permanent administrative staff have not been approved for the municipality in recent years?" Mayoral protests Other mayors protest that they have not had enough time or information to prepare for the process. "We weren't given enough time or the necessary information. It's not reasonable," said Perama Mayor Yiannis Patsilinakos. "A responsibility which we shouldered willingly has found us unprepared to deal with it properly," said Deputy Mayor Panayiotis Psyllas, adding: "This is additional work for councils with few staff. And more so when the end-date essentially is not August 5, because the work will continue to come in periodically, if not quite so much of it (for example, issuing green cards)." As Mayor G. Liakos of Aspropyrgos points out: "For municipalities, this process is unprecedented. Problems are sure to arise, but we'll see during the course of events." Nea Erythraia Mayor Vassiliki Tambaki-Magoula comments: "We can't meet the needs of the municipality, much less staff secondments." An estimated 20,000 migrants live in Peristeri, many of whom are illegal. "The infrastructure of the municipality cannot guarantee the staff, many of whom will be on summer leave," says General Secretary Dimitris Tsekouras. "The employees have not been trained, but I don't think it's so difficult. But the process is ongoing and laborious. Let's hope they don't protest." Of course, some municipalities say there are no particular problems. "The procedure is simple and there is no problem. With 20 people we managed to pay 6,500 grants in five days," says Ano Liosia Mayor Nikos Papadimas. Drapetsona Mayor Constantinos Chronopoulos takes a similar line: "It is a simple matter for us. Some employees will have to work overtime, but not very much." Thanassis Tsinganas, Ilias Kanistras, N, Bardounias and G. Lialios have contributed to this article. Where to apply AGHIOS STEFANOS: Oion sports club, 2 Iroon Polytechniou. ANO LIOSIA: Drosoupolis covered gym, at end of M. Alexandrou. ASPROPYRGOS: 8 Athanasiou Diakou (behind town hall). AVLONA: Cultural Center, old Athens-Halkida highway. DRAPETSONA: City Hall, Agoniston Polytechneiou & Karaiskaki ELEFSINA: Ethnikis Antistaseos & Tsoka. KALLITHEA: City Hall, 76 Matzagriotaki. KAMATERO: City Hall, 54 Phylis. KOROPI: City Hall, 47 V. Constantinou & Karaiskaki. LAVRION: 1 Kountourioti. MEGARA: City Hall, C. Moraiti & G. Mavroukaki. PERSITERI: Municipal offices, opposite City Hall, Plateia Dimokratias. PERAMA: Old City Hall, 28 Leoforos Dimokratias. SALAMINA: City Hall, C. Karamanlis & Ammochostou. TAVROS: City Hall, Pireos & Eptalofou. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 5 13:56:15 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 05 Jun 2001 13:56:15 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Balkan defense meeting: Kathimerini Message-ID: <82.b930e15.284e773f@aol.com> Balkan defense meeting Region's ministers and US defense secretary convene in Thessaloniki Defense ministers of southeastern European countries gather today in Thessaloniki for an informal meeting that will focus on ways to deal with the ethnic Albanian insurgency in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the future of Kosovo and the general situation in the Balkans. Defense Minister Akis Tsochadzopoulos is to hold separate meetings with several of his counterparts today and tomorrow, including Turkey's Sabahattin Cakmakoglu. Tomorrow Tsochadzopoulos will meet with US Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld, on the second day of his most extensive overseas trip since the Bush administration was sworn in in January. Other ministers and delegations are expected from Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, FYROM, Romania, Italy, Ukraine and Slovenia. It will be the first time the Ukrainian defense minister, Olexander Kuzmuk, will be taking part in such a meeting. Also participating will be officials from NATO, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union and the Balkan Stability Pact. In their last meeting, in Skopje, the region's defense ministers had agreed on a joint statement condemning extremist actions and supporting the territorial integrity of countries. They had also agreed on stronger measures to prevent ethnic Albanian guerrillas from infiltrating FYROM from Kosovo. In Skopje they had disagreed over whether a newly-established brigade made up of troops from the region's countries should help patrol the Kosovo-FYROM border. The subject was postponed until Thessaloniki's session. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 6 12:34:53 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 06 Jun 2001 12:34:53 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Rumsfeld Convinced of Kosovo Need for U.S. Troops Message-ID: <7e.16039d7e.284fb5ae@aol.com> Rumsfeld Convinced of Kosovo Need for U.S. Troops By Charles Aldinger THESSALONIKI, Greece (Reuters) - Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said on Wednesday that his visit with U.S. peacekeeping troops in Kosovo this week convinced him of the need to keep an American military presence there. "Oh, certainly," he told reporters when asked if U.S. troops should remain in a 43,000-member multinational military force maintaining stability in the troubled southern Yugoslav province. The secretary flew into Kosovo on a military helicopter on Tuesday, received classified briefings from U.S. commanders and met with dozens of the 6,000 U.S. troops there before flying to Thessaloniki for a meeting of Southeast European defense ministers. "There is no question but that the SFOR and KFOR forces in the Balkans are making a very valuable contribution to stability in the region," Rumsfeld told a press conference with Greek Defense Minister Akis Tsohatzopoulos on Wednesday. President Bush has said that the U.S. military is stretched too thinly by non-combat tasks around the world and that its participation in such tasks should be reduced. But Rumsfeld reiterated that no cutback of U.S. peacekeepers in the Kosovo force (KFOR) or from the more than 3,000 American troops in a stabilization force (SFOR) in Bosnia would be made without close consultation with allies. "WITH FRIENDS AND ALLIES" "The Bush administration's policy is that we are engaged in the Balkans with our friends and allies. We have always worked closely with them with respect to any adjustments or changes that have taken place over the years with respect to the force levels and force deployments and organizations," he told reporters. "And that will continue to be our policy and our full intention," the secretary added. "Obviously, the hope and goal and intention of all of the nations that have troops in the Balkans is that, over a period of time, the parties on the ground will sort through their differences in a peaceful way and find the kind of civil structures that will enable them to have the stability that would be necessary for them on a more durable basis." Rumsfeld praised U.S. peacekeepers in Kosovo on Tuesday during a visit to Camp Bondsteel for helping secure peace there, but made no mention in his talk to troops of sentiment in Washington for reducing overseas deployments. On the first visit to Kosovo by a senior figure in the new U.S. administration, he spoke to a gathering of several hundred cheering army soldiers in a tent at the main U.S. base in the Yugoslav province, calling their job "truly a noble calling." Rumsfeld, on a six-day European tour, did not refer to the debate over the role of U.S. peacekeepers in Kosovo, a de facto international protectorate since NATO's 1999 bombing campaign to halt Belgrade's repression of its ethnic Albanian majority. U.S. reports last month that Rumsfeld was pushing to withdraw troops from Bosnia caused concern in a country struggling to heal the ethnic divide after its 1992-95 war. But the Bush administration has toned down its pre-election rhetoric, assuring NATO allies recently that the United States would not unilaterally withdraw peacekeeping troops and would consult them carefully on any drawdown. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 6 12:41:30 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 06 Jun 2001 12:41:30 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Registration begins: Kathimerini Message-ID: Registration begins 20,000 immigrants queue at municipal offices but few apply for permits EPA Squashed in a deep press outside the only registration center functioning in central Athens, hundreds of illegal immigrants queue for information on the legalization process which started yesterday. A minority tabled applications, while only a few had all the necessary documents. The process, intended to offer temporary, six-month residence permits to an estimated 800,000 illegal immigrants resident in Greece, ends on August 2. The legalization process for an estimated 800,000 illegal immigrants living in Greece lumbered off slowly yesterday with some 20,000 people queuing outside local council offices all over the country, mainly to seek information on the procedure. "I came to find out what I must do," a young Iraqi man waiting outside the Athens municipality office on Maisonos Street, near Vathi Square in the city center, told Kathimerini. "But I will have to stay off work for a second day, which will be a problem. They want a lot of papers, and I don't know if I will be able to collect them in time." Many hundreds of immigrants crowded outside the office from early in the morning, waiting for their turn. Most just wanted information, while the majority of those queuing to register were told that they lacked the necessary papers. This usually included a receipt of payment for the 50,000-drachma registration fee, as well as the social security fund coupons proving that their bearers have paid a year's contributions. "I have no proof that I have lived in Greece for a year," 37-year-old household help Galina from Ukraine said. "I live in the house where I work, so I have no rent receipts or public utility bills. Now they tell me to buy 250 coupons for the year 2000 from the OGA farmers' fund, which are cheapest. I have already paid the 50,000 drachma fee; where will I find another 100,000 for the coupons?" Interior Minister Vasso Papandreou visited the Maisonos Street center, and voiced satisfaction with what she saw. "Both the preparations carried out and the flow (of applicants) are most satisfactory," she said, adding that immigrants could receive information regarding the legalization procedure over the phone on the 1464 hotline. The Municipality of Athens has launched an information campaign by handing out leaflets to the estimated 20,000 immigrant children attending lessons at local schools. This is also intended to circumvent the scores of intermediaries who hang around registration centers offering immigrants to go through the procedure for them, for a fee. However, only one of the seven registration centers supposed to be functioning in the municipality opened for business yesterday. Over 300 applications were submitted, while 1,118 appointments were made over the phone. Immigrants are only admitted if they have made an appointment on the 195 line. Another four centers are expected to open today in Athens, at 152 Harilaou Trikoupi Street, 22 Bairaktari Street, 31 Kormouli Street and 11-13 Galaxia Street. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 6 22:26:41 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 22:26:41 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU raises prospect of closer ties with Albania Message-ID: <4c.166169cc.28504061@aol.com> EU raises prospect of closer ties with Albania BRUSSELS, June 6 (Reuters) - Albania, one of Europe's poorest countries, took a modest step towards its eventual goal of membership of the European Union on Wednesday. The European Commission, the EU's executive body, adopted a report recommending the opening of negotiations on a so-called Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) -- the first formal step on the road to membership. The 15-nation EU recently forged such an accord with Albania's neighbour Macedonia, now racked by fighting between government forces and ethnic Albanian rebels. The EU is also set to sign an SAA accord with another Balkan state, Croatia. "The perspective of opening SAA negotiations is seen by the Commission as a way of helping to maintain the momentum of recent political and economic reform, and of encouraging Albania to continue its constructive and moderating influence in the region," the Commission said in a statement. Albania has won Western praise in recent months for its condemnation of the gunmen fighting in Macedonia and for its refusal to endorse their call for a 'Greater Albania' state. But EU officials said the SAA negotiations were unlikely to begin until the end of this year at the earliest and still hinged on the degree of political stability reached in Albania. "We support the idea of opening negotiations as soon as possible but there are clear conditions which Albania must first meet," said one official. Albanians elect a new government later this month in what is seen as a litmus test for democracy in the tiny Balkan state. The ruling Socialists hope to win a second four-year mandate to follow up what they say was a first term restoring law and order and stabilising the economy after fraudulent pyramid schemes collapsed and sparked nationwide riots in 1997. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 6 22:28:30 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 22:28:30 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Balkan defence ministers blast Macedonian violence Message-ID: Balkan defence ministers blast Macedonian violence THESSALONIKI, Greece, June 6 (Reuters) - Balkan Defence Ministers condemned on Wednesday the continuing violence between ethnic Albanian rebels and Macedonian troops and urged political talks among Macedonia's ethnic groups. "We strongly condemn the continuing terrorist actions by extremists, who are urged to cease their activities," Greek Defence Minister Akis Tsohatzopoulos told a news conference after a South-Eastern European Defence Ministerial meeting. The ministers had earlier released a statement stressing "the need to intensify the dialogue on inter-ethnic relations within the parliament...in view of achieving urgently needed reforms." The informal ministerial meeting began with Macedonian Defence Minister Vlado Buckovski calling for a one-minute silence to honour five Macedonian soldiers killed overnight on Wednesday in the deadliest rebel attack in almost six weeks. U.S. Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, on a week-long European tour, also attended the meeting. Ministers attending the two-day talks agreed to use the joint Balkan military force, known as South-Eastern Europe Brigade (SEEBRIG) after the summer. "The Ministers have been informed of the operational readiness of SEEBRIG," Tsohatzopoulos said. "In the autumn we will take a decision on the deployment of this force." The South-Eastern Europe Brigade was set up in 1999 and has not yet been used. Its members are Greece, Turkey, Italy, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 6 22:30:12 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 22:30:12 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia PM Seeks War Declaration Message-ID: <9.1694e8cd.28504134@aol.com> Macedonia PM Seeks War Declaration By MISHA SAVIC SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) - A day after ethnic Albanian rebels killed five Macedonian soldiers, the prime minister gave word Wednesday that he wants parliament to formally declare war, deepening a four-month crisis. The European Union and the United States hurried to discourage Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski from making the formal request to parliament. EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana said declaring war against the rebels ``would only be playing into the hands of extremists.'' Tuesday's fighting, which left another seven wounded, was the most serious escalation of violence in weeks. It underlined the government's tenuous hold on areas near the border with the southern Yugoslav province of Kosovo. Late Wednesday, riots erupted in the southern Macedonian city of Bitola, destroying dozensd of ethnic Albanian businesses. Slav rioters outraged over the slain members of the security forces broke into small groups and eluded police efforts to quell the violence, state television said. The rioters set fire to about 100 shops and 10 private homes, state television reported. Three people were injured, witnesses and a hospital source said. Georgievski's intention to demand parliament declare war came via his spokesman, Antonio Milososki. Milososki also urged the legislature to call for war, ``because it is not possible to respond otherwise to the threats against Macedonia's security and sovereignty.'' Besides imposing a draft, calling a state of war would give President Boris Trajkovski the ability to rule by decree and appoint a government of his choosing. Borders could be sealed, a nationwide curfew imposed and demonstrations banned. Beyond giving the government more authority, however, such extreme measures could also radicalize the country's ethnic Albanian minority, which makes up as much as one-third of the population. European officials fear such a move could further destabilize this former Yugoslav republic by pushing more of its ethnic Albanians to support the rebel cause. Such a measure would be difficult to pass. It would need more than two-thirds majority approval - or 81 of parliament's 120 deputies. But 24 deputies in Macedonia's parliament are ethnic Albanian, and they would likely vote against. The country's Slavic leaders regard the rebels as terrorists bent on grabbing a piece of Macedonia's territory to unite it with neighboring Albania or with Kosovo, an ethnic Albanian-populated province of Serbia, the larger Yugoslav republic. The rebels say they are fighting for more rights for the country's ethnic Albanian minority. Amid escalating tensions, gunmen fired two shots at the president's office Wednesday evening, officials said. The gunfire hit the bulletproof windows of Trajkovski's office, but didn't penetrate the glass. No one was injured. Though fighting between troops and ethnic Albanian rebels began in February, the leadership has forgone a formal declaration of war for fear it would make things worse. Macedonia's leaders had suggested such a declaration last month. But international officials persuaded them to expand negotiations rather than escalate attacks on the militants. The call for restraint came again Wednesday. Swedish Foreign Minister Anna Lindh, whose country holds the rotating EU presidency, condemned Tuesday's killings - what she called a ``cowardly attack'' - but urged Macedonia not to call for war. In Washington, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said the Bush administration does not see how a declaration of war would advance a political solution. ``We reiterate, once again, the importance of the measured response that the government has taken, showing maximum concern for the safety of civilians and pressing forth with this dialogue,'' Boucher said. The increasing tensions were sparked by a rebel assault on a vehicle bringing food to government forces near the village of Gajre late Tuesday, Milososki said. The attack in the village just outside the second-largest city, Tetovo, killed one soldier and wounded three others. An ambulance carrying a military escort was dispatched to rescue them, but the vehicle also came under fire and the rebels killed four more soldiers. Fighting later wounded four more policemen. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 6 22:31:07 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 22:31:07 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] U.S. opposes Macedonia declaring "state of war" Message-ID: <15.156f0ece.2850416b@aol.com> U.S. opposes Macedonia declaring "state of war" By Jonathan Wright WASHINGTON, June 6 (Reuters) - The United States oppose on Wednesday the idea of a declaration of a state of war in Macedonia, while condemning the latest attack on Macedonian forces by ethnic Albanian rebels. Macedonian Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski suggested declaring a state of war to help the country fight the rebels, who killed five soldiers late on Tuesday. The United States and the European Union have broadly supported the approach of the Macedonian government, which is based on isolating the rebels while negotiating political reforms with mainstream ethnic Albanian politicians. U.S. State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said the government in Skopje should press on with inter-ethnic dialogue and maintain a "measured response" to the violence. He added: "We don't see that a declaration of a state of war would serve to advance this kind of political reconciliation, political solution. "We reiterate the importance of the measured response that the government has taken, showing maximum concern for the safety of civilians and pressing forth with this dialogue." Boucher called the attack on the soldiers -- the deadliest in five weeks -- "a reprehensible act of violence." "These actions by armed extremists must stop now. Ethnic Albanian extremism is harming greatly the interests of Macedonia and all people of Macedonia," he added. Earlier on Wednesday, the U.S. diplomat who led a monitoring force in Kosovo in 1999 said the Macedonian government and its Western allies were mistaken to exclude the ethnic Albanian guerrillas from peace talks. William Walker, who worked in Kosovo when Kosovo Albanian guerrillas there were fighting Serbian forces, said that by trying to isolate the National Liberation Army, or NLA, the Macedonians risked driving recruits into guerrilla ranks. "NO PLACE FOR EXTREMISTS" "They should definitely communicate with them to find out what their grievances are and what their solution to the problem might be," he told Reuters in an interview. The State Department spokesman rejected the recommendation to include the rebels in the political process. "We do not see a place in that process for armed extremists, people holding civilian hostages, people attacking ambulances, people seeking to disrupt the peaceful, normal life of the Albanian community in Macedonia," he said. "They seem to prove every day that they are not interested in addressing the real concerns and needs of the Albanian community," Boucher added. Walker likened the Macedonian conflict to the insurgency in El Salvador, where he was U.S. ambassador from 1988 to 1992. "We, the United States and the Salvadorean government, wouldn't talk to the guerrillas, and as we refused to talk, they grew in strength and they grew in capabilities," he said. He said he did not accept the Western governments' argument that Macedonia is a model multiethnic democracy, unlike the Serbian state which oppressed ethnic Albanians in Kosovo under former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. "If you talk to members of that ethnic Albanian community in Macedonia, the general perception is that they are not treated as full-fledged citizens," he said. "Their language is not an official language. They are a very large group and they see themselves as second-class citizens. If Macedonia were truly a fully functioning multiethnic society, you wouldn't have that feeling among a third of the population. The complaints are there." Boucher rejected any comparison between ethnic Albanian guerrillas in Macedonia and those in southern Serbia. "In Macedonia, you had an inclusive government that already included Albanian leadership, that already had avenues for Albanians to express their political needs," he said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 6 23:00:56 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 23:00:56 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Rumsfeld Pays Visit to Troops in Balkans Message-ID: <16.d9a4c67.28504868@aol.com> Rumsfeld Pays Visit to Troops in Balkans By JAMES DAO AMP BONDSTEEL, Kosovo, June 5 ? In his first foray into the Balkans, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld heard today from American troops and commanders about the difficulties of stemming ethnic fighting along the Kosovo- Macedonia border, where some Bush administration officials want to curtail the United States' role. Traveling by Blackhawk helicopter in the shadow of Kosovo's snow- capped peaks, Mr. Rumsfeld surveyed the intricate networks of mountain trails used by Albanian rebels to smuggle weapons into Macedonia from Kosovo. He also talked to soldiers involved in gun battles along the border and was shown dozens of weapons seized from smugglers in recent weeks. Though Mr. Rumsfeld has said little about what he wants to do with the 6,000 American troops in Kosovo, he has made clear in the past that he believes American forces are overextended across the globe, specifically pointing to Bosnia as one place where United States involvement should be wound down. During the American presidential campaign, Condoleezza Rice, now President Bush's national security adviser, called for having the Europeans take up more peacekeeping duties in the Balkans ? a position the administration has since backed away from. In brief remarks to several hundred soldiers inside a tentlike movie theater here, Mr. Rumsfeld did not mention the debate in Washington over peacekeeping missions, and instead praised the troops for having taken up a "noble cause" that he said has often been overlooked. Brig. Gen. William David, the new commander of the American contingent in NATO's peacekeeping force in Kosovo, told reporters that conditions seemed to have improved somewhat along the border in recent days. He said the recent decision to allow Yugoslav troops back into a buffer zone around Kosovo had allowed NATO troops to focus more resources on stemming rebel activity along the Macedonia border. But General David said it remained difficult to stop the flow of fighters and weapons across the hilly and heavily wooded Kosovo-Macedonia border, where Albanian smugglers using mule trains and cell phones sometimes operate with impunity. Asked if he thought American troops were still needed to keep the peace, General David said yes. "This can be a deadly place," he said. Camp Bondsteel is in a way emblematic of the growing entrenchment of the American military here. Two years ago, it was little more than an encampment of tents. Today, it is a sprawling, self-contained city with wooden barracks and command centers, a water treatment plant, makeshift helicopter hangers, a movie theater, gymnasiums and a hospital under construction. Mr. Rumsfeld and his contingent, aboard the helicopter protected by two Apache gunships, also dropped into a hilltop outpost just yards from the Macedonia border. During a brief clash in early March, an Army platoon captured the hilltop from Albanian rebels, who had been using a schoolhouse there as a base to fire mortars into Macedonia. As he surveyed the outpost, Mr. Rumsfeld, dressed in a dark suit and raincoat, looked like a politician on the stump, shaking hands, posing for photographs and entering a bunker to chat with the troops. "We're keeping track of you every day from Washington," he told them. In Skopje, Macedonia, the secretary also inspected six unmanned aircraft known as Hunters that are being used for reconnaissance along the Kosovo border. The planes, slow- moving but hard to shoot down because of their small size, carry powerful cameras and infrared sensors that can transmit information almost anywhere in the world. The planes represent the kind of high- tech weaponry Mr. Rumsfeld has said should be at the heart of a new American military. Mr. Rumsfeld began his day in Kiev where he met with the Ukrainian president and minister of defense to discuss the nation's recent political crisis, its efforts at military and economic reform and missile defense. Washington views Ukraine as an important buffer against Russia but has been alarmed by the recent ouster of its Western-minded prime minister, Viktor Yushchenko, and accusations that its president, Leonid D. Kuchma, ordered the killing last year of a journalist, Georgy Gongadze. Mr. Rumsfeld said in a news conference after his meetings that he had been "impressed with the very solid commitment" of the Kuchma government to making political reforms and strengthening ties to the West. But he said he also urged Mr. Kuchma to conduct "a thorough and transparent" investigation into the death of Mr. Gongadze. From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 6 23:45:17 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 20:45:17 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Zgjedhjet ne Shqiperi - Gazeta Shqiptare Message-ID: <20010607034517.81392.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> P?rse un? kund?r Angjelit "Monopolet greke po na mbysin ekonomin?" Ministri i Financave, Anastas Angjeli, kandidat p?r deputet n? zon?n 33 t? qytetit t? Tiran?, dhuroi k?to dit? n? qytetin "Studenti" nj? sasi biletash t? shtrenjta p?r koncertin e grupit "Skorpions". Me ket? gjest kandidati socialist " ua kaloi" kandidat?ve t? tjer? t? zon?s 33 , t? cil?t as e ?ojn? n? mend t? sajdisin zgjedh?sit me bileta pes?dhjet?mij?lek?she p?r koncerte t? porositura si ai i dit?s s? diel? n? stadiumin "Dinamo". K?ta kandidat? , ku p?rfshihet edhe i n?nshkruari, e kan? t? qart? se me rushfete t? tilla Angjeli " fiton" kund?r gjith? shqiptar?ve. Por fushata nuk ?sht? tender, gara zgjedhore ?sht? tjet?r gj?. Gara zgjedhore p?r zgjedhjet parlamentare b?het p?r kat?r vitet q? lam? pas dhe p?r kat?r vitet e ardhshme. Ajo ka kuptim dhe dobi kur n? t? fokusohen problemet madhore t? shoq?ris?, analizohen bilance dhe propozohen zgjidhje. Me ket? vet?dije d?sh?roj t? shtroj p?r debat dhe gjykim tre prej ?eshtjeve madhore t? koh?s. ?eshtja e par? lidhet me Koridorin Tet?. Ky koridor i shpres?s dhe ardhm?ris? s? re p?r Shqip?rin? nuk ka gjer m? sot asnj? gjurm? n? tok?n ton?. Prej tre kat?r vjet?sh, her? nga padituria, her? me q?llim, disa zyrtar? t? Tiran?s ngat?rrojn? projektin e BE_s? p?r rahabilitimin e rrug?s ekzistuese Durr?s-Qafthan? me Koridorin Tet?. Ne ket? m?nyr? ata sherbejn? nj? genjesht?r t? madhe p?r veten e tyre, p?r opinionin shqiptar si dhe p?r arkitekt?t e sponsor?t euroamerikan? t? Koridorit. Bashk? me ket? ngat?rres? t? pajustifikueshme p?rparon edhe nj? mendim n?nvler?sues p?r kuptimin dhe p?rmasat e Koridorit duke e paraqitur at? thjesht si nj? rrug? kamionash e makinash E verteta ?sht? se Koridori Tet? paraqet materializimin e nj? poli t? ri zhvillimi n? Europ?n Juglindore deri n? thell?si t? Azis?. Shtrati i k?tij Koridori p?rban rrug?, hekurudha, impiante, porte, lidhje telekomunikacioni e tjer?. Trungu i Koridorit n? segmentin shqiptar ndjek drejtimin Durr?s-Tiran?-Qaf?than? dhe ?sht? i gjat? 63 kilometra. Deg?zimet mbulojn? portet e tjer? t? Shqip?ris?. Projekti e sheh portin e Durr?sit si nj? "paket?" t? madhe shp?rndar?se q? do t? konkuroj? me portet e m?dha t? rajonit. N? fakt, Koridori Tet? sjell nj? shd?rrim cil?sor te gjeopolitk?s shqiptare dhe rajonale. Nga nj? vend tradicionalisht tranzit, ne b?hemi edhe udh?kryq i l?vizjes s? mallrave, njer?zve e pse jo edhe ideve. Koridori Tet? n? Shqip?ri do t? fillonte me investimin e Bank?s Bot?rore n? portin e Durr?sit. Por ky investim ?sht? vonuar e penguar nga prania n? port e shoq?rive greke t? naft?s. T? gjendur mes nxitjes amerikane p?r pastrimin e portit dhe presioneve t? Athin?s p?r mbajtjen e depozitave, zyrtar?t shqiptar? jan? l?kundur andej-k?ndej me fjal? por si p?rfundim kan? shkuar vazhdimisht n? an?n e Athin?s. ( A mund t? imagjinohet q? tri firma shqiptare t? bllokojn? shansin e Greqis? n? Selanik?). K?to fakte jan? botuar her?pasher? n? shtyp. Duhet shtuar se Athina nuk ka ndonj? merak t? ve?ant? p?r ca depozita nafte. Nd?rhyrjet greke pran? zyrtar?ve shqiptar? jan? brenda stretegjis? s? vonimit t? Koridorit Tet? n? kuadrin e betej?s nd?rajonale t? koridoreve. Pritja, indiferenca, komplloti i heshtjes dhe sabotimi i kujdesh?m-me k?to fjal? mund t? shprehet q?ndrimi i qeverisjes son? ndaj Koridorit Tet?. P?r t'u ber?, Koridori n? ter?si kushton mbi dy bilion dollar?. Nuk e di sa paguhet p?r t? mos u ber?. Nj? prej ministrave q? ka kontribuar p?r ngrirjen e k?tij Koridori ka ven? tani kanditatur?n n? zon?n 33 dhe u blen student?ve bileta t? shtrenjta me q?llim q? t? fitoj? votat e tyre dhe t? rizgjidhet! ?eshtja e dyt? ka lidhje me trajtimin e disa prej sektor?ve strategjik? t? ekonomis? komb?tare. Po kufizohemi me shembullin e telefonis? s? l?vizshme. Edhe n? ket? rast u p?rgatit dhe u p?rhap me kujdes nj? genjesht?r e madhe sikur AMC-ja po i n?nshtrohej privatizimit. E verteta ?sht? se AMC-ja nuk ?sht? privatizuar por i ?sht? shitur entit publik grek, pra shtetit grek.K?sisoj, p?r t? qen? korrekt?, mund t? flasim p?r shitje dhe transferim pron?sie por jo p?r privatizim. Me kalimin e AMC-s? n? pron?si t? huaj, tarifat e sherbimit celular n? Shqip?ri jan? m? t? larta se n? Greqi dhe Itali. K?tu kemi nj? nga rastet e rralla kur i ashtuquajturi " privatizim" i nj? sherbimi fitimprur?s sjell rritje ?mimesh dhe shrregullime n? funksionim. Kjo situat? ka shtuar dyshimet sikur AMC-n? po e paguajn? me k?ste p?r llogari t? grek?ve klient?t shqiptar?. Prandaj ?sht? i nevojsh?m nj? akt minimal transparence nga qeveria shqiptare p?r sasin? dhe destinacionin e deritanish?m t? shumave q? jan? siguruarr nga shitja e AMC-s?. Nuk do t? ishte hiq e k?ndshme po t? dal? se kemi shituar kaun p?r t? thurur gardhin. ?sht? th?n? se li?ensimi i operatorit t? dyt? t? sherbimit celular do t? ?oj? n? uljen e tarifave. Kan? kaluar disa muaj dhe ka pak gjasa q? kjo t? ndidh? shpejt. I njejti aksioner q? ka bler? rreth 70 p?rqind t? aksioneve t? AMC-s?, ka bler? edhe 32 p?rqind t? aksioneve t? operatorit t? dyt?. Ky aksioner ?sht? enti publik grek, pra shteti grek, i cili v?shtir? se do t? konkuroj? vetveten me operatorin e dyt? pa shfryt?zuar mir? e mir? AMC-n?. K?tu jemi n? nj? situat? monopolistike, sikurse edhe n? mjaft sektor? t? tjer?. Por e keqja nuk mbaron me kaq. Parat? q? fitohen n? Shqip?ri nga sektor?t e sherbimeve si? ?sht? trasporti i udhetar?ve dhe telefoni i l?vizsh?m apo nga lodrat e fatit si? ?sht? telebingoja depozitohen n? bankat e huaja dhe p?rdoren p?r zhvillimin e vendeve t? tjera. Ky ?sht? problemi i problemeve. Si t'ja b?jm? q? t? frenojm? " eksodin" e valut?s. Njeriu q? nuk mendon fare p?r ket? problem ka ven? kandidatur?n n? zon?n 33 t? Tiran?s, u blen student?ve bileta t? shtrenjta me q?llim q? t? fitoj? votat e tyre dhe t? rizgjidhet. Privatizimi ( n?nkupto shitja dhe tranferimi) i Telekomit ?sht? ber? gati. ?eshtja e tret? ka lidhje me modelin e zhvillimit. Ne kemi nj? model kryesisht treg?tar q? nuk prodhon, por vet?m konsumon para. ?sht? e pamundur t? pikas?sh n? administrat?n ton? ndonj? zgjidhje apo projekt q? nxjerr para nga paraja. Sterilitetin e modelit ton? e d?shmon m? mir? se ?do teori krahasimi i dy qyteve kufitare, i Janin?s dhe Gjirokastr?s. Janina lul?zon q? prej dhjet? vitesh p?r shkak t? hapjes me Gjirokastr?n. Gjirokastra vet?m rr?nohet. Konstrasti i k?tyre qyteteve ?sht? njeher?sh edhe kontrasti midis politikave efektive q? ndjek Greqia dhe politikave shterp? q? ndjek Shqip?ria n? rrafshin e zhvillimit. Ja pse themi se qeverisja jon? nuk ?sht? lart?sin? e detyrave t? qeverisjes q?ndrore por merret kryesisht me ?eshtje q? i perkasin nivelit lokal t? qeverisjes. Kjo duket qart? edhe n? dublimin e p?rditsh?m t? kryetarit t? bashkis? nga kryeministri, ministri i financave dhe ministra t? tjer?. Mendoj se na mjafton nj? kryetar bashkie. Kryeministri dhe ministrat duhet t? kryejn? detyrat e tyre. Detyra themelore e ministris? s? financave ?sht? hartimi dhe v?nia n? veprim e zgjidhjeve q? ndihmojn? zhvillimin. Vet?m ket? nuk b?n ministri yn?. Ministria e Financave paraqitet si truri i fikur i ekonomis?. Ekonomia jon? ?sht? ekonomi gjymtyr?sh. Tani ky minist?r ka ven? kandidatur?n n? zon?n 33, blen bileta t? shtrenjta p?r student?t me q?llim q? t? fitoj? vot?n e tyre dhe t? rizgjidhet. Po gara? A do t? kemi gar? p?r problemet e m?dha? --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Personal Address - Get email at your own domain with Yahoo! Mail. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 6 23:53:15 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 20:53:15 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] State Department Daily Briefing Message-ID: <20010607035315.28704.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Q: Have you seen the reports for Macedonia? The president wants to ask parliament for a declaration of war in response to the latest casualties suffered by the Macedonian forces. MR. BOUCHER: Let me say a couple things, and starting with the terrible ambush, the attack by extremists on late Tuesday. We strongly condemn this attack and these killings. We certainly express our sympathies to the soldiers that were tragically killed. It is a reprehensible act of violence. We understand the insurgents attacked an ambulance, that it arrived to provide medical attention to the wounded soldiers. These actions by armed extremists must stop now. Ethnic Albanian extremism is harming greatly the interests of Macedonia and of all people in Macedonia, including the Albanians and people throughout the region. Even in these most difficult moments, we think Macedonia's legitimately elected government and party leaders should press forward on the path that they have chosen, which we see as the correct path, and that is the path of inter-ethnic dialogue, to address the concerns of all citizens of Macedonia together with a continuation of their measured response to extremist provocations. During his visit to Macedonia yesterday, Defense Secretary Rumsfeld repeated our strong U.S. support for Macedonia, and for the National Unity Government. Secretary Rumsfeld joined regional defense ministers today in Thessaloniki in condemning the extremist violence. So we believe a continuation of the path that has been chosen is the way to go forward and the way to move forward with this. We don't see that a declaration of a state of war would serve to advance this kind of political reconciliation, political solution. We reiterate once again the importance of the measured response that the government has taken, showing maximum concern for the safety of civilians, and pressing forward with this dialogue. Q: The declaration of war is against insurgents who were never included in this ethnic dialogue. I mean, are these two things mutually exclusive? Can they prosecute a war against a radical element of Albanians while continuing a reconciliation dialogue with more mainstream and moderate Albanians in the country? MR. BOUCHER: Certainly the armed actions that they've taken are not incompatible with the political dialogue. We think they have chosen a correct path and they have been following the right mix, the right balance, between dealing militarily with the extremism and the reprehensible acts of violence that we've seen and dealing politically with the legitimate concerns of the Albanian community. So there is no inherent contradiction between the military action and the political dialogue. I guess the question would be, does the declaration of a state of war advance that process or not. We don't see that it particularly does. Q: What do you think of the comments by your former colleague Mr. Walker in The Washington Post and to various reporters, saying that it's probably shortsighted to ignore the NLA as an element in the -- in getting a political settlement in Macedonia? MR. BOUCHER: I guess it's been a while since Mr. Walker was one of our former colleagues, or since he was one of our colleagues -- yes, that doesn't make sense at all. Anyway, he is a former colleague. The situation, in our view, has been quite clear all along. The needs, concerns, interests of the Albanian community need to be accommodated to the political process. I think we agree on that. We do not see a place in that process for armed extremists: people that are holding civilian hostages; people that are attacking ambulances; people that are seeking to disrupt the peaceful, normal life of the Albanian community in Macedonia. We have never seen a role for them in the political negotiations and don't see one now. They seem to prove every day that they are not interested in addressing real concerns and needs of the Albanian community. So the issue of addressing the needs and concerns of the Albanian community is important. But in Macedonia, there are legitimate avenues. There are legitimate representatives. There are legitimate opportunities to address those concerns and especially this latest step of forming a National Unity Government provides the appropriate mechanism of doing that and we have encouraged the government to work together and to use this opportunity to address any legitimate needs of the Albanian community. Q: Richard, can you speak to how this is different than the situation in southern Serbia where armed extremists were encouraged to begin a dialogue with the Serbs? MR. BOUCHER: The situation is politically different and militarily different as well. In Macedonia, you had an inclusive government that already included Albanian leadership, that already had avenues for Albanians to express their political needs and their political concerns. And we encourage people in the Albanian community to take advantage of that and we encourage people in the government to provide legitimate satisfaction to those grievances. Given the history of Serbia and the Yugoslav Government under Macedonia, there were people with Albanian interests and concerns who were outside that system and who needed to be brought in. Q: Since we're doing comparisons -- MR. BOUCHER: Maybe I never should have started. (Laughter.) Q: How does it differ from Northern Ireland where -- Q: Or Chechnya? Q: -- where there were always legitimate avenues and yet the United States was very much in favor of dialogue with the IRA? MR. BOUCHER: We are not going to try to compare every, to contrast every situation in the world. I think exam season is open, it's time for graduation. Let's -- Q: You let one in. MR. BOUCHER: I know, I let one in, but that's enough. One a day. One comparison a day -- that's a new rule. (Laughter.) Q: This proposition has some serious support. Ambassador Walker's piece the other day in the Post -- MR. BOUCHER: I mean, there is one fact, I think, that is repeated in some of the press articles and repeated, I think, by Ambassador Walker, at least in some of the articles about him that are, as far as we understand, just plain not true. And that's that Ambassador Froelich did not negotiate with the NLA and did not endorse any document that others might have signed with it. And somehow the whole edifice of criticism seems to be based somewhat on that fact. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Personal Address - Get email at your own domain with Yahoo! Mail. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jun 7 22:41:40 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 7 Jun 2001 19:41:40 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conferences on Macedonia Message-ID: <20010608024140.92958.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Two academic conferences in Washington over the past seven days have highlighted some of the difficult policy questions facing Macedonia, the southern Balkan country which is confronting guerrilla war by disaffected Albanian separatists. At a conference on the Balkans one week ago, British academic Jane Sharp said if violence came to the capital, Skopje, she feared that the Macedonian conflict, like Bosnia before it, could descend into civil war. Ominously, on Wednesday gunmen fired shots on the Skopje office of President Boris Trajkovski. Other speakers said it is imperative that the Macedonian government act quickly to grant equal rights to the up to 30% Albanian minority. Law professor and Institute of Peace scholar Julie Mertus blames the international community for not moving faster to promote ethnic equality in Macedonia. "A couple years ago I was a little bit concerned because a lot of attention was being paid to democratization in Macedonia," said Ms. Mertus. "But Macedonia stood out as a kind of an illiberal democracy. Because there was democracy in terms of voting, and political parties and more speech but still not full human rights. And there were a lot of problems in terms of policing and the military. And I see we're paying the price for that now." Ms. Mertus spoke Wednesday at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington. But at the conference sponsored by the Center for Strategic and International Studies several speakers put the blame on the ethnic Albanian guerrillas, accusing them of seeking polarization and civil war. Jim O'Brien until recently was the U.S. presidential envoy for the Balkans. "Part of the problem is in Kosovo," Mr. O'Brien said. "There is a very small group of people who have been behind the problems in southern Serbia, Kosovo, and Macedonia. And I think it is important that the special U.N. representative Hans Haakerup and KFOR take all the robust action they can in order to stop the people who are fomenting the violence." The Albanian guerrillas operate along the mountainous border that separates Macedonia from Kosovo. Law professor Mertus, who has been studying the effects of humanitarian intervention in Kosovo and Bosnia, said a long-term solution might involve changing national borders so that they better match the ethnic makeup of the inhabitants. There have been suggestions that Albanian populated western Macedonia could be joined to either neighboring Albania or Kosovo. This idea is vigorously rejected by western governments. "It's very ironic because there's great reluctance on behalf of the international community to deal with the redrawing of boundaries question," Ms. Mertus said. "Because they fear that would be an intrusion into state sovereignty. But what we're talking about here in many different ways [ie, the bombing of Kosovo and the sending of KFOR to Kosovo] is the intrusion into state sovereignty. But when it comes to the redrawing of borders, hands off." For now the Macedonian government is moving on two tracks, one peaceful and one military. It is mounting, with increasing international support, a sustained campaign against the rebels. And it is also moving to address the grievances of the Albanian minority, whose principal political parties are part of a new national unity government. Voice of America --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Personal Address - Get email at your own domain with Yahoo! Mail. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Fri Jun 8 08:17:26 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Fri, 8 Jun 2001 08:17:26 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kathimerini on Albanian elections Message-ID: Kathimerini Commentary Greek minority pains By Stavros Lygeros Sixteen days ahead of the Albanian elections, everything seems to point to the ruling Socialist Party prevailing. This time, however, the margin dividing it from the Democratic Party is likely to be much smaller than in 1997. It is worth noting that the two main parties are attempting, through apparently legal machinations, to turn the electoral system into a majority vote system. The ethnic Greek Omonoia party is waging its own battle in a highly unfavorable political landscape. The fact that the Socialist Party needs Greece does not seem to prevent it from resorting to extremes in order to eliminate Omonoia and, by extension, also the core of the Greek minority. In the local elections last year, it resorted to extensive vote-rigging to sabotage the Omonoia candidate in Heimarra. Once again its tactics are anything but fair. In Dromopolis the entire state mechanism has been mobilized for this purpose. The tax office, customs, the police and the secret services make lavish promises, blackmail and threaten the Greek minority, pressuring it to vote for the socialist candidate or, at least, not vote for Omonoia candidate Vangelis Doulis. In the Vourkos district in the Sarande municipality, the ruling party does not have the power to contest the seat, hence it has chosen to back - with similar tactics - Konstantina Betziani. Betziani actually failed to be named candidate in Omonoia's primaries and now is now running independently with support from her partner, an escaped convict. What is interesting is that in her election campaign Betziani received indirect support from Nicholas Gage-Gatzoyiannis who, a week ago, visited her constituency along with Joseph Librecht, the US ambassador to Tirana. It is no coincidence that the well-known visitors ate together and wandered in the village of Livadia together with Betziani while they avoided meeting the official Omonoia candidate Andreas Mitsis. Unfortunately, Athens - at least for the time being - has not paid sufficient attention to the sufferings of ethnic Greeks while Tirana continues its fixed policy of destroying the Greek minority through indirect means. From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Mon Jun 11 06:47:05 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Mon, 11 Jun 2001 06:47:05 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Call for papers Message-ID: From: "Thomas Cushman" | CALL FOR PAPERS Xenophobia HUMAN RIGHTS REVIEW Human Rights Review is an interdisciplinary, quarterly journal published by Transaction Publishers. The journal, now in its third year of publication, seeks a new level of integration of social - scientific information, theory, philosophy, history, and critical perspectives in the study of human rights. Reflecting the growing interest in the relationship between globalization and human rights, Human Rights Review is international in scope. Human Rights Review welcomes topics not traditionally covered in the existing literature on human rights, as well as attending to practical and policy dimensions of human rights issues. HRR welcomes submissions in a variety of formats, including essays, scholarly articles, critical reviews of existing literature, and interviews. Human Rights Review seeks articles for a special issue on "Xenophobia". The global intensification and expansion of movement of people across borders has elicited a variety of political, economic, and cultural reactions. These responses range from benign attempts to protect certain ways of life to more serious and often violent responses which are meant to do harm to "outsiders." Human Rights Review invites articles which examine any aspect of xenophobia. In particular, we are interested in case studies of xenophobia in particular countries or areas of the world; comparative studies of xenophobia; analyses of xenophobic state responses to outsiders; and theoretical and philosophical analysis of the phenomenon of xenophobia. Human Rights Review is committed to expanding interdisciplinary discourse on human rights. Toward that end, submissions by scholars in a diversity of fields are sought for this issue. Queries to the Editor are especially welcome and encouraged. All articles should be a maximum of 30 pages, double spaced, and include a title page with the author?s current position and contact information. A style sheet, as well as more general information about Human Rights Review can be found at the website: http://www.wellesley.edu/Sociology/HRRindex.html. It is the responsibility of authors to ensure that articles are in proper HRR format before publication. Manuscripts under simultaneous submission elsewhere or materials that have already been published will not be considered. Authors should send two copies of articles as well as a disk copy, in Microsoft Word format to: Thomas Cushman, Editor, Human Rights Review , Wellesley College, 106 Central Street, Wellesley, MA 02481. Email submissions are especially encouraged and should be marked "Xenophobia Issue" in the subject line. Please send electronic submissions and queries to: hrr at wellesley.edu. The deadline for submissions is November 1, 2001 From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jun 11 13:44:30 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 11 Jun 2001 10:44:30 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shkrimi me i hershem ne Shqiperi? Message-ID: <20010611174430.58455.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Pogradec: Zbulohen n? Mok?r 4 tabula t? periudh?s romakeLajmi i ores 3:30 PM TIRANE - Kater tabula (pllaka te lyera me dyll), te cilat mendohet se i perkasin periudhes romake, jane zbuluar kohet e fundit ne krahinen e Mokres (Pogradec). Tabulat u gjeten nga nje fshatar i kesaj zone i cili paskesaj ia kishte dhene nje mbledhesi te antikuareve nga qyteti i Elbasanit. Sipas deshmive te fshatarit ato u gjeten n? nj? qyp hermetik brenda nj? varri t? vjet?r. Specialistet theksojne se, tabulat jane shkruar sipas menyres se stampimit dhe nuk mbajne asnje shenje, kryq apo lule trifleteshe, te semiotikes se krishterimit dhe paleokrishterimit. Shkrimi mbi tabula duket i perzier me germa te alfabetit latin dhe helen, eshte i vazhdueshem, pa ndarje ne mes, ndersa disa nga bashkimet e shkronjave mund te interpretohen permes shqipes. Njera nga tabulat ka nje vizatim dhe shprehjen "Kaeirta", qe ne greqisht do te thote "nderime". Aktualisht tabulat ndodhen ne Drejtorine e Pergjithshme te Arkivave te Shqiperise per t'iu nenshtruar analizave qe do te deshmojne mbi karakterin dhe burimin e paleografise. Per te kryer ekspertizen jane ftuar konsulente te arkivave franceze, italiane, zvicerane dhe rumune. Nderkohe, prane ketij institucioni eshte ngritur nje komision i posa?em i perbere nga specialiste me ne ze te arkeologjise, historise, dhe arkivistikes si Muzafer Korkuti, Dhimiter Shuteriqi, Muzafer Xhaxhiu, Kristo Frasheri etj. Shaban Sinani, drejtor i Arkivave te Shqiperise tha per ATSH-ne se, "ne qofte se vertetohet se keto tabula i perkasin periudhes romake, atehere do te ishte nje zbulim i madh i shkences shqiptare pasi shkrimi me i lashte do te datonte tete shekuj me pare nga sa eshte deshmuar deri tani". Analiza e lendes, e cila eshte dyll i perzier me nje lende tjeter, do te hedhe drite mbi vjetersine e tabulave. Sipas dr. Sinanit, analizat po behen ne bashkepunim me laboratorin e Shkencave te Natyres te Shqiperise, dhe se se shpejti mund te bashkepunohet edhe me laboratorin e Pekinit, i cili ka restauruar edhe kodiket e Shqiperise. Ne kete faze fillestare mendimet e specialisteve jane te diskutueshme lidhur me epoken se ciles i perkasin tabulat, por dy deri tani tani mendohet qe keto shkrime datojne ne shekullin III-II para eres sone, ose ne periudhen bizantine. in/an (ATSH/BalkanWeb) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Personal Address - Get email at your own domain with Yahoo! Mail. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jun 11 14:56:14 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 11 Jun 2001 14:56:14 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Going From Bad to Worse Macedonia now wages war on its own people Message-ID: Going From Bad to Worse Macedonia now wages war on its own people By Juliette Terzieff and Rod Nordland NEWSWEEK Forty-two-year-old Hamdi Klenja knew it was bad when hundreds of men poured into Tsar Samuel Street in the southern Macedonian town of Bitola last Wednesday. The day before, Albanian guerrillas had ambushed and killed five Macedonian soldiers. Three of the dead came from Bitola, and now a mob was taking revenge on the town?s ethnic-Albanian civilians. As they broke down his front door Klenja ran upstairs and passed his small children from the balcony to a neighbor next door. Then he jumped after them. Police stood by as looters ransacked his house, then threw in Molotov cocktails. Klenja tried to douse the blaze with a garden hose, but police ordered him to stop. "Let it burn," they said. And it did, along with dozens of other Albanian homes and shops in the city. WHEN IT COMES TO WINNING hearts and minds, Macedonians are doing a much better job on the diplomatic front than in their own streets and front lines. As evidence of widespread human-rights abuses mounted, NATO secretary-general Lord George Robertson continued to condemn the Albanian insurgents of the National Liberation Army (NLA) for provoking the crisis. NATO pledged to tighten the Kosovo border to cut off guerrilla supply lines. The international community has supported Macedonia?s government of national unity, composed of both ethnic Macedonians and Albanians, and has backed its refusal to negotiate with the NLA. But the group is increasingly hard to ignore. Last Friday a NEWSWEEK reporter saw NLA fighters dug in at the hillside village of Aracinovo, only three miles from the outskirts of the capital, Skopje. They were hurriedly bringing in truckloads of automatic weapons. Macedonian Army and police watched from a safe distance. A series of humiliations for the military, which has few Albanian members, seems to have spurred outrages against civilians. After four months of conflict, the NLA has eluded Army pursuit and managed to fight on two fronts, near the cities of Kumanovo and Tetovo. Villages taken by the Army have been swiftly retaken by the guerrillas. The fighting has caused thousands of Albanian civilians to flee. Over protests from the Red Cross and other agencies, men have been separated from women and taken by police. Many have been beaten, even tortured. Interviews by journalists, aid workers and Human Rights Watch investigators depict systematic abuse by police and, in some cases, the Army. Many witnesses reported hearing protracted screaming from victims held in the Kumanovo police station. "One of them must have been very young, from the sound of his voice," said Zija Ismaili. "He kept screaming for his mother and God to save him." Ismaili, 52, said he was held June 3 and 4 and beaten c! ontinuously by masked?and laughi ng?policemen until he convinced them that he knew nothing about the guerrillas. He is black and blue from head to foot. The prime minister?s spokesman, Antonio Milososki, does not rule out "isolated cases" but says, "Our policy is not to beat every Albanian." Seeking refuge with family members in the town of Cerkes, the eight members of the Hamidi family are heavily bruised from rifle butts wielded by troops who burst into their compound in Runica on May 21. The father of the family was so badly beaten that two weeks later he can neither walk nor talk. The troops splashed their house, then their car, with gasoline and set them on fire. Then they doused 21-year-old Avni Hamidi and threatened to burn him alive before frog-marching him and the others into the village center. There the soldiers burned down the mosque, the school and, reportedly, most of the hamlet?s houses. Avni saw his chance and bolted for the river. "If they caught him, he must be dead," said his mother, Avdie Hamidi, who has not seen her son since. Last week?s rampage in Bitola, some 100 miles from the war zone, can best be described as a police-sanctioned looting-and-arson spree. Numerous witnesses reported police escorting Macedonian mobs into Albanian neighborhoods?and doing nothing to restrain them. Hamdi Klenja returned the next day to pick through the charred remains of his home. All he found was three teacups, a vase, a pair of slippers and a half-burned blanket. On a wall someone had scrawled death to the albanians. One of the arsonists brazenly walked up to Klenja and informed him that Albanians had a week to leave Bitola, or be killed. Those fighting words are likely to be returned in kind. The NLA has already cut off the water supply to the cities of Tetovo and Kumanovo, and authorities claim the rebels shelled two Macedonian villages in the hills near the capital. The next casualty may be the government itself. President Boris Trajkovski genuinely seems to want to work with moderate Albanians?but Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski has been much more hard-line, threatening to declare a "state of war" that would drive Albanian parties out of the government. "I am for war without mercy," he said Thursday. The two leaders are barely on speaking terms. Small wonder, perhaps, that authority in Macedonia has devolved to mobs and extremists. From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Mon Jun 11 16:27:53 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Mon, 11 Jun 2001 16:27:53 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CAREER FORUM AT HARVARD Message-ID: Harvard University Career Forum 2001 On Tuesday, June 12, representatives from schools and departments from across the University will gather from 11am - 7pm in Gund Hall at the Graduate School of Design (corner of Cambridge and Quincy Streets in Cambridge) to meet with job seekers. Recruiters and Human Resources Officers will be on hand to introduce you to the many world class opportunities at Harvard, discuss specific job openings, review your resume and answer any questions you might have about current or future openings. You can also gather information about the benefits of a Harvard career from a benefits representative; learn how to use HIRES, Harvard?s online application system; and explore Harvard?s various career development resources, including the Tuition Assistance Program (TAP), offered by the Center for Training and Development. In conjunction with Parents in a Pinch, Harvard will provide limited on-site childcare for job seekers attending Career Forum 2001. To reserve a space, contact Parents in a Pinch at 617-739-8366, Ext. 2. Attendees should bring multiple copies of a resume that can be scanned. For more information, call the Employment Office at 617-495-2772. If you are unable to attend, you can review and apply for current opportunities by clicking on "Jobs at Harvard" or stop by the Employment Office at 11 Holyoke Street, Cambridge. From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Tue Jun 12 16:02:34 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Tue, 12 Jun 2001 16:02:34 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] AIM on Minorities in Greece Message-ID: AIM Athens, May 31, 2001 Greece "distinguished" itself as the only one of the sixteen countries participating or facilitating the Stability Pact for Southeast Europe (SP) that snubbed the meeting in Strasbourg, on 22 May 2001, where SP minority-related projects of the Council of Europe (including an anti-discrimination review) were furthered or launched. Greece along with Turkey are the only SP countries that have not ratified the Framework Convention on National Minorities (FCNM): so Greece was not present either in the Council of Europe's meeting to discuss minority rights the day before (21 May), while even Turkey was there When the Council of Europe was asked about Greece's glaring absence, the secretariat informed participants that Greece did not even reply to the invitation calls. They also heard that, fifteen months ago, Foreign Minister Papandreou had told the Council's Political Director that Greece would participate in the SP projects on minorities, and even assigned his representative. Since then, Greece managed to put at the head of the SP's Working Table I, on Human Rights and Minorities, an individual never known to be favorable to the Table's topic, as well as to veto a NGO minority project selected by the SP's Task Force on minorities, that would have included minorities in Greece In the meantime, in the past twelve months, Greece has been widely criticized internationally, by NGOs but also and most importantly by expert bodies of inter-governmental organizations (IGOs) -UN and Council of Europe-, for its intolerant attitude towards minorities. In every instance, the official state reply was a confirmation of what Panteion University Associate Professor Alexis Heraclidis has called "Greece's anti-minority attitude" (in his newly published book "Greece and the 'Danger from the East,'" Athens: Polis Publishers, 2000). Greek authorities persisted in claiming that there were no ethno-national minorities in the country, while those who supported such ideas are dubbed "separatists" and/or "foreign agents," even if they happen to be minority MPs of the governmental party! "The only official recognized minority in Greece is the Muslim minority of Western Thrace. The minority is composed of three distinct ethnic groups: those of Turkish origin, Pomaks, and Roma . All Greek governments have resisted the collective self-identification of the Muslim minority as Turkish. The reason for this is, first of all, the composition of the minority itself and the conviction that the political aims behind this assertion do not contribute to the peaceful coexistence of the various groups." These were the exact words (transcribed by Greek Helsinki Monitor) of Maria Telalian, head of the Greek delegation that presented Greece's report to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) on 16 March 2001. How then does Greece see those who, in its words, have the political aim to recognize the Muslim minority as Turkish? Greek Ambassador to Ankara Mr. Korantis, in his report to the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), published in its entirety by the weekly "Pontiki" on 5 April 2001, calls that minority's leadership "planted and Kemalist," and the only minority MP present in both previous and current parliament (in the ranks of the government party PASOK), Galip Galip, "zealous in promoting the positions of the Turkish agencies." As, upon the publication of that report there was a controversy over the reaction of the MFA George Papandreou to its content, the MFA's spokesperson stated that his minister considers "the responsibility and ability of Ambassador Korantis given and undeniable" (quoted in Papandreou's own website, http://www.papandreou.gr/2001/April/ana_ypex_beglitis_05042001.html). How did the Turkish minority leadership react to such characterization? No one reacted even when probed, as if they were happy to be portrayed as Turkish agents How did Greek majority media and politicians react to the fact that the government admits having Turkish agents in its ranks? No reaction here either. Probably because for more than a decade all Greek media have portrayed the minority leadership in identical terms, while politicians of the major parties know that they must compose with that "planted, Kemalist" leadership, if they want to gain any minority votes, necessary for their party to secure parliamentary seats in the two districts inhabited by the minority. What about the Macedonian minority then? "I would like to remind the Committee that there is no such a minority officially recognized in Greece," said Ms. Telalian, answering a question of a CERD member on 19 March 2001. Her transcribed by GHM statement continued as follows: "And I would like to mention that it is really embarrassing that certain circles outside Greece, or within Greece, certain activists try to convince the international community that we have such a national minority on the Greek territory. I would like to mention that the only element that these circles have about the existence of such a minority is that, in the northern Greece areas, people speak a second dialect, the Slavic dialect. However, Mr. Chairman, nobody has asked these people if they are willing to self-identify themselves as belonging to a different ethnic nation. They never have expressed themselves in favor of not being Greeks. They never expressed themselves as having a distinct ethnic identity. And I believe this does not do justice to this population, that, because of the geographical area where they live, simply speaks a different dialect. So if we agree that a very important determinant factor for the realization, for the recognition of the existence of a national minority is the will of the people to self-identify themselves, I think that we have to respect at least the wish of these particular people, who live in these areas and who have never expressed themselves in favor of them belonging to such a national, a different from the Greek nation, minority. This is the reason why Greece consistently denies the existence of such a group." Anyone who has followed the issue knows of course that the Greek delegation leader was lying to her teeth. Before the CERD sessions, many experts of that UN body were briefed, inter alia, on concerns related to the Macedonian minority by representatives of two Macedonian organizations, "Rainbow" and "Home of Macedonian Civilization." Both groups' members and/or followers identify themselves indeed as "belonging to such a national, a different from the Greek nation, minority" to use the terminology of the Greek delegation. Since the first group, Rainbow, contested a few elections with a similar platform, and received up to 7,500 votes (which correspond to some 10,000 citizens), there are many more Macedonians in Greece than Greeks in Turkey (whose existence no one has denied). These activists are really a thorn in the throat of the Greek authorities, which have now resorted to defaming them. "Most, but not -I stress: not - all of these activists pursue a policy of secession of a sizeable part of Greek territory," declared unabashedly the Greek MFA's representative in the OSCE Implementation Review Meeting, on 25 October 2000 (http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/english/pressrelease/GD-25-10-2000-osce2000.htm l). Unlike the Turkish activists, Macedonian activist cherish their non-nationalist, pro-European profile and reacted on the spot to the Greek delegation's statement, with a joint statement with Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group-Greece (http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/english/pressrelease/GHM&MRG-G-macedonian-25-10 -2000-osce2000.html): "It is well known to anyone living in the area inhabited by the Macedonian minority in Greece, and to Greek authorities, that no activist from any organization has ever promoted secessionism. On the contrary, the diplomat who spoke for the Greek delegation today was a guest, on behalf of his Ministry, in the special meeting our NGOs had organized for the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) in October 1999 in Athens. During that meeting, representatives from the Macedonian and Turkish minorities, responding to an OSCE HCNM question, categorically condemned not only secession but also autonomy as possible solutions to the many problems the two minorities face. These statements were subsequently published widely and have since been available in the Internet sites of our NGOs, and many other ones." Greece's attitude towards all critical NGO and IGO reports is "to downplay them, an attitude that the National Commission on Human Rights (EEDA) cannot understand," as this newly establish institution stated in its first ever "Report 2000," released in May 2001 (p. 30, http://www.ananeotiki.gr/dikaiwmata/ekthesi2000.htm). "It is necessary that they should be seen by the Administration as a challenge for continuing confirmation and improvement of the protection of human rights, and not as an undermining of the country" added EEDA, recommending immediate and comprehensive answers to these texts rather than "banalities or exaggerated promises" (p. 29). The UN CERD issued in March 2001 recommendations criticizing, inter alia, Greece's lack of respect for the international principles of self-identification and its consequent practice of recognizing some and refusing of recognizing other minorities in contravention of CERD's own General Comments: "While noting that the report of the State party refers to the 'Muslim minority of Western Thrace,' and within this to Turkish, Pomak and Roma groups, and not to other ethnic groups in the country, the Committee draws the attention of the State party to its General Recommendations VIII (38) on the right of each person to self-identification and XXIV (55) concerning article 1 of the Convention in this regard. The Committee encourages the State party to build upon its education programs at all levels in order to counter negative stereotypes and promote the objectives of the Convention. The Committee recommends that the State party take into account the Committee's General Recommendation XXVII (57) concerning Roma in further legal and policy initiatives. The Committee encourages the State party to pursue further its dialogues with representatives of the Roma, Pomak, Albanian and other minority populations, with a view to expanding as necessary the available range of multi-lingual educational programs and policies" (http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/MasterFrameView/d3fcc3818953c1c0c1256a1800 5a1218?Opendocument). In May 2001, the UN Committee against Torture (CAT), in its concerns and recommendations highlighted the racial dimension of the cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment by Greek law enforcement authorities: "There is evidence that the police sometimes use excessive or unjustifiable force in carrying out their duties particularly when dealing with ethnic and national minorities and foreigners; ... such measures as are necessary, including training, [should] be taken to ensure that in the treatment of vulnerable groups, in particular foreigners, ethnic and national minorities, law enforcement officers do not resort to discriminatory practices" (http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/CAT.C.XXVI.Concl.2.Rev.1.En?OpenD ocument). These recommendations emulated the more comprehensive critique by the Council of Europe's European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, whose report was published in June 2000 (http://ecri.coe.int/en/02/02/12/e0202120036.htm). In the midst of this imaginative world encouraged by Greek political culture, it is not surprising that even the MFA G. Papandreou himself is allowed or perhaps obliged to declare: "In our country, we do not have minority problems, for the simple reason that our country is profoundly democratic, where the full presence, participation, integration of every citizen, irrespective of his/her origin or religious belief, has been consolidated not only in law but also in practice." (http://www.papandreou.gr/2001/April/ana_ypex_beglitis_05042001.html). # Panayote Dimitras From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jun 12 16:31:58 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 12 Jun 2001 13:31:58 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US State Department on the situation in Macedonia Message-ID: <20010612203158.38147.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> DAILY PRESS BRIEFING Richard Boucher, Spokesman Washington, DC June 11, 2001 INDEX: MACEDONIA 1 Statement: National Liberation Army Escalates Conflict 1-3 Situation on the Ground / Ceasefire 2 Travel Advisory 2 Placement of NATO Forces 3 Refugee Flows --------------------------------- TRANSCRIPT_: MR. BOUCHER: Ladies and gentlemen, if I can, I would like to start out with a statement about the situation in Macedonia, and then I would be glad to take your questions on this or any other topic. The United States condemns in the strongest terms the extremist actions of the so-called National Liberation Army. We oppose their violent tactics which aim to undermine Macedonian democracy and threaten regional stability. We call for an end to the violence and for the National Liberation Army to withdraw immediately, beginning with Aracinovo. With the occupation of Aracinovo, the extremists have escalated the conflict and pose a potential threat to NATO supply lines. The National Liberation Army actions run directly counter to political reform efforts, harming the true interests of ethnic Albanians in Macedonia and throughout the region. Let me expand on that last part. The United States welcomes President Trajkovsky's June 8th speech and strongly supports his initiative to advance the political reform dialogue and provide opportunities for those who turn their backs on extremism to reintegrate into Macedonian society. We welcome the Macedonian Government's declaration today of a cease-fire as another strong indication of the courageous restraint in face of extremist provocations. We continue to urge the Government of Macedonia to act with restraint in response to the extremist provocations, to use only that force which is necessary and proportionate, and to take steps to avoid endangering civilians. QUESTION: It sounds like you're not too optimistic the cease-fire can hold if the extremists are carrying on like that, correct? MR. BOUCHER: No. QUESTION: Are they a threat? Obviously. MR. BOUCHER: I don't think I said one way or the other. I think I said, first of all, the actions of the extremists, particularly in occupying this town, constitute an escalation; second of all, the actions of the government in exercising restraint remain the appropriate way for them to go. We think that's still the best course, and added to that, the offer of a cease-fire today. We think it's imperative that the warring factions, that the extremists, abide by that and that they take this offer, and that Albanians as a whole in Macedonia take advantage of these opportunities that the government is creating in order to resolve this peacefully. QUESTION: Has the situation on the ground reached a point where you are considering or getting ready to expand on your weekend Travel Warning with perhaps an authorized or ordered departure of diplomats? MR. BOUCHER: Well, the Travel Warning was June 9th. It replaced and updated the previous security situation information. At this point, that was just done two days ago. I think that's where we want to be for the moment. QUESTION: So this new activity doesn't change -- it's not enough yet to make you -- have you change your -- QUESTION: (Inaudible.) MR. BOUCHER: We haven't changed anything since Saturday. QUESTION: Excuse me? Who is answering the questions? MR. BOUCHER: I'm answering the question. We haven't changed anything since Saturday. We'll stick there for the moment. QUESTION: The State Department has been very clear about the placement of NATO forces in Macedonia proper, but do you have an opinion on forces from, I guess, the coalition of Southeastern European countries and whether they should be able to go in there and stabilize the region? MR. BOUCHER: I'm not aware of any proposals to that effect that we've been asked to deal with, so I don't know that we have taken a position on something like that. That would be speculative at this point. QUESTION: Do you have any idea if the US Government is communicating with elements of NLA or the Albanian Government to accept the kind of pressure not to continue to fight against Skopje? MR. BOUCHER: We don't have talks with the extremists. We don't think they deserve or have a seat at the table. As far as other governments in the area, like the Albanians, I am sure we are in touch with them. We are in touch with the Albanian political leadership inside Macedonia, as well. And I think generally our view as expressed here is the same one we have expressed to them, and that is we should encourage Albanians in Macedonia to take advantage of the opportunities of the political system to work out their difficulties. And we have put a lot of emphasis on the leadership, including the government coalition which now involves all the parties, in actually opening up those avenues and providing ways for them to resolve their grievances. QUESTION: Do you have any idea who is arming the insurgents? MR. BOUCHER: I will see if I can get you something on that. I don't have anything here on it. QUESTION: One more on this. What is your assessment of the level of popular support for the NLA at this stage? And do you think -- does it seem to be increasing? MR. BOUCHER: I think our view remains more or less the same, that there is not widespread popular support for this; that the Albanian political leadership in Macedonia, the leaders of the political parties enjoy the broadest possible support. If you look at some of the actions that the extremists have taken, including trying to cut off water supplies to the town of Komanovo, you have seen the actions that they have taken in terms of keeping civilians forcefully bottled up inside some of these cities and now allowing them to leave, you have to assume that, on one hand, their actions alienate the local population and, on the other hand, that they don't consider -- they don't think they do have the support of the local population because they have to keep them locked up at gunpoint sometimes in some of these towns they are in. QUESTION: Have you reached any assessments as to why this latest series of attacks has erupted? Do you think it was because the rebels saw that there was a coalition government starting to start political negotiations, or do you think that they were just retreating and waiting for a better opportunity? MR. BOUCHER: I can't speculate on their kind of activities. They do a lot of things that don't seem to make sense, so I wouldn't want to try. QUESTION: Do you have anything in here specifically about the refugee flow into Kosovo? Or was what you said pretty much it? MR. BOUCHER: No, I don't think I have too much. We know that they have pushed even, I think, Albanians out of some of the areas that they have gone into. In other places, they haven't allowed them to leave. And we know that they have denied access to Red Cross officials to go into these areas as well. So there is a lot of concern about what they are doing with regards to the local population, and that in turn is causing some people to go into Kosovo. But I don't have any numbers for you at this point. QUESTION: The Singapore --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Personal Address - Get email at your own domain with Yahoo! Mail. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 13 00:01:03 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 12 Jun 2001 21:01:03 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KOHA JONE - Fushata e zgjedhjeve ne Sarande Message-ID: <20010613040103.55816.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Cakuli: Me kane dale ambasadoret kunder Sarande- Kandidati per deputet i koalicionit te djathte "Bashkimi per Fitore" per zonen elektorale nr.100, Filip Cakuli, ka bere takime me tere banoret e zones ku ai kandidon. Ai, i ndihmuar nga stafi i tij elektoral i drejtuar nga humoristi Koco Devole, partnership i kandidatit Cakuli, takimet e tij nuk i ka perqendruar vetem me turma njerezish, por edhe me individe te vecante, deri edhe shtepi me shtepi. "Porta ime eshte e hapur per te gjithe", ka thene ne takime me elektoratin e tij kandidati Cakuli. "Jam biri juaj. Madje nuk jam nga ata qe te jap premtime, qe tashme jane bere te modes neper fushata elektorale, sepse me duken genjeshtra. Rolin e deputetit nuk e konceptoj si njeri qe ve dhe heq njerez nga puna sipas oreksit te tij, por si koordinator midis zgjedhesve dhe qeverise", tha Cakuli. Deputeti konstaton gjendjen e zones se vet dhe qeveria ploteson kerkesat e tyre, mendon humoristi i njohur. Ne fund te takimeve kandidati Cakuli u eshte drejtuar bashkebiseduesve se: "Vota juaj per mua eshte e juaja per ju". Lidhur me disa shqetesime te hasura keto dite gjate fushates elektorale te ketij kandidati ne zonen nr.100, zedhenesja e shtypit prane zyres se kandidatit per deputet Filip Cakuli, deklaron: "Zyra e shtypit e kandidatit per deputet ne zonen 100, Filip Cakuli, eshte e autorizuar te deklaroje se ne kete zone po shkelet ligji per zgjedhjet ne Republiken e Shqiperise. Ambasadore e diplomate te huaj, kane zbritur ne kete zone per te bere fushate ne favor te njerit apo tjetrit kandidat. Nje greko-amerikan i quajtur Nikolla Goxojanis ka folur me fshataret e zones elektorale kunder kandidatit te "Bashkimit per Fitore" dhe keto ne prani te ambasadorit Limpreht. Nga ana tjeter, konsulli grek ne Gjirokaster, Janis Pedhjotis, i shoqeruar nga kandidati i PBDNJ-se, Andrea Mici, ben fushate ne favor te ketij te fundit, duke dhene dhurata dhe premtime per viza dhe se "Bashkimi per Fitore" eshte vetem mashtrim. Keto levizje dhe veprime te paligjshme krijojne kushte ne favor te tyre dhe sjellin nje konkurim te pabarabarte e coroditje ne kete zone, duke ndikuar dhunshem dhe hapur mbi voten e lire te zgjedhesve. Per keto veprime informojme Komisionet e Zgjedhjeve, si ate zonal dhe te rrethit, qe nga ana e tyre te nderhyjne energjikisht per t'i dhene fund ketyre praktikave dhe nderhyrjeve antidemokratike qe komprometojne institucionin e votes se lire". Sh. Dine --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail Personal Address - Get email at your own domain with Yahoo! Mail. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Wed Jun 13 08:15:28 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Wed, 13 Jun 2001 08:15:28 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Sculpture Tours at Forest Hills Cemetery Message-ID: <20010613.083222.-503847.2.albboschurch@juno.com> Sculpture Tours The Educational Trust of Historic Forest Hills Cemetery presents two Sculpture Tours on the Saturday afternoons of June 16th and July 14th at 2 PM. Enjoy a Summer day on the magnificent grounds and explore the nationally acclaimed collection of Victorian sculpture, including the works of Daniel Chester French, Martin Milmore and Thomas Ball. Forest Hills is site of the resting places of many notables in the Albanian community, including Archbishop Fan Stylian Noli, whose monument is also featured in brochure of the Educational Trust. A Cenotaph marks the former grave of the eminent Albanian literary stylist and former Ambassador of Albania to the U.S. Faik Konica whose remains are now in Tirana. Other Albanian notables include author, patriot and former Consul Constantine Chekrezi; historian and late editor of Dielli, Qerim Panarity; writer and editor of Dielli, Refat Gurrazezi; Editor of Liria, Dhimitri Trebicka; the first Albanian physicians in Boston, Dr. Andrew and Dr. Dhimitra Tzina Elia; Chairman of the Albanian Relief Fund, Dr. Nicholas and Pauline Prift, Bishop Stephen Lasko and Bishop Mark Lipa, and many other notables in the Albanian-American community.. The Scupture Tours are led by Curator of Collections, Rebecca Reynolds, noted art historian. Admission is free. The tours mark a transition in cemetery awareness and are means living memorials for meditation and reflection. New features include horticultural tours and concerts held in the Chapel, with its splendid Tiffany Windows. For further information call (617) 524-0128, ext 22, or visit the website at ________________________________________________________________ GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO! Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less! Join Juno today! For your FREE software, visit: http://dl.www.juno.com/get/tagj. From kbejko at hotmail.com Wed Jun 13 10:50:37 2001 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Wed, 13 Jun 2001 10:50:37 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The internationalism of the Alb. govt Message-ID: Dear All, If the international community(through one of its mouthpieces such as the International Crisis Group which published the report where the following excerpt is from)thinks the Albanian authorities are sacrificing LEGITIMATE national interests on account of internationalism what should we as Albanians think? (of course this is a rhetorical question) http://www.intl-crisis-group.org/projects/balkans/albania/reports/A400299_25052001.pdf [?] the current Albanian government has embraced internationalism so avidly that it has failed to articulate what is considered a legitimate national program. With growing conerns over the perceived Hellenisation of southern Albania, the problems in Presevo and Macedonia, and the unresolved status of Kosovo, both the Albanians of former Yugoslavia and many within Albania have accused Tirana of selling the nation out. To some degree, the Albanians living outside Albania accept the predicament the Albanian authorties face in having to toe the West?s line. They also recognize that Albania has a role to play in the delicate balance of power between the various Albanian entities while simultaneously building closer economic links with its Balkan neighbors. But their message to Tirana is clear: don?t sacrifice the national interests _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Wed Jun 13 11:07:49 2001 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja) Date: Wed, 13 Jun 2001 11:07:49 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [2001ajs] Free Refrigerator -- Does Anyone Need/Want One?? (fwd) Message-ID: ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 13 Jun 2001 10:28:55 -0400 From: ALBANIA 2001 Reply-To: 2001ajs-owner at yahoogroups.com To: 2001ajb at egroups.com, 2001ajs at yahoogroups.com Subject: [2001ajs] Free Refrigerator -- Does Anyone Need/Want One?? Anyone who wants one (or knows someone who wants one) let me know. The person would need a small truck to move it since it is standard size. The fridge is at 160 Commonwealth Avenue in Back Bay, and available as soon as possible. First come, first serve!!! Mark -- ALBANIA 2001 Investment and Finance Suite #72 Rruga Ismail Qemali, Pallati Fratari Tirana, Albania Telephone: 355-4-230700 Telephone: 355-38-21-63603 (Mark Kosmo -- Cell Phone) Telephone: 355-38-20-26031 (Diana Rodi -- Cell Phone) Fax: 355-4-230700 E-Mail: alb2001 at icc-al.org ALBANIA 2001 Investment and Finance Suite #417 160 Commonwealth Avenue Boston, MA 02116 Telephone: 781-843-1056 Telephone: 617-262-6665 Fax: 617-262-2340 E-Mail: alb2001 at beld.net -- To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: 2001ajs-unsubscribe at egroups.com Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Wed Jun 13 16:30:11 2001 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja) Date: Wed, 13 Jun 2001 16:30:11 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fleet Scooper Bowl Message-ID: going on today and tomorrow.. Fleet Scooper Bowl Billed as the nation's largest all-you-can-eat ice cream festival, this Jimmy Fund benefit features 36 flavors supplied by nine makers. When you're full, enjoy games and live music. 11:30 a.m.-6 p.m. City Hall Plaza, Boston. Also Wed.-Thurs. $5, ages 3-10 $2, under 3 free. 800-52-JIMMY. From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Wed Jun 13 17:15:08 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Wed, 13 Jun 2001 17:15:08 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Komiteti Shqiptar i Helsinkit reagon Message-ID: [ SHQIPERIA ] Fushata, KSHH KQZ-s?: T? quhen t? paligjshme nd?rhyrjet e t? huajve Lajmi i ores 5:00 PM TIRANE - Komiteti Shqiptar i Helsinkit paralajm?ron kandidat?t q? me premtimet e tyre, t? mos dalin jasht? kufijve t? ligjit dhe i b?n thirrje KQZ-s?, t? denoncoj? si t? paligjshme nd?rhyrjen e t? huajve n? fushat?. Drejtuesit e k?tij Komiteti t?rheqin v?mendjen se "kandidati Arben Lika i Partis? Demokrate ka premtuar t? b?j? kontrat? me zgjedh?sit p?r 1000 familjet m? nevojtare t? Koplikut e Bajz?s, t? cilave do t'i paguaj? p?r nj? vit nj? rrog? mujore prej 50 markash gjermane". Sipas KSHH-s?, nj? premtim i till? bie n? kund?rshtim t? hap?t me nenin 328 t? Kodit Penal. Gjithashtu KSHH, duke analizuar ankimin e kandidatit Filip ?akuli p?r nd?rhyrjen e t? huajve n? fushat?, ka k?rkuar nga KQZ "t? marr? q?ndrim duke i denoncuar si t? paligjshme k?to nd?rhyrje dhe t? mos lejoj? p?rs?ritjen e tyre". Sipas kandidatit ?akuli, t? BF-s?, "konsulli grek n? Gjirokast?r, Janis Pedhjotis ?sht? v?n? n? krah t? kandidatit t? PBDNJ- s?, duke dh?n? dhurata e duke b?r? premtime p?r viza". Gjithashtu, n? baz? t? njoftimeve, Komiteti i Helsinkit kund?rshton edhe veprimin e Nikolla Goxojanis, i cili ka folur me fshatar?t e nj? zone elektorale, kund?r kandidatit t? "Bashkimit p?r Fitore". Drejtuesit e KSHH-s?, n?nvizojn? se "k?to veprime bien n? kund?rshtim me nenin 190 pika 5 e Kodit Zgjedhor". il/ko (BalkanWeb) From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 13 23:43:54 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 13 Jun 2001 20:43:54 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kadare Message-ID: <20010614034354.10249.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> > Nga Ismail Kadare > > Nj? jet?n e popujve q?llon shpesh q? problemet e m?dha shfaqen n? trajt? > ciklike. Ky riciklim tregon se hallet e m?dha, t? mbetura pa zgjidhje, e > trazojn? n? stin? t? ndryshme nj?lloj si t?rmetet nd?rgjegjen e k?tyre > popujve. Ato m? s? shumti quhen si faj i t? tjer?ve, shpesh n? m?nyr? > p?rd?llyese poetizohen si fat tragjik dhe vet?m rrall?her? konsiderohen si > > faj i vet? popujve. > Historia ballkanase ?sht? e shenjuar nga nj? viktimologji e till?. E jona > ve?an?risht. N? k?t? sprov? do t? ceken disa nga k?to probleme.P?r t? > tjera > ??shtje, q? kan? lidhje t? t?rthort? madje rast?sore me to, do t? flitet > gjithashtu. Por as p?r t? parat, as p?r t? dytat nuk pretendohet t? flitet > n? > m?nyr? shteruese. Jan? thjesht sh?nime t? nxitura nga dita e ngarkuar, nga > > pak?naq?sia apo nervozizmi yn? n? or?n e lajmeve n? TV ose fill pas > mbylljes > s? ekraneve, n? or?t e vetmis? son?. > > ME PER?NDIMIN APO KUND?R TIJ > > ?sht? pyetja q? ndoshta m? s? shumti ?sht? p?rs?ritur n? k?t? gadishull t? > > vjet?r. Ka qen? shtruar, me sa duket, qysh me ndarjen e Rom?s nga Bizanti, > n? > fillim t? mij?vje?arit t? dyt? p?r t'u p?rt?rir? n? mes t? tij at?her? kur > > nj? forc? e tret?, e vrullshme si nj? luan i ri, iu sul dy mbret?rive t? > vjetra, Perandoria Osmane. > Midis ?oroditjes s? plot? q? u krijua n? gadishull, midis trumbetave t? > luft?s dhe fyejve t? paqes, midis k?rc?nimeve e joshjeve, shkurt midis > kaosit > proverbial ballkanik, u gjet dhe populli shqiptar. Nuk ishte as m? i mir? > dhe > as m? i keq se t? tjer?t, ndaj ishte e natyrshme t? b?nte t? nj?jtat > gabime e > t? kishte t? nj?jtin fat si t? tjer?t. Nj?ri pas tjetrit k?ta popuj u > rr?zuan. Ata i n?nshtroi jo vet?m jatagani turk, si? pretendojn? > ballkanasit > dhe as vet?m shpirt?sia osmane, si? pretendojn? otoman?t, po t? dyja > bashk?.Nd?rkaq, pak p?rpara se t? binte perdja e aktit t? fundit t? nj?r?s > > prej dramave, asaj shqiptare, prij?si i k?tij populli, Gjergj Kastrioti, > bashk? me rebelimin e tij t? bujsh?m kund?r shtetit osman, shpalli nj? ide > t? > re e nj? ideal t? ri: ndarje me Lindjen, aleanc? me Per?ndimin. > Ky nd?rrim i kahut t? historis?, ky programim i ri i saj u b? p?r > shqiptar?t > orientimi themelor i jet?s s? tyre. Ishte kaq i fort?, saq? nuk e shuan > dot > as shekujt e gjat? t? pranis? turke, as pluhuri e p?rgjumja e "pax > ottomana". Shqiptar?t t? dalluar si p?r dashuri, si p?r mohim t? > atdheut,b?n? > gabime e marr?zi t? nj?pasnj?shme, megjithat? nuk mund t? thuhet se i > kthyen > krah?t idealit kastriotian. Edhe kur nd?rruan atdhe e fe, n? nj? k?nd t? > nd?rgjegjes s? tyre mbeti si qiri i zbeht? kujtimi i princit katolik q? u > kishte m?suar se liria e tyre ishte pjes? e liris? s? Evrop?s. > Nj? hero nuk p?rb?n gjithmon? nj? kujtim ngaz?llyes. Ai mund t? jet? edhe > bezdis?s. Gjergj Kastrioti ka qen? p?r nj? koh? t? gjat? p?r nj? pjes? t? > popullit shqiptar nj? qortim i heshtur. P?r t? jetuar me nj? kujtim t? > till? > nuk ?sht? leht?. Dhe n? raste t? tilla ka dy zgjidhje: ta shkul?sh nga > nd?rgjegjja ose ta modifikosh. > Nj? pjes? e shqiptar?ve e ruajti t? paprekur figur?n e Kastriotit. > Pjesa m? e prapambetur e tyre e modifikoi at? sipas mend?sis? s? saj t? > varf?r e oportuniste. Nga nj? ideator e programues t? madh, e shnd?rroi n? > > nj? kondotier ballkanas, te i cili shpata dhe kali zinin vendin kryesor. > Nd?rkaq kultura dhe let?rsia shqipe e mbajti t? gjall? figur?n e prij?sit. > > Kjo u d?shmua n? veprat e shkrimtar?ve katolik? t? shekujveXVII-XVIII. Por > > nj? gj? e till? u rid?shmua sidomos gjat? Rilindjes Shqiptare, kur > personazhi > i ngritur befas nga terri e mori gjith? shk?lqimin e tij si bart?s i > evropianizmit. Vargjet e famshme: "O drit?z e bekuar q? lind nga > per?ndon", > n? t? cilat shpallet programi i rilindasve p?r rikthim te Evropa > Per?ndimore, > jan? shkruar nga nj? poet bektashi, pra i universit mysliman, Naim > Frash?rit. > Dilemat tragjike t? nj? populli shfaqen sidomos n? prag ose n? fund > epokash. > Ishte e kuptueshme q? pyetja: nga do t? shkonte Shqip?ria, t? ngrihej n? > koh?n q? Perandoria Osmane po jepte shpirt. Duke dal? prej saj gati e > p?rgjysmuar, Shqip?ria e pagoi dyzimin e saj. M? shum? se shp?rblim p?r > q?ndres?n, ajo mori nga Evropa d?nimin p?r oportunizmin e saj. E sikur t? > mos > mjaftonte ky fshikull, fill pas daljes n? liri, nj? l?vizje prapanike dhe > monstruoze shp?rtheu n? Shqip?rin? e Mesme: kryengritja e Haxhi Qamilit. > Mesazhi i saj ishte i qart?: kthim te Turqia, kund?r liris? s? Shqip?ris?. > > N? historin? e vendit ?sht? v?shtir? t? gjendet nj? njoll? m? e err?t. P?r > > her? t? par? vulgu shqiptar guxoi t? hidhte balt? kund?r ?do shenje t? > vet. U > shkel me k?mb? flamuri shqiptar, fytyra e Gjergj Kastriotit, gjuha shqipe > dhe > m?suesit e saj. > N? luft? me bandat me shallvare t? Haxhi Qamilit e me bandat esadiste, t? > nxitura nga Serbia, u vra koloneli holandez Thomson, i d?rguar n?Shqip?ri > prej Fuqive t? M?dha, p?r organizimin e xhandarm?ris? s? shtetit t? par? > shqiptar. Fan Noli, peshkopi dhe poeti i madh, i kushtoi nj? vjersh? > mall?ngjyese, duke e quajtur martir t? Shqip?ris?. Nacionalist?t primitiv? > > shqiptar? hesht?n p?r vrasjen, sepse,sipas mendjes s? tyre t? mykur, > vras?sit > nuk mund t? d?noheshin, ngaq? i p?rkisnin komb?sis? shqiptare. Pa?ka se > ata > ishin llumi i zi i k?tij vendi. > Pyetja: me Per?ndimin apo kund?r tij u shtrua n? at? koh? m? tragjikisht > se > kurr?. Tridhjetepes? vite m? pas, shefi i komunist?ve shqiptar?, Enver > Hoxha, > do t? deklaronte se koloneli Thomson ishte agjent i imperializmitdhe se > "Haxhi Qamili ?sht? i partis?". ?sht? nj? nga deklaratat makabre kur > shpallej kumti ogurzi: Shqip?ria i kthente krah?t Per?ndimit, p?r t? > shkuar > p?rfundimisht me Lindjen. > Gjith? kronika e komunizmit n? Shqip?ri mund t? p?rmblidhet n? disa radh?: > > shkelje me k?mb? e orientimit t? Gjergj Kastriotit dhe Rilindjes > Komb?tare. > Armiq?si e eg?r ndaj qytet?rimit per?ndimor. Miq?si e mbrapsht? me ata q? > nuk > i kishim miq: serb?, sovjetik?, kinez?. N? fund, ve?im vet?vras?s. > Ndarja nga bota e Shqip?ris? ishte n? radh? t? par? ndarje nga Evropa dhe > SHBA. Katastrof? m? e pashpres? nuk mund t? projektohej p?r shqiptar?t. > Gabimeve t? tyre t? vjetra po u shtohej nj? tjet?r faj, k?t? her? i > pafalsh?m > dhe fatal. Ky ve?im po i merrte frym?n jo vet?m Shqip?ris? shtet?rore, por > > gjith? shqiptar?ve kudo q? jetonin e sidomos Kosov?s. Shpresa p?r lirin? e > > saj ishte varrosur m? thell? se kurr?. > > > E PABESUESHMJA > > Mbarimi i mij?vje?arit t? dyt? kishte ruajtur p?r popullinshqiptar > surpriz?n > m? t? pabesueshme: Evropa Atlantike, e mallkuar p?r dyzetvjet nga > propaganda > komuniste, e shpallur armike e betuar e shqiptar?ve, ngrihet befas n? nj? > aksion politik e ushtarak t? pashembullt p?r t? mbrojtur popullin, t? > braktisur gjer at?her? n? m?shir? t? fatit. > Tronditja ishte planetare. U trand?n aleancat, strategjit?, parimet > morale. > M? shum? se nga bombat e NATO-s opinioni serb u traumatizua nga ajo q? > dukej > si fundi i bot?s: po nd?shkohej Serbia p?r shkak t? shqiptar?ve t? > Kosov?s. > Nj? l?vizje n? aksin e boshtit t? tok?s nuk do t? b?nte ndoshta m? pak > p?rshtypje. P?r nj? koh? t? shkurt?r populli shqiptar fitoi at? njohje e > at? > miq?si t? bot?s per?ndimore, q? as n? ?nd?rrimet m? t? guximshme nuk e > kishte > p?rfytyruar. > Testamenti i madh i Gjergj Kastriotit dhe i Rilindjes u duk se ngadhnjeu > m? > n? fund: aleanc? me Per?ndimin. Ishte kaq e magjishme saq? zgjonte at? > frik? > bestyte q? provonin t? vjetrit kur dyshonin se mund t? zgjonin smir?n e > qiellit. > Dhe ajo nuk vonoi. Pas hutimit t? par? pasuan z?rat kund?rshtues: a e > meritonin shqiptar?t k?t? miq?si? Mos ishte gabim kjond?rhyrje? Mos duhej > ndrequr sa m? shpejt ky keqkuptim? > Dhe makina q? k?rkonte revizionimin e gjith?kaje u vu n? l?vizje. Por > makina > nuk ishte e besueshme kur punonte me l?nd? serbe. As britmat proserbe t? > miqve nuk mjaftonin. P?r t? revizionuar gjith?ka n? d?m t?shqiptar?ve > duhej > ndihma e vet? shqiptar?ve. > Kam udh?tuar n? Kosov? n? vjesht? t? vitit 1999, pak koh?pas ?lirimit t? > saj. > Krahas ngaz?llimit deh?s t? liris? q? ndeshej kudo, nuk mungonin fytyra t? > > ngrira, p?r t? mos th?n? t? zymta. P?rpiqeshin nj?far?soj ta p?rligjnin > munges?n e entuziazmit. Kishte shum? probleme n? Kosov?. UNMIK-u nuk > orientohej mir?. KFOR-i gjithashtu. Gati-gati nuk po shqiptoheshin fjal?t > "OKB-ja po d?shton n? Kosov?", fjal? me t? cilat Beogradi p?rpiqej t? > shurdhonte bot?n. > N? nj? intervist? mendova t? b?j nj? propozim mjaft delikat: kosovar?t e > rekrutuar nga sh?rbimi sekret serb ishte mir? t? faleshin publikisht prej > Kosov?s. Ishte e vetmja m?nyr? p?r t'i shp?tuar nga ankthi dhe sidomos p?r > ta > neutralizuar makin?n e p?rbindshme serbe. > Intervista u prit nga nj? heshtje e plot? n? shtyp. Ishte e kuptueshme: > njeriu i par? q? do ta p?rkrahte do t? dyshohej se e kishte miz?n n?n > k?sul?. > > SH?RBIMET E FSHEHTA T? HUAJA N? SHQIP?RI > > M? shum? se n? ?do vend t? bot?s, n? Shqip?rin? komuniste flitej p?r > spiun? > t? huaj. M? pak se kudo ata kapeshin k?tu. P?r dyzetepes? vjet me radh? > mburrjet e sigurimit shqiptar p?rplaseshin me k?t? dush t? ftoht?. P?r t? > fshehur paaft?sin? e tij dhe p?r t? reklamuar ca suksese minimale, > sigurimi > shqiptar n? m?nyr?n m? burracake iu sul grave t? gjora ruse. N? munges? t? > > spiun?ve t? v?rtet?, ishin ato q? u shpall?n spiune. Si t? tilla u ndoq?n, > u > burgos?n e u internuan pa m?shir?. Shkakun e k?saj paaft?sie e shpjegojn? > sakt? dy vargje t? nj? poeti gjerman: "Ai tregon me dor? armikun > tejkufirit, > po mendjen e ka tek ty". > Sigurimi shqiptar kishte p?r detyr? t? p?rgjonte e t? shtypte kryesisht > shtetasit e vet. Nd?rkaq agjenturat e huaja, kryesisht ato lindore, me n? > krye agjentur?n sovjetike, kan? mbetur t? paprekura ende sot n? Shqip?ri. > Vite me radh? ato ngjanin si t? fjetura. Ishin t? tilla jo nga ndonj? > droj? > p?rpara "syrit prej shqiponje t? arm?s s? dashur t? partis?", por ngaq?, > me > sa duket, nuk e quanin t? nevojshme t? ndiheshin. Q?llimi kryesori rrjetit > > agjenturor lindor n? Shqip?ri ishte t? pengonte me ?do kusht rr?shqitjen e > > k?tij vendi drejt Per?ndimit. "Ju do t'i shiteni Per?ndimit p?r tridhjet? > aspra", i kishte th?n? Hrushovi Enver Hoxh?s m? 1960. Afrimi > shqiptaro-per?ndimor ishte macja e zez? p?r rus?t. Nd?rkaq, p?rderisa k?t? > > mision, misionin e izolimit, m? shk?lqyesh?m se kushdo e kryente vet? > regjimi > komunist, veprimtaria agjenturore e jashtme s'ishte fort e nevojshme. > Rrjeti lindor i zbulimit u ringjall, me sa dukej, n? Shqip?ri pas vdekjes > s? > Enver Hoxh?s. Ishte koha kur rreziku i shkarjes s? vendit drejt kahut t? > urryer doli prap? n? sken?. Agjentura lindore duhej ta pengonte k?t? me > ?do > kusht. Sa m? staliniste vazhdonte t? mbetej Shqip?ria, aq m? t? qet? do ta > > b?nin gjumin rrethet tradicionale shqiptare. Dhe aq m? thell? do t? > vazhdonte > t? dergjej Kosova n? gjumin e rob?ris?. > Nd?rkaq, pas izolimit t? gjat? kriminal, populli shqiptar nisi t? b?nte > trysni mbi regjimin p?r hapjen ndaj bot?s. Trysnia rritej nga viti n? vit > duke u shnd?rruar n? psikoz? n? vitin 1988. Ishte ajo q? u quajt "koha e > shansit gjerman". Tek afrimi gjermano-shqiptar populli shihte t? vetmen > m?nyr? p?r t'iu afruar Evrop?s Atlantike. Regjimi nuk guxonte t? prishte > brutalisht k?t? iluzion. Ai vendosi t? luante nj? nga loj?rat m? hipokrite > q? > ishin zhvilluar ndonj?her? n? k?t? vend. Nga nj? an? b?nte sikur nuk e > pengonte afrimin, nga ana tjet?r kishte vendosur t? kund?rt?n. > Gjat? vizit?s s? ministrit t? Jasht?m gjerman, Gensherit, n? Tiran? n? > konferenc?n ngaz?llyese t? shtypit t? dh?n? n? hotel "Dajti", fillpas > bisedimeve, fytyra e homologut t? tij shqiptar ishte e prer?. Vet?m syt? e > > v?mendsh?m mund t? hetonin se di?ka e papast?r po ndodhte pas shpine. > Ndon?se njer?zit ngryseshin e gdhiheshin me k?t? shpres?,afrimi me > Gjermanin? > nuk ndodhi kurr?. D?shira e regjimit u p?rputh si shpeshher? me misionin e > > agjentur?s sovjetike, q? ashtu si tutori i fsheht? "e mbronte Shqip?rin? > nga > murtaja per?ndimore". > Bisedimet gjermano-shqiptare zgjateshin e st?rzgjateshin pafund. Me > gjakftoht?si gjerman?t p?rballonin trillet e emisar?ve shqiptar? q? venin > e > vinin n? Bon e q? k?rkonin ve? pretekste p?r nd?rprerje. "Po na v?n? > kushte > t? papranueshme", qaheshin k?ta emisar?, raportet e t? cil?ve kishte gjas? > q? > shkonin m? par? n? Mosk? se n? Tiran?. Cilat ishin k?to kushte t? r?nda? > Kryesore citohej ??shtja e fes?. P?r t? p?rligjur ndihm?n p?rpara > opinionit > gjerman, duke kujtuar se kishin t? b?nin me krijesa q? kishin nj? minimum > logjike dhe nj? minimum p?rkushtimi ndaj popullit t? vuajtur shqiptar, > gjerman?t kishin k?rkuar nj?far? tolerance ndaj liris? s? besimit. Ishte > nj? > grem? i art? p?r regjimin shqiptar dhe p?r agjentur?n sovjetike, ndaj t? > cilitdo t? kapeshin me pasion. > Nd?rkaq n? Bashkimin Sovjetik, pu?ist?t e ardhsh?m stalinist? > organizoheshin. > Dit? p?r dit? ato po shtinin n? dor? sektor?t kryesor? t? shtetit: > politik?n > e jashtme dhe policin? e fsheht?. Ka dokumente q? v?rtetojn? se ngritja e > Miloshevi?it p?rkoi me fuqizimin e pu?ist?ve dhe u nxit prej tyre. Jan? t? > > gjitha gjasat t? v?rtetohet se stalinist?t rus? n? t? nj?jt?n koh? kan? > r?n? > n? kontakt me udh?heqjen shqiptare. Mesazhi ka qen? i qart?: mbahuni edhe > pak. S? shpejti gjith?ka do t? zgjidhet globalisht. > Me sa dukej lajmi i madh surpriz? q? pu?ist?t do t'i jepninbot?s fill pas > fitores do t? ishte rikthimi n? gjirin e perandoris? sovjetike e dy deleve > t? > ikura: Jugosllavis? dhe Shqip?ris?. > Pu?i u krye n? gusht t? vitit 1991. N? krye u duk se fitoi.Tregojn? se at? > > nat? n? Tiran? u b?n? shum? darka t? g?zueshme. Disa or? m? pas, p?r fatin > e > Shqip?ris? dhe t? nj? pjese t? bot?s, ai d?shtoi. Dhe bashk? me t? ?ndrra > e > mbrapsht?, ?nd?rr e p?rbashk?t e par? n? Mosk? dhe n? Tiran?, p?r > rikthimin e > Shqip?ris? drejt Lindjes komuniste. > > > Pyetja a e duam ne Per?ndimin ?sht? e natyrshme t? shoq?rohet n? > nd?rgjegjen > ton? me vazhdimin e saj: po Per?ndimi a na do? > Ka nj? konstatim t? njohur tashm? se Shqip?ria dhe shqiptar?t t? ngjitin > nj?far? tifozll?ku dhe miqt? ose dashakeq?t e tyre, ashtu si n? nj? > ndeshje > futbolli ndahen n? nj? m?nyr? pasionante, p?r t? mir? apo p?r t? keq. > Midis > glorifikimit t? tepruar t? tipit t? romancierit gjerman Karl Maje dhe > posht?rimit t? nj? let?rsie t? t?r?, shqiptar?t jan? ndier her? bij? > krenar? > t? shqipes e her? reckaman? t? kontinentit, q? shkaktojn? nervoziz?m e > frik? > gjithkund. Kjo e fundit, ka disa vjet q?, p?r fatin ton? t? keq, ?sht? > b?r? > zot?ruese. > Po t? k?rkojm? nj?far? logjike t? brendshme p?rtej k?saj, s'?sht? v?shtir? > t? > hetohet nj? ftoht?si e vazhdueshme e s? djatht?s s? skajshme evropiane > qoft? > ajo angleze, franceze apo italiane, asaj q?, ndon?se nuk e shpreh haptaz, > e > konsideron Evrop?n si "nj? klub i krishter?". Pas vizionit t? saj > konservator > n? nj? klub t? till? nuk ka vend nj? popull gjysm? mysliman si? jan? > shqiptar?t. N? k?t? pik?, kjo e djatht? ekstreme bashkohet me t? majt?n > ekstreme, e cila afishon nj? armiq?si edhe m? t? shfrenuar ndaj popullit > t? > vog?l q? dikur e quante mik. Po t'i shtosh k?saj edhe val?n e > antiamerikanizmit q? rrek t? b?het mod? n? disa vende evropiane, dhe > goditjen > e s? cil?s e vuajn? shqiptar?t nga q? u ka dal? nami si proamerikan? (gj? > q? > s'?sht? fort larg s? v?rtet?s), at?her? merret me mend se n? k?t? fush? > bijt? > e shqipes s'jan? aspak p?r t'u lakmuar. > Nj? pyetje e tret? s'ka si t? mos b?het n? k?t? rast: ky Per?ndim kaq i > pritur, ky Per?ndim kaq i ?nd?rruar, ky Per?ndim q? her? na do e m? shum? > s'na do, v?rtet na qenka kaq i nevojsh?m e kaq i lakmuar p?r ne? > Nuk ?sht? v?shtir? t? merret me mend buz?qeshja ngadhnjyese e > antievropian?ve > shqiptar?. > E pra, megjithat?, ky Per?ndim ashtu si? ?sht?, i v?shtir?, problematik, > arrogant, m? shum? mospranues se pranues, ky Per?ndim q? ashtu si > demokracia, > ashtu si vet? liria nuk qenkish as aq i bukur e as aq i p?rsosur si? e > kishim > p?rfytyruar n? koh?n e fatkeq?sis? son?, ky Per?ndim mbetet zgjedhja jon? > e > vetme. > Kjo zgjedhje nuk kusht?zohet vet?m prej skajimit gjeografik, (fati na ka > r?n? > n? k?t? kontinent trillan dhe, duam s'duam, aty do t? mbetemi) as vet?m > p?r > arsye ekonomike, ushtarake, kulture, race etj. > Duke qen? bashk?risht t? r?nd?sishme, ato shoq?rohen nga nj? tjet?r arsye. > > Kjo arsye e ve?ant? e madhore lidhet me problemin num?r nj? t? popullit > shqiptar: problemin e liris?. > Disa popuj n? Evrop? kan? probleme me lirin?, por te k?ta ?sht? fjala > kryesisht p?r lirin? shoq?rore, p?r zgjerimin, pasurimin, p?rsosjen e saj. > > Populli shqiptar ?sht? i vetmi, q? ende n? fund t? mij?vje?arit problemin > e > liris? e kishte n? trajt?n e tij m? tragjike. Ishte fjala p?r lirin? n? > kuptimin e mir?fillt?, parak t? fjal?s, n? at? kuptim si? flitej n? > antikitet, n? mesjet?, n? koh?rat m? t? zeza t? masakrimit t? popujve. N? > fund t? mij?vje?arit askund n? Evrop? nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej nj? vend si > > Kosova ku f?mij?t p?r dhjet? vite rrjesht t? mos shkonin n? shkolla, por > n? > bodrume, si n? koh?n e Neronit. Askund nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej nj? vend > ku > policia t'i detyronte banor?t t? mos i mbyllnin nat?n dyert e sht?pive n? > m?nyr? q? ajo t? hynte kur t? donte, p?r t? bastisur, rrahur, p?rdhunuar e > > vrar? mizorisht shtetasit e saj, vet?m se ata nuk ishin sllav?, por > shqiptar?, pra, t? huaj n? shtetin q? quhej Jugosllavi. Askund n? Evrop? > nuk > mund t? p?rfytyrohej t? griheshin me thik? prej ushtar?ve e paraushtar?ve > mbi > nj?mij? foshnja, si n? koh?n e Herodit. > Ky primitivitet i rob?ris? shqiptare nuk mund t? p?rligj? megjithat? nj? > p?rgjigje t? ngjashme, pra primitive p?r fitimin e liris?. Parulla t? > vjetra, > si: "me sllavin na ndan ve? gryka e pushk?s" e t? tjera si k?to mund t? > prodhojn? rr?muj? t? verb?r, por jo liri. > Duke folur p?r Kosov?n, shkrimtari m? i madh i gjall? i Franc?s, Julien > Gracq, ka shkruar se ve? n? vise t? Ballkanit mund t? p?rdoren ende > formulat > e vjetra, si: "gjaku do t? vej? gjer n? gju t? kalit". Duke nd?shkuar > Serbin? > p?r krimet e saj primitive, Aleanca Atlantike zhvilloi me sa duket luft?n > e > saj t? par? dhe t? fundit, t? till? si? e kemi ende luft?n n? p?rfytyrimin > > ton?. E megjithat?, edhe n? k?t? rast, q? duket qysh tani atavik, prej > aktit > t? luft?s u p?rjashtua ideja e gjakut t? derdhur. Ose m? sakt?, p?r > ?lirimin > e Kosov?s, midis popullit shqiptar dhe Aleanc?s Atlantike u sajua ai > bashk?veprim i ?uditsh?m, ku shpenzimin m? t? vjet?r t? luft?s, gjakun, e > vuri populli i pakt? shqiptar, kurse arm?t, NATO-ja e fuqishme. > N? rrethana t? tilla, n? kushtet e kund?rth?nies tragjike q? u krijua > midis > primitivitetit t? rob?ris? dhe domosdoshm?ris? n? kushtet moderne t? > liris?, > historia i ruajti popullit shqiptar takimin e tij t? shum?pritur me > Evrop?n. > ?sht? hera e par? q? n? historin? ton? dhe n? at? t? kontinentit q? > aspirata > jon? e liris? jo vet?m nuk bie ndesh, por p?rkon me programin e Evrop?s s? > > nes?rme. > Kjo Evrop? me kufij t? zbeht? dhe me kontakte t? lira, duke mund?suar > lirin? > shqiptare n? hap?sir?n e saj t? plot?, unike e t? pand?rprer?, e ndryshon > programimin e problemit num?r nj? t? pazgjidhur t? kombit shqiptar. Nga > nj? > mund?si konfliktesh plot marr?zi dhe eg?rsi ballkanike e ushqyer nga > shtampat > e gjakut "gjer n? gju t? kalit" e t? "pushk?s q? t? ndan me tjetrin", ajo > e > kthen at? n? nj? problem evropian, i cili nuk mund t? k?rkoj? ve? nj? > zgjidhje evropiane. > Shikuar nga ky k?nd, shqiptar?t i kan? t? gjitha arsyet t? militojn? p?r > evropianizimin e Ballkanit dhe t? jen? ashtu si? kan? ?nd?rruar poet?t e > tyre, populli i par? kontinental i gadishullit. > T? jen?... Po a jan? v?rtet? > > Shqiptar?t ashtu si shumica e ballkanasve jan? ende t? pap?rgatitur p?r > lirin? evropiane. Vet? Evropa p?r t'u emancipuar ka kaluar n?p?r prova t? > r?nda, disa prej t? cilave e kan? ?uar n? zgrip t? katastrof?s. Nj? nd?r > aktet spastruese t? Evrop?s ka qen? d?nimi prej asaj vet? i krimeve t? > saj. > Krimi kolonialist, fashist, komunist, racist. Pa k?t? d?nim nuk mund t? > kishte dhe ende s'mund t? ket? Evrop?. Popujt e Ballkanit, duke p?rfshir? > k?tu dhe popullin shqiptar duhet t? d?nojn? krimet e veta. K?t? ndarje e > pengojn? hipotekat e vjetra: urrejtja etnike, nj? kultur? e t?r? e dhun?s > dhe > e eg?rsis?, nj? dehje dhe ekzaltim pas saj, nj? p?rpjekje p?r ta paraqitur > si > kultur? heroike. As pushka q? t? ndan nga tjetri, as prita, as goditja pas > > ferr?s, as gusla, lahuta apo deklarata q? i hymnizon ato nuk mund t'i > ndihmojn? shkretan?t e Ballkanit. E po ashtu s'mund t'i ndihmoj? > dyfytyr?sia > n? politik?, stalinizmi soft (me fjal? t? tjera stalinizmi n?n rrogoz), > apo > djathtizmi fashistoid alla Hajder, t? maskuara t? dyja pas parullave > proper?ndimore. > Zgjedhja proevropiane q? ka b?r? populli shqiptar ?sht? zgjedhja e liris? > s? > tij n? kushtet moderne. Liria shqiptare nuk e ka emrin as Shqip?ri e > Madhe, > as ekspansion shqiptar, si? mendojn? disa. Si? u tha m? lart liria > shqiptare > ?sht? zhvillimi normal, natyral i popullit shqiptar, brenda harmonis? dhe > frym?s s? Evrop?s s? bashkuar. Gjetja e rrug?ve p?r ta lejuar k?t? > zhvillim, > p?r fat t? keq t? nd?rprer?, ?sht? n? fakt edhe zgjidhja e problemit > madhor > t? shqiptar?ve n? gadishull. > Me k?t? pik?shikim, n? qoft? se ka nj? popull q? p?rfiton m? s? shumti nga > > paqja, stabiliteti dhe emancipimi i gadishullit ballkanik, ?sht? n? radh? > t? > par? populli shqiptar. Dhe n?se ka nj? t? till? q? d?mtohet m? s? shumti, > nga > kaosi dhe lufta, ?sht? prap? populli shqiptar. > T? gjith? e din? se qershori i k?tij viti, muaji i zgjedhjeve, ?sht? muaji > i > shansit t? mir? ose shansit t? keq p?r Shqip?rin?. I madh e i vog?l n? > Shqip?ri, e kuptojn? k?t? gj?, sepse i madh e i vog?l e kan? d?gjuar > mendimin, paralajm?rimin, e po t? doni ultimatumin e bashk?sis? evropiane > se > nj? zhvillim normal ose jo i k?tyre zgjedhjeve, varet hapja ose mbyllja e > portave t? Shqip?ris? me Evrop?n. > P?r ?udi, k?t? t? v?rtet? t? madhe q? lidhet me fatin ton?, e fundit q? > nuk e > kupton ose q? b?n sikur nuk e kupton ?sht? pjesa radikale e klas?s > politike > shqiptare. P?r fat t? keq, kjo pjes? radikale arrin t? b?j? ligjin n? > majat e > politik?s. > Fushata e zgjedhjeve, n? t? cil?n populli i lodhur shqiptar, ka v?n? aq > shum? > shpres?, filloi me muzik?, p?r t? b?r? nj? kthes? drejt degjenerimit dit?n > e > tret? t? saj. Shtypi shqiptar, me pjekuri e nj? p?rgjegj?si qytetare > denoncoi > radikalizmin e nj?rit prej lider?ve, Nanos i cili sipas k?tij shtypi i > hodhi > benzin? zjarrit. > S'?sht? her? e par? q? ndodh nj? gj? e till? n? Shqip?ri: sapo di?ka merr > p?r > mbar?, do t? gjendet dikush q? ta pengoj? me ?do mjet k?t? proces. Do t? > gjendet nj? lider radikal q? t? b?j? thirrje p?r acarim me kund?rshtarin, > thirrje q? i ngjan aq fort me parull?n ?njer?zore: "forcim i luft?s s? > klasave". Sapo n? horizont shfaqet di?ka shpres?dh?n?se do t? d?gjohet, > her? > nga e djathta, her? nga e majta kushtrimi barbar: "nuk do t'i njohim > zgjedhjet!", kjo klithm? e neveritshme q? ?sht? kthyer n? nj? nga turpet e > > Shqip?ris? s? sotme. > Shtypi, analist?t dhe gjith? opinioni publik me t? drejt? b?n pyetjen: A > jan? > v?rtet kaq t? verbuar nga pasionet primitive politikan?t tan? radikal? > saq? > t? mos e kuptojn? se ?'katastrof? ?sht? p?r Shqip?rin? ky destabilitet, > kjo > ethe e vazhdueshme q? po na tret t? gjith?ve? Apo e gjith? kjo nuk ?sht? > thjesht verb?ri por pjell? e nj? kalkulimi t? ftoht? p?r t? mos e l?n? > Shqip?rin? t? marr? frym?? > Pyetja ?sht? e r?nd? dhe dyshimi gjithashtu. Le t? shpresojm? t? mbetet > vet?m > nj? dyshim. > Nd?rkaq mu n? syt? ton? po ndodh gjith?ka: Radikalizmi shqiptar p?rtej > kufijve nuk ka dh?n? ve?se rezultate negative: nj? ftohje t? p?rgjithshme > t? > opinionit bot?ror ndaj shqiptar?ve, dob?sim i pavar?sis? s? Kosov?s, > dob?sim > i TMK-s? (e para ushtri mbrojt?se e Kosov?s) dhe hedhja e ides? t? > shuarjes > s? saj, afrimi i ushtris? serbe kilomet?r pas kilometri rrotull Kosov?s, > p?rgatitja e ides? s? kthimit t? saj n? vendin e krimit, s? fundi afrimi i > > Jugosllavis? me NATO-n dhe largimi i Shqip?ris? prej saj. > N? k?t? proces t? mbrapsht?, q?ndrimi realist i qeveris? shqiptare, n? > vend > q? t? mb?shtetet, po komprometohet nga nj? kund?rrym?, nga radikalizmi > partiak q? u p?rmend m? lart. N? k?to kushte, destabilizimi i shtetit > shqiptar, atij q? duhej t? ishte shtylla ku do t? ankoroheshin shpresa > shqiptare dhe besimi evropian ndaj nesh, do t? ishte veprimi m? i > pafalsh?m e > kriminal i vet? shqiptar?ve. > Radikalizmi dhe destabiliteti po kthehen n? penges?n kryesore p?r t? prer? > > rrug?n e zhvillimit normal t? kombit shqiptar. Normalitetin e tij ky komb > nuk > mund ta arrij? n?p?rmjet qorrsokak?ve t? vdekjes, me parrula t? vjetra > kinse > heroike, ato q? komunist?t shqiptar? i adaptuan vite m? par? kor hodh?n > iden? > q? Shqip?ria ose t? ishte e kuqe ose t? mos ekzistonte fare e q? ende > valviten sot mbi g?rmadhat e stalinizmit kuban "socializ?m ose vdekje". > Rrug? t? reja drejt demokracis? dhe jet?s jan? t? hapura sot n? Evrop?. > Shansi yn? i madh ?sht? se p?r her? t? par? n? histori k?to rrug? jan? t? > hapura edhe p?r ne, t? mallkuarit gjer dje t? kontinentit. > Ecja n?p?r k?to rrug?, p?rbri popujsh t? tjer?, disa prej t? cil?ve kan? > patur probleme tona dhe zymt?sin? ton? ?sht? rruga e vetme q? na mbetet. > Si? > ?sht? th?n? dhe m? par?, vet?m k?shtu ne do t? fillojm? t? jetojm? e jo t? > > vazhdojm? t? vdesim. > > Ismail Kadare > --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Buzz Index - Spot the hottest trends in music, movies,and more. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jun 14 08:20:09 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 14 Jun 2001 05:20:09 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] General Clark in Boston Message-ID: <20010614122009.47737.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> The World Affairs Council of Boston Presents a luncheon with? General Wesley K. Clark, U.S.A. (Ret.) Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, 1997-2000 General Clark will discuss his new book, Waging Modern War, which recounts his experiences as Supreme Allied Commander. His book offers a unique behind-the-scenes look at how war was actually fought, and explains the conflict?s surprising implications for how war will be waged in the decades to come. An excerpt from Waging Modern War: "In most of the twentieth century, wars were fought for territory. The survival of nations-or at least their systems of government-was at stake. It was a national warfare, relying on the mobilization of populations, vast conscript armies, and national controls over the economy and the flow of public information. Military men were trained to fight to win.? Operation Allied Forces wasn?t to be that kind of war.? This war wasn?t about national survival, or the survival of our democratic systems of government. We didn?t mobilize our populations or do anything in particular to affect the control of information.? This was a different type of war-a modern war." Thursday, June 14, 2001 12 Noon Registration and Luncheon 12:30 p.m. Discussion Radisson Hotel, 200 Stuart Street, Boston $45 Members / $55 Non-members **Books will be available for purchase at the luncheon.** Please RSVP by Monday, June 11, 2001 to the Council at (617) 482-1740 or via email at wac at worldaffairs.org . --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Buzz Index - Spot the hottest trends in music, movies,and more. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Thu Jun 14 13:08:27 2001 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja) Date: Thu, 14 Jun 2001 13:08:27 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] don't be fooled by spam Message-ID: When the Spam Hits the Fan By Michael Chapman IOWA CITY, Iowa (U-WIRE) -- University of Iowa students probably get more e-mail from Anthony Parkin and Jessica Mydek than from their own parents. They're the kids who are terminally ill, dying from some incurable brain tumor or other rare form of cancer, and are featured on popular fake e-mail chains. Due to their "illnesses," they have decided start an e-mail chain letter, with the promise that the American Cancer Society will donate 3 cents toward cancer research for every person the letter is sent to. Because of this and other such letters, the American Cancer Society has posted a notice on its Web site saying it "is greatly disturbed by reports of a fraudulent chain letter circulating on the Internet which lists the American Cancer Society as a 'corporate sponsor.'" Fake e-mail, a type of spam, is a problem common to anyone who has an e-mail address. Though she gets the occasional funny forward, UI freshman Erin Nelson says, the majority of the e-mail she receives is spam. "I'd say I get 10 to 20 a day," she said. "Some of them are good, but most of them are junk." Fake e-mail exists in hundreds of forms, ranging from hoax chain letters, such as one in which Bill Gates offers to send you $1,000 if you forward his e-mail to 100 people, to get-rich-quick schemes that tell the recipient to send money to others first, to forwards promising that wishes will come true if you send the letter to enough people. "The best one I've gotten is the one where, if you forward this to people, you'll get Gap clothes," said UI freshman Elaina Buzzell. From ipilika at hotmail.com Fri Jun 15 10:21:31 2001 From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika) Date: Fri, 15 Jun 2001 14:21:31 -0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Serb Jailed for Role in Kosovo Massacres Message-ID: Thursday June 14 5:10 PM ET Serb Jailed for Role in Kosovo Massacres By Beth Potter PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (Reuters) - An international panel in Kosovo sentenced a Serb man accused of war crimes to 20 years in prison on Thursday for his role in the killing of more than 60 ethnic Albanians, a U.N. prosecutor said. Cedomir Jovanovic, 61, an alleged member of a Serbian paramilitary group and in police uniform at the time, was convicted in connection with three separate incidents on March 25, 1999, said prosecutor Thomas Hickman. A U.N. spokesman had previously said Jovanovic had been convicted of involvement in the killing of more than 90 people on that date -- a day after NATO (news - web sites) launched a bombing campaign to halt Belgrade's repression of Kosovo's Albanians. According to Hickman, men in police uniform including Jovanovic came upon 26 members of the Zhuniqi and Spahiu families trying to flee from the Kosovo village of Bela Crkva. He said all but a two-year-old boy had been killed, and that there was a witness to the massacre. ``In that group, there was a child who survived because he fell under his mother when she was shot. He was two years of age,'' Hickman told Reuters. In the second incident, an old man was killed, he said. Later the same day, Jovanovic's group came upon a large number of people and killed 36 men after separating them from the women and children, Hickman said. In the same trial, Andjelko Kolasinac, 50, a former local leader in the central Kosovo village of Orahovac, received a five-year sentence for a lesser charge involving getting rid of personal belongings left behind by families who were expelled to neighboring Albania, Hickman said. The indictment originally named eight suspects, but six escaped from a jail in Kosovo last year. The conviction is the first made by an international three-judge panel for war crimes in Kosovo. Both men can appeal. NATO launched its 1999 bombing campaign to halt Belgrade's repression of Kosovo's Albanian majority. Albanians in the province have told reporters that many of the worst atrocities in the province came just after the bombing started. Kosovo remains legally part of Yugoslavia, but is now a de facto international protectorate. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From Kote_Edvin at emc.com Fri Jun 15 12:59:51 2001 From: Kote_Edvin at emc.com (Kote_Edvin at emc.com) Date: Fri, 15 Jun 2001 12:59:51 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] FW: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully Message-ID: -----Original Message----- From: Sotiraq Guga [mailto:sotiraq.guga at pi.be] Sent: Friday, June 15, 2001 4:49 AM Subject: Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully >From: "Piro DISHNICA" >To: "Zoteria e tij Alfred Kosta dhe e Zonja" , > "Zhaneta DHIMA" , > "YLLI MYFTIU" , > "VRETO, Mr Roland" , > "Vjollca Bakllamaja" , > "Stefania Rossetti" , > "Stefani, Odetta" , "Sotiraq GUGA" , > "Silvana Ahmeti" , > "R.IDRIZI & Lili in USA" , , > "Niko Hobdari" , > "Niko Cepiku" , > "Muhedin Llagami" , > Mir?la Dodona Konini , > Mimoza Bo?ari , > "Milena Grassia" , > "Maria Grazia Calza" , > "Lulzim AJAZI \(at home\)" , > "Lulieta COBANI" , "Luiza Jano" , > "lida leskaj" , "Jul Bushati" , > "Jola Klosi" , "IVONA CIFTJA LOLOCI" , > "Ivan Shurbani" , > "Ing. Rosela Kroqi" , > "ILIRA Zengo SILIQI" , > "Ilir Allushi \(home\)" , > "Idris Konjari" , "Hena Uruci" , > "Hazizaj, Melstena" , > "Godiva Rembeci" , > "Gloria De Martinis" , "GJERGJ KONDA" , > "Giulio CAPASSO" , "Gianna Piras" , > "Gary Jones" , > Fran?oise Chevallier et Pierre H?mon , > "Francesca Paradisi" , > "Francesca Della Ratta \(& Graziano\)" , > "Fabio Spagnuolo" , > "Evelina Josa" , > "Eral Beltoja" , > "Emira Galanxhi" , > "Edith, ERY & Roushdie 1" , > "Dr. Engjell Skenderi" , > "Dott.ssa Silvana DOGGA" , > "Dott.ssa Christine Fanizzi" , > "Donika Skenderi TOTO" , > "Domenico SCALZO" , > "De Castris, Marusca" , > "Daniela Molino" , > "Cristina Mazzotta" , > "Cristina MAZZOTTA" , > "Cecilia Nadin \(Office\)" , > "Carla Carlucci" , > "Beppina SIMA" , "Beppina Sima" , > "Arjana Vasili XEXO\(Office\)" , > "ARJANA MISHA" , "Arjan Gjonca" , > "Arian Turku" , "Arben LESKAJ" , > "Arben Bakllamaja" , > "ANILA Husha KAZAZI" , > "Ani Dodona" , > "Angela SILVESTRINI" , "Angela GOLINO" , > "Andrea Marsico" , > "Andrea Greco" , > "ANDREA DE PANIZZA" , > "Andoni, Odetta" , > "Andia A Boci" , "Amilda Dymi" , > "Almut et Carlos" , > "Adrian KAZAZI\(home\)" >Subject: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully >Date: Fri, 15 Jun 2001 10:22:22 +0200 >X-Mailer: Microsoft Outlook Express 5.00.2919.6700 > >Plse, read this through. > >----- Original Message ----- >From: "Jon Hourihan @ GWK" >To: "Elaine" ; "Yannick @ Crane" >; "visteon - laura b" >; "Visteon - Martin Green" ; >"visteon - dave crest" ; "Tony Byrne" >; "the legendary Michael John" ; >"the legendary Bob Freeman" ; "teddy" >; "roy the boy" ; "Robert Watt" >; "Richard Morley (R.)" ; >"Richard @ MSX" ; "mel" >; "Marky Prowle" ; >"Maria West @ GWK" ; "leigh w" >; "kth - dave ross" ; >"kth - reg gregg" ; "Knight Valerie" >; "Justin Aldridge" >; "ju" ; "jonesy" >; "Jon Simms" ; "Jane >O'Connor" ; "Ian Hayes" >; "Greg P primary" >; "Ford - paul bell" ; "ford - >paul dwyer" ; "Ford - Ian Richards" ; >"Ford - Jono Gask" ; "earl" ; "dave >p" ; "colin driver @ Crane" >; "brenig" ; >"'Boker Aeroclean'" ; "Audrey. John >(E-mail)" ; "Alison. Bentley" > >Sent: Sunday, June 10, 2001 11:52 PM >Subject: FW: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] > > >> read this through. >> >> -----Original Message----- >> From: Chalmers, David (D.S.) [mailto:dchalme4 at jaguar.com] >> Sent: Friday, June 08, 2001 6:51 AM >> To: Adrian Bleach (E-mail); Alun Davies (E-mail); Anna Parry (E-mail); >> Chris Parry (E-mail); Colin Davies (E-mail); Dave Chalmers (E-mail); >> Dean Prosser (E-mail); Denise Cooper (E-mail); Gary Dickinson (E-mail); >> Jon Hourihan (E-mail); Mcgillivray, Norman (N.); Paul Howells (E-mail); >> Longford, Paul (P.R.); Phil Moore (E-mail); Steven Hook (E-mail); Wayne >> Hester at Home (E-mail); Wayne Hester at qsm (E-mail); Wayne Mason (E-mail); >> Wayne Mason (E-mail 2); Hayley Norbury (E-mail) >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] >> >> >> >> >> Regards >> >> Dave Chalmers >> >> Material Handling Engineering >> Jaguar Powertrain & Final Assembly >> Tel: +44-024-76203367 >> Fax: +44-024-76207672 >> E-mail: dchalme4 at jaguar.com >> >> >> -----Original Message----- >> From: Huggleston, Nick (N.) [mailto:nhuggles at visteon.com] >> Sent: 08 June 2001 07:41 >> To: Bishop Dai (E-mail); Thompson2 Angela (E-mail); Chalmers Dai >> (E-mail); Williams Helen (E-mail); Watson Alex. (E-mail); Sollars >> juliette (E-mail); Parrish Karen (E-mail); Koponen Minna (E-mail); Shaw >> Sonia (E-mail); Hester Wayne (E-mail); Barrett Martin (E-mail) >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] >> >> >> >> Nick Huggleston >> Quality Engineer >> Visteon Automotive Systems >> Swansea Plant. UK. >> Tel:- 0044 1792 656 373 >> >> >> -----Original Message----- >> From: Andrew.O'Connor at calsonic-europe.com >> [mailto:Andrew.O'Connor at calsonic-europe.com] >> Sent: 08 June 2001 06:53 >> To: Sushma.Agrawal at uk.bosch.com; arwel_g_davies at hotmail.com; >> nhuggles at visteon.com; ray.m.keenan at adwest.org; >> steven.marshall at valeo.com; huwmungus90 at hotmail.com; >> tim_ryall at hotmail.com; tim.ryall at valeo.com; Paula.Thomas at mg-rover.com >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] >> >> >> >> ---------------------- Forwarded by Andrew O'Connor/CLLR/Calsonic on >> 08/06/2001 07:00 --------------------------- >> >> >> Beverley Spear >> 07/06/2001 09:33 >> >> To: Melanie Towns/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Garry Bird/CTCE/Calsonic at CIE, >Andrew >> O'Connor/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Peter Brazel/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Rod >> Mosley/CTCE/Calsonic at CIE, Elisabeth Trillon/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, >> Pauline J Jones/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Alyson Thomas/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE >> cc: >> >> >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] >> >> >> ---------------------- Forwarded by Beverley Spear/CLLR/Calsonic on >> 07/06/2001 09:41 --------------------------- >> >> >> Paula Thomas on 07/06/2001 09:08:42 >> >> To: Alan Coley , Andy Wilkes >> , >> "Beverley_Spear/CLLR/Calsonic at calsonic-europe.com" >> , Darren Guy >> , Keith Brown , >> Nathan Crewe , Paul Rollinson >> , Richard Evans >> >> cc: >> >> >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] >> >> >> >> >> -------- Original Message -------- >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]] >> Date: Thu, 07 Jun 2001 08:59:17 +0100 >> From: Julie Vinnicombe >> Reply-To: Julie.Vinnicombe at MG-rover.com >> To: Alan Wilson ,Andy Coldwell >> ,Anne Phelan >> ,Bryan Gresty >> ,Carl Holdback ,Chris >> Day ,Darren Stephens >> ,Darren Vinnicombe ,Dave >> Bloomer ,Dave Spooner >> ,Dave Stockton >> ,Eddie Blackburn >> ,Gareth Norris >> ,Gary Carter ,Glen >> Harris ,Graham Askew >> ,Graham Jackson >> ,Harish Naik >> ,Harold Holme ,Irini >> Vyziotidou ,Jason Holden >> ,John Davies ,John >> Owen ,Julie Jones >> ,Liam Taylor ,Louise >> Jones ,Lynette Freeth >> ,Martin Landreth >> ,Martin Vile >> ,Mike Billington >> ,Neil Heafield >> ,Nick Stinton >> ,Nigel Harrison >> ,Niki Meller >> ,Paul Modley ,Paul >> Morgan ,Paula Thomas >> ,Pete Jones ,Phil >> Gillon ,Phil Brookes >> ,Richard Freeth >> ,Richard Hirons >> ,Richard Walker >> ,Simon Fairbrother >> ,Steve Donowski >> ,Stuart Cooper ,Sue Wilkes >> ,Sue Gwinnett ,Tony >> Green ,Tony Heafield >> ,Trevor Dugdale >> >> >> -------- Original Message -------- >> Subject: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] >> Date: Thu, 07 Jun 2001 08:42:57 +0100 >> From: Martin Crane >> Organization: Powertrain Ltd >> To: Julie Vinnicombe >> >> -------- Original Message -------- >> Subject: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully >> Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 15:45:28 +0100 >> From: Malcolm.Allen at bmwgroup.com >> Organization: Project Management, Powertrain LTD, 396 Groveley Lane, >> Rednal, Birmingham, B31 2TB. Tel: 0121 482 2660, Fax: 0121 482 (3)4610 >> To: >> >aperry16 at landrover.com,rbuckingham at roush.co.uk,claire at ck1-fastcat.freeserve . >> >co.uk,David.Swithin at bmwgroup.com,hpotter4 at landrover.com,Ian.Barley at bmwgroup . >> >com,jhoyle at cosworth-technology.co.uk,Kevin.Blacktop at bmwgroup.com,Lucas.Brow n >> >@bmw.de,Mark.Portman at bmwgroup.com,Martin.Crane at bmwgroup.com,pierre.desvigne s >> @at.siemens.fr,shorswill at mtc.ricardo.com,valallen at charford.worcs.sch.uk >> >> >> -------- Original Message -------- >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: FW: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] >> Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 06:05:17 -0400 >> From: agrice at jaguar.com >> To: >> >Malcolm.Allen at bmwgroup.com,nbailey7 at landrover.com,jfield6 at jaguar.com,lricka r >> >d at jaguar.com,darmer at jaguar.com,gbarker6 at jaguar.com,dbrunson at jaguar.com,ical d >> >ic1 at jaguar.com,mcarini at jaguar.com,dcrowder at jaguar.com,pdought1 at jaguar.com,b k >> >nowle4 at jaguar.com,rmayes1 at jaguar.com,dmorris at jaguar.com,doffer2 at jaguar.com, u >> >petters at jaguar.com,dsherrin at jaguar.com,llaniyan at jaguar.com,dwiggin3 at jaguar. c >> om >> >> >> Andy >> >> -----Original Message----- >> From: Field, David (D.J.) >> Sent: Wednesday 06 June 2001 10:04 >> To: Barber, Stephen (S.); Beever, Paul (P.); Brighton, Colin (C.R.); >> Brown, Pete (P.); Chinn Mike (E-mail); Davey Jonathan (E-mail); Phil >> Eastbury (P.) (E-mail); Field, Jason (J.); Grice, Andrew (A.A.); George >> Houghton (G.R.) (E-mail); Robert Hoyle (R.) (E-mail); Godwin Ian >> (E-mail); Kidner, Neil (N.); Anthony Lynch (A.) (E-mail); Short Malcolm >> (E-mail) >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: FW: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] >> >> Regards >> >> Dave Field >> >> Transmissions & Driveline >> Jaguar Cars Limited >> ---- >> Internal 8 726 4541 >> Telephone +44(0)24 7620 4541 >> Fax +44(0)24 7620 4307 >> Email dfield5 at jaguar.com >> >> -----Original Message----- >> From: David.Payne(MSX) [mailto:dpayne15 at jaguar.com] >> Sent: Monday 04 June 2001 10:25 >> To: aaa; adam; ANDERSON; ANDREW FUDGE; Colin Boreham; Colin Varley >> (CVARLEY); Crooks, Gavin (G.); Darren Hodkinson; David Field (DFIELD5); >> Dipak M Patel; Doug Campling; Fletcher, David (D.); Griffin, Jane (J.); >> Jez. Fraser (E-mail); Jim Tyson; John.Craddock; Lee White (LWHITE9); >> Lorraine Wells; Matthew Lammas; Merrison, John; Neil Sibley; O'Sullivan, >> Simon (S.); Phil Gee; Samantha Frost (SFROST5); Sarah Quittenton; >> Standbridge, Claire (C.); Steve Deane; steve.fudge at invensys.com; Taylor, >> Wayne (W.); Tilling, David (D.); Topham, Wayne; Walder, Guy (G.); >> Wilkinson, Nicola (N.) >> Subject: [Fwd: FW: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] >> > >> > Subject: Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully >> > >> -- >> Something to think about... >> >> >> Subject: Slow Dance >> >> This poem was written by a terminally ill young girl in a New York >> Hospital. It was sent by a medical doctor - Make sure to read what >> is in the closing statement AFTER THE POEM. >> >> SLOW DANCE >> Have you ever watched kids On a merry-go-round? >> Or listened to the rain Slapping on the ground? >> Ever followed a butterfly's erratic flight? >> Or gazed at the sun into the fading night? >> You better slow down. >> Don't dance so fast. >> Time is short. >> The music won't last. >> >> Do you run through each day On the fly? >> When you ask How are you? Do you hear the reply? >> When the day is done, Do you lie in your bed >> With the next hundred chores Running through your head? >> You'd better slow down >> Don't dance so fast. >> Time is short. >> The music won't last. >> >> Ever told your child, We'll do it tomorrow? >> And in your haste, Not see his/her sorrow? >> Ever lost touch, Let a good friendship die >> Cause you never had time To call and say hi >> You'd better slow down. >> Don't dance so fast. >> Time is short. >> The music won't last. >> >> When you run so fast to get somewhere >> You miss half the fun of getting there. >> When you worry and hurry through your day, >> It is like an unopened gift.... Thrown away. >> Life is not a race. Do take it slower >> Hear the music Before the song is over. >> >> PLEASE FORWARD THIS TO HELP THIS LITTLE GIRL. ALL FORWARDED E-MAILS >> ARE TRACKED TO OBTAIN THE TOTAL COUNT. >> >> Dear All: >> PLEASE pass this mail on to everybody you know. It is the request of >> a special little girl who will soon leave this world as she has cancer. >> Thank you for your effort, this isn't a chain letter, but a choice for >> all of us to save a little girl that's dying of a serious and fatal >> form of cancer. >> >> Please send this to everyone you know or don't know. This little >> girl has 6 months left to live, and as her dying wish, she wanted to >> send a letter telling everyone to live their life to the fullest, since >> she >> never will. She'll never make it to prom, graduate from high >> school, or get married and have a family of her own. By you sending >> this to as many >> people as possible,you can give her and her family a little HOPE, >> because with >> every name that this is sent to, The American Cancer Society will >> donate 3 cents per >> name to her treatment and recovery plan. One guy sent this to 500 >> people! So I >> know that we can send it to at least 5 or 6. Just think it could be you >> one day. >> It's not even your money, just your time! >> >> PLEASE PASS ON AS A LAST REQUEST >> Dr. Dennis Shields, Professor >> Department of Developmental and Molecular Biology >> 1300 Morris Park Avenue >> Bronx, New York 10461 >> 0-856498053-981418660=:7700 >> >> Sukhi Sandhu >> >> CHT Client Financial Management >> Direct Dial 0207 844 1095 >> Mobile 07776 175375 >> >> email: Sukhi.Sandhu at accenture.com >> >> > ---- 01-05-22 17.20 ---- Sent >> > >> ----------------------------------------- >> > -> rolandgentry(a)aol.com >> > -> coling13(a)netscapeonline.co.uk >> >> _____________________________________________________________________ >> This message has been checked for all known viruses by UUNET delivered >> through the MessageLabs Virus Control Centre. For further information >visit >> http://www.uk.uu.net/products/security/virus/ >> >> >> >> >> >> >> >> ************************************************************************ >> This email is confidential and intended solely for the use of >> the individual to whom it is addressed. Any views or opinions >> presented are soley those of the author and do not >> necessarily represent those of Calsonic International Europe >> If you are not the intended recipient, be advised that you >> have received this email in error and that any use, >> dissemination, forwarding, printing, or copying of this email >> is strictly prohibited. If you have received this email in error >> please notify Calsonic International Europe on 01554 747000 >> ************************************************************************ >> >> _____________________________________________________________________ >> This message has been checked for all known viruses by UUNET delivered >> through the MessageLabs Virus Control Centre. For further information >visit >> http://www.uk.uu.net/products/security/virus/ >> From none at none.com Fri Jun 15 15:10:09 2001 From: none at none.com (none at none.com) Date: Fri, 15 Jun 2001 12:10:09 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CNN.com - Unrest abroad puts American travelers on alert - June 15, 2001 Message-ID: <944874186.992632209355.JavaMail.root@arwen.clickability.com> Is our country safe. ******************** If you are having trouble with any of the links in this message, or if the URL's are not appearing as links, please follow the instructions at the bottom of this email. Title: CNN.com - Unrest abroad puts American travelers on alert - June 15, 2001 CNN.com will expire this article on 06/29/2001. Copy and paste the following into your Web browser to access the sent link: http://cnn.travel.emailthis.com/et/emailThis?clickMap=viewThis&etMailToID=1929214364&pt=Y Copy and paste the following into your Web browser to SAVE THIS link: http://cnn.travel.savethis.com/st/saveThisPopupApp?clickMap=saveFromET&partnerID=2015&etMailToID=1929214364&pt=Y Copy and paste the following into your Web browser to forward this link: http://cnn.travel.emailthis.com/et/emailThis?clickMap=forward&etMailToID=1929214364&partnerID=2015&pt=Y *Please note, the sender's email address has not been verified. ******************** Email pages from any Web site you visit - add the EMAIL THIS button to your browser, copy and paste the following into your Web browser: http://cnn.travel.emailthis.com/et/emailThis?clickMap=browserButtons&pt=Y" Instructions: ----------------------------------------- If your e-mail program doesn't recognize Web addresses: 1. With your mouse, highlight the Web Address above. Be sure to highlight the entire Web address, even if it spans more than one line in your email. 2. Select Copy from the Edit menu at the top of your screen. 3. Launch your Web browser. 4. Paste the address into your Web browser by selecting Paste from the Edit menu. 5. Click Go or press Enter or Return on your keyboard. ******************** -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Fri Jun 15 18:34:31 2001 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja) Date: Fri, 15 Jun 2001 18:34:31 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Please read THIS carefully In-Reply-To: Message-ID: ok, I distinctly remember sending an anti-spam article yesterday that talked about the sort of spam e-mail that involves dying imaginary children... and lo! and behold someone sends in an e-mail the next day. Let me clarify a few things for those who truly believe that they are performing a service to humanity by filling up INBOXes. First and foremost, it is technically and technologically IMPOSSIBLE to keep track of the number of people this e-mail is sent to. Let me present a more suitable analogy. Somebody calls you and on behalf of a dying child, sick cat etc. they ask you to call everybody you know because for each call organization "X" donates 3 cents to research. Will you call everybody you know? Of course not. Because you would reason (and rightly so) that unless someone was listening-in on your conversations they would have no idea what your phone call was about. The internet works like this as well but instead of transmitting voice it relays data. (Remember back in the modem-era when connecting to the Internet would occupy your phone lines?) Please visit to assure yourselved that the American Cancer Society neither sponsors nor endorses these chain letters. And please if you really want to help multiply the number of people to whom you forward these e-mails by 3 and sent that cent amount to ACS directly. Si gjithmone, une (a little peeved at all the spam I've been getting) On Fri, 15 Jun 2001 Kote_Edvin at emc.com wrote: > ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List --------- > - ALBSA Web Site: http://www.albstudent.org - > > > > -----Original Message----- > From: Sotiraq Guga [mailto:sotiraq.guga at pi.be] > Sent: Friday, June 15, 2001 4:49 AM > Subject: Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully > > > >From: "Piro DISHNICA" > >To: "Zoteria e tij Alfred Kosta dhe e Zonja" , > > "Zhaneta DHIMA" , > > "YLLI MYFTIU" , > > "VRETO, Mr Roland" , > > "Vjollca Bakllamaja" , > > "Stefania Rossetti" , > > "Stefani, Odetta" , "Sotiraq GUGA" > , > > "Silvana Ahmeti" , > > "R.IDRIZI & Lili in USA" , > , > > "Niko Hobdari" , > > "Niko Cepiku" , > > "Muhedin Llagami" , > > Mir?la Dodona Konini , > > Mimoza Bo?ari , > > "Milena Grassia" , > > "Maria Grazia Calza" , > > "Lulzim AJAZI \(at home\)" , > > "Lulieta COBANI" , "Luiza Jano" , > > "lida leskaj" , "Jul Bushati" , > > "Jola Klosi" , "IVONA CIFTJA LOLOCI" > , > > "Ivan Shurbani" , > > "Ing. Rosela Kroqi" , > > "ILIRA Zengo SILIQI" , > > "Ilir Allushi \(home\)" , > > "Idris Konjari" , "Hena Uruci" > , > > "Hazizaj, Melstena" , > > "Godiva Rembeci" , > > "Gloria De Martinis" , "GJERGJ KONDA" > , > > "Giulio CAPASSO" , "Gianna Piras" , > > "Gary Jones" , > > Fran?oise Chevallier et Pierre H?mon , > > "Francesca Paradisi" , > > "Francesca Della Ratta \(& Graziano\)" , > > "Fabio Spagnuolo" , > > "Evelina Josa" , > > "Eral Beltoja" , > > "Emira Galanxhi" , > > "Edith, ERY & Roushdie 1" , > > "Dr. Engjell Skenderi" , > > "Dott.ssa Silvana DOGGA" , > > "Dott.ssa Christine Fanizzi" , > > "Donika Skenderi TOTO" , > > "Domenico SCALZO" , > > "De Castris, Marusca" , > > "Daniela Molino" , > > "Cristina Mazzotta" , > > "Cristina MAZZOTTA" , > > "Cecilia Nadin \(Office\)" , > > "Carla Carlucci" , > > "Beppina SIMA" , "Beppina Sima" > , > > "Arjana Vasili XEXO\(Office\)" , > > "ARJANA MISHA" , "Arjan Gjonca" > , > > "Arian Turku" , "Arben LESKAJ" , > > "Arben Bakllamaja" , > > "ANILA Husha KAZAZI" , > > "Ani Dodona" , > > "Angela SILVESTRINI" , "Angela GOLINO" > , > > "Andrea Marsico" , > > "Andrea Greco" , > > "ANDREA DE PANIZZA" , > > "Andoni, Odetta" , > > "Andia A Boci" , "Amilda Dymi" > , > > "Almut et Carlos" , > > "Adrian KAZAZI\(home\)" > >Subject: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully > >Date: Fri, 15 Jun 2001 10:22:22 +0200 > >X-Mailer: Microsoft Outlook Express 5.00.2919.6700 > > > >Plse, read this through. > > > >----- Original Message ----- > >From: "Jon Hourihan @ GWK" > >To: "Elaine" ; "Yannick @ Crane" > >; "visteon - laura b" > >; "Visteon - Martin Green" ; > >"visteon - dave crest" ; "Tony Byrne" > >; "the legendary Michael John" ; > >"the legendary Bob Freeman" ; "teddy" > >; "roy the boy" ; "Robert Watt" > >; "Richard Morley (R.)" ; > >"Richard @ MSX" ; "mel" > >; "Marky Prowle" > ; > >"Maria West @ GWK" ; "leigh w" > >; "kth - dave ross" ; > >"kth - reg gregg" ; "Knight Valerie" > >; "Justin Aldridge" > >; "ju" ; "jonesy" > >; "Jon Simms" ; "Jane > >O'Connor" ; "Ian Hayes" > >; "Greg P primary" > >; "Ford - paul bell" ; "ford - > >paul dwyer" ; "Ford - Ian Richards" ; > >"Ford - Jono Gask" ; "earl" ; > "dave > >p" ; "colin driver @ Crane" > >; "brenig" ; > >"'Boker Aeroclean'" ; "Audrey. John > >(E-mail)" ; "Alison. Bentley" > > > >Sent: Sunday, June 10, 2001 11:52 PM > >Subject: FW: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] > > > > > >> read this through. > >> > >> -----Original Message----- > >> From: Chalmers, David (D.S.) [mailto:dchalme4 at jaguar.com] > >> Sent: Friday, June 08, 2001 6:51 AM > >> To: Adrian Bleach (E-mail); Alun Davies (E-mail); Anna Parry (E-mail); > >> Chris Parry (E-mail); Colin Davies (E-mail); Dave Chalmers (E-mail); > >> Dean Prosser (E-mail); Denise Cooper (E-mail); Gary Dickinson (E-mail); > >> Jon Hourihan (E-mail); Mcgillivray, Norman (N.); Paul Howells (E-mail); > >> Longford, Paul (P.R.); Phil Moore (E-mail); Steven Hook (E-mail); Wayne > >> Hester at Home (E-mail); Wayne Hester at qsm (E-mail); Wayne Mason (E-mail); > >> Wayne Mason (E-mail 2); Hayley Norbury (E-mail) > >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] > >> > >> > >> > >> > >> Regards > >> > >> Dave Chalmers > >> > >> Material Handling Engineering > >> Jaguar Powertrain & Final Assembly > >> Tel: +44-024-76203367 > >> Fax: +44-024-76207672 > >> E-mail: dchalme4 at jaguar.com > >> > >> > >> -----Original Message----- > >> From: Huggleston, Nick (N.) [mailto:nhuggles at visteon.com] > >> Sent: 08 June 2001 07:41 > >> To: Bishop Dai (E-mail); Thompson2 Angela (E-mail); Chalmers Dai > >> (E-mail); Williams Helen (E-mail); Watson Alex. (E-mail); Sollars > >> juliette (E-mail); Parrish Karen (E-mail); Koponen Minna (E-mail); Shaw > >> Sonia (E-mail); Hester Wayne (E-mail); Barrett Martin (E-mail) > >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] > >> > >> > >> > >> Nick Huggleston > >> Quality Engineer > >> Visteon Automotive Systems > >> Swansea Plant. UK. > >> Tel:- 0044 1792 656 373 > >> > >> > >> -----Original Message----- > >> From: Andrew.O'Connor at calsonic-europe.com > >> [mailto:Andrew.O'Connor at calsonic-europe.com] > >> Sent: 08 June 2001 06:53 > >> To: Sushma.Agrawal at uk.bosch.com; arwel_g_davies at hotmail.com; > >> nhuggles at visteon.com; ray.m.keenan at adwest.org; > >> steven.marshall at valeo.com; huwmungus90 at hotmail.com; > >> tim_ryall at hotmail.com; tim.ryall at valeo.com; Paula.Thomas at mg-rover.com > >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] > >> > >> > >> > >> ---------------------- Forwarded by Andrew O'Connor/CLLR/Calsonic on > >> 08/06/2001 07:00 --------------------------- > >> > >> > >> Beverley Spear > >> 07/06/2001 09:33 > >> > >> To: Melanie Towns/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Garry Bird/CTCE/Calsonic at CIE, > >Andrew > >> O'Connor/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Peter Brazel/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Rod > >> Mosley/CTCE/Calsonic at CIE, Elisabeth Trillon/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, > >> Pauline J Jones/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE, Alyson Thomas/CLLR/Calsonic at CIE > >> cc: > >> > >> > >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] > >> > >> > >> ---------------------- Forwarded by Beverley Spear/CLLR/Calsonic on > >> 07/06/2001 09:41 --------------------------- > >> > >> > >> Paula Thomas on 07/06/2001 09:08:42 > >> > >> To: Alan Coley , Andy Wilkes > >> , > >> "Beverley_Spear/CLLR/Calsonic at calsonic-europe.com" > >> , Darren Guy > >> , Keith Brown , > >> Nathan Crewe , Paul Rollinson > >> , Richard Evans > >> > >> cc: > >> > >> > >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]]] > >> > >> > >> > >> > >> -------- Original Message -------- > >> Subject: [Fwd: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully]] > >> Date: Thu, 07 Jun 2001 08:59:17 +0100 > >> From: Julie Vinnicombe > >> Reply-To: Julie.Vinnicombe at MG-rover.com > >> To: Alan Wilson ,Andy Coldwell > >> ,Anne Phelan > >> ,Bryan Gresty > >> ,Carl Holdback ,Chris > >> Day ,Darren Stephens > >> ,Darren Vinnicombe ,Dave > >> Bloomer ,Dave Spooner > >> ,Dave Stockton > >> ,Eddie Blackburn > >> ,Gareth Norris > >> ,Gary Carter ,Glen > >> Harris ,Graham Askew > >> ,Graham Jackson > >> ,Harish Naik > >> ,Harold Holme ,Irini > >> Vyziotidou ,Jason Holden > >> ,John Davies ,John > >> Owen ,Julie Jones > >> ,Liam Taylor ,Louise > >> Jones ,Lynette Freeth > >> ,Martin Landreth > >> ,Martin Vile > >> ,Mike Billington > >> ,Neil Heafield > >> ,Nick Stinton > >> ,Nigel Harrison > >> ,Niki Meller > >> ,Paul Modley ,Paul > >> Morgan ,Paula Thomas > >> ,Pete Jones ,Phil > >> Gillon ,Phil Brookes > >> ,Richard Freeth > >> ,Richard Hirons > >> ,Richard Walker > >> ,Simon Fairbrother > >> ,Steve Donowski > >> ,Stuart Cooper ,Sue Wilkes > >> ,Sue Gwinnett ,Tony > >> Green ,Tony Heafield > >> ,Trevor Dugdale > >> > >> > >> -------- Original Message -------- > >> Subject: [Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] > >> Date: Thu, 07 Jun 2001 08:42:57 +0100 > >> From: Martin Crane > >> Organization: Powertrain Ltd > >> To: Julie Vinnicombe > >> > >> -------- Original Message -------- > >> Subject: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully > >> Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 15:45:28 +0100 > >> From: Malcolm.Allen at bmwgroup.com > >> Organization: Project Management, Powertrain LTD, 396 Groveley Lane, > >> Rednal, Birmingham, B31 2TB. Tel: 0121 482 2660, Fax: 0121 482 (3)4610 > >> To: > >> > >aperry16 at landrover.com,rbuckingham at roush.co.uk,claire at ck1-fastcat.freeserve > . > >> > >co.uk,David.Swithin at bmwgroup.com,hpotter4 at landrover.com,Ian.Barley at bmwgroup > . > >> > >com,jhoyle at cosworth-technology.co.uk,Kevin.Blacktop at bmwgroup.com,Lucas.Brow > n > >> > >@bmw.de,Mark.Portman at bmwgroup.com,Martin.Crane at bmwgroup.com,pierre.desvigne > s > >> @at.siemens.fr,shorswill at mtc.ricardo.com,valallen at charford.worcs.sch.uk > >> > >> > >> -------- Original Message -------- > >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: FW: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] > >> Date: Wed, 6 Jun 2001 06:05:17 -0400 > >> From: agrice at jaguar.com > >> To: > >> > >Malcolm.Allen at bmwgroup.com,nbailey7 at landrover.com,jfield6 at jaguar.com,lricka > r > >> > >d at jaguar.com,darmer at jaguar.com,gbarker6 at jaguar.com,dbrunson at jaguar.com,ical > d > >> > >ic1 at jaguar.com,mcarini at jaguar.com,dcrowder at jaguar.com,pdought1 at jaguar.com,b > k > >> > >nowle4 at jaguar.com,rmayes1 at jaguar.com,dmorris at jaguar.com,doffer2 at jaguar.com, > u > >> > >petters at jaguar.com,dsherrin at jaguar.com,llaniyan at jaguar.com,dwiggin3 at jaguar. > c > >> om > >> > >> > >> Andy > >> > >> -----Original Message----- > >> From: Field, David (D.J.) > >> Sent: Wednesday 06 June 2001 10:04 > >> To: Barber, Stephen (S.); Beever, Paul (P.); Brighton, Colin (C.R.); > >> Brown, Pete (P.); Chinn Mike (E-mail); Davey Jonathan (E-mail); Phil > >> Eastbury (P.) (E-mail); Field, Jason (J.); Grice, Andrew (A.A.); George > >> Houghton (G.R.) (E-mail); Robert Hoyle (R.) (E-mail); Godwin Ian > >> (E-mail); Kidner, Neil (N.); Anthony Lynch (A.) (E-mail); Short Malcolm > >> (E-mail) > >> Subject: FW: [Fwd: FW: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] > >> > >> Regards > >> > >> Dave Field > >> > >> Transmissions & Driveline > >> Jaguar Cars Limited > >> ---- > >> Internal 8 726 4541 > >> Telephone +44(0)24 7620 4541 > >> Fax +44(0)24 7620 4307 > >> Email dfield5 at jaguar.com > >> > >> -----Original Message----- > >> From: David.Payne(MSX) [mailto:dpayne15 at jaguar.com] > >> Sent: Monday 04 June 2001 10:25 > >> To: aaa; adam; ANDERSON; ANDREW FUDGE; Colin Boreham; Colin Varley > >> (CVARLEY); Crooks, Gavin (G.); Darren Hodkinson; David Field (DFIELD5); > >> Dipak M Patel; Doug Campling; Fletcher, David (D.); Griffin, Jane (J.); > >> Jez. Fraser (E-mail); Jim Tyson; John.Craddock; Lee White (LWHITE9); > >> Lorraine Wells; Matthew Lammas; Merrison, John; Neil Sibley; O'Sullivan, > >> Simon (S.); Phil Gee; Samantha Frost (SFROST5); Sarah Quittenton; > >> Standbridge, Claire (C.); Steve Deane; steve.fudge at invensys.com; Taylor, > >> Wayne (W.); Tilling, David (D.); Topham, Wayne; Walder, Guy (G.); > >> Wilkinson, Nicola (N.) > >> Subject: [Fwd: FW: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully] > >> > > >> > Subject: Fwd: Slow Dance/ Please read carefully > >> > > >> -- > >> Something to think about... > >> > >> > >> Subject: Slow Dance > >> > >> This poem was written by a terminally ill young girl in a New York > >> Hospital. It was sent by a medical doctor - Make sure to read what > >> is in the closing statement AFTER THE POEM. > >> > >> SLOW DANCE > >> Have you ever watched kids On a merry-go-round? > >> Or listened to the rain Slapping on the ground? > >> Ever followed a butterfly's erratic flight? > >> Or gazed at the sun into the fading night? > >> You better slow down. > >> Don't dance so fast. > >> Time is short. > >> The music won't last. > >> > >> Do you run through each day On the fly? > >> When you ask How are you? Do you hear the reply? > >> When the day is done, Do you lie in your bed > >> With the next hundred chores Running through your head? > >> You'd better slow down > >> Don't dance so fast. > >> Time is short. > >> The music won't last. > >> > >> Ever told your child, We'll do it tomorrow? > >> And in your haste, Not see his/her sorrow? > >> Ever lost touch, Let a good friendship die > >> Cause you never had time To call and say hi > >> You'd better slow down. > >> Don't dance so fast. > >> Time is short. > >> The music won't last. > >> > >> When you run so fast to get somewhere > >> You miss half the fun of getting there. > >> When you worry and hurry through your day, > >> It is like an unopened gift.... Thrown away. > >> Life is not a race. Do take it slower > >> Hear the music Before the song is over. > >> > >> PLEASE FORWARD THIS TO HELP THIS LITTLE GIRL. ALL FORWARDED E-MAILS > >> ARE TRACKED TO OBTAIN THE TOTAL COUNT. > >> > >> Dear All: > >> PLEASE pass this mail on to everybody you know. It is the request of > >> a special little girl who will soon leave this world as she has cancer. > >> Thank you for your effort, this isn't a chain letter, but a choice for > >> all of us to save a little girl that's dying of a serious and fatal > >> form of cancer. > >> > >> Please send this to everyone you know or don't know. This little > >> girl has 6 months left to live, and as her dying wish, she wanted to > >> send a letter telling everyone to live their life to the fullest, since > >> she > >> never will. She'll never make it to prom, graduate from high > >> school, or get married and have a family of her own. By you sending > >> this to as many > >> people as possible,you can give her and her family a little HOPE, > >> because with > >> every name that this is sent to, The American Cancer Society will > >> donate 3 cents per > >> name to her treatment and recovery plan. One guy sent this to 500 > >> people! So I > >> know that we can send it to at least 5 or 6. Just think it could be you > >> one day. > >> It's not even your money, just your time! > >> > >> PLEASE PASS ON AS A LAST REQUEST > >> Dr. Dennis Shields, Professor > >> Department of Developmental and Molecular Biology > >> 1300 Morris Park Avenue > >> Bronx, New York 10461 > >> 0-856498053-981418660=:7700 > >> > >> Sukhi Sandhu > >> > >> CHT Client Financial Management > >> Direct Dial 0207 844 1095 > >> Mobile 07776 175375 > >> > >> email: Sukhi.Sandhu at accenture.com > >> > >> > ---- 01-05-22 17.20 ---- Sent > >> > > >> ----------------------------------------- > >> > -> rolandgentry(a)aol.com > >> > -> coling13(a)netscapeonline.co.uk > >> > >> _____________________________________________________________________ > >> This message has been checked for all known viruses by UUNET delivered > >> through the MessageLabs Virus Control Centre. For further information > >visit > >> http://www.uk.uu.net/products/security/virus/ > >> > >> > >> > >> > >> > >> > >> > >> ************************************************************************ > >> This email is confidential and intended solely for the use of > >> the individual to whom it is addressed. Any views or opinions > >> presented are soley those of the author and do not > >> necessarily represent those of Calsonic International Europe > >> If you are not the intended recipient, be advised that you > >> have received this email in error and that any use, > >> dissemination, forwarding, printing, or copying of this email > >> is strictly prohibited. If you have received this email in error > >> please notify Calsonic International Europe on 01554 747000 > >> ************************************************************************ > >> > >> _____________________________________________________________________ > >> This message has been checked for all known viruses by UUNET delivered > >> through the MessageLabs Virus Control Centre. For further information > >visit > >> http://www.uk.uu.net/products/security/virus/ > >> > _______________________________________________________ > ALBSA-Info mailing list: ALBSA-Info at alb-net.com > http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/albsa-info > From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jun 16 11:24:27 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 16 Jun 2001 08:24:27 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KJ per konfliktin ne Permet Message-ID: <20010616152427.85336.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Pas 6 vitesh konflikt Kisha Ortodokse fiton pronat Gjirokaster- Rasat e zeza te Kishes Ortodokse ne Permet hedhin ne dore shtepine e kultures se ketij rrethi. At Vasil Themollari, nje nga personazhet me te njohur ne duelin mes kishes dhe institucionit kulturor permetar, mundi sot permes zyres se permbarimit te beje prone te veten dhe te kishes qe perfaqeson te gjitha mjediset e shtepise kulturore te Permetit. Per ekzekutimin e vendimit te njohjes se pronesise mbi godinen kulturore te Permetit, zyra e Permbarimit ka njohur vendimin e Gjykates se Permetit me nr.30 te dates 4 shkurt te vitit 1998. Ne te vertete pas ketij vendimi ka pasur nje tjeter gjykim te kesaj ceshtje nga nje trup gjykues i Gjirokastres, i cili i ka njohur shtepise se kultures se Permetit pronesine mbi kete objekt. Konflikti mes kishes dhe institucionit kulturor te Permetit ka nisur ne te vertete rreth 6 vjet me pare. Kjo godine eshte ndertuar nga shteti ne vitin 1964 dhe per kete ekzistojne te gjitha dokumentet perkatese duke filluar qe nga projekti i hedhjes se themeleve, tha per KJ mjaft i shqetesuar ne lidhje me kete ekzekutim te papritur Kastriot Bezati, drejtor i Pallatit te Kultures se Permetit. Bezati me duart dhe zerin qe i dridhet nga dhuna me te cilen ai parapelqen te cilesoje veprimin arbitrar te Zyres se Permbarimit shprehet se para vitit ?64 aty ka ekzistuar nje kishe, por ish-objekti kishtar u shemb atehere nga shteti dhe ne vend te tij u ngrit godina qe ju shihni edhe sot. Por nga ana tjeter institucioni kishtar perfaqesuar nga At Vasil Themollari pretendon se ka ne dispozicion te gjithe dokumentacionin e duhur te pronesise se tokes dhete kthimit te godines ne pallat kulture. Pervec Bezatit edhe zyrtaret lokale, duke filluar qe nga kryebashkiaku Arian Kote jane shprehur me indinjim dhe shqetesim per kete veprim qe ata e kane quajtur arbitrar te zyres se permbarimit te gjykates vendase. Nuk arrij te kuptoj, tha Kote per KJ se si merret guximi te shqyhen dyert e pallatit te kultures nga njerez qe me te drejte mund te cilesohen si te papergjegjshem dhe pas kesaj pa pranine e asnje perfaqesuesi te institucionit kulturor t?i njihet pronesia Kishes Ortodokse. Kote kercenoi se do te ndermarre menjehere ne ditet ne vazhdim te gjitha masat per ndjekjen penalisht te autoreve te ketij veprimi qe fyen thelle intelektualet dhe gjithe banoret e ketij qyteti. Kastriot Bezati qe ka mbrojur ne gjyqet e njepasnjeshme shtetin si perfaqesues i ketij institucioni kulturor, shprehet se ky objekt me themelet e tij deshmon ende se eshte ndertuar nga shteti. Sipas tij arkitektonika e ndertimit dhe struktura ne themele perbehet nga gure te bardhe nderkohe qe dihet mjaft mire nga te gjithe se ndertesat kishtare perdorin gure te zinj. Nga ana tjeter, tha Bezati, kjo godine ruan te njejten strukture ndertimi si pallati i kultures se Tepelenes pasi jane ndertuar ne te njejten kohe. Nuk dihet ende se si do t?i veje filli historise se pronesise mbi pallatin e kultures se Permetit, por tashme dihet se kontrollin mbi te e ka kisha ortodokse me perfaqesuesin e saj At Vasil Themollarin. Te shtunen pritet qe intelektuale te ketij qyteti dhe banore vendas te protestojne mbi vendimin arbitrar te zyres se permbarimit. Ndricim Nero 06/16/2001 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Buzz Index - Spot the hottest trends in music, movies,and more. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jun 16 11:30:52 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 16 Jun 2001 08:30:52 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KJ per helenizimin e Jugut Message-ID: <20010616153052.78239.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Athina, greqishten falas per mursiotet Sarande- Athina, quhet mesuesja qe femijeve shqiptare iu meson gjuhen greke falas. Madje kjo pergezohet dhe falenderohet nga autoritetet e ambasades greke qe nuk ngurojne te shkojne thelle ne Mursi. Ky eshte emri i fshatit qe ben pjese ne komunen e Xarres, 30 kilometra larg nga qyteti i Sarandes. Eshte fshat teresisht shqiptar. Banoret e kesaj komune merren me bujqesi e blegtori dhe nje pjese e mire e tyre kane emigruar jashte shtetit. Si kudo edhe ne kete fshat ka vite qe eshte hapur nje kurs privat per mesimin e gjuhes greke, jashte ores se mesimit. Mesuesja Athina Pando, qe eshte njekohesisht edhe kryetare e shoqates "Omonia" per fshatin e Mursise ka vite qe e ka hapur kete kurs. Madje duan te thone se femijet per kete kurs nuk paguajne asgje sic paguhet zakonisht per kurset private qe jane hapur gjithandej. Natyrshem lind pyetja: Eshte thjesht nje deshire e mesueses kjo qe ben kurs te papaguar apo eshte dikush tjeter qe e paguan kete mesuese? Athina Pando ne mbarim te kursit te gjuhes greke fton me kete rast ambasadorin grek ne Tirane, Iliopullos, atasheun ekonomik ne ambasaden greke si dhe konsullin grek ne Gjirokaster Janis Pedhjotis. Dhe ata erdhen. Pika e pare e vizites se ambasadorit grek Iliopullos dhe e konsullit grek ne Gjirokaster Pedhjotis ishte pika e kalimit kufitar te Qafe Botes, qe sipas tyre erdhen per te pare se deri ku kane arritur projektet e rruges qe vjen nga Greqia, per te pare se ku ishin punimet. Ndalesa me e forte e elites greke ishte ne fshatin Mursi. Dhe pritja e tyre ishte ashtu sic dine te presin shqiptaret. Kishin dale shume fshatare per t?i pritur, madje ne forme festive. Ftesa e mesueses Athina ishte per punen e mire qe eshte bere ne kursin per gjuhen greke ne kete fshat. Vete ambasadori grek ne Tirane Iliopullos u shpreh ne fjalen e tij: "Erdha ketu qe te shihja nga afer nevojat e fshatit, problemet qe ekzistojne atje dhe hyrjen e Mursise ne familjen e perbashket Europiane. Por cudia me e madhe eshte se bashke me eliten greke ishte edhe kandidati per deputet i P.B.D.NJ per zonen 100 Andrea Mici". Terreni ishte peratitur mire. Nje fshatar ne fjalen e tij pasi falenderoi palen greke dhe marredheniet e mira mes dy popujve, u kujtua vet apo u nxit nga dikush u shpreh se te gjitha votat e mija si familje do te jene per kandidatin e P.B.D.NJ, Andrea Mici. Pra takimi hyri ne fushate elektorale. Andrea Mici kishte mberritur ne fshat. Sh.Dine --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Buzz Index - Spot the hottest trends in music, movies,and more. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kbejko at hotmail.com Sun Jun 17 13:44:32 2001 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 13:44:32 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kathimerini commentary Message-ID: Commentary Two-and-a-half Albanian states By Stavros Lygeros The bloody interethnic clashes in FYROM are nothing but the final act in the drama of Yugoslavia. The wars in Croatia and Bosnia centered on the attempts of the ethnic groups which made up former Yugoslavia to divide up its territory, as happened with the empires of the past. Since the internal borders had been drawn up arbitrarily, according to the needs of the Tito regime, when the time for separation came, each ethnic group tried to create its own ethnically pure state at the expense of the others. Slovenia eluded the fate of the other federal states because it was ethnically homogeneous. The wars in both Kosovo and FYROM were caused by the attempt of the Albanian population of former Yugoslavia at first to secede, and if possible, in the long term, to unite with Albania. Armed by NATO, the Albanian Kosovars achieved de facto secession from Serbia, and now are pressuring for international recognition of this fait accompli. The Albanians of FYROM do not have the support of the West, but its tolerance is all they need, because they are fighting a weak opponent. This allowed them to achieve military successes, and now they are negotiating from a position of strength. The West's official rhetoric notwithstanding, the most likely outcome is that the Albanian question will be resolved by the creation of two-and-a-half Albanian states. Kosovo will at some point cease to be a protectorate of the West, while FYROM is being ineluctably drawn into a federation, or at least the creation of an Albanian province with wide-ranging autonomy. The gradual shift of the clashes from north to south (Croatia, Bosnia, Kosovo and now FYROM) has led to expressions of fear that the crisis might spread to Greece. Albanian bravado about the formation of the Cam Liberation Army has fed these fears, but in fact they are unlikely to take shape; not only because is Greece a military, political and economic superpower by Balkan standards, but because it is ethnically homogeneous. There is every indication that the crisis has been confined within the borders of the old Yugoslavia. In this context, Athens has both an ethical obligation and geopolitical interest in keeping Northern Epirotes and Orthodox Christians in general in their homelands in southern Albania, because they act as a bulwark against Albanian expansionism. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Jun 17 14:37:37 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 11:37:37 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Bribe allegations on Macedonia Message-ID: <20010617183737.7506.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> [03] GLIGOROV INSISTS ON BRIBE OFFER, NAMES ONE MANAthens, 17 June 2001 (19:36 UTC+2) FYROM's former president Kiro Gligorov reiterated his recent claims that in May 1992 the Greek government made persistent financial offers in an effort to make him agree to forsake the term Macedonia from his country's name, this time actually naming one individual who served as a go-between. In an interview with the Sunday edition of the Athens daily To Vima, Mr. Gligorov stated that a Greek retired army general, Nikos Grylakis, attempted to bribe him with an ancient amphora. He also reiterated his earlier claim that Greek intelligence officials offered him, via FYROM's secret service agents, the sum of one million dollars if he would agree to changing the name of his country. Mr. Gryllakis served at the security chief of Greece's then-premier, Constantine Mitsotakis who is presently the honorary president of the main opposition party of New Democracy. When Mr. Gligorov made his first allegations last week, Mr. Mitsotakis' response was quick and to the point last night: The specific reference lacks any seriousness, he said, adding that the claim is irrational and crude. A.F. Macedonian Press Agency --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Buzz Index - Spot the hottest trends in music, movies,and more. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 21:48:36 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 21:48:36 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "Kosovo scenario" repeated in Macedonia-Putin Message-ID: <6b.15eeb81a.285eb7f4@aol.com> "Kosovo scenario" repeated in Macedonia-Putin By Shaban Buza PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, June 17 (Reuters) - Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Sunday the "Kosovo scenario" was being repeated in Macedonia and criticised the West for pressuring its Slav majority to agree to the demands of Albanian "extremists." Putin, the first Kremlin leader to visit Belgrade since the bloody breakup of the old Socialist Yugoslav federation, also criticised Western policy in Kosovo and called for an agreement to reaffirm borders in the volatile Balkans. "The situation in Macedonia is developing into a very difficult scenario," Putin told commanders of the Russian contingent in the NATO-led peacekeeping force in Kosovo during a surprise visit to the Yugoslav province, a news agency said. "The leadership of the country is under serious pressure to force it to meet the demands of extremists. In fact the Kosovo scenario is being repeated...and we know where that could take us," Russia's Interfax news agency quoted Putin as saying. Ethnic Albanian guerrillas with backing from Kosovo began operating in Macedonia earlier this year, bringing the majority Orthodox Slav country to the brink of civil war. NATO has tightened its control of the Kosovo-Macedonia border to try to stop weapons and men crossing, and Western leaders are pressing its Slav and ethnic Albanian leaders to agree to constitutional changes to address the minority's concerns. PUTIN WANTS BORDER BLOCKED Putin said Macedonia's borders with Albania and the Kosovo part of Yugoslavia should be blocked. "It is necessary to undertake urgent measures to close channels of financing to the militants," he said. "And finally, on the political level it is very important that nobody in the region has illusions that the international community will accept changes of internationally recognised borders and attempts to solve political problems by force." Putin said his borders initiative aimed at promoting a comprehensive settlement to ethnic strife in the region through "mutual recognition of sovereignty and territorial integrity." Putin said earlier in Belgrade that Yugoslavia needed help from the entire international community and that Russians, who share Orthodox Slav roots with the Serbs, were ready to play a part. "Stability in the region is seriously threatened, above all from national religious extremism and intolerance, the main source of which today is in Kosovo," he said. Both leaders urged the international community to work to disarm Albanian "terrorists," referring to attacks on Kosovo's dwindling Serb population and gunmen in neighbouring Macedonia. The borders initiative is likely to infuriate Kosovo's independence-minded Albanians, who hope that the international community, which made the province a U.N. protectorate in 1999 after 11 weeks of NATO air strikes, will eventually agree. Putin also criticised a plan for self-government in Kosovo, saying it was approved "in circumvention" of the U.N. Security Council and that it had a number of significant drawbacks. "Too many concessions have been made to radicals," Putin said about the blueprint unveiled by the U.N.'s Kosovo governor Hans Haekkerup last month which paves the way for province-wide elections on November 17. "The legal framework of future self-government is raised almost to the standard of constitution," he said. Putin later held talks with the Haekkerup and a visiting delegation of ambassadors of the 15-member U.N. Security Council as well as the head of the peacekeepers, Norwegian General Thorstein Skiaker. Russia has some 3,000 troops in a force of about 40,000 peacekeepers who replaced Yugoslav forces in Kosovo after the NATO air strikes to stop Belgrade's repression of the province's ethnic Albanians. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 21:50:04 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 21:50:04 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanians take hard line on Macedonian peace plan Message-ID: <39.165f2b99.285eb84c@aol.com> Albanians take hard line on Macedonian peace plan By Kole Casule SKOPJE, June 17 (Reuters) - Leaders of Macedonia's ethnic Albanian minority are taking a hard line in cross-party talks intended to avert another Balkan war, diplomatic sources said on Sunday. Politicians from both sides of an ethnic divide widened by a four-month Albanian guerrilla rebellion are struggling to agree on major constitutional concessions to Albanians under a Western-backed plan designed to persuade the rebels to disarm. "The tone is hard going and the Albanians are being tough but I don't think we're on the verge of breakdown," a diplomatic source said, adding the talks would probably resume on Monday. Another source said the summit was "best described as spasmodic." The main stumbling block is how to rewrite a constitution drawn up just 10 years ago. Slav majority leaders are resigned to making sweeping changes, but not necessarily to meeting Albanian demands that Macedonia become a consensual democracy in which all sensitive decisions would have to be backed by the one-third Albanian minority. This and the elevation of the Albanian language to official status throughout public life are tough proposals for the Slav majority to stomach, especially with Albanian gunmen at large on Skopje's outskirts. "They don't seem to have made much progress," a diplomatic source said. "But at least they haven't gone backwards." NATO ROLE AWAITED The rebel National Liberation Army (NLA), which has called a truce until June 27 while the politicians haggle, is waiting to see what role NATO will play after demanding troops be deployed. Diplomats expect the alliance to accept a government request for NATO help in disarming guerrillas and decommissioning their weapons, provided the rebels agree to the terms being debated. The talks could drag on for days, diplomats warn, and the carrot of a potential decision by NATO members to put troops in Macedonia under a final disarmament plan may prove decisive. "The irony is that the one thing the Macedonians and the NLA can agree on is for NATO to get involved," a Western envoy said. In Belgrade, Russia and Yugoslavia urged Western powers to disarm "terrorists" in Macedonia and neighbouring Kosovo, blamed for spawning Albanian guerrilla groups across the Balkans. Russian President Vladimir Putin said failure to clamp down on armed extremists in the U.N.-run Yugoslav province meant the "Kosovo scenario," where gunmen wield power, was spreading. "The leadership of (Macedonia) is under serious pressure to force it to meet the demands of extremists," Putin warned later on a brief visit to Kosovo. "It is very important that nobody in the region has illusions that the international community will accept... attempts to solve political problems by force." HEADACHE In Skopje, politicians are under heavy European Union pressure to produce a deal by June 25 and have to grapple with a tough agenda that also includes more civil service and police jobs for Albanians. But the constitution is the biggest headache. Experts propose deleting ethnic references in its preamble, which Albanians say is discriminatory because it labels them a minority in a country of "the Macedonian people." The aim is to undercut support for rebels who say they are fighting for ethnic rights, and to sidestep the issue of direct talks with the NLA, which the government refuses to countenance. "The basic Albanian demands are essentially all the same, so I don't think this is necessarily a show stopper," one diplomat said. But the blanket amnesty rebels want is not on the agenda. Though both sides called ceasefires on Monday, the truce is punctured almost daily by exchanges of light fire. Sporadic shooting was audible near Aracinovo, a village on Skopje's fringes from which the rebels have threatened to shell the capital, and reporters saw smoke rising from burning fields. On Saturday night, the government authorised a cautious test of the truce. After five days of haggling over terms, it let aid take supplies to civilians behind rebel lines in exchange for access to a reservoir to reconnect a major town's water supply. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 21:53:44 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 21:53:44 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Putin Discusses Plan for Balkan Message-ID: Putin Discusses Plan for Balkans By FISNIK ABRASHI PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - A day after expressing concern about NATO expansion, Russian President Vladimir Putin made an unscheduled stop Sunday in Kosovo, where NATO commanders call the shots for some 3,000 Russian peacekeeping troops. The first Russian president to visit Yugoslavia since the 1991 breakup of the Soviet Union, Putin was balancing a desire to reassert Russia's interests in the Balkans with his professed willingness to work with the Western alliance. ``We came here to see what kind of cooperation exists, what kinds of problems exist here and how to address and resolve those problems,'' he said in brief comments before departing for Moscow. Putin arrived in Yugoslavia late Saturday direct from his summit in neighboring Slovenia with President Bush. Although he and Bush discussed the region's problems broadly, Putin said ``we did not touch in detail on any specific issues.'' That was not the case in Belgrade, where Putin and Yugoslavia's new pro-democracy leader, President Vojislav Kostunica, criticized NATO and the U.N. administrators who have run Kosovo since NATO's 1999 bombing campaign drove Yugoslav authorities out. ``Wrong moves'' by the international community have ``destabilized the entire region,'' Kostunica said. Instead of then flying back to Moscow as announced, Putin went to Kosovo, where he handed out medals to Russian peacekeepers and met with Danish Lt. Gen. Thorstein Skiaker, the commander of the NATO-led force, and U.N. officials. His flight was announced at the last minute because of security concerns in the province, where ethnic Albanians view Russia as pro-Serb because of historic ties between the two Slav nations. A source who was at the meeting, speaking on condition of anonymity, described Putin as ``very critical'' of the 45,000-strong peacekeeping force's performance. Russia has been pushing for NATO to do more to disarm ethnic Albanian extremists who have been attacking the remaining Serbs in Kosovo and contributing to clashes with government troops in neighboring Macedonia. ``We discussed with him in quite frank terms ... should we be confident in going forward because some things are going wrong, or should we be confident in going forward because some things are going right,'' said Jeremy Greenstock, British ambassador to the United Nations. Since taking office, Putin has sought to strengthen Russia's role especially in areas of former influence like the Balkans, where the West holds increasing sway through the presence of NATO troops. But the assertiveness sometimes bumps against a desire not to be left out. While voicing deep apprehension at his summit with Bush over NATO expanding toward Russia's borders, Putin also recently revived Russian participation in its Partnership for Peace program. Although Russia has cultural, religious and historic ties to Yugoslavia's Serbian and Montenegrin population, it also was critical of former President Slobodan Milosevic's ``ethnic cleansing'' campaign against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Russia strongly opposed the 1999 NATO bombing campaign yet played a large diplomatic role in convincing Milosevic to accept the terms of the U.N. resolution ending it. Once the bombs stopped in June 1999, the Russians then flew into Kosovo before any NATO troops and quickly took control of the airport near Pristina, to the dismay of NATO commanders. After days of negotiations, Russian and U.S. representatives reached a compromise that allowed them to keep control of the airport and some flexibility in defining their mission - but not their own sector to patrol, as they'd wanted. Putin was greeted Sunday at the airport, where the Russian troops are still based, by a white-gloved Russian military honor guard and the Russian national anthem. Accompanied by his foreign minister, Igor Ivanov, and military chief of staff, Gen. Anatoly Kvashnin, Putin shook hands with several Russian soldiers before getting into a motorcade taking them from the tarmac to the Russian command center. Earlier in Belgrade, Putin and Kostunica blamed ethnic Albanian ``terrorists'' for the instability in Macedonia and Kosovo. ``The stability of the region is seriously endangered by national and religious intolerance and extremism, and the main source of the problem is in Kosovo,'' Putin said, referring to ethnic Albanian extremists. ``We must do all to disarm the terrorists,'' Putin said. Putin and Kostunica also discussed calling for a regional conference to solidify borders and the territorial integrity of the countries in the area as well as minority rights. ``We consider it extremely dangerous and destructive to discuss any possibility of changing or redrawing the borders,'' Putin said in Pristina. ``If we don't stop this process we will never, ever achieve stability in the region.'' The guarantor of the agreement would be the U.N. Security Council, sources close to the Russian delegation said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 21:54:53 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 21:54:53 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU encourages Macedonia to agree peace de Message-ID: <105.4f4bd9a.285eb96d@aol.com> EU encourages Macedonia to agree peace deal GOTHENBURG, Sweden, June 16 (Reuters) - European Union leaders on Saturday urged Macedonia's ethnic Slavs and Albanians to open dialogue on all issues, including the constitution, and respect a truce to prevent fresh violence in the Balkan nation. In a declaration at a summit in Sweden, the 15 EU leaders underscored again the inviolability of Macedonia's borders and sovereignty of the multi-ethnic state. "We reaffirm... (the need for) the opening of a true dialogue covering all issues on the agenda, including the constitutional issues," the declaration said. "We welcome the readiness of President (Boris) Trajkovski and the national unity government to act accordingly," it said, adding that the current fragile ceasefire between the Macedonian security forces and ethnic Albanian rebels must be maintained. Albanian guerrillas have demanded major constitutional concessions to Macedonia's ethnic Albanians for ending a four-month insurrection. The declaration said Trajkovski's plan for disarmament was "a good basis for progress in this direction." Politicians from both sides of the ethnic divide were in talks in the Macedonian capital, Skopje, on Saturday, to find ways to prevent a fresh war breaking out in the Balkans. Europe has taken the diplomatic lead in trying to restore peace in the former Yugoslav republic, torn for months by fighting between Macedonian security forces and Albanian rebels, who say they are battling for the rights of their ethnic kin. The EU wants Macedonia's politicians to reach a deal and present their results by June 25, when EU foreign ministers meet in Luxembourg. PERMANENT MACEDONIA REPRESENTATIVE EU security chief Javier Solana was preparing to send a permanent EU-NATO representative to Macedonia and foreign ministers were expected to make that appointment at their Luxembourg meeting. Solana told a news conference in Gothenburg that the permanent representative would in no way complicate his efforts to seek peace in Macedonia. "It would be another manner in which we can cooperate and we can be in Macedonia for 24 hours a day on behalf of the European Union," he said. "As you can imagine, I can't do that. Whoever is appointed, it will be my responsibility to work very closely (with him)," he added. Ethnic Slavs and Albanians both called ceasefires on Monday but exchanges of light fire have occurred daily. The EU declaration also urged all democratic forces in Macedonia and neighbouring countries "to unite against extremism." In a final summit communique, EU leaders said encouraging progress had been made towards greater democracy, market reforms and peaceful coexistence among countries of the Balkan region. "The Union will continue to support all efforts to bring the countries of the region closer to the common goal of their integration into European structures," the document said. "This points the way ahead, not least in those areas where more tangible progress is needed, like the protection of rights of minorities, return of refugees and regional cooperation," it said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 22:00:49 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 22:00:49 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Yugoslavia OKs Milosevic Draft Law Message-ID: Yugoslavia OKs Milosevic Draft Law By ALEKSANDAR VASOVIC BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - Yugoslavia's government adopted a draft law Thursday that would enable the extradition of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic to the U.N. war crimes court. The measure will now be forwarded to the federal parliament, which could consider it as early as next week. Parliament would have to approve the draft legislation in order for Milosevic to be extradited. Yugoslavian President Vojislav Kostunica, who had initially opposed extradition, announced the move on television after the Cabinet meeting. Differences over the law have unleashed the most serious government crisis since Milosevic was ousted from power last October. Montenegrin lawmakers have adamantly opposed the extradition of Yugoslavs to the U.N. court based in The Hague, Netherlands because they consider it to be biased against Serbs. Deputies from Montenegro, Yugoslavia's smaller republic, will have to support it to win passage in the 178-member federal parliament. Serbia's pro-democracy officials lack the necessary majority on their own. Meanwhile, the prime minister of Yugoslavia's larger republic, Serbia, said the country must cooperate with the tribunal or face the loss of a massive influx of foreign investment from the United States and Western financial institutions. ``The sky will fall on our heads if we fail to write off at least 65 percent of our foreign debt - estimated at dozens of billions of dollars - by the end of June,'' Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic told state television. ``Any other solution is a suicide.'' Milosevic, who is now in prison pending an investigation into allegations of corruption and abuse of power during his 13-year rule, hired 10 more lawyers to prove that he was jailed without sufficient evidence and to work on his release before trial, defense lawyer Zdenko Tomanovic told the Beta news agency. Defense attorney Toma Fila, who has represented Milosevic until now, will remain with the defense team. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 22:02:52 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 22:02:52 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANALYSIS-Crunch time for Macedonian peace initiative Message-ID: ANALYSIS-Crunch time for Macedonian peace initiative By Daniel Simpson SKOPJE, June 14 (Reuters) - There is an agreed plan on the table to prevent Macedonia fragmenting in yet another Balkan ethnic war. The only problem is making it work. Western powers queuing up to help hold Macedonia together before an ethnic Albanian rebellion rips it apart for good are losing patience with an emergency unity government they helped form, but which has yet to deliver what they advocate. A shaky ceasefire proposed by the army after rebels threatened to shell the capital, Skopje, has held for three days while the government struggles to devise incentives for the rebels to give up without incensing the Slav majority. NATO head George Robertson and European Union security chief Javier Solana fly to Skopje on Thursday to urge Macedonia's leaders to maintain the truce, flesh out peace proposals and agree rapidly on concessions to the one-third Albanian minority. "EU patience is running out," a senior Western diplomat said, pointing to the June 25 deadline Solana set the coalition to produce concrete results. "They need to get on with it." After talks with Robertson and Solana, whose frequent trips to Skopje have nursed the new government through a fractious first month, leaders of the main Macedonian Slav and Albanian parties will retreat to a lakeside resort for a two-day summit. For the first time in the four-month-old conflict, they will be locked away without Western intermediaries but can have few doubts about what they are expected to achieve. It sounds simple. Albanians want the constitution rewritten to give them and their language formal status, more jobs in public administration and more state-funded media and education. If the government can swallow these bitter pills, which would be tough to sell to the Slav majority with gunmen still at large, and devise a workable amnesty plan, then support for rebels who claim to fight for ethnic rights would be undercut. Or so the theory goes. REBEL STUMBLING BLOCK The big problem is how to deal with a rebel force which keeps killing soldiers. The government has branded the guerrilla National Liberation Army (NLA) terrorists and refuses to consider talks with its leaders. But the ceasefire it called on Monday, and a cautious test of confidence it is trying to implement, has brought the issue to a head. For the past three days an aid convoy has been blocked from leaving Kumanovo, a government-controlled town on the edge of the battle zone, to ferry food and medicine to civilians holed up in rebel-held villages during six weeks of army shelling. The idea was to swap aid for access to a reservoir behind rebel lines to reconnect Kumanovo's water supply, cut off for eight days. But the rebels wanted journalists to come too, to check their assertions that they had not turned off the taps. The government cannot stomach being seen to give in to rebel demands, but may have to or lose the chance to turn on the water. "They want others to negotiate this for them, but it has to be up to them in the end," a diplomatic source said. More important is the question of how to persuade the rebels to quit. A U.S. diplomat working for the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe was asked to leave Skopje for brokering talks between the rebels and Albanian parties. But the prospect of an amnesty he touted for the guerrillas has since been publicly backed by Western leaders and is part of the plan unveiled by President Boris Trajkovski last week. There is a problem, though. An ambush on police violated the conflict's first joint truce on Monday -- an act for which the NLA chief of staff later expressed regret -- and diplomats worry the rebels may be too disunited to strike a solid deal. "We are accustomed to thinking of the NLA as a coordinated group like some kind of alternative government, but there are indications that may not be the case," a diplomatic source said. CRISIS SUMMIT Thursday's summit talks in the southern town of Ohrid aim to flesh out Trajkovski's proposal, which remains thin on details. At a meeting in Brussels on Wednesday, leaders of top NATO member states called for bolder action to defuse the crisis but rushed to dispel speculation they planned military intervention. Troops could, however, be asked to act as intermediaries overseeing rebel disarmament and the return of Macedonian security forces to rebel-held areas, diplomats said. Equally pressing are reforms needed to appease Albanians, without which the NLA is unlikely to disarm. But agreement will be difficult as Slavs fear constitutional concessions may unlock calls for autonomy and split up the country anyway. After a week which included the killing of five soldiers in an ambush, retaliatory burning of Albanian homes and government threats to declare a state of war, compromise is hard to reach. "Rewriting the constitution would take a few hours and could be ratified by parliament next week," one senior diplomat mused. If only Balkan peacemaking were so simple. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 22:04:08 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 22:04:08 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece sees foreign peacekeepers in Macedonia Message-ID: <3f.16c7d9a0.285ebb98@aol.com> Greece sees foreign peacekeepers in Macedonia ATHENS, June 13 (Reuters) - Greece said on Wednesday the deployment of an international peacekeeping force in neighbouring Macedonia was needed to help end a five-month conflict government troops and armed ethnic Albanians. "A presence of a peacekeeping force sooner or later...will be necessary," Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou told Greek radio. "We have an immediate interest. There are many Greek companies that have invested substantial funds in this country," he told Flash radio. Greece has been Macedonia's largest foreign investor and third-biggest trading partner, with some $300 million direct investment in 1999. But Papandreou said he did not favour imposing an outside solution on the conflict without the consent of the Macedonian government. The ethnic Albanian insurgents say they are fighting to end discrimination against them by majority Slavs. Ethnic Albanians account for about a third of the country's population. "A peacekeeping mission which has...the approval of the government in Skopje is something the Greek government would look at positively... I don't think it would reject it," Papandreou said. NATO leaders, including U.S. President George W. Bush, were to meet in Belgium later on Wednesday to discuss the crisis in the small Balkan state as a shaky ceasefire between rebels and state troops on Tuesday was extended to Wednesday. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 22:08:58 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 22:08:58 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANALYSIS-Russia stakes claim to Balkans influence Message-ID: <69.16d8009e.285ebcba@aol.com> ANALYSIS-Russia stakes claim to Balkans influence By Philippa Fletcher BELGRADE, June 17 (Reuters) - Russia, once a key player in the Balkans, staked a claim to continuing influence in the region with a visit to fellow-Orthodox Slav Yugoslavia by President Vladimir Putin on Sunday. The two-day trip built on what both countries say is a productive and businesslike relationship established since democrats took over in Belgrade from the authoritarian Slobodan Milosevic. But its primary significance appeared to be symbolic. The two sides discussed Russian energy supplies to Yugoslavia, and Putin and his host, President Vojislav Kostunica, both condemned international policy in Kosovo, urging the world to force ethnic Albanian "terrorists" to lay down their arms. Putin then headed for the majority Albanian province, which he and Kostunica both said was the main source of recent violence that threatens to plunge the hitherto-peaceful former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia into civil war. There he called for a pact to reaffirm current borders in the Balkans, an initiative clearly aimed at undercutting ethnic Albanian separatism in Kosovo and among some of the guerrillas who began operating in Macedonia this year. Predrag Simic, professor of international relations at Belgrade University, said Russia's proposal recalled the past, when Imperial Moscow had a major say in Balkan affairs. "Russia is suggesting it is implemented through the International Contact Group, which reminds me of the 19th century approach of the Great Powers in the Balkans," he said. The contact group is an ad-hoc forum including Britain, France, Germany, Russia and the United States to discuss crises in the Balkans. PROPOSAL CONTROVERSIAL The Russian initiative is likely to win sympathy from the international officials overseeing the five-year-old peace in Bosnia, who are struggling to reintegrate the former Yugoslav republic amid renewed pressure from Serb and Croat nationalists. But it will infuriate Kosovo's Albanians and the leadership of Montenegro, Serbia's smaller partner in Yugoslavia, who want to hold a referendum on splitting from the Serb-dominated state. "No new states in the Balkans" is a regular refrain from Western diplomats, but many say in private they cannot imagine Kosovo ever coming back under Belgrade's control after its repression before and during NATO's air strikes in 1999. They also fear an explicit veto on independence could merely encourage the extremist elements they are trying to contain. Simic acknowledged that when Yugoslav Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic had floated the idea several months ago, the reaction had ranged from "silence to suggestions it may be premature." And he said it was not clear whether Putin, who discussed the region at his first summit with U.S. President George Bush on Saturday, had won support from the man who calls the shots on the world diplomatic stage. "Moscow wanted to show that it wanted to be helpful, to have a role itself but also to support Yugoslavia," he said. "We do believe Russia is a player, it is very difficult to see the Balkan table without Russia," he said, adding its main influence nowadays was economic with Moscow a major energy supplier to and trading partner with the region. "It's not a security role, as in the past, or political, as in the case with Milosevic. It seems Russia is trying to modernise its approach and put it on the economic field," he said. FIRST VISIT BY KREMLIN LEADER It was the first visit by a Kremlin leader to the two-republic Yugoslavia, which, like its bigger Socialist predecessor, has had a fluctuating relationship with Moscow. Veteran communist Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito split with fellow-communists in the Soviet Union in 1948, just a few years after he came to power during World War Two. They mended relations in the 1950s when Kremlin leader Nikita Krushschev came to Belgrade, but Yugoslavia never joined its northern and eastern neighbours, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria in the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact. Milosevic, who tried and failed to take over Tito's mantle by creating a Serb -dominated Yugoslavia as Communism collapsed in the early 1990s, looked to Russia for support. Russian ministers criticised the West over its Balkans policy and mediated in the tortuous peace negotiations over the bloody breakup of the old Socialist federation and in Milosevic's conflict with the West over Kosovo. But Moscow never gave him the military backing he sought, and it was Russia's old Cold War foe the United States that took the lead in hammering out the peace deals. Washington is now pressing for Milosevic's handover to a U.N. war crimes court by threatening to withdraw its support for a donor conference at which Belgrade hopes to raise a billion dollars, wielding an influence well beyond Moscow's grasp. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 17 22:21:23 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 17 Jun 2001 22:21:23 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Athens suggests military intervention in FYROM Message-ID: Athens suggests military intervention in FYROM Greek proposal foresees key EU and US role in an all-party 'conclave'designed to reach compromise on constitutional questions, but Albanian rebelsdemand place in talks BY GEORGE GILSON THE DETERIORATING security situation in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) led Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou to speak for the first time of the possibility of international military intervention to preserve the territorial integrity of Greece's northern neighbour. The June 12 statement came just a few days after Albanian guerrillas captured the village of Aracinovo, 10km from the capital of Skopje - which they threatened to bomb - and within striking distance of the city's airport. Acting Greek government spokesman Telemachos Hytiris said on June 13 that Greece is prepared to send troops to join a multinational force in FYROM, where Greek businesses have hundreds of millions of dollars in investments, including Hellenic Petroleum's $150 million investment in the OKTA oil refinery. The prospect of sending an international force to save the embattled republic was discussed two days before Papandreou's public remarks at an EU foreign ministers' meeting in Luxembourg. There, Papandreou presented a Greek initiative to defuse the crisis. The proposal calls for a "conclave" - overseen by the European Union and United States - that FYROM's ethnic Albanian and Slavo-Macedonian parties would enter and leave only when a viable agreement is reached regarding the rebels' demands for enhanced rights for the Albanian minority, by a specific deadline. Those demands entail constitutional recognition of the Albanian population, establishing Albanian as one of two official languages to be used by the state, and proportional representation of the Albanian population throughout the civil service. Yet the plan is predicated on the Western assumption that an agreement between FYROM's Albanian and Slavo-Macedonian parties would be respected by the extremist rebels, who are demanding their own place at the negotiating table. The FYROM government has in the past strongly opposed the idea of an international conference with foreign mediation to put an end to the country's violent unrest. In the first stage of the proposed process - which PM Costas Simitis presented at a June 13 Nato meeting in Brussels - the EU and US would pressure "at a very high level" FYROM's four parties to achieve within two days: an immediate, absolute and lasting ceasefire; safe withdrawal of the armed groups; safe and unhindered movement of the civilian population; international assistance in the form of both personnel and material in the battle zone around Tetovo and Kumanovo; and international (Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and EU Monitoring Mission) monitoring of these areas. FYROM President Boris Trajkovski himself tabled a plan to defuse the crisis, which the FYROM government accepted on June 12. It includes placing special units of the army and police under a unified command to make FYROM's defences more effective. It offers a unilateral FYROM ceasefire and partial amnesty to Albanian rebels who lay down their arms, but it threatens harsh action against those who do not disarm. Crucially, it refuses to recognise the Albanian rebels politically. (A meeting between FYROM Albanian parties and the guerrillas arranged by OSCE Ambassador Robert Frowick a few weeks ago outraged FYROM as a move unacceptably legitimising the Albanian rebels). The Greek proposal would include in the conclave "a limited number of high-ranking officials from both the European Union and the US, joined after the fourth day by [EU foreign policy chief] Mr Solana himself". The FYROM parties would set out positions and proposals on the first day, which would be reviewed by a 10-member secretariat and a team of a dozen legal experts in order to hammer out a compromise that would include their own mediation proposals, with priority given to "general questions of a constitutional nature and national overall ethnic balance", presumably suggesting amendments that the government has so far resisted. The parties would mull over the proposals for 24 hours before discussing them on the fourth day. On the fifth and final day a final document drafted under the auspices of Solana would be accepted unanimously by the party leaders. A "common solemn declaration on the future of inter-ethnic relations in the country" would then be adopted. From ipilika at hotmail.com Mon Jun 18 09:25:43 2001 From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika) Date: Mon, 18 Jun 2001 13:25:43 -0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Putin attacks UN policy and supports Kostunica Message-ID: President Kostunica, a moderate nationalist, said that ?many mistaken moves by the international community in Kosovo have destabilised the whole region through extremist acts in southern Serbia and Macedonia and most recently threats to northern Greece?. The Times MONDAY JUNE 18 2001 Putin attacks UN policy in the Balkans FROM JOHN PHILLIPS IN BELGRADE PRESIDENT Putin of Russia condemned Western policy in Kosovo and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia during a visit to Yugoslavia yesterday and, in a move likely to infuriate Kosovo?s Albanians, ruled out any redrawing of Balkan borders. Speaking to reporters during a surprise trip to Kosovo, he said that it would be ?extremely dangerous and destructive? to discuss any border changes. ?If an end is not put to this, we will never complete the process of settling the situation in the region,? he was quoted as saying by Russia?s Interfax news agency. He had earlier told Russian commanders in the Yugoslav province that his policy was aimed at promoting a comprehensive settlement to ethnic strife in the region. ?We are laying down this particular principle as the basis of a Russian initiative . . . which will ensure strict observation of generally accepted basic principles of inter-state relations ? first of all mutual recognition of sovereignty and territorial integrity,? Mr Putin was quoted as saying. Earlier he and President Kostunica of Yugoslavia had described Kosovo as the main source of instability in the Balkans. Both criticised the tactics of the United Nations. Mr Putin attacked a UN plan for self-government in Kosovo, saying that it was approved ?in circumvention? of the UN Security Council and that it had a number of significant drawbacks. ?Too many concessions have been made to radicals,? Mr Putin said about the blueprint unveiled by Hans Haekkerup, the UN?s Kosovo governor, last month, which paves the way for province-wide elections on November 17. ?The legal framework of future self-government is raised almost to the standard of a constitution.? ?Stability in the region is seriously threatened, above all by national religious extremism and intolerance, the main source of which today is in Kosovo,? President Putin told a news conference after two hours of talks with his Yugoslav counterpart in Belgrade. ?We must do everything for the disarmament of the terrorists.? The visit to Belgrade on Saturday was the first by a Russian head of state since the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 and was clearly aimed at stealing some of America?s thunder after the summit meeting in Slovenia between Presidents Bush and Putin last week. ?I agreed completely with President Kostunica that the international community?s task is to fulfil (UN) resolution 1244,? Mr Putin said. Resolution 1244 envisages substantial autonomy for Kosovo while maintaining Yugoslav sovereignty over the province. President Putin?s remarks contrasted with reluctance last week by Nato leaders to respond to an appeal by the President Trajkovski of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for the alliance to disarm ethnic Albanian rebels fighting government forces. President Kostunica, a moderate nationalist, said that ?many mistaken moves by the international community in Kosovo have destabilised the whole region through extremist acts in southern Serbia and Macedonia and most recently threats to northern Greece?. He told President Putin he was unhappy that the international community had failed to implement the return of Serb refugees to Kosovo and had not guaranteed security for the Serb minority. Moscow has repeatedly backed President Kostunica?s efforts to prevent Montenegro and Kosovo breaking away from the Yugoslav federation. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Mon Jun 18 10:50:58 2001 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja) Date: Mon, 18 Jun 2001 10:50:58 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] do you know recent immigrants with children? (fwd) Message-ID: ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 18 Jun 2001 10:49:29 -0500 From: Adnan Derti Miredita. Please let me know if you know recent immigrants, Albanian or otherwise, whose children would benefit from an intensive summer language program. Harvard's Refugee Youth Summer Enrichment is an intensive language program for 14- to 20-year-olds run by Harvard undergraduate students. They are willing to allow into the program immigrants who are not necessarily refugees. Classes meet from 6 to 9 PM Monday to Thursday, starting on June 25. The students take an assessment test and are placed into groups accordingly (beginner, intermediate, advanced, SAT/college prep). "Our kids" have attended for the past two summers, and I can assure you that this program is excellent. The fee is $45 but is typically waived for families in need. In the past, the teachers drove the students home, but transportation will be limited this year. Adnan To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: massnaac-unsubscribe at yahoogroups.com Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jun 19 06:52:46 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 19 Jun 2001 03:52:46 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] BBC ne shqip Message-ID: <20010619105246.80393.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> BBC NewsAmbasada greke nuk pranon se ka p?rkrahur PBDNJ 19.6.2001 11:48 (CET) Amabasda greke n? Tiran? n? nj? deklarat? t? saj hedh posht? akauzat e shtypit shqiptar se ambasada e vendit fqinj ka b?r? fushat? n? p?rkrahje t? kandidat?ve t? PBDNJ-s?, n? jug t? vendit. Misioni i ambasadorit Dimitrios Iliopulos thuhet n? deklarat?n e ambasad?s greke n? Tiran? ishte t? shihte nga af?r ecurin? e ndihm?s p?r zhvillim, akorduar Shqip?ris? nga Greqia. Ai, gjithmon? sipas k?sja deklarate, takoi n? jug t? vendit, autoritetet lokale dhe t? gjith? kanadidat?t nga t? gjitha partit? poltike, duke bisduar me ta p?r administrimin e k?saj ndihme. Ai nuk u shfaq n? asnj? miting apo tubim elktoral dhe u dha mundesin? konsujve p?r m? shum? viza dhe punesime sezonale n? Greqi p?r shtetasit shqiptar?. Dit?t e fundit n? shtypin shqiptar jan? shtuar duksh?m kritikat p?r t? hujat q? p?rzihen n? fushat?n e zgjedhjeve n? vend dhe ve?mas p?r p?rkrahjet q? vjn? nga Grqeia p?r kandidat?t e PBDNJ-s? n? jug t? vendit dhe ve?an?risht n? Himar?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Buzz Index - Spot the hottest trends in music, movies,and more. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Wed Jun 20 08:04:42 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 08:04:42 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian musicians or crafts persons? Message-ID: <20010620.080508.-280783.4.albboschurch@juno.com> Ms. Kathy Condon is working on a survey for the Massachusetts Cultural Council. The focus of her report is on the traditional arts which are specifically identified with indigenous, local or ethnic communities. She is interesting in speaking with those are perform in traditional styles in music, painting and also in embroidery, lacemaking, knitting, crochet, icon painting, woodwork, carving, sculpture and the like. If you are able to provide leads or help in this regard, please contact: Kathy Condon at: < Condonk at aol.com > or by telephone: (781) 797-0236 From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 20 08:47:16 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 05:47:16 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ERA Radio Message-ID: <20010620124716.73268.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> [06] Omonia party calling NorthernEpirotes to vote In a press interview in Yiannina yesterday, the President of Albania's Omonia Party called on all Northern Epirotes working in Greece to go to Albania on Sunday to vote stressing that it is highly important for the Greek minority in Albania to elect at least 5 deputies in order to set up an independed parliamentary team. Helllenic Radio, ERA E --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Wed Jun 20 09:17:34 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 09:17:34 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Book Review Message-ID: H-NET BOOK REVIEW Published by H-SAE at h-net.msu.edu (June 2001) Frances Trix. _Spiritual discourse: learning with an Islamic master_ (Conduct and Communication Series). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993. ISBN 0-8122-3165-1. xi-189p. Reviewed for H-SAE by Albert Doja , Lecturer in Social Anthropology, University of Hull, UK. An Albanian Bektashi Master, Discourse Ethnography of Learning and the Spiritual Making of an Anthropologist: An Account on Method and Content Discourse analysis and ethnography are now sophisticated research methods used in fieldwork by both linguist and cultural or social anthropologists. Certainly the object of research could be the research method itself, as the recent tendencies in both (sub-) disciplines have made abundantly clear that reflexive ethnography and discourse analysis is become central for the current fundamental developments in anthropological theory. The book published by Frances Trix, Spiritual discourse: learning with an Islamic master (Conduct and Communication Series, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), certainly addressed important issues in this respect. The object of her study is one lesson with an Albanian-American Islamic master, Baba Rexheb, leader of the Bektashi order, at the tekke (Islamic lodge or monastery) of Detroit in Michigan. The lesson is rich in poetry and parable, narrative and face-saving humour. As Trix seeks to understand how Baba teaches, she conceptualises the lesson in terms of episodes and dialogic patterns. Baba teaches through a highly personalised, recursive sort of language "play" that engenders current attention while constantly evoking an ever-growing past and narrative building identity. Trix's assumption is that a description of a lesson with Baba would shed most light on the murshid-talib relationship, whereas she was faced with the puzzle of how to view the relationship of murshid and talib in the context of analysing a lesson. Previous Islamic studies have preserved the poetry of murshids and certain biographical details but have tended to take for granted the process of their teaching. Previous interactional studies, such as those between interviewer and client, teacher and student, or doctor and patient, have also taken the relationships for granted. Other discourse studies have tended to fossilize transcriptions of interactions whereas in this case, if learning indeed took place, a developmental approach was necessary. For scholars of discourse and interaction, the study contributes the central concept of linguistic convergence that operates not at the level of speech community, but rather at the level of dialogic encounter, and that occurs most often among people who have long interacted. For anthropologists and scholars of religious studies, the importance of oral interaction in the transmission of spiritual knowledge has long been appreciated, but the conceptual framework and methodology for its analysis have been lacking. The methodological aspects of the book are certainly important and interesting. Without disregarding what linguists and discourse analysis specialists are indeed much more competent to recognize, I shall focus my discussion however onto the very content of the object of her study, which is the meaning of the relations between talib and murshid, since her main assumption concerns exactly this relationship. In other words I would like to question to what extent her conceptual framework and methodology provide a better understanding of Bektashi religious conceptions in particular and of mystical and heterodox orders in general. In turn, this understanding could be conceptualised externally in terms of the societal, personal, and ritual meanings it presumes. The foundation of the Bektashi and all Sufi orders is the system and relationship of master and disciple. In Bektashi milieux time is mostly spent making muhabet, which is talking with each other and chanting or reading nefes, the Bektashi spiritual hymns and poems. In this way, they learn how to be a talib 'one who seeks, who strives after', the name given to the follower, the aspirant or the disciple of a murshid, that is the master, the spiritual guide, or roughly the 'teacher'. In nefes, this 'breath of spirit', the feelings and devotion toward one's particular murshid are endlessly evoked and elaborated. Frances Trix believed the nefes could thus be seen as a particular Bektashi language of talib/murshid relationship. The Bektashis see the power of a nefes as an actualisation of the relationship with the murshid, for the inspiration to compose a nefes comes from one's own murshid. Among Bektashis the importance of the talib and murshid relationship is overriding. I have had the opportunity to show elsewhere that among Albanians, the family name has often been derived from the name of the own's father or direct ancestor as well as of the village or town that the family came from, and how this feature became constituent for structuring the morphology of Albanian social structure.[1] But among Bektashis the next identity frame is also the name of one's murshid. In the Bektashi world of discourse, in parables and narratives, poetry and nefes, the centrality of the relationship with the murshid is the norm. The murshid himself, the master, is also a talib, a disciple, for each murshid is a talib of his own murshid (Trix p. 75). Frances Trix, before becoming associate professor of anthropology at Wayne State University, had been a talib for twenty-five years, learning Bektashism if not aiming to become a Bektashi, from her own murshid. The basic analogy of her study evolved into the learning in the relationship of talib to murshid similar to the learning of a language, with language understood as personally linked games, the main game being the sharing of nefes, and the linkages of which have theological significance. In this sense, her study represents a rare experience in the application of linguistic anthropology to the transmission of spiritual knowledge to oneself. Her statements are particularly interesting from both points of view, one of the talib learning spiritual knowledge from her own murshid, and one of the anthropologist interpreting this knowledge from her own scholarship. One of the aspects of religion as a social system, especially in Christianity and Islam, is to be a mediating cultural system of representation between powerless earthly creatures and an all-powerful God located in the firmament. Mediation makes it possible for the heavenly divinity to intercede on behalf of the powerless humans on earth. The mediational structure may very well be hierarchical. The mediator is a human being, the priest or sacrificer for instance, acting as a representative of a secular congregation, who places himself on a higher plane than the latter but is in a position of inferiority with respect to the deity. The religious structure may just as well be of another type, and claim to be the negation of hierarchy of any sort. The initiative is entirely in the hands of the divinity, which manifests itself without any mediation, by dispensing the gifts of its grace on the faithful, with believers receiving direct, immediate inspiration. Charisma, or divine grace, touches them without the help of any intermediary, and is in no way affected by any ritual, more or less efficient, performed by a mediating priest. In this case, the intensity of religious life prevails over its extension, and salvation becomes a personal affair rather than a relationship with some grace-dispensing agency. An important issue is the fact - shared by all apologists of Sufism - that the Albanian spiritual master repeatedly made the point for his talib, Frances Trix in this instance, that Sunni Islam considers the relationship of human beings to God as a direct one "without intermediary". The critical message was that Bektashism, in contrast to orthodox Islam and Christianity, adheres strongly to the belief in intermediaries between humans and God, the murshid being such an intermediary. The build-up to this message was first a quick likening of Christianity with Sunni Islam, and an equally swift contrasting of these forms with Sufi Islam. The new understanding that emerged reinforced the message of the murshid being an intermediary, and more specifically an intercessor. Through many connections, by repeatedly telling and retelling narratives and adages, chanting nefes and making muhabet, the understanding of the message that the murshid is the intermediary between human beings and God is evoked, reformulated and memorably forged throughout Frances Trix's book (see for instance pp. 33, 69-70, 95, 120-125, 127, 131, 151). This in turn gives the talib an expanded understanding of the murshid, both as intercessor and as agent of inspiration. I assume when linguists and anthropologists are analysing discourse and using ethnography, this is not only for the sake of an exclusive self-reflexive methodology. I consider indeed that the scope of anthropology as a discipline, be it linguistic or not, by using different kinds of research methods for writing and talking culture and cultural content is supposed to be after all a search of meaning. In this respect, before considering to what extent Frances Trix's methodology and statements could help for understanding Bektashism as a mystical, heterodox order within Islam, I think it is necessary to show to which model of religious structure could Bektashism be ascribed as an ideological and cultural system. Bektachism essentially responded to the spiritual need for a non-conformist religious experience in which there was no room for a clear-cut separation between man and the divinity, such as exists in the orthodox Sunni dogma. It represents the demand for a pantheist approach and a 'warm' faith. When mystical union with God is not quite the goal sought, it is the cult of the miracle-working saints, living or dead, through worship of their tombs, which prevailed in their religious fervour. Albanian Bektashi conceptions, in particular, would appear heterodox and heretical as much as for Sunni Islam than for Twelver Shiism as established in Iran, to whose tradition is often supposed to be related. The well-known nineteenth-century Albanian poet Naim Frash?ri, for instance, in his _Bektashi Pages_,[2] even rejected the authority of the Koran, the sacred book of Islam. In perfect agreement with conceptions evolved in Bektashism, he explained that the Bektashis' book is their faith in the Universe, and especially in human beings, since religion is in their heart, and is not written anywhere, neither on any paper nor book. The Bektashis are universal 'brothers'. They viewed men and women as equal, the most chaste being closest to perfection. Bektashis have accepted and initiated women as inner members since the beginning of the Order in central Anatolia more than seven hundred years ago. This acceptance of women has brought them criticism over the centuries and yet they have persisted in it. Frances Trix believed that her current acceptance as student of a Bektashi master was certainly facilitated by the long-standing precedent of female talibs (p. 149). The Bektashis recognize no outside shape for the religion, they do not practise the five daily prayers, nor the ritual ablutions, they do not observe the fast of Ramadan and do not believe in the necessity of the pilgrimage in Mecca. They affirm, for instance, the importance of the Sunni injunction to pilgrimage but they understand true pilgrimage not as a physical journey to Mecca but rather as a spiritual journey to the heart (Trix p. 34). Besides, they sing in their nefes that "a true Moslem does not need a mosque" and that Arabic or Persian, the languages of the Prophet or the Imams, though especially intended for religious practice, "are not convenient" for them.[3] In Bektashi conceptions, an analogy between human actions and the created world is re-established, but also the analogy between moral actions and a world that should be denied, because for all Reality (hakikat) there is no existence but the Truth (hakikat), which is in fact nothing else than God (al-Hakk). Therefore everything in the world is nothing else than God, even the created world, being only an appearance, does not exist. This "hidden" aspect of the created world seems to have pantheistic connotations, which are typical of the mainstream tradition in Bektashism.[4] God is everywhere, in every animate and inanimate being and his essence shows itself in all the creatures. Bektashism has deepened the correspondences between visible and invisible worlds, as much as those between human beings (the microcosm) and the world (the macrocosm). There are correspondences between the natural and the supernatural, and the universe is structured in a hierarchy starting from heaven and coming down on earth. Bektashi tracts refer explicitly to the belief that the Divine is present in Man. Its signs are outwardly manifest in the shapes of a number of Arabic letters found in the human face and in the human body. In this way, Man is created in the best of forms, because the same letters are used to write down the Revelation. By locating the letters of Revelation and the signs of Zodiac in Man,[5] Bektashi teaching does not cast Man, however, as a microcosm reflecting the macrocosm, but rather presents the cosmos as a projection of Man. For Bektachis, the real believer should know that God is not either in the heavens, but inside the human heart: "God is me and I am God".[6] The potential for perfection is present in every human being, since God is present in everyone. However, in order to reach the stage of the Perfect Man (insan-i kamil), to go through the Gateways of spiritual growth and to experience the ultimate Truth (hakikat) from inside,[7] one needs a guide, a spiritual master, namely the murshid, who himself has reached the perfection stage of insan-i kamil.[8] In an extended Bektashi adage, it is asserted that a talib is one who "knows that he or she does not know" (Trix p. 86). That which he or she does not know refers of course to more than facts, for when Bektashis in general speak of knowledge, they mean spiritual knowledge - in coming closer to God. For Bektashis, each human being is a mosque and each human face is the face of perfection (vech-i kamil) of one's murshid. In him the outer signs of perfection are matched by inner perfection. For this reason, Bektashis equal ritual prayer (namaz) with paying visits to one's murshid. Orthodox Islam in general is strictly monotheistic. But for the Bektashis, in particular, who clashed with official Islam at a very early date, one of the central beliefs is that the Imam Ali was a manifestation of the divine on earth. Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, is one of the first Muslims and the one to whom Shiites attribute the revelation of mystic understanding of the Koran. For Bektashis, beliefs of reincarnation (tenassuh) and of God's manifestation in human form (tecelli) imply a belief in transformation and the multiplicity of forms. One of the divine manifestations, the Allah's mazhar, the perfect reflection of God, is realised notably in Ali, who represents the totality of the divine essence, as an expression of the perfect, divine beauty.[9] The three letters of Ali's name, which meet themselves in the face of every man, represent the shape of the face of God. Ali is held to be the originator (shahib-i risala) of the Koran, while Muhammad is referred to as the mouthpiece (natiq-i risala) of Ali. A different way of formulating this relationship is that the exoteric (zahir) aspect of the divine came into the world with Mohammad, while in its esoteric (batin) aspect the divine is identical with Ali. In other words, Muhammad and Ali are both manifestations of the same divine reality. In this way, Allah, Muhammad and Ali form a sort of Trinity (referred to as the ucler) manifesting one and the same Truth (hakikat), and thought of as a miraculous unity (tawhid). In Bektashi liturgical objects and pictorial art, the trinity Allah-Muhammad-Ali is all-important. Ali is always depicted in a hierarchically organised divine triad, miraculously unified with the Prophet and Allah, the supreme God. Even in everyday speech, Muhammad and Ali are understood as the same manifestation of and as identical with the Divine, the ultimate Truth, the hakikat.[10] The importance to the Bektashis of the hierarchical divine triad is also reflected, among other instances in the Albanian-American tekke of Michigan, in its being evidently displayed on a banner in the large public meeting room of the tekke (Trix p. 105). The banner hangs prominently between the Albanian and American flags directly behind leader's chair. On the banner are verses from the Koran, translated into Albanian and written in white letters. In the corners of the banner are four names: Allah, Muhammad, Ali, and Hadji Bektash. This contrasts with a common Sunni pattern and replicates the Bektashi chain of spiritual knowledge and therefore as an explicit keying and rejection of the Sunni pattern. The Koran is the word of God corroborating the other revealed Books, just as the prophet Mohammad, the agent of the revelation, is the last of a series of messengers of God starting with Adam and including, among others, Abraham, Moses and Jesus, viewed as a prophet among others. For the Bektashis, all the Prophets and the Imams are reincarnations of Ali and one will understand that in certain contexts, notably in Christian environments, Jesus (Hasreti Isa) is equated to Ali. >From her master Frances Trix learned among other things that in Bektashi conception there are explicit hierarchical series or chains (silsila) all connecting back to Cennabi Hakk, the term for God. The theological rationalisation is that "Cenabi Hakk could not always stay and guide humankind, so he sent the following people in his place: Cenabi Hakk \ khalifa \ prophet \ veliler (saints) \ tarikat (Sufi Orders) \ murshid\" (Trix p. 102-103). But other hierarchical chains reveal even more specifically the hierarchy of spiritual revelation and hence of spiritual or supernatural powers of the saints. "The power to perform miracles comes through: Cenabi Hakk \ Cebrail (Gabriel) \ Muhammad \ Ali \ the imams \ saint Hadji Bektash \ the murshid \" (Trix p. 103-104). The divine series are quasi-historical chains in that the prophets are understood to have ended with the coming of Muhammad, and the tarikat or Sufi Orders to appear much later. In mentioning Ali, the place of the mystic revelation, characteristic of the Bektashis, is specifically emphasised. As for the saints, "some are hidden, some are known" (Trix p. 103). In other words, they can be considered differently, according to the hierarchical chains of spiritual revelation or power. There is also an unbroken chain of talibs and murshids through which Bektashis connect themselves to the founder of the order, their patron saint Hadji Bektash. This unbroken chain of talibs and murshids continues the link from Hadji Bektash to earlier saints, to the imams, and back to Hussein, whose murshid was Ali, whose murshid was the Prophet Muhammad, whose murshid was the Angel Gabriel, and thus to God. Building on this continuity, Bektashis come into relation with God through devotion and obedience to their personal murshid. The murshid carries on with the guidance of individual talibs, but the relationship of talib to murshid is indeed a model of the relationship of human beings to God. Frances Trix viewed both divine and historical chains connecting to God in Bektashi conception exactly as "a sort of logic in that its function is to display connections and thereby to legitimise the place of the murshid cosmologically" (p. 103). If God's manifestation, the God's mazhar par excellence, is Ali who shows himself under various forms, in Bektashi poetry and prose, numerous indications can be found testifying to the belief that the traditional founder of the Order was appeared as Ali. In other words, Hadji Bektash also was God in a different guise. Coming back to the relationship between talib and murshid, in my view, this is particularly relevant for understanding Bektashi religious conceptions. Whereas for a talib the message of the murshid as an intermediary between humans and God is well assessed and clearly understood, how should the anthropologist understand the Bektashi's conception of the relationship between humans and God: as mediated and hierarchical or as a direct, unmediated one? In other words, if there is any intermediary hierarchy, should it be found in the conceptualisation of the divinity or in the organisation of the worldly, human society? To what extent does the murshid/talib relationship contribute to this understanding could indeed be shown through the very experience of Frances Trix herself as a talib. Her story, gracefully and humbly told, is a discourse ethnography of learning and a sociolinguistic illustration of mysticism, but above all it illuminates the process of an interpersonal encounter. Overall what is being passed on is not facts but a relationship and a communication, for the relationship and communication between seeker and master mirrors that of human and God. Most Bektashi narratives, for instance, especially those with new, much more Sufi episodes, show a progression from a more limited orthodox understanding to the deeper Sufi understanding. In these narratives, the point is clearly made that "the murshid is the way through which the student reaches God" (Trix p. 121). In one of these narratives, the murshid commanded his talib to swim across the water with him, holding onto his collard and all the time saying Pir Hakk!, "the Pir (patron saint, here murshid) is the Truth". The talib, however, showed his lack of trust in the murshid by reconsidering halfway across the water and calling out to God instead, at which point he began to drown. In his explanation, the master made clear that it was murshid's place to call out to Cenabi Hakk (Bektashi term for God) for both of them; as for the talib, his place was to call out only to the murshid. Normally in Bektashi world, "for a murshid to _speak for someone_ does not mean he would put words in his mouth when speaking to other men, but implied _speaking to God for one_" (Trix p. 123). A Bektashi talib also learns that all that one _sees_, or _writes_ in spiritual matters is _in-come_ from God through one's murshid. Especially nefes are such in-come from the murshid. In Bektashi terms, inspiration in poetry came _from the heart_ - which is the seat of higher faculties of perception - and it is brought to the heart by God, Cenabi Hakk, or one's murshid as intermediary (Trix p. 127). When in these narratives the point is clearly made that "the murshid is the way through which the student reaches God", this is because the murshid has already acquired the stage of the Perfect Man (insan-i kamil), in other words, the capacity to communicate directly with God, and the talib has not yet. God could respond to the murshid if called upon, but not yet to the talib. The talib is still a follower, though encouraged to pass through the gateways of ultimate Truth (hakikat), and in his or her turn, to become perfect and to reach his or her own union with God (tawhid). The murshid could speak to God for someone, - even though apparently he is acting for the talib as a simple "intercession" (Trix p. 123), - in the same way that all that one sees, or writes in spiritual matters is in-come, inspiration from God through one's murshid. In other words, here too, the murshid seems to be not only a simple intermediary: "Before, I had understood it as the means to reach God, but now with the added example of _in-spiration_ I could see that it meant to receive from God as well" (Trix p. 124, emphasis added). The Sufi term generally translated 'inspiration', ilham, is in Bektashi usage near in meaning to personal 'revelation', and contrasts with exoteric impersonal prophetic revelation.[11] The esoteric knowledge that the Bektashi murshids possess has come to them, not by genealogical, but by spiritual progression. In fact, it came to them by a twofold action of God, by transmission from Muhammad, through a chain of elect masters, and also by direct inspiration from God. In the same way, the experience of spiritual learning is achieved by means of the murshid as a communication process with the Bektashi spiritual knowledge. Had this process led to possession of the mystical gnosis (marifat), as normally expected in the very 'faithful' sense of the experience, the novice might have been sanctified as a potential saint, in a mystic union with God (tawhid). But the union, involving divine inspiration would not be possible without progressive communication through different conceptions of divinity split into a series of hierarchical emanations, the most accessible of which is in fact nobody else than one's own master. Finally, for the talib the difference definitely lies in the presence of the murshid as the intermediary between humans and God in the case of Bektashism, while the relationship is seen as a direct one without intermediary in the case of orthodox Islam or Christianity. Frances Trix, as a talib, viewed well the relationship in this way. But Frances Trix, not any more as a talib but already as a confirmed anthropologist, did not have been able, however, to recognize a different meaning for her relationship as a talib. This concerns what anthropologists know as the danger of "going native", which refers to the possibility of becoming over-involved with the people being studied, and so losing the detachment that is essential to the role of the analyst. In my view, for the anthropologist would be important to ask the question of difference between Bektashism and orthodox Islam and Christianity as concerned either with a hierarchical, intermediary organisational structure or with the presence of a direct, unmediated communication between humans and God through transmission of mystical gnosis from one's murshid in the case of Bektashism, and the absence of such a communication for orthodox Islam and Christianity. At the end of the book is an epilogue, in which a famous murshid from the 13th century tells his talib story and "conveys in one page what I have taken many to suggest", wrote Trix (p. 147) very modestly indeed. In the same way that Frances Trix did, I think the story - well-known in Sufi milieux - worth retelling: "It seems that one day Rumi [the talib] went to his murshid's house. But when he arrived, he found that Tabrizi [the murshid] had just left. Rumi quickly looked down the narrow streets and saw the coattails of his master as he turned into an alley. He followed his murshid. Yet whenever he got near, Tabrizi was just turning another corner in the twisting streets. Finally Tabrizi went into a house, and Rumi followed him in. But once inside he did not see his master anywhere, so he went up on the flat roof. But he did not see him on the roofs either. So he jumped off, and his murshid caught him in his arms." (told in Trix p. 158). I argue the importance of the understanding of communication between humans and God lay in the fact that the hierarchical model of religious mediation corresponds to the dogma of orthodox faiths, whereas the model in which all hierarchies are denied, in their real embodiments, is closely linked to millenarian and mystical beliefs and to the development of heresies and heterodoxies, such as those related to Bektashism. The former model may well support an established, hierarchical power, whereas the latter corresponds to an oppressed or deprived minority, seeking justification of its revolt against the established authorities. According to this model, the establishment of a political hierarchy within human society goes hand in hand with the introjection of a unified conception of divinity, a pure monotheism within the theological system. On the other hand, a visible hierarchical conception of the divinity goes along with an egalitarian politics in human society. The conception of a relational equality, derived from the idea that people are equal in their relations with the divinity, is effectively present alongside an ideology of substantial egalitarianism among human beings.[12] Broadly speaking, and aside from the peculiarities that may be accounted for by the political and economic systems of the countries in which they spread, the initial structures specific to heretic and heterodox movements remain rather indistinct. Their communities are suggestive of the early Christian groups of the first centuries, as described in the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles of Paul. Earlier Sufi and Bektashi groups had been linked by enthusiasm, common devotions, and methods of spiritual discipline, with the aim of stripping the soul and eliminating self to attain vision of Reality.[13] They were therefore integrated by spirit and aim rather than by any formal organisation, and were in fact very loose organisations. In this way, Bektashism, as early Sufism, was a subjective expression of personal religion in relation to the expression of religion as a communal matter. It was an assertion of a person's right to pursue a life of contemplation, seeking contact with the source of being and reality, against institutionalised religion as based on authority. Viewed from this angle, the structure of these religious groups corresponds more or less to the type of religious organisation conventionally known as charismatic groups. They are inspired by the ideal of a community of the spiritually pure gifted with graces and powers that knowledge is supposed to procure, and called upon to dispense the benefits around them. A dividing line splits followers into two classes, depending on whether they are capable or worthy of receiving some or all of the gifts of grace and spirit, with some people having acquired them and possessing them fully, while others aspire to partake of them, or are just at the beginnings. Significantly enough, as time went by, the organisational system of the Bektashi Order was increasingly replaced by another one, more sophisticated and much more institutional and hierarchical. The distinction between talibs and murshids was maintained, but both simply became the last two ranks in a hierarchy then containing a number of other additional grades. In other words, other classes were added to the two previously existing ones, by superposition, or more accurately, an order with two classes was replaced by a much more complex one. Out of the diverse heritages of heterodox Islamic tendencies and Christian Anatolian and Turkish superstitions, the Bektashi order came very nebulous at first. It became a hierarchical institution, highly organized and centralized, yet parochial, providing a village religion, a system of lodges, and a link with the powerful military corps of Janissaries. The officials of the order approached nearer to a clergy class than any other in Islam, whilst the tekke was the equivalent of the local church. The murshid ceased to teach directly but delegated authority both to teach and initiate to representatives (khalifa). A special cult surrounded the murshid's person, associated with the power emanating from the founder-saint of the order. A new aura emanates now from the murshid as a prot?g? (wali) of God, which eventually, in this stage, was to become belief in his mediumship and intercessory status with God. The Bektashi life of recollection and meditation now becomes increasingly associated with a line of ascription, which bestowed the order, its formulae and symbols, as from the master and guided all disciples along his Way in his name. The change, as in early Sufism, came with development of the collegium pietatis into a collegium initiati whose members ascribed themselves to their initiator and his spiritual ancestry, and were prepared to follow his Way and transmit it themselves to future generations. The transformation of Sufi companionships into initiatory colleges began with the Sunni triumphs over Shiite dynasties, which coincided with the foundation of the Ottoman Empire.[14] The Bektashism, in the peak of its hallmark days during the seventeenth century, maintaining a strong central organization, with affiliated village groups limited to Anatolia and its European provinces, even claimed to be a Sunni order,[15] though in fact very unorthodox and considered as a Shiite order due to its reverence for the House of Ali. One consequence of this association with the Janissaries and so with Ottoman authority was that the Bektashis were rarely attacked on grounds of doctrine or innovations. In turn, the officials of the order formed clearly their loyalty to the Sunna of the Prophet as a necessary stage in their code of discipline. In other words, the final stage of the hierarchical and centralised organization coincides with the establishment of orthodox religious and political power. The same process was reiterated in Albania when the organisational structure of Bektashism, due once again to an explicit political position, reached a very peculiar expression, not only in terminological, local terms but also in a more sophisticated and clear-cut hierarchy than in the Ottoman context, as specialists show by abundant documentary evidence.[16] During the period of independent Albania, representatives of the hierarchy of the Albanian Bektashi clergy expressed themselves against assertions that often tend to consider the order of Bektashis as a doctrine of strong syncretism, diverging from orthodox Sunni Islam much more than the other orders. They underlined that Bektashism is "inside (Sunni) Islam" and, sometimes, that it is even the "real Islam", as specialists have given documentary evidence,[17] without necessarily explaining - neither indeed understanding at all - that a deep evolution had been already achieved, not only in organisational and political structures, but also in theological and religious conceptions. However, when linguists and anthropologists are analysing discourse and using ethnography, I wonder myself if it were only for the sake of an exclusive self-reflexive methodology and discoursing verbal flow. Verbal and poetic interaction is highly valued among Bektashis and among Albanians. To paraphrase a pair of Bektashi couplets, brought up by Trix (p. 93), I wonder myself, are they in search of meaning or are they not, are they writing and talking culture or are they not? Notes [*]. This review is a further elaboration of an earlier version which appeared in The Linguist List vol-12-1315. http://www.linguistlist.org/issues/12/12-1315.html. [1]. See Doja, Albert. 1998. Inscription patronymique et mythologie de fondation: ?l?ments d'analyse pour une g?n?alogie des noms de personne chez les Albanais. _Anthropos. International Review of Anthropology and Linguistics_ 93 (1-3), 155-172; Doja, Albert. 1999. Morphologie traditionnelle de la soci?t? albanaise. _Social anthropology. Journal of the European Association of Social Anthropologists_ 7 (1), 37-55. [2]. Published in English translation by Hasluck, Frederick W. 1929. _Christianity and Islam under the Sultans_. (ed.) M.M.H. Hasluck. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 552-563. [Reprint New York: Octagon Books, 1973]. [3]. M?likoff, Ir?ne. 1982. L'islam h?t?rodoxe en Anatolie: non-conformisme - syncr?tisme - gnose. _Turcica_ 14, 142-154. (see p. 151-152). [4]. Birge, John K. 1937. _The Bektashi order of dervishes_. London: Luzac Oriental & Hartford Seminary Press, 288-291. [Revised, facsimile 1994]. [5]. Ibid., 282. [6]. M?likoff, 150. [7]. Birge, 102-103. [8]. Ibid., 96-97. [9]. See M?likoff. [10]. For details, see DeJong, Frederick. 1989. The iconography of Bektashism: a survey of themes and symbolism in clerical costume, liturgical objects and pictorial art. _Manuscripts of the Middle East_ 4, 7-29. [11]. Trimingham, J. Spencer. 1971. _The Sufi orders in Islam_. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 145. [Reprint, 1998]. [12]. For a developed account, see Doja, Albert. 2000. Histoire et dialectique des id?ologies et significations religieuses. _European Legacy. Journal of the International Society for the Study of European Ideas_ 5 (5), 663-686. [13]. Trimingham, 13. [14]. Ibid., 67-104. [15]. Ibid., 80. [16]. See Clayer, Nathalie. 1990. _L'Albanie, pays des derviches: les ordres mystiques musulmans en Albanie ? l'?poque post-ottomane, 1912-1967_ (Balkanologische Ver?ffentlichungen, 17). Berlin/Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 47-67. [17]. Ibid., 77-78. Copyright 2001 by H-Net, all rights reserved. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for nonprofit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author, web location, date of publication, originating list, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For other uses contact the Reviews editorial staff: hbooks at mail.h-net.msu.edu. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 20 10:54:35 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 10:54:35 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Memo to Bush: Stay in the Balkans: NEWSWEEK Message-ID: Croatian Foreign Minister Tonino Picula shows off the documents signifying his country's membership of the NATO Partnership for Peace program on May 25 Memo to Bush: Stay in the Balkans Croatia?s foreign minister believes the United States should learn to prevent?not just manage?conflicts in sensitive regions By Roy Gutman NEWSWEEK Even for countries not on the itinerary, President George W. Bush?s first official trip to Europe could have a significant impact. And few are watching the president?s visit more closely than political leaders in the ever-volatile Balkans. Tonino Picula, 39, became Croatia?s foreign minister early last year after a broad-based center-left coalition succeeded the nationalist government of the late Franjo Tudjman. He spoke to NEWSWEEK?s Roy Gutman during a visit to Washington shortly before Bush?s departure. NEWSWEEK: It?s now 10 years since Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia. For a long time, the United States did not favor this move and was the last major power to recognize the country. What is the U.S. role today? Tonino Picula: I think the United States of America was not the only one taken by surprise by the developments in the world of the former Soviet zone of influence. Even people on the ground in the former republics of Yugoslavia did not expect war, conflict, bloodshed, destruction, forced migration and other atrocities.... I think it?s much more important to learn a lesson from the past and introduce a new type of politics, which will be able to prevent further conflicts, wars and atrocity, not only in southeast Europe but elsewhere in the world. What were you doing when Croatia declared independence? Before I became a politician and diplomat, I was a soldier. Before that I was a professor of sociology. It is natural if you are involved in politics and events in my part of Europe. Did you fight in the war? I volunteered in the very beginning of the war, and I defended my hometown, Sibenik. Then I left the army. I was drafted again after [1995?s] Operation Storm [the Croatian effort to recapture territories the Serbs had seized in 1991]. What lessons should the United States learn from regions like the Balkans over the past 10 years? The United States has to be on the ground, especially in situations of crisis. Recent history showed very clearly that only the United States has enough capacity to put an end to conflicts in the world. But it?s much cheaper to prevent conflicts. I am calling the United States to develop conflict-prevention systems, not only conflict-management systems. What does that translate into in the Balkans today? Conflict prevention: Macedonia, first of all. I remember very well, in the first months, first years, of Serbian aggression on the other former Yugoslavia republics, Macedonia was saved, thanks to the very proper and instant reaction by the United Nations, by the United States. They invented UNPREDEP [the UN Preventive Deployment Mission, the first preventive deployment of UN peacekeepers.] It not only protected [Macedonians] from Serbians but, in a way, UNPREDEP prevented internal Macedonian conflict. Ten years after that it?s a paradox: Milosevic is behind bars, and war [has] started in Macedonia. There is no UNPREDEP [which was withdrawn in February 1999 because China, upset that Macedonia had opened diplomatic relations with Taiwan, vetoed an extension of the mandate,] and the international community is still discussing what to do in Macedonia. I don?t think the world learned its lessons.... I think Macedonia could be saved, and lives could be saved, if the United Nations, the U.S., developed UNPREDEP as they did 10 years ago. Is anywhere else on the edge of explosion? I think Macedonia in a way was the last in a line. I think peace and security and cooperation are very fragile in the region.... I think it?s not a good message if the European Union and the United States even discuss possible withdrawal from the region. I don?t think it?s smart politics. I think involvement is a cheaper solution than withdrawal. It?s very hard to be separate from the problems today, especially for a global power like the United States of America. What will happen if there were a withdrawal? Withdrawal is bad news. It will encourage extremists and organized crime to wait a little longer and then be active again. Is the current situation a job for a military, or police? Both, both.... Don?t forget in Macedonia, we are talking about war. Montenegro?s leadership was loyal to NATO during the Kosovo conflict, but the U.S. government tried to discourage Montenegro from breaking apart from Serbia and ending the Yugoslav federation. Where do you come down? For us, both Serbia and Montenegro are our immediate neighborhood. It?s up to them to decide do they want a common state or not. I believe Yugoslavia as a concept of state togetherness is not working any more. If we want to learn a lesson from the past, we have to note it is impossible to maintain any kind of Yugoslavia by force. It is too risky. I think there is still room for negotiation between Podgorica and Belgrade. But the final decision must be made by people on the referendum. In my opinion we are witnessing a final phase of the dissolving of Yugoslavia. In Macedonia, is there something more the international community, including the United States, ought to be doing now to stop this terrible bloodshed? This is a period of confusion. I think this broad coalition government in Macedonia is among the last chances for a political dialogue in Macedonia. I think the U.S.A. and E.U. have to find a way to assure that all sides are present around a table when negotiations start. They have to discuss and encourage, first of all, Albanians to stop shooting, to try to find a proper solution for their position within the Macedonian state, and they have to convince Slav Macedonians that they have to provide Albanians in Macedonia with more freedom, they have to reform public administration, they have to include Macedonian Albanians into the army and police, school system and some other things. It?s the only way out from this conflict. The alternative is a long-burning war in Macedonia which could spill over the Macedonian borders in different directions, with different consequences. In Bosnia, the Office of the High Representative (OHR) cracked down on Croat nationalists by staging a massive raid on a commercial bank in Mostar in which they left money and records strewn about [See "Bank Job In a Battle Zone," NEWSWEEK, April 30). Is the affair over? It was ugly footage on TV. I have no doubt about the motives which drove the Office of the High Representative to do this. Now it?s very important to maintain the credibility of the international community. If they fail to pay back money to the small savings holders, who have nothing to do with the criminal activities of certain hard-liners in Mostar, it will hurt the interest of the international community and Bosnia [and] Herzegovina more than any extremist action. [And] Hercegovacka Banka must be put into function once again with a new management, new people. What is your basic message to U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell? Stay with your words. I was impressed with the very clear message Colin Powell conveyed to other ministers and me both in Skopje and Budapest: the United States will maintain its presence in southeast Europe. It?s a very good message, with certain political weight. Such a message has put an end to all gossiping. Stay for the duration? Stay in the region. From register at washingtonpost.com Wed Jun 20 11:52:08 2001 From: register at washingtonpost.com (register at washingtonpost.com) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 11:52:08 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] A washingtonpost.com article from none@none.com Message-ID: <200106201552.LAA05921@sane2.washingtonpost.com> You have been sent this message from none at none.com as a courtesy of the Washington Post (http://www.washingtonpost.com). To view the entire article, go to http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/opinion/A21431-2001Jun19.html Last Chance in Macedonia MACEDONIA'S fractious politicians and the Western diplomats nervously hovering over them are facing what may be that country's last opportunity to head off another full-scale ethnic war in the Balkans. Political parties representing the majority Slav and minority Albanian communities are engaged in intensive negotiations about political reforms to end official discrimination against Albanians. Meanwhile, NATO is nearing a decision on deploying a force to oversee the disarmament of Albanian rebels who launched a guerrilla campaign last February. If a political deal can be struck in the coming days and a NATO force deployed, Macedonia may just avoid the fate of Bosnia and Kosovo, which were devastated by communal warfare that ended only after NATO military campaigns. But success will require concerted engagement by Western governments in the coming weeks and months; that poses a test for the Bush administration. Macedonia is a pro-Western democracy whose political leaders readily admit they cannot overcome their crisis by themselves. Repeating the mistake of other Balkan regimes, the Slav-dominated Macedonian government tried to wipe out the Albanian insurgent movement with a clumsy military campaign, which only succeeded in strengthening the guerrillas and bringing the Albanian and Slav communities to the brink of a communal war of ethnic cleansing. Now, under heavy pressure from the European Union and United States, a cease-fire prevails and the two major Slav and two Albanian political parties are talking; but the question is whether the Slavs are prepared to take the steps that could fully integrate Albanians into a unitary state, including changes in the Macedonian constitution that would put Albanians on an equal political footing with Slavs. The moderate Albanian leadership also must execute a tricky feat, obtaining enough concessions to satisfy the Albanian population and obl! igate the militants to disarm, while avoiding demands that would make the reformed state unworkable -- like a communal veto over all major government decisions. In trying to broker this deal, the Bush administration and European governments are engaged in their own precarious balancing act. Administration officials say they recognize that U.S. engagement is essential to a successful settlement. But in keeping with President Bush's determination to reduce U.S. commitments in the Balkans, American participation has been carefully limited. In place of the high-profile U.S. brokers who were dispatched to Bosnia and Kosovo, a State Department deputy assistant secretary accompanies more senior European Union and NATO envoys to Skopje, the Macedonian capital. And while supportive of a NATO disarmament force, the administration so far has declined to commit any American troops -- though even a single company would help to fill out a NATO contingent that could number 1,000 or fewer. If the arm's-length strategy works, Macedonia could serve as a demonstration of how European governments and troops can take the lead in handling a crisis on the ! continent. But given the disastrous failure of previous Europeans-first strategies in the Balkans, it represents a real risk. If this peace process breaks down, Macedonia is unlikely to get another chance. From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 20 12:30:48 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 09:30:48 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Debati i drejtperdrejte Berisha - Nano Message-ID: <20010620163048.8712.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> http://www.voanews.com/Albanian Emisioni i ores 16:00 GMT --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 20 12:35:42 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 09:35:42 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Leter per gazeten DITA JUGE Message-ID: <20010620163542.17004.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> I am an Albanian American residing in New York. My father, Lemi Kokalari, was born in Gjirokaster and migrated to America as a young boy. My mother, Drita, was born in the America, but she is also Albanian, and her parents were from Nivica in the mountains of Laberia. I have been active in political and humanitarian causes related to Albania and the Balkans. I am very proud to be an American, but I am even prouder to be an Albanian. I had the great pleasure of visiting Gjirokaster last fall for the purpose of attending the folk festival. It gave me a great deal of joy to be able to participate in the return of a famous Albanian tradition to Gjirokaster and to listen to the beautiful Albanian music in the ancient Albanian home of my ancestors. Several weeks ago, I wrote a letter to the editor of the Washington Post, a well known American newspaper, in response to an article the paper published that was written by Nick Gage (a.k.a. Nicholas Gatzojannis). As usual, Mr. Gage was trying to vilify Albanians and misrepresent the facts about Albania???s Greek minority. Mr. Gage, a Greek American and the President of the Panepirotic Federation, has been a constant provocateur working to undermine Albanians. He persistently refers to Southern Albania as "Northern Epirus," a belligerent reference used by those who seek the annexation of Southern Albania by Greece. In my opinion, with his words and deeds, Mr. Gage has insulted all Albanians and should be viewed as an enemy of Albania. For this reason, it was highly disturbing for me to learn that Mr. Gage has been actively supporting and campaigning for candidates from Albania???s Greek minority. The objective of Mr. Gage and these Greek politicians is highly transparent - they seek Greek domination of Southern Albania. Therefore, those political candidates who are supported by Mr. Gage should be held suspect with respect to their ambitions for Southern Albania, and they should also be viewed by Albanians as enemies of the State. It is my hope that Albanians will keep this in mind, and for the good of Albania, support the Albanian candidates of their choice of June 24th. Gary Q. Kokalari is an Albanian American who serves as president of the Albanian Heritage Foundation and as a director of the Kosova Relief Fund. He was a founder and former director of the National Albanian American Council and the Albanian Relief Foundation.. Professionally, Mr. Kokalari is a senior financial advisor with a major multi-national financial institution. He holds an M.B.A. from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania and a B.S. from Boston University. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Wed Jun 20 18:29:41 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 18:29:41 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] An Albanian Master Craft Message-ID: <20010620.183723.-445279.5.albboschurch@juno.com> WELCOME: When our St. George parish, established in 1908, bought their church on Emerald Street in 1922, the Albanian woodworker Dhimitri Pelteku applied his skills as a sculptor to create the magnificent Iconostasis which adorns our altar even today. Such craftmanship is a noted feature in Albania and examples may be found in Korce, Berat, Ardenica, Permet and Voskopoja. As our own Boston creation is a masterpiece of Albanian Orthodox ecclesiastical art, everyone began to call the artist "Master Dhimiter." Today, we are pleased to welcome his son and his wife from Albania, Mr and Mrs.Vangjel Pelteku and the "Master's" grandsons, Dhimitri and Niko. We Wish them a blessed visit in Worcester and Boston. MIRESARDHET: Ne vitin 1922, kur Kisha e Shen Gjergjit bleu ndertesen ne Emerald Street, Zdrukthtari i mirenjojhur Z. Dhimiter Pelteku perpunoj ikonostasin ne Altarin e kishes se re. Mjeshterine e tij si skulptor ai e paraqiti ne nje veper kishtare te mjekullueshme qe ne e ruajme edhe sot, sipas tradites Orthodokse bizantine ne Shqiperi. Te gjithe e quanin Zotin Pelteku me emrin e nderit: "Usta Dhimiter." Sot kemi nderin te mirepresim djalin e tij me nusen, Zoti dhe Zonja Vangjel Pelteku, me djemte e tyre Dhimitri dhe Niko Pelteku. Urojme te kene nje udhetim te mbare ne Uster e ne tere Bostonin. ________________________________________________________________ GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO! Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less! Join Juno today! For your FREE software, visit: http://dl.www.juno.com/get/tagj. From albboschurch at juno.com Wed Jun 20 18:56:48 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 18:56:48 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Southbridge Picnic Message-ID: <20010620.193141.-445279.8.albboschurch@juno.com> ALBANIAN DAY PICNIC: On Sunday, June 24th, St. Nicholas Albanian Orthodox Church hosts its annual Albanian Day Picnic at the Parish Picnic Grounds at 126 Morris Street. This town located in SOuth Centreal Massachusetts is site of the first structure built for worship by the Albanians in the U.S.in 1912, same year as the proclamation of Albania's Independence. Icons in the church itself also feature Saints of Albanian. Highlights of the popular gathering are shish-ke-bab, music and dancing and tree-shaded tables from Noon until dusk. ________________________________________________________________ GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO! Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less! Join Juno today! For your FREE software, visit: http://dl.www.juno.com/get/tagj. From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 20 23:22:37 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 20:22:37 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Detroit News Message-ID: <20010621032237.94288.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> The Detroit News June 20, 2001, Wednesday Editorial; Pg. 14 Avoid U.S. Entanglement in Macedonia President Bush is under a lot of pressure from America's NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) allies and Russia to participate in an exercise to disarm Albanian insurgents in Macedonia. But Mr. Bush -- to his credit -- is resisting. Intervening in a functioning democracy like Macedonia would bring a new level of mission creep into America's Balkans policy. Granted, relations between Macedonia's majority Slavic and minority Albanian population are not a model of comity. But Macedonia has handled ethnic unrest within its borders not by quashing its minorities as some other countries in the Balkans have done -- but by opening up the political process to them: Every Macedonian government since the country gained independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 has handed ethnic Albanians prominent cabinet positions. But Albanians want still greater governing autonomy for towns in the north where they are in the majority. Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski is sympathetic to these demands. But his efforts to find a political resolution have been stymied by outside groups such as the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The KLA wants to sever the province of Kosovo from Yugoslavia and the Albanian-dominated north from Macedonia and unite them into a Greater Albania. To achieve this end, the KLA has assisted Albanian separatists in Macedonia to launch an armed insurgency against Mr. Trajkovski's government. Mr. Trajkovski has thus far refrained from responding with crushing force. But he wants NATO to assist his efforts to demilitarize the ethnic Albanian areas should the guerrillas accept his cease-fire deal and agree to lay down their arms. Backers of Mr. Trajkovski's plan argue that early intervention by the international community could nip another Bosnia or Kosovo-type civil war that has the potential of spilling into Greece and destabilizing Europe. This, however, is an argument for intervention by Europe -- not the United States. America has no vital interest at stake to justify an escalation of its counterinsurgency efforts in the region. Should the United States agree to intervene in this situation, it will be hard-pressed to turn down requests for assistance from other countries experiencing even worse conflicts. The United States cannot extricate itself from its peace-keeping commitments in the Balkans without making the situation much worse. But after many years of involvement, America should be looking for political solutions to restoring peace and withdrawing from the region -- not sinking deeper into the Balkans quagmire. The Issue Should the United States become involved in the Albanian insurgency in Macedonia? --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jun 20 23:24:16 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 20:24:16 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Tom Friedman Article Message-ID: <20010621032416.87539.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Sun-Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale, FL) June 20, 2001, Wednesday, Broward Metro EDITION EDITORIAL, Pg. 21A, THOMAS FRIEDMAN THE NEW YORK TIMES THEY HATE US! THEY NEED US! THOMAS FRIEDMAN THE NEW YORK TIMES Reading about all the anti-Americanism President Bush has encountered on his trip to Europe, I was reminded of the 1970s Randy Newman song Political Science. Its main verse was: "No one likes us -- I don't know why. / We may not be perfect, but heaven knows we try. / But all around, even our old friends put us down. / Let's drop the big one and see what happens Asia's crowded and Europe's too old. / Africa is far too hot / and Canada's too cold. / And South America stole our name. / Let's drop the big one. There'll be no one left to blame us." Newman's ditty is a reminder that anti-Americanism didn't start with George Dubya. The key question is whether there is anything new in today's anti-Americanism and whether it has any strategic consequences. Actually, there are a couple of things new. You can taste it in Greece. In his upcoming book, The Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia During the Nineties, the Greek journalist Takis Michas explains that during the Cold War, anti-Americanism in Greece and Europe tended to be driven by the left and focused "on what America did" -- and how it wasn't living up to its own ideals when it backed dictators in Greece and elsewhere. Today's version of anti-Americanism in Europe is more focused on "what America is," says Michas, and it brings together the far left, the far right and the Orthodox Church. The old left hates America for its free-market capitalism, the death penalty and globalization. The far right hates it for promoting its multiculturalism in the Balkans, which threatens Greek nationalism. And the Orthodox archbishop hates America for enticing Greek youths away from their heritage and religion. Fine: So now the Europeans don't like us for who we are. Does it matter? Is it producing an alliance of countries against America that threatens our vital interests? That's the real question. Not yet, says Josef Joffe, a German foreign policy analyst, in a smart essay in The National Interest journal titled Who's Afraid of Mr. Big? Joffe argues that one reason no alliance has formed against America yet is that while resentment with America is rife, particularly among European elites, the attraction of America -- its culture, universities, movies, food, clothing and technologies -- is just as strong, and today no power in the world can balance it. For every European elitist who resents America for what it is, there are 10 Euro-kids who want what America is. "America is both menace and seducer, both monster and model," Joffe says. While America's soft power can't be balanced -- there's no Disney World in Moscow, no Harvard in Beijing -- America's hard power doesn't need to be balanced. "Why is there no real ganging up against the United States?" Joffe asks. "(Because) America annoys and antagonizes, but it does not conquer. He who does not conquer does not provoke counteralliances and war." Joffe refers to today's European anti-Americanism as "neo-ganging up" -- noisy, but not serious. Another reason we have not provoked an alliance against us is that America still has been willing to provide "public goods" to the global system, says Joffe. Public goods are things that everyone can benefit from -- keeping the sea lanes open, stabilizing the free-trade system or beating back bad guys in Iraq. This gives lesser powers an incentive to cooperate with us, even as they criticize us; otherwise who else would uphold global security and financial stability? This is hugely important. History teaches that periods of relative peace occur when you have a benign power that is ready to provide public services to maintain an orderly global system -- even if it means paying a disproportionate share of the costs. That's why the greatest danger today is not European anti-Americanism, but American anti-Americanism. The greatest danger is if America is no longer ready to play America -- the benign superpower that pays a disproportionate price to maintain the system of which it's the biggest beneficiary. This could happen because Congress becomes too cheap or stupid, or because our economy becomes too enfeebled, or because we have an administration dominated by people unwilling to put any limits on U.S. behavior, from energy consumption to missile defense. That sort of America, if taken to extremes, could nullify our attractiveness and generate an alliance against us. Surely the Bushies know that -- don't they? Write to Thomas Friedman at The New York Times, 229 W. 43rd St., New York, NY 10036. Sun-Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale, FL) June 20, 2001, Wednesday, Broward Metro EDITION SECTION: EDITORIAL, Pg. 21A, THOMAS FRIEDMAN THE NEW YORK TIMES LENGTH: 757 words HEADLINE: THEY HATE US! THEY NEED US! BYLINE: THOMAS FRIEDMAN THE NEW YORK TIMES BODY: Reading about all the anti-Americanism President Bush has encountered on his trip to Europe, I was reminded of the 1970s Randy Newman song Political Science. Its main verse was: "No one likes us -- I don't know why. / We may not be perfect, but heaven knows we try. / But all around, even our old friends put us down. / Let's drop the big one and see what happens Asia's crowded and Europe's too old. / Africa is far too hot / and Canada's too cold. / And South America stole our name. / Let's drop the big one. There'll be no one left to blame us." Newman's ditty is a reminder that anti-Americanism didn't start with George Dubya. The key question is whether there is anything new in today's anti-Americanism and whether it has any strategic consequences. Actually, there are a couple of things new. You can taste it in Greece. In his upcoming book, The Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia During the Nineties, the Greek journalist Takis Michas explains that during the Cold War, anti-Americanism in Greece and Europe tended to be driven by the left and focused "on what America did" -- and how it wasn't living up to its own ideals when it backed dictators in Greece and elsewhere. Today's version of anti-Americanism in Europe is more focused on "what America is," says Michas, and it brings together the far left, the far right and the Orthodox Church. The old left hates America for its free-market capitalism, the death penalty and globalization. The far right hates it for promoting its multiculturalism in the Balkans, which threatens Greek nationalism. And the Orthodox archbishop hates America for enticing Greek youths away from their heritage and religion. Fine: So now the Europeans don't like us for who we are. Does it matter? Is it producing an alliance of countries against America that threatens our vital interests? That's the real question. Not yet, says Josef Joffe, a German foreign policy analyst, in a smart essay in The National Interest journal titled Who's Afraid of Mr. Big? Joffe argues that one reason no alliance has formed against America yet is that while resentment with America is rife, particularly among European elites, the attraction of America -- its culture, universities, movies, food, clothing and technologies -- is just as strong, and today no power in the world can balance it. For every European elitist who resents America for what it is, there are 10 Euro-kids who want what America is. "America is both menace and seducer, both monster and model," Joffe says. While America's soft power can't be balanced -- there's no Disney World in Moscow, no Harvard in Beijing -- America's hard power doesn't need to be balanced. "Why is there no real ganging up against the United States?" Joffe asks. "(Because) America annoys and antagonizes, but it does not conquer. He who does not conquer does not provoke counteralliances and war." Joffe refers to today's European anti-Americanism as "neo-ganging up" -- noisy, but not serious. Another reason we have not provoked an alliance against us is that America still has been willing to provide "public goods" to the global system, says Joffe. Public goods are things that everyone can benefit from -- keeping the sea lanes open, stabilizing the free-trade system or beating back bad guys in Iraq. This gives lesser powers an incentive to cooperate with us, even as they criticize us; otherwise who else would uphold global security and financial stability? This is hugely important. History teaches that periods of relative peace occur when you have a benign power that is ready to provide public services to maintain an orderly global system -- even if it means paying a disproportionate share of the costs. That's why the greatest danger today is not European anti-Americanism, but American anti-Americanism. The greatest danger is if America is no longer ready to play America -- the benign superpower that pays a disproportionate price to maintain the system of which it's the biggest beneficiary. This could happen because Congress becomes too cheap or stupid, or because our economy becomes too enfeebled, or because we have an administration dominated by people unwilling to put any limits on U.S. behavior, from energy consumption to missile defense. That sort of America, if taken to extremes, could nullify our attractiveness and generate an alliance against us. Surely the Bushies know that -- don't they? Write to Thomas Friedman at The New York Times, 229 W. 43rd St., New York, NY 10036. Sun-Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale, FL) June 20, 2001, Wednesday, Broward Metro EDITION SECTION: EDITORIAL, Pg. 21A, THOMAS FRIEDMAN THE NEW YORK TIMES LENGTH: 757 words HEADLINE: THEY HATE US! THEY NEED US! BYLINE: THOMAS FRIEDMAN THE NEW YORK TIMES BODY: Reading about all the anti-Americanism President Bush has encountered on his trip to Europe, I was reminded of the 1970s Randy Newman song Political Science. Its main verse was: "No one likes us -- I don't know why. / We may not be perfect, but heaven knows we try. / But all around, even our old friends put us down. / Let's drop the big one and see what happens Asia's crowded and Europe's too old. / Africa is far too hot / and Canada's too cold. / And South America stole our name. / Let's drop the big one. There'll be no one left to blame us." Newman's ditty is a reminder that anti-Americanism didn't start with George Dubya. The key question is whether there is anything new in today's anti-Americanism and whether it has any strategic consequences. Actually, there are a couple of things new. You can taste it in Greece. In his upcoming book, The Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia During the Nineties, the Greek journalist Takis Michas explains that during the Cold War, anti-Americanism in Greece and Europe tended to be driven by the left and focused "on what America did" -- and how it wasn't living up to its own ideals when it backed dictators in Greece and elsewhere. Today's version of anti-Americanism in Europe is more focused on "what America is," says Michas, and it brings together the far left, the far right and the Orthodox Church. The old left hates America for its free-market capitalism, the death penalty and globalization. The far right hates it for promoting its multiculturalism in the Balkans, which threatens Greek nationalism. And the Orthodox archbishop hates America for enticing Greek youths away from their heritage and religion. Fine: So now the Europeans don't like us for who we are. Does it matter? Is it producing an alliance of countries against America that threatens our vital interests? That's the real question. Not yet, says Josef Joffe, a German foreign policy analyst, in a smart essay in The National Interest journal titled Who's Afraid of Mr. Big? Joffe argues that one reason no alliance has formed against America yet is that while resentment with America is rife, particularly among European elites, the attraction of America -- its culture, universities, movies, food, clothing and technologies -- is just as strong, and today no power in the world can balance it. For every European elitist who resents America for what it is, there are 10 Euro-kids who want what America is. "America is both menace and seducer, both monster and model," Joffe says. While America's soft power can't be balanced -- there's no Disney World in Moscow, no Harvard in Beijing -- America's hard power doesn't need to be balanced. "Why is there no real ganging up against the United States?" Joffe asks. "(Because) America annoys and antagonizes, but it does not conquer. He who does not conquer does not provoke counteralliances and war." Joffe refers to today's European anti-Americanism as "neo-ganging up" -- noisy, but not serious. Another reason we have not provoked an alliance against us is that America still has been willing to provide "public goods" to the global system, says Joffe. Public goods are things that everyone can benefit from -- keeping the sea lanes open, stabilizing the free-trade system or beating back bad guys in Iraq. This gives lesser powers an incentive to cooperate with us, even as they criticize us; otherwise who else would uphold global security and financial stability? This is hugely important. History teaches that periods of relative peace occur when you have a benign power that is ready to provide public services to maintain an orderly global system -- even if it means paying a disproportionate share of the costs. That's why the greatest danger today is not European anti-Americanism, but American anti-Americanism. The greatest danger is if America is no longer ready to play America -- the benign superpower that pays a disproportionate price to maintain the system of which it's the biggest beneficiary. This could happen because Congress becomes too cheap or stupid, or because our economy becomes too enfeebled, or because we have an administration dominated by people unwilling to put any limits on U.S. behavior, from energy consumption to missile defense. That sort of America, if taken to extremes, could nullify our attractiveness and generate an alliance against us. Surely the Bushies know that -- don't they? Write to Thomas Friedman at The New York Times, 229 W. 43rd St., New York, NY 10036. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Thu Jun 21 16:43:04 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church) Date: Thu, 21 Jun 2001 16:43:04 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] IOCC JOB OPENING Message-ID: <20010621.164830.14574.2.albboschurch@juno.com> Subject: FWD: IOCC Position Announcement: Communications Associate >===== Original Message From Mark Hodde ===== International Orthodox Christian Charities (IOCC), the relief and development organization of Orthodox Christians worldwide, has an immediate opening available for the newly created position of Communications Associate. Below please find a description of the position and the contact information for interested individuals. Communications Associate The Communications Associate will be responsible for planning, implementing and evaluating a comprehensive communication program to enhance awareness and understanding of IOCC and its programs among key audiences. The Communications Associate will write and edit a variety of communications and publicity materials, including news releases, newsletters, fact sheets and speeches. Qualifications: University degree in journalism, public relations or English program or an acceptable equivalent in education and experience; Three to five years' experience in development and implementation of communications production and media relations strategies; a demonstrated ability to develop and implement creative ideas; Word processing and desktop publishing skills. IOCC offers a competitive compensation and benefits package. Please send your resume and salary requirements to: IOCC, 110 West Road, Suite 360, Baltimore, MD 21204; Fax: (410) 243 9824. E-mail: relief at iocc.org. Applications will be accepted until the position is filled. (13 June 2001) --------- End forwarded message ---------- --------- End forwarded message ---------- ________________________________________________________________ GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO! Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less! Join Juno today! For your FREE software, visit: http://dl.www.juno.com/get/tagj. From Heljo at mediaone.net Sun Jun 24 02:55:22 2001 From: Heljo at mediaone.net (Sejfi Protopapa) Date: Sun, 24 Jun 2001 02:55:22 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia Message-ID: <000a01c0fc7a$a35f10e0$36a56041@ne.mediaone.net> Please, Consider posting this article. Thank you, Sejfi Protopapa =========== Tragic Travesty in Macedonia. What is going on in Macedonia these days is a comedy of errors with very unfortunate consequences for the Albanian and the Macedonian citizens of the country. The Albanians suffer destruction, abuse and death whereas the Macedonian citizens are becoming plunderers and murderers of their Albanian neighbors with the connivance of their government and political leaders. The players in this drama are of two kind: The kibitzers and the real players. Among the kibitzers are Albania, Serbia, Russia, Bulgaria and Greece. The players in this group are not that significant. However, with regard to Bulgaria and Greece, they are likely to cause trouble with their nefarious aspirations on Macedonia. Especially the Greeks who never cease to meddle in that part of the world brandishing their Bizantium Nostrum claim mixed with the role of a super democracy. The front line players of this absurd theater of confusion and deliberate obfuscation are listed below in order of their responsibility and dangerous gamesmanship: The Macedonian Government, media and leadership. Together, they seem to have succeeded in persuading themselves that they can fool the US, the European Union and NATO in addressing the Albanian issues in Macedonia as a simple rebellion by a bunch of terrorists that must be destroyed as soon as possible. They have invented a new version of the NATO bombing of Serbia, except that they bomb and destroy only Albanian inhabited homes, and arrest, torture and kill innocent Albanian civilians. At the same time they keep telling the world that they are fighting the terrorists who in the mean time seem to be enlarging what they call the liberated areas of Macedonia. These Macedonian leaders are convinced of their success because they have received wholehearted support from the whole community of Western and Eastern world players and therefore they believe that when they have destroyed the terrorists they can turn around and give the Albanians the same dose of crumbs they have dished out during the last ten years, all packaged with the flourish of democratic slogans. The Albanian political parties and the Albanian guerrillas. They are dumb- founded by their inability to communicate and to land their story, to tell the world their simple and self evident predicament in the Macedonian state: In Macedonia, the Albanians who make up approximately a third of the total population are second class citizens. Their employment as civil servants in the state and municipal administration scores a two to five percent participation. Note that, as yet, civil service is the largest employment sector in Macedonia. The Albanians cannot get the world to hear that the fruits of democracy and free market, meager and limited, still are disproportionately harvested by ethnic Macedonians at the expense of the rest of the population in the country. Albanian political leader Arben Xhaferi is as clear as crystal and yet no one in a position of power and influence in the West wants to hear and understand the simple truth that democratic Macedonia is a sham with all the trappings of democracy but still a segregated society. The Americans can understand and relate to that: There has been democracy in the US for the last 226 years but only recently the people of color in the country have begun to feel that they are getting places. Remember the school desegregation movement and American society at that time? That is where the Albanians are today in Macedonia, except that for them the segregation is based on ethnic background instead of the color of their skin. Can the Black little boy and can the Albanian little girl help it, can they change who their parents were? The third player in this tragedy is made up of leaders from the US, the European Union and NATO. In unison they want to make sure of two things: Macedonia's territorial integrity is inviolate and that the Albanian guerillas (I remember, I was a proud guerilla a long while back) are a pain in the neck for causing this commotion especially when we suspect that they are terrorists. Of course, we are against terrorism, in any shape or form. We do not want to hear what they have to say, and if, God forbid, they make the same claims as the Albanian political parties in Macedonia then those parties are equally suspect and do not deserve a hearing either. This argument clearly shows that the analysts from the West have not done their homework and have fallen prey to century old ethnic Macedonian chicanery. It is really simple. The segregation in Macedonia is real and obvious. The Macedonian State cannot survive as an island in the middle of the Balkans without political and economic support from the West. The Balkan states, finally, are being treated as an integral part Europe, albeit at much effort and expense born by the West. The US, NATO and the European Union simply will tell the Macedonian leaders that they are off base. Cut the nonsense about terrorists and terrorist, invisible yet conquerable. Now, start fixing the governance of your society. When you join the European Union, your state borders will be a line on the map only. Your equal rights for your citizens will be your fortress and your nourishment for your Macedonian tradition. There are tons of experts to put together a constitution and a crisp memorandum of understanding between the two ethnic groups so that social and political readjustments can begin peacefully. The Albanian "terrorists", i.e. the rebellious Albanians are not a problem at all. In my old age I will go and talk with them. Better yet, a competent American or European union representative can talk with them. They will be persuaded to lay down their arms and join the citizenry of their country as if nothing had happened. The Albanians are not fools to believe that they would actually trick the West into an unwanted military intervention especially when, in fact, it is not even necessary. Unfortunately, it took the courage and wisdom of the Albanian guerillas to bring the Macedonian reality to the diplomatic table. For the USA, the European Union and Russia, the Macedonian crisis is, apparently, devoid of any kind of strategic issues. Therefore, solving the crisis with the sword of simple truths is quite desirable and at the same time it is very effective. Sejfi Protopapa June 23, 2001. Wayland, MA -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: Tragic travesti in Macedonia.doc Type: application/msword Size: 25088 bytes Desc: not available URL: From xheke at email.msn.com Sun Jun 24 19:21:19 2001 From: xheke at email.msn.com (GJEKE) Date: Sun, 24 Jun 2001 16:21:19 -0700 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] preukopim Message-ID: <017f01c0fd04$623f8380$ea3e3d3f@oemcomputer> Dua te di,nese egziston ndonje shkolle ose ndonje person qe jep mesim shqip per komunitetin. Ne qofte se jo duhet ta bejme. Andrea pani Faleminderit jam gati per bashkepunim From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 24 21:39:42 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 24 Jun 2001 21:39:42 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] FACTBOX-Key facts about Albania Message-ID: <2f.16eb82cf.2867f05e@aol.com> FACTBOX-Key facts about Albania TIRANA, June 24 (Reuters) - Following are key facts about Albania, which was holding parliamentary elections on Sunday. POPULATION: 3.5 million, with an average age of 25. Albanians are primarily Muslim. Other major groups are Christian Orthodox and Roman Catholics. Religious worship, banned in 1967, was legalised in 1990. AREA: 28,748 sq km (11,101 sq miles). Much of Albania is mountainous. It is surrounded by the Adriatic Sea to the west, Macedonia to the east, Yugoslavia to the north and east and Greece to the south. POLITICS: Albania has a single-chamber parliament which, following a constitutional reform in 1998, has 140 members. Deputies are elected in 100 constituencies on a "first-past-the-post" system, with the remaining 40 seats allocated on a proportional basis. The president is elected by parliament. GOVERNMENT: Socialist Prime Minister Ilir Meta, 32, heads a five-party coalition. Head of state is Rexhep Meidani, a physicist, who was elected president in 1997. ECONOMY: Albania recently lost the title of Europe's poorest country to Moldova but living standards remain low with average monthly wages of around $80. In 1997, annual inflation soared to 42.1 percent, while production fell seven percent. However, foreign aid has helped to stabilise the economy. In 2000, gross domestic product (GDP) increased 7.8 percent to $3.7 billion and GDP per capita was $1,130. The economy is expected to grow 7.3 percent in 2001 while inflation is expected to be between two and four percent. Main industries are textiles, mining, food processing, oil products and cement. MODERN HISTORY: Albania gained independence in 1912 after 450 years of Ottoman rule. It became a monarchy in 1928 under King Zog, who fled after fascist Italy occupied the country in 1939. Albania was later seized by Nazi Germany and liberated by communist-led partisans in 1944. In 1945, Stalinist leader Enver Hoxha came to power after the election of a communist-dominated parliament. Albania was declared a People's Republic in 1946. Hoxha ruled with an iron fist for 40 years, isolating his state under a policy of self-reliance. After his death in 1985, Hoxha was succeeded by Ramiz Alia, who cautiously opened the country to the West. However, intermittent civil unrest continued to plague the country. In December 1990, student protests forced Tirana to legalise opposition parties. In March 1991, the communist party won Albania's first multi-party elections and changed its name to the Socialist Party. In the run up to the second free elections in 1992, dozens were killed in food riots. The Democratic Party won a landslide victory over the ex-communists. Sali Berisha, a former heart surgeon, became Albania's first non-communist president in April 1992. Berisha's popularity waned as reforms began to bite, although his party claimed a landslide victory in controversial 1996 parliamentary elections. In February 1997, civil unrest broke out in the southern town of Vlore over the collapse of fraudulent pyramid investment schemes. Riots across the country escalated into a total nationwide breakdown of public order in which an estimated 2,000 people died . The United Nations Security Council authorised deployment of a 7,000 member Italian-led force to restore law and order. After a snap general election in June, 1997, the Socialists and their allies won a majority and Socialist Fatos Nano became prime minister at the head of a five-party coalition. The peacekeeping force completed its pullout in August 1997. Violence briefly erupted again in September 1998 after the murder of an opposition member of parliament. Nano resigned and his protege, Pandeli Majko, became prime minister at 31. Majko resigned in October 1999 when he failed to win the Socialist Party chairmanship against Nano, who chose Majko's deputy, economist Ilir Meta, to become prime minister. The popular Meta has lobbied hard for closer links with the European Union, which agreed to open negotiations with Albania on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement, the first formal step on the long road to EU membership. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 24 21:40:40 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 24 Jun 2001 21:40:40 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Elections Test Democracy Message-ID: <1e.17a0503f.2867f098@aol.com> Albanian Elections Test Democracy By MERITA DHIMGJOKA TIRANA, Albania (AP) - Gunfire broke out at one polling station and assailants burned ballots at another, marring parliamentary elections Sunday that pitted Albania's incumbent Socialists against a center-right coalition led by firebrand former President Sali Berisha. The violence, which came despite appeals for calm from international officials, reflected the political tensions that have accompanied Albanian elections since the end of communist rule in 1992 and the intense rivalry between the two main political forces. A shooting outside a polling place in the capital, Tirana, left two people wounded, including a member of Berisha's opposition Unity for Victory coalition, Gjergj Bushgjoka, who was shot in the leg, the Interior Ministry said. Another person was grazed in the head by a bullet. Police said one of two gunmen was detained. From his home, Bushgjoka said one of the assailants was a Socialist Party bodyguard and that the two started shooting after he tried to stop them from beating a voter. In a separate incident, gunmen broke into a polling station in Shllak, a village 120 miles north of Tirana, and burned all the ballots, ballot boxes and voter lists, police said. Procedural disputes between the Socialists and Berisha's faction kept 10 polling stations closed in the town of Lushnja and five stations elsewhere, meaning balloting would have to be rescheduled for about 30,000 people. The delay meant that even partial official results could be delayed until after the new votes, possibly on July 1. Socialist party officials announced after polls closed that both Prime Minister Ilir Meta and party leader Fatos Nano had won over 60 percent of the votes in their constituencies. Nearly 2.5 million Albanians were eligible to cast ballots for 140 lawmakers among about 1,600 candidates from 38 political parties and coalitions. The Central Electoral Commission reported turnout at about 60 percent. Its head, Ilirian Celibashi, called the voting generally ``free and fair.'' The Socialists and 31-year-old Prime Minister Ilir Meta, were expected to be re-elected by voters seeking continued stability and further economic improvement after several years of post-communist chaos. ``All we need is stability, public order, new roads and a little bit more water,'' said Myzejen Metani, 65, after casting her ballot in Mullet, a village 7 miles from Tirana. Opinion polls were not conducted. Berisha is known for his inflammatory rhetoric, and he accused the Socialists of planning to rig the vote. ``Officers of the secret service have already started to fill up the ballots,'' he said late Saturday. Both the Socialist Party and the Central Election Commission denied the charges. The Socialist Party came to power in June 1997, after winning elections called to end months of widespread unrest sparked by the collapse of fraudulent financial schemes in which most Albanians had invested. The International Monetary Fund has praised Albania, one of Europe's poorest countries, for fostering recent economic growth and holding down inflation. However, the government is challenged by widespread corruption and illegal trafficking in women, weapons and drugs. Western governments have also praised Albania for its handling of the refugee crisis in Kosovo in 1999, when it took in about half a million refugees and offered its ports and airports for NATO military operations during the air campaign against Yugoslavia. The vote was monitored by 2,000 Albanian and foreign observers. One hundred members of parliament were to be directly elected, with the remaining 40 seats filled through a proportional system designed to give smaller parties a voice. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 24 21:42:25 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 24 Jun 2001 21:42:25 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Socialists claim general election victory Message-ID: <82.c1fe579.2867f101@aol.com> Albanian Socialists claim general election victory By Benet Koleka and Richard Murphy TIRANA, June 25 (Reuters) - Albania's Socialist Prime Minister Ilir Meta claimed victory on Monday in his country's general election and dismissed opposition charges that the government had manipulated the result. Sunday's parliamentary election, the first in the poor Balkan nation since it descended into anarchy in 1997, was largely peaceful, with only minor violence reported. Both the Central Election Commission and independent Albanian observers said it had been generally fair. First official results were not due until later on Monday, but Meta told Reuters in a telephone interview he was confident he had won. "I am quite sure that the result shows a clear advantage for the Socialist party," he said. "I am sure the Socialist party will have more than 50 percent of the seats in parliament, including the second round." A second round of voting will be held in two weeks in constituencies in which there was no clear winner on Sunday. Meta, whose government has been praised by Washington and the European Union for its moderate stance on the conflicts in neighbouring Macedonia and Kosovo, said he was proud that voting had been "calm and democratic" throughout the country. "These were the best elections the country ever had," he said. Some 250 Western monitors observed the vote on behalf of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe. The two organisations were to give their assessments later on Monday. Ilirian Celibashi, head of the independent Central Election Commission, said there had been some problems in the vote in the country of 3.5 million people, but they had not been sufficient to undermine the validity of the election. "The election was fair and free," he said. Turnout was around 60 percent. OPPOSITION ALLEGES FRAUD Opposition Democratic Party leader and former President Sali Berisha, who never recognised the result of the 1997 election in which he lost power, said police had closed many polling stations early, preventing thousands of his supporters from voting. Asked if he would accept the outcome, Berisha told Reuters: "Everything will depend on how many people were disenfranchised and excluded from voting because Albanian police closed polling stations in violation of the law." Meta dismissed the allegations, saying police had behaved correctly and Berisha should accept that he had lost. "Then comes the next step, which is difficult for him, which is to resign," he added. An armed man shot two election officials after getting into a dispute with them at a polling station in the capital Tirana, the Public Order Ministry said. Neither was seriously hurt. In the village of Lekbibaj, in the lawless north of the country some 200 km (125 miles) from Tirana, armed men burst into a polling station and set fire to voting papers. No other significant incidents were reported. The campaign was peaceful, in contrast to the 1997 election, when an Italian-led peacekeeping force had just restored order after months of anarchy started by the collapse of fraudulent pyramid investment schemes. Albanian politics remains deeply polarised and hundreds of thousands of weapons looted from army barracks in 1997 are still in private hands. But the country has been peaceful since 1998 and the confrontation between the government and opposition has become much more low-key. The Socialists had 99 seats in the outgoing 155-seat parliament and the Democrats 29. The total number of seats is being reduced to 140 under a constitutional reform enacted in 1998. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jun 24 21:48:56 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 24 Jun 2001 21:48:56 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] =?ISO-8859-1?Q?Albanian=20migrants=20'turn=20back'=20on=20rebels?= =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=96Greece?= Message-ID: Albanian migrants 'turn back' on rebels Insurgency in FYROM not openly discussed by Albanians in Greece who,preoccupied with the need to make a living, favour a political solution to conflict BY KATHY TZILIVAKIS THE ETHNIC Albanian insurgency in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Greece's neighbour to the north, seems to have drawn little, if any, sympathy from Albanian migrants living and working here. Many Albanians would like to see an end to the conflict before it escalates further. They share the same concern as most Greeks - if a political solution is not reached to defuse the crisis, the armed clashes in FYROM could spiral out of control and threaten the stability of the entire region. "I believe violence will not solve the problems," says Albanian artist Artan Markou, who has lived in Athens since 1983. "Violence begets violence and creates more problems. I am against extreme nationalism... This is a sickness in the Balkans. I hope that a solution will be reached. Hope always dies last." However, like most Albanian migrants in Greece, Markou says he closely follows the media coverage of the clashes between Albanian guerrillas and Slavo-Macedonians. But it is not an overriding worry. "We have our own problems here," he notes. "Every person is struggling for a better life. Our struggle is here. It is not there. We are Albanian migrants from Albania who now live in Greece. We are not Albanians from FYROM." The Athens-based Forum of Albanian Migrants, an organisation established several years ago to promote the rights of members of Greece's largest minority group, also draws a distinction between Albanians in FYROM and Albanians from Albania who now reside and work in Greece. "The conflict in FYROM does not really affect Albanian migrants living in Greece," a key member of the body, Ervin Shehou, told the Athens News. "We are living in a very different reality. We are more concerned about finding a job and securing residency than anything else. For the many Albanians whom I have spoken to, this is not a daily concern for them." However, he did stress that "every minority anywhere in the world, whether in FYROM, Greece or Turkey, should enjoy the same rights as the majority", though Shehou vehemently denounced the methods being employed by the ethnic Albanian rebels. "Not only do I not agree with this, but am totally against the armed uprising," he says. It is worth noting that a large ethnic Greek minority lives in southern Albania. Greek main opposition party New Democracy MP Evgenios Haitidis recently expressed concern in parliament over claims that members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) are raising money in Greece to fund the fighting in FYROM. He alleged that members of the Albanian mafia have set up a profitable extortion racket in Greece selling fake residence permits to undocumented Albanian migrants and sending the money to the Albanian rebels. Acting government spokesman Telemachos Hytiris dismissed the allegation. He recently told a press briefing that Greek authorities are aware of all that goes on in this country and would take the necessary measures if this was the case. We approached a number of Albanian migrants to ask them if they knew or believed Albanians in Greece were raising money to support the rebels in FYROM. But none would provide an answer. They either refused to say anything, or insisted that they knew absolutely nothing about it. It appears that this topic is not openly discussed in the Albanian community here. While Albanian community representatives argue that Albanians here are in no way associated with the rebels in FYROM, some Greeks have a different view. During the Nato bombing against Yugoslavia in 1999, the vast majority of Greeks were against the alliance's campaign and did not sympathise with the Kosovo Albanians. "During the war in Kosovo," Markou says, "there was a form of hysteria against us. There were reports that large groups of Albanian migrants were leaving Greece to fight in Kosovo, but it just wasn't so." Today, many Albanians in Greece fear that the insurgency in FYROM will serve to intensify anti-Albanian sentiment here. In early June, the mayor of a small town in northern Greece did not allow undocumented Albanian migrants to submit applications for a residence permit in the new legalisation procedure. He reportedly claimed that they were KLA members and said they were not welcome in his town. From kbejko at hotmail.com Mon Jun 25 10:37:40 2001 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 10:37:40 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] OSCE:Elections marked progess Message-ID: Albanian parliamentary elections mark progress towards international standards TIRANA, 25 June 2001 (OSCE) -- Yesterday's parliamentary elections in Albania marked progress towards meeting international standards for democratic elections, concluded the International Election Observation Mission in a statement issued in Tirana today. "This election represents another important step towards the consolidation of democracy in Albania", said Bruce George, Vice-president of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and Special Co-ordinator for these elections designated by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office. "The Central Election Commission's professional and transparent conduct contributed significantly to the progress noted in these elections. Their distance from political party disputes was courageous", said Jerzy Smorawinski, Chairman of the delegation of the Council of Europe's Parliamentary Assembly. "The media assumed an important role in this election campaign and a large spectrum of media gave voters the opportunity to make an informed choice", added Doris Pack, Head of the European Parliament delegation. The campaign took place in a generally peaceful atmosphere. A total of 28 parties took part and fielded some 2,000 candidates. The most contentious issue was the attempt to field party affiliates as independent candidates, aiming to increase the number of compensatory mandates allocated to parties. Other shortcomings observed include inaccuracies in the voter lists, and excessive deviations in the number of voters registered in some electoral constituencies. Election day was largely peaceful, except for a handful of isolated violent incidents. The voting and counting process was relatively positive. However, despite the best effort of polling commissions in most areas, their lack of training and disorganization were evident on election day. Also, disputes among polling and zone commission members and other procedural difficulties will force reruns in one out of 100 constituencies and a limited number of polling centers in others. The voter turnout was reported around 60%. "The final assessment on whether these elections will bring Albania closer to international standards depends on the tabulation of results for the first round, and the conduct of the second round on 8 July, as well as on the process of allocating the compensatory mandates and the role which the Central Election Commission and the courts play in this process", concluded Nikolai Vulchanov, Head of the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission in Tirana. Mission information: The International Election Observation Mission is a joint undertaking of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the European Parliament. An OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission with 10 election experts in the Tirana headquarters and 18 long-term observers deployed to the regions was established in late May to assess the legal framework, the election administration, the media environment, and conditions for the election campaign. For election day, the International Election Observation Mission has deployed over 270 short-term observers from 30 countries, including 39 from the OSCE PA, 17 from the Council of Europe's Parliamentary Assembly and 7 from the European Parliament, from across the political spectrum. Also, the Organisation International de la Francophonie contributed 14 observers for election day. International observers monitored the voting and counting procedures in polling stations and election commissions across Albania. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jun 25 22:16:57 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 22:16:57 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] INTERVIEW-Albanian PM sees no Macedonia overspill Message-ID: <11f.cec818.28694a99@aol.com> INTERVIEW-Albanian PM sees no Macedonia overspill By Richard Murphy TIRANA, June 25 (Reuters) - Albanian Prime Minister Ilir Meta, claiming victory in a weekend general election, said on Monday he saw no risk of the conflict in neighbouring Macedonia destabilising his country. Meta, a 32-year-old Socialist, again condemned all violence in Macedonia and said there was virtually no support among his people for a "Greater Albania" that would unite millions of ethnic Albanians throughout the Balkans within a single state. "We condemn the violence from each side and we call on both sides to avoid any kind of provocation that can worsen the situation," he told Reuters in an interview. "We want a ceasefire everywhere and we want the political process to move forward." Ethnic Albanian rebels in Macedonia, with which Albania shares a border, have been battling government forces for four months. The rebels say they are fighting for equal rights for the Albanian minority, who make up around one third of Macedonia's population of two million people, but their actions have been strongly condemned by Western powers. Meta said he was convinced the crisis in Macedonia could only be resolved through dialogue, not by military means. "The most important thing is to save as many human lives as possible." Asked if there was a risk that Albania itself could become embroiled in a regional conflict, he replied: "No. We have taken all measures to guarantee the stability of Albania and to keep Albania clean from these problems." The concept of "Greater Albania" enjoyed only "very weak support" in his country, he said. "I am sure that the very powerful majority of Albanians is aware that in our time such a project is the opposite of a European Albania," Meta said, referring to his goal of integrating his country fully into the European mainstream. Asked if he felt the Macedonian government was doing enough to meet the aspirations of the ethnic Albanian minority, he replied: "We think that they could do more." EU MEMBERSHIP IS LONG-TERM GOAL Although first official results of Sunday's Albanian general election were not due until later on Monday, Meta said his information showed the Socialists had won a new four-year term in government with a substantial majority. The election, the first since Albania plunged into anarchy in 1997, passed off mainly peacefully. Meta, prime minister since 1999, said his country had now put an end to the political instability and periodic unrest that had plagued it since the collapse of communism in 1991. "Since the end of the Kosovo crisis, the country has entered a long-term period of stability, development and integration," he said. "Today Albania is more stable than yesterday." Top priority for the next four years would be to speed up reform in this impoverished nation of 3.5 million people. "In particular, we will be focused on reform of the judicial system and on the fight against corruption, organised crime and trafficking." A short-term priority would be to complete negotiations with the European Union on a stability and association agreement, the first step towards eventual membership. "A mid-term objective is within four years to fulfil all standards for making an application for full membership of the European Union," Meta said. "We will try in four years to meet the standards for delivering the application. As for real full membership, this will for sure be a long process." From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jun 25 22:19:24 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 22:19:24 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Socialists claim election victory Message-ID: <53.7c8f39a.28694b2c@aol.com> Albanian Socialists claim election victory By Benet Koleka and Linda Spahia TIRANA, June 25 (Reuters) - Albania's Socialist Prime Minister Ilir Meta claimed victory on Monday in his country's general election, which international observers said had been generally fair despite some shortcomings. But as many as 45 out of 140 parliamentary seats were likely to be decided in a second round of voting in two weeks' time, so the size of the likely Socialist majority remained uncertain. "The Socialist party has won," said political analyst Remzi Lani. "I don't believe that the second round will lead to spectacular changes." The opposition Democrats of former President Sali Berisha alleged widespread irregularities, insisting they had fared better than the government had acknowledged, but they stopped short of challenging the result. First official results from Albania's first general election since it descended into anarchy in 1997 had still not been announced by early evening, but Meta said the Socialists would remain in office with a substantial majority. The result would be "a clear victory for the Socialists, which means a clear majority for ruling the country for another term," Meta, 32, told Reuters in an interview. "I am very satisfied with the process which helped the country take another remarkable step towards European standards." The prime minister said his priority for the next four years would be speeding up reform and tackling corruption in this poor and often turbulent Balkan nation of 3.5 million people. He said he saw no risk of the conflict in neighbouring Macedonia destabilising his country and described support among his compatriots for a "Greater Albania," uniting all ethnic Albanians within a single state, as minimal. SECOND ROUND OF VOTING ON JULY 8 Socialist Party leader Fatos Nano said his party looked set for a majority of the 100 seats which are directly elected. "According to my assessment, 35 seats were won by the Socialist Party, 18 by the Democratic Party and 45 or 46 will go into a second round," he said in a radio interview. The second round will take place on July 8 in constituencies which did not produce a clear winner on Sunday. An additional 40 seats in the 140-seat single chamber are allocated to parties in proportion to their share of the vote. In their first comment on the election, observers from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe said the vote "marked progress towards meeting international standards for democratic elections." "These elections were conducted reasonably fairly and compare quite well with other countries that we have observed," said Bruce George, a British member of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. Berisha, who never recognised the result of the 1997 election in which he lost power, said he expected the Democrats to have won around 47 percent of the vote in the first round. "We are watching and gathering all the facts. This election violates all international standards," he said. Meta, prime minister since 1999, said his country had now put an end to the political instability and periodic unrest that had plagued it since the collapse of communism in 1991. "Since the end of the Kosovo crisis, the country has entered a long-term period of stability, development and integration," he said. "Today Albania is more stable than yesterday." The election campaign was peaceful, in contrast to the 1997 election, when an Italian-led peacekeeping force had just restored order after months of anarchy started by the collapse of fraudulent pyramid investment schemes. Albanian politics remains deeply polarised and hundreds of thousands of weapons looted from army barracks in 1997 are still in private hands. But the country has been peaceful since 1998 and the tone of political discourse has become less rabid. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jun 25 22:22:52 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 22:22:52 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece says Albanian vote fair for ethnic Greeks Message-ID: <94.15f2591b.28694bfc@aol.com> Greece says Albanian vote fair for ethnic Greeks ATHENS, June 25 (Reuters) - Greece said on Monday it was satisfied with the way its ethnic minority in Albania had been treated during Sunday's general elections in the small Balkan state. In the past Greece has strongly criticised Albania over allegations of discrimination against its ethnic Greek minority at elections. But Greek government spokesman Dimitris Reppas told reporters: "We believe the (Greek) minority voted under the best possible conditions in recent years." Last year ethnic Greeks claimed police kept them away from polling booths during local elections. Albanian socialist Prime Minister Ilir Meta claimed victory over the opposition Democratic Party's Sali Berisha on Monday but official results were expected later in the day. Southern Albania has a large ethnic Greek population with close ties to Athens. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jun 25 22:24:03 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 22:24:03 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Slavs Protest NATO Deal in Macedonia Message-ID: <106.1c1087e.28694c43@aol.com> Slavs Protest NATO Deal in Macedonia By COLLEEN BARRY SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) - A NATO-brokered peace deal sparked riots in Skopje Monday by thousands of Slavs, some chanting ``gas chambers for the Albanians'' as they demanded that ethnic Albanian rebels be destroyed. The rebels pulled out of a strategically important suburb near the capital earlier Monday under the NATO deal designed to revive peace talks here. That prompted about 5,000 Macedonian Slavs - who outnumber ethnic Albanians by more than three to one - to gather in front of parliament in Skopje, nosily demanding harsher action against the rebels. Reservists in uniform among the protesters squeezed of bursts of submachine gun fire, but there were no reports of injuries. Some of the chanting protesters pounded two police cars - one belonging to Interior Minister Ljuben Boskoski - while dozens broke into the parliament building, destroying furniture. A group made its way to a balcony and displayed the former Macedonian flag, replaced more than half a century ago by the communists when the country was still part of Yugoslavia. The rebel withdrawal came just days after government forces began an offensive against ethnic Albanian militants holed up in the suburb not far from the country's airport. Buses headed out of Aracinovo carrying ethnic Albanian rebels, said U.S. Maj. Barry Johnson, a spokesman for the NATO-led peacekeepers. The alliance then sent at least four trucks to the village to take out the weapons belonging to the rebels. But de-escalation of Macedonia's crisis was short lived. New fighting, near Tetovo, cast a pall at the success of the negotiated end to the Aracinovo standoff, and tensions rose as thousands of angry Slavic Macedonians demanded a more hard-line approach against the rebels. Police officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said rebels attacked police positions on the outskirts of the city and government forces returned fire, with fighting then moving away from Tetovo and near the village of Gajre in the hills overlooking the city. In a smaller protest, a crowd near Kumanovo blocked a road, preventing empty buses from moving shortly after they were used to take some of the rebels from Aracinovo to Umin Dol, just outside Kumanovo. U.S. soldiers were with that convoy, along with Macedonian police who tried to negotiate their way through the crowd. Johnson said more than 300 people, most of them rebels, were taken out of Aracinovo. Talks had broken down last week after President Boris Trajkovski declared that ethnic Albanian negotiators were unwilling to budge on key sticking points in the negotiations. The lack of progress has dismayed European Union leaders, who have been trying for months to persuade the Macedonian Slav leadership and ethnic Albanian political leaders to compromise and avert civil war. To back up that point, the EU told the country's foreign minister on Monday not to count on new financial aid unless the government and ethnic Albanian opponents settle their differences. The EU foreign ministers held 45 minutes of talks with their Macedonian counterpart, Ilinka Mitreva, who pleaded for help. EU External Relations Commissioner Chris Patten reiterated that was only possible if progress is made in national reconciliation talks. ``We would like to support confidence-building measures, but it is difficult to build people's confidence when money, which is very clearly in short supply, is being spent on bombs and rockets,'' Patten said. An American, meanwhile, was wounded by gunfire. The man's status was unclear - NATO officials suggested he might have been part of a monitoring mission or a diplomat. The man, overheard identifying himself as John Green, was emerging from the woods with two other Americans near the rebel-controlled village of Grusinovo when Macedonian troops fired warning shots. Two of the shots wounded Green, one in the arm and the other in the leg, but apparently not seriously. In Washington, meanwhile, the Pentagon said a U.S. army sergeant was wounded in the hand by gunfire on a road northeast of Skopje. Aracinovo is southwest of Skopje, but NATO officials could not rule out that the Pentagon report also referred to the man identifying himself as Green. NATO-led peacekeepers are in Macedonia to provide logistical support to forces in Kosovo. It was not immediately clear which NATO countries were taking part in the operation. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jun 25 22:25:35 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 22:25:35 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU ties Macedonia aid to rapid political reform Message-ID: EU ties Macedonia aid to rapid political reform LUXEMBOURG, June 25 (Reuters) - The European Union told Macedonia on Monday it must stop seeking a military victory over ethnic Albanian rebels, resume negotiations on political reforms and make rapid progress if it wanted further EU aid. "There is no military solution to the present crisis," a draft communique by EU foreign ministers meeting in Luxembourg said. "The political dialogue must now resume with the facilitation of the international community and lead to rapid results. "Such results will determine the further development of the EU's relations with FYROM (the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia) and the possibility of further assistance," the text said, according to diplomatic sources. It was the strongest language employed by the EU in three months of intensive diplomatic efforts to avert civil war in Macedonia and the first public warning that Macedonia's formal links to the Union, established in April, were in jeopardy. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 26 23:00:21 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 26 Jun 2001 23:00:21 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Solana rebukes Macedonia government "radicals" Message-ID: <76.c3a9164.286aa645@aol.com> Solana rebukes Macedonia government "radicals" By Douglas Hamilton BRUSSELS, June 26 (Reuters) - European Union foreign affairs chief Javier Solana warned on Tuesday of the dangers of radicals within Macedonia's government, insisting that Albanian rebels could not be defeated militarily. "Look. There's radicals on both sides. One has to work with those who are not radicals," he said, appearing with NATO Secretary-General George Robertson after talks on the Balkan country's crisis. Without naming Prime Minister Ljbuco Georgievski or Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski, Solana said that last week "somebody advised the government that they could go on a military operation and in three hours they could solve the problem." "At the end of the third day they had to call in the international community to solve the problem through dialogue," Solana said, referring to a failed army offensive last week to drive ethnic Albanian rebels from Aracinovo, near the capital. "I think that's a good lesson that everybody has to learn, even those members of the government who thought they could solve the problem in three hours," Solana said. Deliberately playing down Monday's assault on parliament by an angRy mob of Macedonians and gun-toting police demanding weapons to kill Albanians, Robertson and Solana stressed that political dialogue was the only solution. Macedonian leaders from both camps, plus international envoys despatched to facilitate their talks, must work urgently and intensively to come up with a peace settlement, they said. Monday's protesters were angered by the NATO and EU role in evacuating the guerrillas from Aracinovo, along with their weapons, in an operation seen as vital to removing their threat to the capital and lowering the temperature. "The success yesterday in evacuating and demilitarising Aracinovo was a very subStantial success," Robertson said. "The action was taken with the full agreement of the government in Skopje and it was achieved with professionalism and skill," he went on. "It was an important first step to achieve a cessation of all the violence." NATO MISSION Robertson said NATO was working at "historic speed" to prepare for a mission to collect guerrilla arms -- a mission NATO insists will only take place "in a benign environment" once there is a ceasefire and a firm political agreement. Both side-stepped a question on how long they could collaborate with a government including radicals. "The president of the republic, Mr (Boris) Trajkovski, has been my interlocutor normally," Solana answered. "And he has today made a very clear statement of where he wants to lead that country...the direction is Europe...and Europe does not resolve problems by use of force." After introducing Francois Leotard, the newly appointed EU resident envoy to Macedonia, Solana obliquely addressed concerns heard in diplomatic circles that Leotard was thrust on him by French President Jacques Chirac and might not be suitable. "The fact that we are going to have somebody under my authority there permanently -- because I cannot do it every day -- I think, with the cooperation of both sides, I hope we will move THE process forward rapidly," he said. "He is representing the European Union and without any doubt both sides would like to be part of the European Union and they will accept the representative. But I will be there too, don't worry." From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 26 22:59:15 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 26 Jun 2001 22:59:15 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Pentagon says Albanian evacuation was right action Message-ID: <113.d6b8db.286aa603@aol.com> Pentagon says Albanian evacuation was right action By Tabassum Zakaria WASHINGTON, June 26 (Reuters) - The Pentagon on Tuesday stood by a decision to send U.S. troops to evacuate ethnic Albanian rebels with their weapons from a village in Macedonia, saying the goal had been to defuse a volatile situation. It was the first time the U.S. military had taken such an active step in the conflict between the government and minority ethnic Albanians in the Balkan state. But a Pentagon spokesman, Rear Adm. Craig Quigley, said the action did not suggest a new U.S. or NATO policy. "It was a new event. We've not done this before. But what I'm reluctant to predict is this being a harbinger of some major new policy decision and a new area of continued activity on the part of U.S. forces," he said. "I do not think that is the case." The evacuation on Monday sparked riots in the Macedonian capital Skopje by ethnic Slavs furious at a cease-fire deal that allowed the U.S. evacuation of ethnic Albanian rebels. Discussions on using U.S. troops started on Sunday night, including talks between NATO Secretary General George Robertson and Supreme Commander Gen. Joseph Ralston. The evacuation decision was agreed to by NATO, the European Union, the Macedonian government and the ethnic Albanian rebels, Quigley said. "In this particular case we feel very much that it was the right thing to do," he said at a media briefing. A U.S. convoy of about 20 vehicles, mostly buses and four armored Humvees armed with machine guns, evacuated about 350 ethnic Albanians including about 100 rebels from the village of Aracinovo to another village 11 miles (18 km) away, Quigley said. The convoy involved 81 U.S. military personnel and 20 others mainly driving the buses, the Pentagon said. After the convoy dropped the Albanians off at the village, it took nine hours to return to Camp Able Sentry, less than 10 miles (16 km) from Aracinovo, because large groups of people, some armed, had gathered at checkpoints. When the convoy arrived at the first checkpoint a crowd started to gather with weapons, so the U.S. commander decided to seek another route, Quigley said. A Hunter unmanned aerial vehicle was sent to scout ahead on the second route and it detected another checkpoint at which a crowd was gathering, he said. So the convoy halted and sent the Hunter to search for a third route that was clear. The United States was the only country that provided the troops and the vehicles for the evacuation because they were immediately available, Quigley said. "Speed was an important element of this operation because of the rising tensions and the desire to defuse it as quickly as possible," he said. The United States urged Macedonians on Tuesday to pull back from "mob action" after riots prompted the Balkan state's president to issue a stark warning on the threat of civil war. "I want to make clear that we condemn the violence overnight in Skopje. The European Union has said the same thing. We join them in that condemnation," State Department spokesman Richard Boucher told a news briefing. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 26 23:00:52 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 26 Jun 2001 23:00:52 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU says Macedonia can still avoid civil war Message-ID: <7c.17b21c77.286aa664@aol.com> EU says Macedonia can still avoid civil war By Gareth Jones BRUSSELS, June 26 (Reuters) - The European Union appealed for calm in Macedonia on Tuesday after a night of clashes and said the former Yugoslav republic could still pull back from the brink of civil war if its citizens showed restraint. EU leaders also pledged full support for Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski and vowed to step up their efforts to mediate an agreement between the tiny country's ethnic Slav and Albanian communities. "We strongly condemn the violence overnight in (the capital) Skopje," Swedish Foreign Minister Anna Lindh, EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and Commissioner for External Affairs Chris Patten said in a joint statement. Sweden holds the rotating EU presidency. "We will not be deflected from our determination to do all in our power -- working closely with NATO and other international organisations -- to assist the democratically elected government...to achieve a solution to this crisis through dialogue," the statement said. Earlier, Lindh told reporters in Luxembourg that the EU had received assurances that Trajkovski and his government were "in full control of the military and the police." She said Trajkovski, who has forged close political and economic ties with the 15-nation EU, would address his country of two million later on Tuesday. WAR STILL AVOIDABLE In its statement, the EU said there was still everything to play for in Macedonia. "There is still every chance of restoring peace and stability. But it will require the courage and the resolve of every citizen to stand back now from the brink and to seize the remaining chance of peace, based on dialogue," it said. On Tuesday, Macedonian troops fired at three rebel villages, but the guerrillas, who say they are fighting for Albanian minority rights in the Balkan country, vowed to stay put. On Monday night, police reservists fired off their guns in parliament to protest at NATO's evacuation of armed rebels from the village of Aracinovo after an EU-brokered ceasefire. Thousands of Macedonian Slavs cheered on the reservists. Asked whether the EU and NATO had been right to put pressure on the government to allow the rebels to leave Aracinovo with their arms, Lindh said there had been no other option available. "What was important was to have them (the rebels) leave Aracinovo," she said. WIDER CONFLICT FEARS Lindh said the EU and NATO would remain closely involved in the search for a way out of the conflict in Macedonia. "This is not only a Macedonian conflict, this is a conflict of utmost international importance," she said, referring to Western fears that meltdown in Macedonia could draw in neighbouring states like Serbia, Bulgaria, Albania and Greece. "Therefore we have to stay committed and we have to be present, even if we are not very welcome at this very moment." On Monday, EU foreign ministers meeting in Luxembourg held talks with their Macedonian counterpart, Ilinka Mitreva, and expressed disappointment about the lack of progress on political reforms aimed at healing the inter-ethnic rift. The ministers also appointed former French Defence Minister Francois Leotard as the EU's resident envoy in Macedonia. He will report to Solana, who until now has been spearheading the international effort to restore peace in Macedonia. Lindh said on Tuesday that Leotard was in Luxembourg for consultations about his mission before leaving for Skopje. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 26 23:05:43 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 26 Jun 2001 23:05:43 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANALYSIS-Albanian election marks start of normal politics Message-ID: <124.d76c6a.286aa787@aol.com> ANALYSIS-Albanian election marks start of normal politics By Richard Murphy TIRANA, June 26 (Reuters) - Albania's peaceful and mainly orderly general election two days ago could mark the start of normal democratic politics after 10 turbulent years since the country overthrew communism. Albanian commentators and foreign observers say Sunday's vote, from which Prime Minister Ilir Meta's Socialists are set to emerge as winners, marked a step away from the highly polarised "winner-takes-all" politics of the past. No official results have so far been announced and a second round of voting will be held in more than 40 constituencies on July 8. But it seems certain the Socialists will rule with a reduced majority, with two conservative groups in opposition. "Despite the mess and confusion, politics starts today," said independent political commentator Remzi Lani. "We have a normal result for a transition democracy. This marks a new phase where frightening majorities are a thing of the past and there is a balance of political forces." International observers said the election, the first since the country plunged into a period of anarchy in 1997 during which an estimated 2,000 people were killed, was broadly fair, despite some irregularities. "Political development in Albania in the last decade has been little short of remarkable," said Bruce George, a British member of the OSCE parliamentary assembly. "But we are not so naive as to conclude that clinical perfection has yet been achieved in this country." The main uncertainty is whether former President Sali Berisha, whose Democratic Party has alleged widespread manipulation, will accept defeat. Berisha boycotted parliament for much of its last four-year term, but diplomats say his always strident tone was noticeably less aggressive in the latest election campaign and they hope he will ultimately acknowledge the result. NEW POLITICAL MATURITY "A positive trend in this election was that the campaign was peaceful, there was less conflict than before and hate speeches were more absent," says Genc Pollo, political secretary of the New Democrat Party which looks likely to be the third largest group in the next parliament. Pollo, once a close Berisha aide, broke away from his former mentor to form a new grouping which he describes as Albania's only serious centre-right party. He detects a "new political maturity" in Albania and says the likely disappearance of the large majorities which made past governments "arrogant and abusive" is also a healthy sign. "I think a slim majority in parliament will make this government more accountable than before." The capital, Tirana, is relaxed and bustling and enjoying a remarkable construction boom. There is no trace of the tension that overshadowed the 1997 election, when an Italian-led multinational peacekeeping force was still on the streets. Political stability at home will be critical if the government is to make progress in its new four-year term in stimulating the economy and tackling endemic corruption. Western diplomats say the Meta government is the most effective Albania has had to date and they praise his moderate stance on the crises in neighbouring Kosovo and Macedonia. The country's problems remain daunting, however. Although roads between some major towns have recently improved dramatically, infrastructure remains in a catastrophic state throughout much of Albania. Foreign investors are deterred by corruption, an uncertain legal framework and the country's lawless image, and there is a continuing brain drain of educated young people. But Meta sees signs of hope. Foreign direct investment last year was three times the 1999 level, he says, and the brain drain may be slowing. "Today people are still leaving the country but for the first time we also have people that are coming back," he told Reuters. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 26 23:06:59 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 26 Jun 2001 23:06:59 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece urges world intervention in Macedonia Message-ID: Greece urges world intervention in Macedonia ATHENS, June 26 (Reuters) - Greece on Tuesday urged the world community to step in immediately in neighbouring Macedonia to stop an escalating crisis that would make later international military intervention futile. "I think it is imperative to have an international initiative for a final effort to end this vicious cycle of polarisation," Foreign Minister George Papandreou told a Greek radio station from Luxembourg during a meeting of EU foreign ministers. "If not, the extremist elements will take the upper hand...the more moderate voices will disappear," he said. Papandreou, who earlier this month proposed the deployment of a military peacekeeping force once a peace deal was brokered, said such an army would be useless if the world community waited too long and a full-scale civil war broke out. "It's not certain that an army of whatever stature could stop hostilities in neighbourhoods, among homes, among families," he said. Greece, itself locked in a long-running dispute with Macedonia over the country's name being the same as that of a northern Greek province, is worried that rising violence could spill over to other Balkan nations. The Macedonian army started shelling ethnic Albanian rebels in the northeast on Tuesday as the EU appealed for a political solution to the four-month guerrilla rebellion which has brought the country closer to a wider conflict. Papandreou warned that an international force must be preceded by political consensus in Macedonia. "A minimum political agreement, a ceasefire and disarming must exist before the...international powers enter to stabilise the situation," he said. Macedonia's ethnic Albanian minority accounts for about a third of the country's population. Rebels say they are fighting for more rights. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jun 26 23:08:57 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 26 Jun 2001 23:08:57 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] U.S. Likely in Yugoslavia Aid Talks Message-ID: U.S. Likely in Yugoslavia Aid Talks WASHINGTON (AP) - American participation in an international conference on financial aid to Yugoslavia appeared to be assured Tuesday night after the Serbian government moved decisively to extradite former President Slobodan Milosevic to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in the Hague. The administration has linked Yugoslav cooperation with the tribunal to U.S. participation in the donors' conference, which is set for Friday in Brussels. ``We very much welcome the moves that the Yugoslav government, the Serbian government have been taking,'' State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said. ``We welcome the Yugoslav decree on cooperation with the tribunal. We welcome the initiation of legal proceedings against Milosevic pursuant to this decree. We're encouraged by these positive developments as we consider participating in Friday's donors' conference.'' A recommendation on participation has not yet been sent to Secretary of State Colin Powell, Boucher said, adding that the positive steps taken thus far will ``weigh heavily'' on the U.S. decision on attendance. Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica said there was no possibility that Milosevic could be transferred to Hague tribunal custody before Friday's donors' conference. Privately, a U.S. official raised the possibility of U.S. participation even if Milosevic is not extradited. Any pledges of financial support for Yugoslavia could be contingent on Milosevic's extradition, the official said. The tribunal indicted Milosevic for crimes committed against the Kosovo Albanian population in Kosovo in 1999. Sen. Joseph Biden, D-Del., chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said American participation in a donors' conference should not be unconditional. ``If the administration decides to participate in the donors conference, it should condition release of any U.S. assistance on the extradition of Milosevic and the other 15 suspects indicted by the tribunal who are thought to be in Yugoslavia,'' Biden said. Richard Dicker, a top official with the New York-based Human Rights Watch, said that if the administration participates in the Brussels conference, it ``should link disbursement of aid to specific forms of cooperation, such as the arrest and surrender of indictees.'' He cautioned that there is still ``little concrete evidence of cooperation.'' From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 27 21:44:15 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 27 Jun 2001 21:44:15 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 3-EU envoy backtracks on confusing Macedonia call Message-ID: <78.16d74b48.286be5ef@aol.com> 3-EU envoy backtracks on confusing Macedonia call PARIS, June 27 (Reuters) - The newly-appointed European Union envoy to Macedonia on Wednesday reaffirmed that EU policy in the Balkans continued to exclude any political dialogue with ethnic Albanian guerrillas. Going back on his comments earlier in the day, former French Defence Minister Francois Leotard said: "I would like to clarify the fact that the position of the European Union has not changed. "The Albanian-speaking guerrillas have no place in the political dialogue which should be conducted only with the legitimate representatives of the political parties," he said in a statement faxed to Reuters. "My work in Skopje as permanent representative of the European Union in Macedonia will be totally based on this line." Earlier on Wednesday, Leotard, speaking on Europe 1 radio, sowed confusion in Brussels and Skopje by saying of the Macedonian government: "They have to speak with these guerrillas to try, with the leaders of this Albanian-speaking part of their country, to see that a consensus emerges and peace can be installed." Western officials, desperate to prevent another Balkan war, have been trying to foster government talks with politicians representing minority ethnic Albanians, but have not said before that the armed rebels should be brought into any negotiations. In Brussels, EU and NATO officials said Leotard's remarks on Europe 1 radio did not reflect the official Western position, which rules out talks with the fighters. They said he may have misspoken, mixing up rebels with the Albanian political leaders. "There is no change in the EU position," one EU diplomat told Reuters. "The policy remains one of deep negotiations on political reform among the leaders of the legitimate political parties, under the leadership of President Boris Trajkovski." A second diplomat said Leotard "may have used a quick formula" giving the impression he was advocating political talks with rebels whereas he meant to say Albanian party leaders. Leotard, defence minister in Paris from 1993 to 1995, was appointed this week to deputise for EU foreign affairs chief Javier Solana. He will try and help Macedonia end four months of fighting that has raised fears of another Balkan civil war. SUPPORT Leotard, who is to take up his new post on Thursday, said in the Europe 1 interview that the Macedonian government enjoyed the support of the international community, which wanted to see the former Yugoslav republic's borders respected. He said a civil war in Macedonia would jeopardise the work the EU had done to promote peace in the region since the former Yugoslavia broke up in 1991. "Since 1991, we have had 250,000 dead in Yugoslavia -- lots of soldiers, civilians, women and children have been massacred. We have to have the courage to say 'that's enough'," he said. "Macedonia is the last piece of the puzzle. If that piece is missing, all the rest will be put at risk," he said. "I will try to make peace prevail through negotations between the two parties -- the Albanians who are now engaged in guerrilla fighting and the Macedonian government which has international legitimacy and which wants to protect and defend its frontiers." The EU and NATO clearly found Leotard's comment about rebel talks an embarrassment likely to prompt "I told you so" comments from critics who were opposed to the appointment of a Frenchman out of touch with Kosovo and Macedonia Albanian conflicts. Leotard was proposed by French President Jacques Chirac, and supported by German Chancellor Gerhard Shcroeder. A number of the EU's 15 foreign ministers expressed dissent privately but acceded to the posting at talks in Luxembourg on Monday. NATO said on Wednesday that alliance representatives and EU officials in Macedonia did have "technical" talks with the guerrillas to facilitate the evacuation but remained opposed to them sitting in on political talks on constitutional reform. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 27 21:45:34 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 27 Jun 2001 21:45:34 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Bush takes steps against Macedonia rebels Message-ID: <7b.16c8cc47.286be63e@aol.com> Bush takes steps against Macedonia rebels WASHINGTON, June 27 (Reuters) - President George W. Bush barred some ethnic Albanian rebels in Macedonia from entering the United States and took steps to stop them from being financed by U.S. citizens, the White House said on Wednesday. Seeking to shore up Macedonia's embattled government, which has been fighting ethnic Albanian guerrillas in the Balkan nation for several months, the White House also condemned what it called "terrorist violence" by the rebels. Bush issued an executive order barring U.S. citizens from financing a specific list of people "involved in violent and obstructionist actions." The White House did not immediately release the list, but a U.S. official said it targeted ethnic Albanians engaged in violence in Macedonia. The White House also said in a statement that Bush issued a proclamation restricting the entry into the United States of people seeking to "undermine peace and stability in the region" or "responsible for wartime atrocities" committed since 1991. "This is meant to combat the violent extremists in Macedonia," said a U.S. official who asked not to be named. He said the proclamation targeted people operating in Macedonia, southern Serbia and Kosovo and in some cases all three. "The purpose of these two actions is to send a clear message to the extremists and their supporters in the region, who actively obstruct and undermine peace and stability, that such tactics are unacceptable and that we will use the means at our disposal to isolate these groups and individuals and cut their access to financial support," the White House said. Western officials, desperate to prevent another Balkan war, have been trying to foster government talks with politicians representing the ethnic Albanians to try to find a political solution to the conflict. "The United States has joined with its European allies and other countries of the United Nations in strongly condemning the terrorist violence perpetrated by armed extremists determined to destabilize the democratic, multiethnic gov ernment of Macedonia," the White House said. "Their violent tactics threaten U.S. and international efforts to promote regional peace and stability and pose a potential danger to U.S. military forces and other Americans supporting peacekeeping efforts," it added. A European Union envoy on Wednesday urged Macedonia to talk to the ethnic Albanian guerrillas, but the former Yugoslav republic, seeming more keen to crush them with force, shelled a rebel stronghold. Western officials have not previously urged that the armed rebels be brought into negotiations. In its statement, the White House praised the efforts at finding a solution to the problem through political dialogue but did not suggest talking directly to the armed rebels. "Macedonian President (Boris) Trajkovski has asked for our support to combat these extremists, who are undermining the political dialogue currently underway among Macedonia's legitimately elected leaders," it said. "This dialogue offers a real opportunity for a negotiated and peaceful settlement." From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 27 21:48:35 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 27 Jun 2001 21:48:35 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Bush: More Balkan Troops Possible Message-ID: <16.e882ecd.286be6f3@aol.com> Bush: More Balkan Troops Possible By GEORGE GEDDA WASHINGTON (AP) - President Bush moved Wednesday to restrict the funds and mobility of ethnic Albanian rebels in Macedonia and left open the possibility of greater U.S. military involvement in the troubled Balkan country. ``I take no option off the table in terms of the troops,'' Bush said when asked if American forces might be used to help prevent civil war in Macedonia. Later, a U.S. official said the president's remark, which came during a meeting with congressional Republicans, was made in the context of a NATO peacekeeping proposal for Macedonia. The official, asking not to be identified, said the president wasn't trying to foreshadow an aggressive military action. Under the plan, NATO would deploy a task force to oversee the voluntary disarmament of the Albanian rebels once an agreed cease fire is in place and there is a clear commitment by armed groups to surrender their weapons. The United States is prepared to assist the process by providing command and control, communications, medical assistance and logistical support. Earlier, Bush issued an executive order prohibiting, effective Wednesday, U.S. citizens from having financial or other types of commercial dealings with the ethnic Albanian rebels. He also barred their entry into the United States. Bush told reporters he has some evidence that the ``ethnic Albanian extremists are raising money not only in America but in Europe.'' He said the United States must not be a conduit for funds used in support of extremist activities that destabilize Macedonia's democratically-elected government. Bush press secretary Ari Fleischer said the United States ``must face down extremists in Macedonia and elsewhere who seek to use violence to redraw borders or subvert the democratic process.'' In an incident Monday in Macedonia, a convoy of about 20 U.S.-contracted buses, protected by 81 U.S. troops and armed Humvees, transported ethnic Albanian fighters and civilians from a suburb of Macedonia's capital to a mostly ethnic Albanian village to the north. The move sparked rioting and shooting in the capital, Skopje, by thousands of Macedonian Slavs who demanded harsher action against the rebels and an end to outside intervention. There are about 700 U.S. troops in Macedonia - mainly providing logistical support for the American peacekeeping forces in neighboring Kosovo - but they had not previously intervened directly in the hostilities in Macedonia. The unsettled situation in Macedonia was highlighted on Wednesday when the U.S. Embassy in Skopje ordered up to 30 Americans to leave Macedonia following the riots, which revealed rising anti-Western sentiment. An embassy spokeswoman said the order to evacuate some 10 non-essential embassy staff and 20 contract workers was intended to shield U.S. citizens from ethnic violence. State Department spokesman Philip Reeker said the situation in Macedonia is potentially dangerous because of continuing armed clashes between Macedonian security forces and rebel forces. Reeker noted that an earlier warning to American citizens to defer all travel to Macedonia has been updated. He said the department suggests that U.S. citizens living in Macedonia should continue ``to review their personal security situations and exercise caution. And if appropriate, depart the country.'' From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jun 27 21:51:10 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 27 Jun 2001 21:51:10 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NATO says no plan to return Albanians to Macedonia Message-ID: <105.56af74d.286be78e@aol.com> NATO says no plan to return Albanians to Macedonia By Douglas Hamilton BRUSSELS, June 27 (Reuters) - NATO has completed planning for a force to collect the arms of Albanian guerrillas in Macedonia but has no plans to escort some 70,000 Albanian refugees back to their homes, a NATO official said on Wednesday. He said operation Essential Harvest, expected to require a force of around 3,000 troops, would be confined to setting up arms collection points and would only go ahead in a benign environment following conclusion of a peace agreement. Final approval of the plan by all 19 allies was expected by Friday morning and NATO was "pretty much close to having all the resources we need," pledged by various countries. An operation on Monday to evacuate 250 guerrillas and 200 civilians from the Albanian village of Aracinovo, whose occupation was said to put the capital Skopje within range of their mortars, was "an exception," the official told reporters. "It was certainly not a new form of NATO engagement or anything like that," he said. "We're not considering at all an intervention force," the official added, declining to speculate on what will happen if no peace is concluded. He said NATO hoped the villagers would return to Aracinovo, but the alliance would not organise it. "We're not, certainly not at this stage, into putting together another task which would be to bring back these people. If a demilitarisation process creates the conditions for these people to come back that would be wonderful," he said. The UN refugee agency says some 70,000 Albanians have fled during five months of fighting, leaving some of their villages near the Kosovo and Yugoslavia border virtually empty. NO TIME TO PAINT BUSES The Aracinovo evacuation was also not a NATO operation as such, the NATO official said. Units of the U.S. French and Italian logistics teams in Macedonia had provided buses and escort for the convoys on a bilateral basis. "We didn't have time to paint the buses or provide shirts and ties for the drivers," the official said, explaining that a plan to have commercial contr actors do the bussing failed at the last moment and time was of the essence. The evacuation enraged Macedonians who had been told by their government that the guerrillas had surrendered and thought NATO was taking the rebels' side. Parliament was briefly occupied and shots were fired in the air. NATO spokesman Yves Brodeur denied reports in Macedonian media alleging that NATO, acting unilaterally, had provided the guerrillas with an "escape route." "This is not true. Everything that has been done was done in full consultation with the consent and approval of the Macedonian government as a whole at all stages of the operation," he said. The NATO official was asked about reports that the Macedonian prime minister and interior minister had triggered angry protests by condemning the NATO-assisted evacuation. "It's not helpful when you have dissenting voices, once a decision has been made and agreed by all, people who run in the street and start telling the president this was not a good decision, although they've been part and parcel of that decision," he said. From ipilika at hotmail.com Thu Jun 28 10:14:02 2001 From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika) Date: Thu, 28 Jun 2001 14:14:02 -0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] General Wesley Clark Message-ID: The Albanian-American Civic League In honor of General Wesley Clark Former Supreme Allied Commander, Europe Date: Monday, July 2, 2001 Kosova?s Independence Day Time: 5:30 ? 8:00 p.m. Place: The Royal Regency Hotel 165 Tuckahoe Road ? Yonkers, New York (914)476-6200 Directions: Take the NY Throughway-Route 87 (Major Deegan) to Yonkers-Tuckahoe Road Exit 6 Admission Fee: $40 per person The admission fee covers a signed hard cover copy of General Clark?s new book, Waging Modern War, and food and nonalcoholic beverages. A cash bar will be available for beer, wine and cocktails. The reception and book signing will begin at 5:30 p.m. At 6:30 p.m. General Clark will speak about the war in Kosova, the current conflict in Macedonia, and the future of the Balkans. A question-and-answer session will follow. For more information contact the Albanian American Civic League at (914)762-5530 _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: clark.doc Type: application/octet-stream Size: 20992 bytes Desc: not available URL: From ipilika at hotmail.com Thu Jun 28 10:27:38 2001 From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika) Date: Thu, 28 Jun 2001 14:27:38 -0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Guardian: Police retake gutted town of seven people Message-ID: Police retake gutted town of seven people Macedonia's interior minister says his forces will stay, despite an agreement for a demilitarised zone Special report: Macedonia Nicholas Wood, Aracinovo Thursday June 28, 2001 The Guardian Wearing bullet-proof vests and khaki fatigues, heavily armed Macedonian police yesterday moved back into the town of Aracinovo, 20 days after ethnic Albanian rebels had occupied it by simply walking into it. Now the police were returning under a controversial deal brokered by Nato and the European Union. Under the eyes of monitors from the EU and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, they began the slow process of house-to-house searches early in the morning. Every 20 minutes or so, a low bang could be heard, perhaps the sound of a grenade being lobbed into a house, or the work of explosives experts. In the centre of the town four elderly men looked on. "They didn't defeat them [the rebels]," said Raif Mehmeti, a 63-year-old Albanian who remained at home through the fighting in the town. "It was done under the agreement, otherwise they [the police] would never have been able to come," he said defiantly. "It was a lie that the army troops got even half way into the village." On Monday, up to 500 rebels left the area, accompanied by a US army escort. They were released into the mountains about seven miles away with their weapons. Behind them they left a scene that has almost become familiar in Macedonia. Like almost a dozen towns and villages before it, Aracinovo looked devastated, a testament to three days of shelling by the Macedonian army. The town lies on a hill overlooking the capital, Skopje. At the foot of the slopes is the area previously inhabited by ethnic Slavs. It was this that served as the NLA's front line and received the heaviest battering. Bloated dead cows lay in fields, their feet stiff in the air from rigor mortis. There were gaping holes in the side of houses, craters in the road and sprays of shrapnel marks along the walls. The main road leading to the centre of the town was strewn with rubble, collapsed telegraph poles and wires cut in two. There was little direct evidence of the rebel presence apart from white sandbags marking the point where they had set up their checkpoints at the entrance to the town. In one house five rocket-launched grenades had been left behind; in another three berets lay amid mattresses laid out on a cellar floor. The town's two mosques were both hit. Minarets are often the first targets of the Macedonian army in this conflict. Artillery teams use the towers to calibrate the sights on their guns. Here and there teams of Macedonian police drove by in armoured vehicles, or parked outside a house. At one point two black jeeps with tinted windows drove at speed into the main square. Four body guards jumped out, followed by a balding man wearing dark glasses. The interior minister, Ljube Boskovski, had come to inspect the progress of the police. "I don't want any journalist here. Move them away," he said, before jumping back into his vehicle and speeding off. There was confusion over the exact role of the police. Under the Nato-brokered withdrawal, Aracinovo is meant to become a demilitarised zone. Western diplomats had interpreted that as meaning that the police would withdraw from the area after an initial inspection. But Mr Boskovski, an opponent of the deal with the rebels, later announced that his security forces were there to stay. "We will remain in Aracinovo. We have not reached the drugs factory yet,"he said, referring to an alleged plant used by the rebels to process narcotics. "We are here with international representatives who are monitoring the means we are using to do the searches. "We have found a very large amount of weapons and ammunition The village was well fortified. The forces are here to restore peace and calm." Except for about seven people, however, the town was empty. The last of the other families left when the rebels pulled out. And if previous Albanian villages retaken by the Macedonian army are anything to go by, Aracinovo's former residents are unlikely to return in large numbers soon. Among those who had chosen to stay, was 71-year old Marika Panotova. She and one other woman were the only two ethnic Slavs to remain throughout the rebel occupation of Aracinovo. She stayed in an Albanian neighbour's cellar for part of the time, to shelter from the army's shelling. "Tell them about the NLA giving you bread," one of the Albanian elders standing nearby told Mrs Panotova as we spoke. "Yes, they gave me bread," she said. Then she added under her breath as the men moved away: "I cooked my own bread, they only gave me bread one or twice... It wasn't enough. It was nothing." Interactive guide _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From kbejko at hotmail.com Fri Jun 29 09:24:57 2001 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Fri, 29 Jun 2001 09:24:57 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek MPs oppose Milosevic extradiction Message-ID: AFP, June 29, 2001 Greek deputies oppose Milosevic transfer to UN court ATHENS, June 28 - A vast majority of Greece?s parliamentary deputies sent a petition to the Yugoslav embassy here on Thursday opposing the transfer of former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic to face war crimes charges in The Hague. "We express our categorical opposition to the appearance of Milosevic in the court because it is clear that the indictment and the whole procedure go beyond legal measures and violate any notion of national sovereignty and international law," the petition stated. Some 77 of the Greek parliament?s 100 deputies had signed the document. Yugoslavia?s Constitutional Court on Thursday froze a government decree passed last week which paved the way for the transfer of war crimes suspects -- including Milosevic -- to face trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Belgrade came under massive pressure, particularly from the United States, to cooperate with the UN court or risk losing desperately needed international aid to rebuild the battered country. The Greek petition said that Belgrade took its decision "under intolerable pressure from the forces which didn?t hesitate to bombard Yugoslavia without pity under the premise of defending human rights," referring to NATO?s bombardment of the country in 1999. The alliance launched the campaign in response to Belgrade?s crackdown on ethnic Albanians in the breakaway province of Kosovo in 1998-1999, the episode for which Milosevic is facing war crimes charges. The Greek Communist Party also announced that one of its leaders, Stratis Korakas, had met with Milosevic in the Belgrade prison that has been his home since he was arrested on April 1 on domestic accusations of corruption and abuse of power. Korakas said he sent the former hardline leader "the warm greetings of all Greek communists and congratulations for his dignified attitude, courage and pride before his accusers." According to the party?s statement, Milosevic said he and his collaborators "were being targetted by NATO because they had not bowed their heads under the orders" of the alliance. Greek Foreign Minister Panos Beglitis, however, said that Milosevic?s extradition remained a question for "Yugoslavia?s political forces and the democratically elected government, which is dealing with the affair in a responsible way." Greece, traditionally a very strong ally of Belgrade, "is following the issue with particular interest," he added. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From Heljo at mediaone.net Fri Jun 22 16:31:02 2001 From: Heljo at mediaone.net (Sejfi Protopapa) Date: Fri, 22 Jun 2001 16:31:02 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Two articles in English Message-ID: <003201c0fb5a$41bce220$36a56041@ne.mediaone.net> GREEK GOVERNANCE* - FAKE DEMOCRACY (*Governance here refers to all institutions and individuals with influence) Edvin Bodari When the Greek state was conceived in 1830 it was comprised of four ethnic groups: the Greeks, the Albanians, the Turks and the Vlach. Later, with a number of expansionist wars that served to fulfill the plans of the megali idea (the grand idea: a notion where extreme Greek nationalism and religious intolerance are intertwined), another large group was added, the Slavs. Thus the country that called itself Greece had a Greek population that did not surpass thirty per cent of the total local population. This changed in 1922 when the migrations from Asia Minor added one million and three hundred thousand Greek refugees for a total of four million inhabitants. Now, after 150 years, Greece claims to be the most homogeneous country in the Balkans with only two percent of its population declaring that they do not belong to its dominant Greek orthodox group. How did Greece achieve this unparalleled homogeneity which the other Balkan countries have strived to imitate without results? They achieved this by way of annihilation of linguistic, cultural and religious identities. (National identities had not been created in the rest of the Balkans, or they were being created without the support of a central state and as such they did not pose any threat). They imposed the Greek language as the only official language of the state and the church, they instituted coercion practices, social and economical boycott and they placed additional restrictions on all those who continued to maintain their unique identities. They even resorted to ethnic cleansing when their assimilation methods would not succeed. In 1945 the Greek army, under general N. Zervas, expelled to Albania thirty-five thousand ?ams, Moslem Albanians, from Southern Epirus in Northwestern Greece. One of the most successfully assimilated group is the Arvanitas, Albanians that had moved throughout Greece during the 13th and 14th centuries. However, considering that perhaps the Arvanitas were the largest non-Greek group and settled in compact units before the urbanization of the Greek society, and since Greece is bordered to the North by Albania, the Greek leadership has always doubted as to whether it had fully accomplished its goal of assimilation with regard to this ethnic group. This uncertainty increased in the beginning of the 1990s with the tide of Albanian immigrants to Greece. The old generation of Arvanitas began to bring out their lost language and along with it the suppressed feelings. They started remembering lullabies, songs of their youth, ballads of valorous men who fought and defeated the Turks under their leader Gjergj Kastrioti (Scanderbeg), who was their source of pride in the Albanian ancestry. During these developments, instinctively, the Greek governance reactivated all its national resources to protect the Greek ethnicity. From 1993 on, the image of the Albanian immigrant was demonized and as a result he suffered such a terror that makes one think of the pogroms against the Jews. Greek "democracy" which the Greeks have already claimed as their invention, like all achievements of the ancient Hellenic civilization, was violating the most basic human right, that of protecting and respecting human dignity. This anti-Albanian hysteria was successfully propagated through the masses and served well to achieve two objectives: a. On one hand to create distance and hostility on the part of the Arvanitas towards the newly arrived Albanians. They should not be identified again with a condemned and castaway ethnic group. b. And on the other hand it fueled a belief among the immigrants themselves that being an Albanian is dishonorable and that they themselves deserve what was happening to them by virtue of being Albanian. The torch of anti-Albanian propaganda was carried out and is still being carried out by the Greek mass media, who on these occasions display a cultivated unity of purpose, that successfully created the image of the Albanian immigrant to be: poor, wretched, ignorant and especially a criminal human being. These media have zealously supported the ethnocentrism of the Greek elite that backs and labors for the creation of a homogenous society. The profile of this society is established upon a dominant and exclusive ethnic, cultural and religious Greek model and as a result a society more amenable to a chauvinistic behaviour. Thus the Albanians who live in the Greek society, having become victims to this propaganda, try to avoid any kind of connection with Albania. At the same time they try to purge themselves from all distinguishable Albanian traits so that they are not identified with the cultivated demon created by the Greek society, a xenophobic society. At the same time the Albanian emigrants have been victims of an institutionalized racism that has denied them the most basic of human rights, recognized by all international conventions. Infringements and abuses by state organs, especially the Greek police, have been and are a daily phenomenon. However, there is a sharp contrast with the behavior of the Greek governance towards those Albanian immigrants who "declare" that they are not of Albanian nationality but "fellow-countrymen" ("omogenis" a Greek word that in is the same as "homogenous") from Vorios Epiros, Northern Epirus, the name that the Greeks use for southern Albania. At present, according to Greek sources there are over one hundred and fifty thousand Albanian citizens who have a "document" that proves that they are from "Northern Epirus". That "document" is the basis for the Greek government to issue new identification papers that immediately guarantees them a much broader set of rights (free medical care, more ease for "vorioepiriotes" students in Greek universities, travel opportunities in Europe etc.) and the "hope" that in the near future they will acquire Greek citizenship. This Greek government activity has produced far more converts amomg ethnic Albanian immigrants than the real "fellow countrymen" from the Greek Minority region in Albania. For the new immigrant, the social picture is completed by the work of the Greek educational system that makes sure that all residents are imbued with the tenets of Greek culture. Note that no aspect of the Greek educational system has changed since the beginning of the state when it adapted the myth of the "three thousand years of continuity" and the position of the historian Paparigopoulos, who was not only a grecocentrist but also campaigned with fervor for the ideas of Panhellenism. As a consequence, every immigrant child attending Greek schools, at any level, is subjected to a process of indoctrination with the idea of the superiority and the uniqueness of the Greek culture and race. In order to further consolidate this campaign, Greece compares its economic achievements with those of the neighboring countries, thus exploiting their misfortune with the communist experience. Albania and the other countries of the Balkans who went through some fifty years of communism, for the time being, cannot face up to this Greek challenge. With this economic disadvantage the Albanian immigrant is inclined to further succumb to the assimilation campaign of Greek propaganda. While the "democratic" Greek state complains in every international forum that Albania is abusing the Greek minority and that the country does not comply with present day visions of a civil society, the Greeks themselves are forcefully assimilating the Albanian immigrants and doing so with impunity. As they expect that most Albanian immigrants will settle permanently in Greece, the Greek government is bent on completely destroying the Albanian identity of the immigrants whereas a civil society would require Greece to accept the Albanians with their own culture, whatever the differences, instead of the current policy of forcing the ethnic Greek credo upon them. This pretend democracy, that even the United States offers as an example to be imitated, has reached the level of perfection in the art of hypocrisy. Nothing exists that is not challenged effectively. However, Greece is facing a dilemma. On one hand it cannot ignore the Albanian immigrant, since eventually it will be obliged to give them wider recognition. On the other hand, as the exploitation of the Albanian immigrants is exposed, Greece will be known also for the repression of ethnic minorities, in addition to its pre-eminence for the repression of religious freedom. (Among the countries ranked with regard to the cases presented at the European Court for Human Rights, Greece comes first, far ahead of the second, for the repression of its citizens of minority religions who are not members of the dominant Orthodox Church in Greece). Then everyone will discover what is hidden behind the curtain of make-believe that claims the temple of a civilization emerging from the grave: the temple is a corpse without any signs of revival. The assimilation of the Albanians in Greece is a desperate and hopeless situation, as it follows in the footsteps of the Arvanitas and therefore the Albanian intellectuals, all intellectuals, wherever they are, should be aware of the situation. Edvin Bodari (The author is a 3rd year student, majoring in International and European studies, University of Social and political sciences, Pandios, Athens, Greece). The original was published in Illyria June 1-4, 2001, #1042. Translated from Albanian by S. Protopapa ========= Why is the Albanian language forbidden in the Albanian Orthodox Church of Saranda? By Sokrat Dhima Not long ago, the town of Saranda (a resort seaport on the southern coast of Albania) had been, at most, a modest port that developed into a commercial center with a small population during the reign of King Zog. After WW II, the town grew gradually with newcomers from the surrounding villages. Along with these newcomers came a number of ethnic Greeks (Minoritar?). This brief history of the town shows why Saranda is not considered an ethnic Greek town. During the communist dictatorship there were no Greek schools in Saranda while there were Greek schools in every nearby village where Greek was spoken. These Greek language schools continue to operate to this day. The new and impressive Orthodox Church of St. Harallambi stands in one of the roadways crossing Saranda. It was built and paid for by the Bank of Greece. Before the church was built, services were conducted in a building referred to by the elders of the town as 'sht?pia e beut' (the house of the bey). The services were conducted on the first floor whereas Fr. Kristo Papa occupied the second floor where he continues to live at this time. Originally Fr. Kristo came from the ethnic Greek village of Aliko. He was ordained into the priesthood in Greece and after spending some time in various Greek monasteries to learn the professional aspects of the job, he was appointed to the church of Saranda by His Beatitude the Archbishop of Tiran? and all Albania Anastasios (Yannulatos). St. Harallambi is the only church in town and under the stewardship of Fr.Kristo all services, the sermon and all other church functions are conducted in Greek. Following an Orthodox Christian point of view, the Greek language should be used for the benefit of the ethnic Greek faithful who attend the services, regardless of whether the government supports Greek schools in the town as it does in the ethnic Greek villages nearby. However, logic has fallen by the wayside and instead Greek language is used exclusively, ignoring entirely the Albanian faithful who want to attend the church services. The original Byzantine Greek is used for the liturgy whereas for the sermon and the priest' s communication with the parishioners is in Modern Greek. The chanter is Fr. Kristo's son who chants mostly on Sundays. The Sunday choir uses Greek text and the choir leader is a young lady who comes for this purpose from Ioannina, Greece. The church has been taken over completely by ethnic Greeks, led by the missionaries sent by Greece, saying 'The church was built by the Greeks and we are the majority'. Meanwhile those of us who cannot speak Greek are left at the mercy of all the other sects and religious denominations that crisscross Albania up and down the country. The Albanians are free to follow any religion they wish or need, but when it comes to the point when, in peace time, they are denied the attendance of services in their own language, in their own country, in the church of their own ancestors, it is proper to say that a cardinal sin has been committed. Fr. Kristo is the head of the church council. He appointed three Albanian members of the council as representatives of 'the Albanian Orthodox minority' in Saranda. They are able and must speak Greek since that is the official language of the meetings that are often attended by the Greek representative of the Archbishop, Archimandrite Dimitrios who is the chancellor of the Metropolis of Gjirokast?r. During the last ten years, since the arrival of Bishop Anastasios in Albania, all of his representatives in Saranda have been archimandrite priests from Greece. One of them was the famous Krisostomos who was expelled from Albania in 1994 when caught red handed conducting an anti-Albanian campaign. As an obvious reprisal, in a three day period, the Greek government expelled from Greece sixty thousand (60,000) Albanian immigrants. After the expulsion of Krisostomos, for his replacement to Saranda, Archbishop Anastasios assigned Archimandrite Efrem, a former military chaplain and army major who to this day receives his pension from the Greek military. In 1995, during Easter celebrations, there was a confrontation between the Albanian speaking and Greek speaking faithful. It was Holy Friday when Fr. Efrem refused the parishioners' requests to hear a few words in Albanian during the procession of the Epitaph through the streets of Saranda. "Here all are Greek!" said the reverend Efrem who turned red with anger. "Those who do not want Greek do not belong here!". The church in Saranda is under the jurisdiction of the Metropolis of Gjirokast?r which is the only metropolis in Albania without a bishop. Therefore, the Archbishop, who has never responded to our complaints pertaining to the use of Albanian in worship, is directly responsible for all church assignments and every other detail related to the church. He assigned Fr. Efrem to Saranda and it was his decision to elevate him to the position of igumen (the abbot) of the Monastery of Ardenica in Fier. The Greek incursion in the church of Saranda will be further enhanced with the enthronement of a Greek priest as the Metropolitan of Gjirokast?r. This may happen quietly, on the sly, and is likely to take place immediately after the coming parliamentary elections in Albania on June 24. The Archbishop is preoccupied with the question of the Holy Synod (the Council of Bishops), particularly since Orthodox theologians abroad are concerned with canonical procedures, the latter being less than orderly in the Church of Albania. A canonical synod should have five bishops while today there are only three in Albania. At the same time there are, behind the scenes, efforts to avoid an uncontrollable situation with regard to the vacancy in the Metropolis of Gjirokast?r, especially in view of the health and age of the current Archbishop. Discreetly, the Greek government has made suggestions that a Greek bishop be elected to the post in order to avoid leaving the ethnic Greeks in Albania without a bishop or worse yet with an Albanian Bishop. The church issue in Saranda has political ramifications and is intrinsically connected to the whole situation of the Orthodox Church in Albania. It is imperative to improve the situation in Saranda to avoid a spark for further deterioration. Recently, Fr. Arthur Liolin, the chancellor of the Albanian Archdiocese in America, has established a solid bridge of understanding with Archbishop Anastasios. Appropriately, he may be the intermediary to a balanced approach to this problem. Also, Prof. Dr. Ylli Popa, as the legal advisor of Archbishop Anastasios in Albania since 1991, and as the current head of the Albanian Academy of Sciences, should be concerned with the situation and intervene to remedy it. What is needed here is not the suppression of the Greek Minority, but the liberation of the Orthodox church in Saranda from the absurdity of the "Albanian Minority". The anti-Albanian priest and those who prop him up should not pursue such a travesty especially when there is an Albanian state and an Albanian Autocephalous Church. The mesmerizing campaign of Anastasios around the world, full of diplomatic double talk, does not hold water any more. A balanced solution must be put in place in Saranda in order to enhance the brotherhood of all Orthodox without ethnic distinctions. The neglect and the consequent gradual estrangement of the Orthodox Albanian faithful are a malfeasance that should not be ignored by the leadership of the governance of Albania. To remedy the situation in Saranda there are many solutions from which to choose while complying with Orthodox tradition and accounting for the sensitivities of the region. If the ethnic Greeks do not wish to celebrate the Liturgy together with the Albanians, so be it. However, there could be two separate Liturgy services, one in each language. Then, each faithful is free to pick the service of his choice. It is true that the church was built by the Greeks, but let there be some recognition for us poor folks that did not raise any objections while the church was placed in our land. Both the priest and the chanter know Albanian as well as Greek. In the near future, one could build a second church in Saranda in order to put an end to this absurdity. Consequently, everyone will be free to choose the Liturgy of his choice. However, I think that the seeming hatred between the two groups in the church of Saranda is a contrived situation. We have lived together for a long time in peace and with understanding for each other. Until a new church is built we, the Orthodox of Saranda, could very nicely attend the same Liturgy in Greek and Albanian and celebrate together the holy gifts, with one faith and one heart, as we worship the same God, crucified and risen, who understands very well both Albanian and Greek. This article is an appeal addressed to all of those of good will who are concerned for the well being of the Albanian Orthodox Church and especially to those with influence to evaluate and resolve the issue of the church in Saranda for the benefit of the Orthodox Church. Saranda, June 10, 2001 (All Saints Day) (The original Albanian article was published in ILLYRIA #1045, June 12-14, 2001). Translation by S. Protopapa . -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- [ The following attachment was DELETED when this message was saved: ] [ A Application/MSWORD (Name="THE GOVERNANCE IN GREECE.doc") segment o ] -------------- next part -------------- [ The following attachment was DELETED when this message was saved: ] [ A Application/MSWORD (Name="=?iso-8859-1?Q?Why_is_the_Albanian_langu ] From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jun 4 23:09:09 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 4 Jun 2001 20:09:09 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ne kerkim te nje fati te ri - Kadare Message-ID: <20010605030909.66088.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> N? K?RKIM T? NJ? FATI T? RI Nga Ismail Kadare Nj? jet?n e popujve q?llon shpesh q? problemet e m?dha shfaqen n? trajt? ciklike. Ky riciklim tregon se hallet e m?dha, t? mbetura pa zgjidhje, e trazojn? n? stin? t? ndryshme nj?lloj si t?rmetet nd?rgjegjen e k?tyre popujve. Ato m? s? shumti quhen si faj i t? tjer?ve, shpesh n? m?nyr? p?rd?llyese poetizohen si fat tragjik dhe vet?m rrall?her? konsiderohen si faj i vet? popujve. Historia ballkanase ?sht? e shenjuar nga nj? viktimologji e till?. E jona ve?an?risht. N? k?t? sprov? do t? ceken disa nga k?to probleme. P?r t? tjera ??shtje, q? kan? lidhje t? t?rthort? madje rast?sore me to, do t? flitet gjithashtu. Por as p?r t? parat, as p?r t? dytat nuk pretendohet t? flitet n? m?nyr? shteruese. Jan? thjesht sh?nime t? nxitura nga dita e ngarkuar, nga pak?naq?sia apo nervozizmi yn? n? or?n e lajmeve n? TV ose fill pas mbylljes s? ekraneve, n? or?t e vetmis? son?. ME PER?NDIMIN APO KUND?R TIJ ?sht? pyetja q? ndoshta m? s? shumti ?sht? p?rs?ritur n? k?t? gadishull t? vjet?r. Ka qen? shtruar, me sa duket, qysh me ndarjen e Rom?s nga Bizanti, n? fillim t? mij?vje?arit t? dyt? p?r t'u p?rt?rir? n? mes t? tij at?her? kur nj? forc? e tret?, e vrullshme si nj? luan i ri, iu sul dy mbret?rive t? vjetra, Perandoria Osmane. Midis ?oroditjes s? plot? q? u krijua n? gadishull, midis trumbetave t? luft?s dhe fyejve t? paqes, midis k?rc?nimeve e joshjeve, shkurt midis kaosit proverbial ballkanik, u gjet dhe populli shqiptar. Nuk ishte as m? i mir? dhe as m? i keq se t? tjer?t, ndaj ishte e natyrshme t? b?nte t? nj?jtat gabime e t? kishte t? nj?jtin fat si t? tjer?t. Nj?ri pas tjetrit k?ta popuj u rr?zuan. Ata i n?nshtroi jo vet?m jatagani turk, si? pretendojn? ballkanasit dhe as vet?m shpirt?sia osmane, si? pretendojn? otoman?t, po t? dyja bashk?. Nd?rkaq, pak p?rpara se t? binte perdja e aktit t? fundit t? nj?r?s prej dramave, asaj shqiptare, prij?si i k?tij populli, Gjergj Kastrioti, bashk? me rebelimin e tij t? bujsh?m kund?r shtetit osman, shpalli nj? ide t? re e nj? ideal t? ri: ndarje me Lindjen, aleanc? me Per?ndimin. Ky nd?rrim i kahut t? historis?, ky programim i ri i saj u b? p?r shqiptar?t orientimi themelor i jet?s s? tyre. Ishte kaq i fort?, saq? nuk e shuan dot as shekujt e gjat? t? pranis? turke, as pluhuri e p?rgjumja e "pax ottomana". Shqiptar?t t? dalluar si p?r dashuri, si p?r mohim t? atdheut, b?n? gabime e marr?zi t? nj?pasnj?shme, megjithat? nuk mund t? thuhet se i kthyen krah?t idealit kastriotian. Edhe kur nd?rruan atdhe e fe, n? nj? k?nd t? nd?rgjegjes s? tyre mbeti si qiri i zbeht? kujtimi i princit katolik q? u kishte m?suar se liria e tyre ishte pjes? e liris? s? Evrop?s. Nj? hero nuk p?rb?n gjithmon? nj? kujtim ngaz?llyes. Ai mund t? jet? edhe bezdis?s. Gjergj Kastrioti ka qen? p?r nj? koh? t? gjat? p?r nj? pjes? t? popullit shqiptar nj? qortim i heshtur. P?r t? jetuar me nj? kujtim t? till? nuk ?sht? leht?. Dhe n? raste t? tilla ka dy zgjidhje: ta shkul?sh nga nd?rgjegjja ose ta modifikosh. Nj? pjes? e shqiptar?ve e ruajti t? paprekur figur?n e Kastriotit. Pjesa m? e prapambetur e tyre e modifikoi at? sipas mend?sis? s? saj t? varf?r e oportuniste. Nga nj? ideator e programues t? madh, e shnd?rroi n? nj? kondotier ballkanas, te i cili shpata dhe kali zinin vendin kryesor. Nd?rkaq kultura dhe let?rsia shqipe e mbajti t? gjall? figur?n e prij?sit. Kjo u d?shmua n? veprat e shkrimtar?ve katolik? t? shekujve XVII-XVIII. Por nj? gj? e till? u rid?shmua sidomos gjat? Rilindjes Shqiptare, kur personazhi i ngritur befas nga terri e mori gjith? shk?lqimin e tij si bart?s i evropianizmit. Vargjet e famshme: "O drit?z e bekuar q? lind nga per?ndon", n? t? cilat shpallet programi i rilindasve p?r rikthim te Evropa Per?ndimore, jan? shkruar nga nj? poet bektashi, pra i universit mysliman, Naim Frash?rit. Dilemat tragjike t? nj? populli shfaqen sidomos n? prag ose n? fund epokash. Ishte e kuptueshme q? pyetja: nga do t? shkonte Shqip?ria, t? ngrihej n? koh?n q? Perandoria Osmane po jepte shpirt. Duke dal? prej saj gati e p?rgjysmuar, Shqip?ria e pagoi dyzimin e saj. M? shum? se shp?rblim p?r q?ndres?n, ajo mori nga Evropa d?nimin p?r oportunizmin e saj. E sikur t? mos mjaftonte ky fshikull, fill pas daljes n? liri, nj? l?vizje prapanike dhe monstruoze shp?rtheu n? Shqip?rin? e Mesme: kryengritja e Haxhi Qamilit. Mesazhi i saj ishte i qart?: kthim te Turqia, kund?r liris? s? Shqip?ris?. N? historin? e vendit ?sht? v?shtir? t? gjendet nj? njoll? m? e err?t. P?r her? t? par? vulgu shqiptar guxoi t? hidhte balt? kund?r ?do shenje t? vet. U shkel me k?mb? flamuri shqiptar, fytyra e Gjergj Kastriotit, gjuha shqipe dhe m?suesit e saj. N? luft? me bandat me shallvare t? Haxhi Qamilit e me bandat esadiste, t? nxitura nga Serbia, u vra koloneli holandez Thomson, i d?rguar n? Shqip?ri prej Fuqive t? M?dha, p?r organizimin e xhandarm?ris? s? shtetit t? par? shqiptar. Fan Noli, peshkopi dhe poeti i madh, i kushtoi nj? vjersh? mall?ngjyese, duke e quajtur martir t? Shqip?ris?. Nacionalist?t primitiv? shqiptar? hesht?n p?r vrasjen, sepse, sipas mendjes s? tyre t? mykur, vras?sit nuk mund t? d?noheshin, ngaq? i p?rkisnin komb?sis? shqiptare. Pa?ka se ata ishin llumi i zi i k?tij vendi. Pyetja: me Per?ndimin apo kund?r tij u shtrua n? at? koh? m? tragjikisht se kurr?. Tridhjetepes? vite m? pas, shefi i komunist?ve shqiptar?, Enver Hoxha, do t? deklaronte se koloneli Thomson ishte agjent i imperializmit dhe se "Haxhi Qamili ?sht? i partis?". ?sht? nj? nga deklaratat makabre kur shpallej kumti ogurzi: Shqip?ria i kthente krah?t Per?ndimit, p?r t? shkuar p?rfundimisht me Lindjen. Gjith? kronika e komunizmit n? Shqip?ri mund t? p?rmblidhet n? disa radh?: shkelje me k?mb? e orientimit t? Gjergj Kastriotit dhe Rilindjes Komb?tare. Armiq?si e eg?r ndaj qytet?rimit per?ndimor. Miq?si e mbrapsht? me ata q? nuk i kishim miq: serb?, sovjetik?, kinez?. N? fund, ve?im vet?vras?s. Ndarja nga bota e Shqip?ris? ishte n? radh? t? par? ndarje nga Evropa dhe SHBA. Katastrof? m? e pashpres? nuk mund t? projektohej p?r shqiptar?t. Gabimeve t? tyre t? vjetra po u shtohej nj? tjet?r faj, k?t? her? i pafalsh?m dhe fatal. Ky ve?im po i merrte frym?n jo vet?m Shqip?ris? shtet?rore, por gjith? shqiptar?ve kudo q? jetonin e sidomos Kosov?s. Shpresa p?r lirin? e saj ishte varrosur m? thell? se kurr?. E PABESUESHMJA Mbarimi i mij?vje?arit t? dyt? kishte ruajtur p?r popullin shqiptar surpriz?n m? t? pabesueshme: Evropa Atlantike, e mallkuar p?r dyzet vjet nga propaganda komuniste, e shpallur armike e betuar e shqiptar?ve, ngrihet befas n? nj? aksion politik e ushtarak t? pashembullt p?r t? mbrojtur popullin, t? braktisur gjer at?her? n? m?shir? t? fatit. Tronditja ishte planetare. U trand?n aleancat, strategjit?, parimet morale. M? shum? se nga bombat e NATO-s opinioni serb u traumatizua nga ajo q? dukej si fundi i bot?s: po nd?shkohej Serbia p?r shkak t? shqiptar?ve t? Kosov?s. Nj? l?vizje n? aksin e boshtit t? tok?s nuk do t? b?nte ndoshta m? pak p?rshtypje. P?r nj? koh? t? shkurt?r populli shqiptar fitoi at? njohje e at? miq?si t? bot?s per?ndimore, q? as n? ?nd?rrimet m? t? guximshme nuk e kishte p?rfytyruar. Testamenti i madh i Gjergj Kastriotit dhe i Rilindjes u duk se ngadhnjeu m? n? fund: aleanc? me Per?ndimin. Ishte kaq e magjishme saq? zgjonte at? frik? bestyte q? provonin t? vjetrit kur dyshonin se mund t? zgjonin smir?n e qiellit. Dhe ajo nuk vonoi. Pas hutimit t? par? pasuan z?rat kund?rshtues: a e meritonin shqiptar?t k?t? miq?si? Mos ishte gabim kjo nd?rhyrje? Mos duhej ndrequr sa m? shpejt ky keqkuptim? Dhe makina q? k?rkonte revizionimin e gjith?kaje u vu n? l?vizje. Por makina nuk ishte e besueshme kur punonte me l?nd? serbe. As britmat proserbe t? miqve nuk mjaftonin. P?r t? revizionuar gjith?ka n? d?m t? shqiptar?ve duhej ndihma e vet? shqiptar?ve. Kam udh?tuar n? Kosov? n? vjesht? t? vitit 1999, pak koh? pas ?lirimit t? saj. Krahas ngaz?llimit deh?s t? liris? q? ndeshej kudo, nuk mungonin fytyra t? ngrira, p?r t? mos th?n? t? zymta. P?rpiqeshin nj?far?soj ta p?rligjnin munges?n e entuziazmit. Kishte shum? probleme n? Kosov?. UNMIK-u nuk orientohej mir?. KFOR-i gjithashtu. Gati-gati nuk po shqiptoheshin fjal?t "OKB-ja po d?shton n? Kosov?", fjal? me t? cilat Beogradi p?rpiqej t? shurdhonte bot?n. N? nj? intervist? mendova t? b?j nj? propozim mjaft delikat: kosovar?t e rekrutuar nga sh?rbimi sekret serb ishte mir? t? faleshin publikisht prej Kosov?s. Ishte e vetmja m?nyr? p?r t'i shp?tuar nga ankthi dhe sidomos p?r ta neutralizuar makin?n e p?rbindshme serbe. Intervista u prit nga nj? heshtje e plot? n? shtyp. Ishte e kuptueshme: njeriu i par? q? do ta p?rkrahte do t? dyshohej se e kishte miz?n n?n k?sul?. SH?RBIMET E FSHEHTA T? HUAJA N? SHQIP?RI M? shum? se n? ?do vend t? bot?s, n? Shqip?rin? komuniste flitej p?r spiun? t? huaj. M? pak se kudo ata kapeshin k?tu. P?r dyzetepes? vjet me radh? mburrjet e sigurimit shqiptar p?rplaseshin me k?t? dush t? ftoht?. P?r t? fshehur paaft?sin? e tij dhe p?r t? reklamuar ca suksese minimale, sigurimi shqiptar n? m?nyr?n m? burracake iu sul grave t? gjora ruse. N? munges? t? spiun?ve t? v?rtet?, ishin ato q? u shpall?n spiune. Si t? tilla u ndoq?n, u burgos?n e u internuan pa m?shir?. Shkakun e k?saj paaft?sie e shpjegojn? sakt? dy vargje t? nj? poeti gjerman: "Ai tregon me dor? armikun tej kufirit, po mendjen e ka tek ty". Sigurimi shqiptar kishte p?r detyr? t? p?rgjonte e t? shtypte kryesisht shtetasit e vet. Nd?rkaq agjenturat e huaja, kryesisht ato lindore, me n? krye agjentur?n sovjetike, kan? mbetur t? paprekura ende sot n? Shqip?ri. Vite me radh? ato ngjanin si t? fjetura. Ishin t? tilla jo nga ndonj? droj? p?rpara "syrit prej shqiponje t? arm?s s? dashur t? partis?", por ngaq?, me sa duket, nuk e quanin t? nevojshme t? ndiheshin. Q?llimi kryesor i rrjetit agjenturor lindor n? Shqip?ri ishte t? pengonte me ?do kusht rr?shqitjen e k?tij vendi drejt Per?ndimit. "Ju do t'i shiteni Per?ndimit p?r tridhjet? aspra", i kishte th?n? Hrushovi Enver Hoxh?s m? 1960. Afrimi shqiptaro-per?ndimor ishte macja e zez? p?r rus?t. Nd?rkaq, p?rderisa k?t? mision, misionin e izolimit, m? shk?lqyesh?m se kushdo e kryente vet? regjimi komunist, veprimtaria agjenturore e jashtme s'ishte fort e nevojshme. Rrjeti lindor i zbulimit u ringjall, me sa dukej, n? Shqip?ri pas vdekjes s? Enver Hoxh?s. Ishte koha kur rreziku i shkarjes s? vendit drejt kahut t? urryer doli prap? n? sken?. Agjentura lindore duhej ta pengonte k?t? me ?do kusht. Sa m? staliniste vazhdonte t? mbetej Shqip?ria, aq m? t? qet? do ta b?nin gjumin rrethet tradicionale shqiptare. Dhe aq m? thell? do t? vazhdonte t? dergjej Kosova n? gjumin e rob?ris?. Nd?rkaq, pas izolimit t? gjat? kriminal, populli shqiptar nisi t? b?nte trysni mbi regjimin p?r hapjen ndaj bot?s. Trysnia rritej nga viti n? vit duke u shnd?rruar n? psikoz? n? vitin 1988. Ishte ajo q? u quajt "koha e shansit gjerman". Tek afrimi gjermano-shqiptar populli shihte t? vetmen m?nyr? p?r t'iu afruar Evrop?s Atlantike. Regjimi nuk guxonte t? prishte brutalisht k?t? iluzion. Ai vendosi t? luante nj? nga loj?rat m? hipokrite q? ishin zhvilluar ndonj?her? n? k?t? vend. Nga nj? an? b?nte sikur nuk e pengonte afrimin, nga ana tjet?r kishte vendosur t? kund?rt?n. Gjat? vizit?s s? ministrit t? Jasht?m gjerman, Gensherit, n? Tiran? n? konferenc?n ngaz?llyese t? shtypit t? dh?n? n? hotel "Dajti", fill pas bisedimeve, fytyra e homologut t? tij shqiptar ishte e prer?. Vet?m syt? e v?mendsh?m mund t? hetonin se di?ka e papast?r po ndodhte pas shpine. Ndon?se njer?zit ngryseshin e gdhiheshin me k?t? shpres?, afrimi me Gjermanin? nuk ndodhi kurr?. D?shira e regjimit u p?rputh si shpeshher? me misionin e agjentur?s sovjetike, q? ashtu si tutori i fsheht? "e mbronte Shqip?rin? nga murtaja per?ndimore". Bisedimet gjermano-shqiptare zgjateshin e st?rzgjateshin pa fund. Me gjakftoht?si gjerman?t p?rballonin trillet e emisar?ve shqiptar? q? venin e vinin n? Bon e q? k?rkonin ve? pretekste p?r nd?rprerje. "Po na v?n? kushte t? papranueshme", qaheshin k?ta emisar?, raportet e t? cil?ve kishte gjas? q? shkonin m? par? n? Mosk? se n? Tiran?. Cilat ishin k?to kushte t? r?nda? Kryesore citohej ??shtja e fes?. P?r t? p?rligjur ndihm?n p?rpara opinionit gjerman, duke kujtuar se kishin t? b?nin me krijesa q? kishin nj? minimum logjike dhe nj? minimum p?rkushtimi ndaj popullit t? vuajtur shqiptar, gjerman?t kishin k?rkuar nj?far? tolerance ndaj liris? s? besimit. Ishte nj? grem? i art? p?r regjimin shqiptar dhe p?r agjentur?n sovjetike, ndaj t? cilit do t? kapeshin me pasion. Nd?rkaq n? Bashkimin Sovjetik, pu?ist?t e ardhsh?m stalinist? organizoheshin. Dit? p?r dit? ato po shtinin n? dor? sektor?t kryesor? t? shtetit: politik?n e jashtme dhe policin? e fsheht?. Ka dokumente q? v?rtetojn? se ngritja e Miloshevi?it p?rkoi me fuqizimin e pu?ist?ve dhe u nxit prej tyre. Jan? t? gjitha gjasat t? v?rtetohet se stalinist?t rus? n? t? nj?jt?n koh? kan? r?n? n? kontakt me udh?heqjen shqiptare. Mesazhi ka qen? i qart?: mbahuni edhe pak. S? shpejti gjith?ka do t? zgjidhet globalisht. Me sa dukej lajmi i madh surpriz? q? pu?ist?t do t'i jepnin bot?s fill pas fitores do t? ishte rikthimi n? gjirin e perandoris? sovjetike e dy deleve t? ikura: Jugosllavis? dhe Shqip?ris?. Pu?i u krye n? gusht t? vitit 1991. N? krye u duk se fitoi. Tregojn? se at? nat? n? Tiran? u b?n? shum? darka t? g?zueshme. Disa or? m? pas, p?r fatin e Shqip?ris? dhe t? nj? pjese t? bot?s, ai d?shtoi. Dhe bashk? me t? ?ndrra e mbrapsht?, ?nd?rr e p?rbashk?t e par? n? Mosk? dhe n? Tiran?, p?r rikthimin e Shqip?ris? drejt Lindjes komuniste. LIRIA E KOSOV?S N? FILL T? PERIT T? kthehemi te pranvera e vitit 1999. Si? u tha m? lart, as n? skenar?t m? fantastik? si ato t? tipit t? filmit "Trafik ndikimi", nuk do t? guxohej t? shkohej kaq larg. Presidenti amerikan lodhet p?rpara ekraneve t? TV p?r t'i shpjeguar popullit amerikan ?'jan? shqiptar?t, ?'?sht? Kosova dhe pse duhet q? ushtria amerikane t? nd?rhyj? p?r t'i mbrojtur. T? nj?jt?n gj? b?jn? president?t e tjer? t? Evrop?s. NATO sulet m? n? fund t? nd?shkoj? Serbin?. Jugosllavia pret marr?dh?niet me Shqip?rin?, duke e akuzuar si sh?rb?tore dhe avanpost t? NATO-s. T? rr?zuar n? gjunj? nga masakrat shqiptar?t e Kosov?s e kan? v?n? shpres?n e vetme p?r shp?tim te Evropa atlantike. Dhe m? n? fund, ashtu ndodh v?rtet: Per?ndimi i keq, Per?ndimi i urryer, Per?ndimi kriminal e ?liron popullin e Kosov?s nga nj? vend komunist, q? quhet Jugosllavi! Lider?t e dikursh?m komunist?, q? nga Stalini te Mao Ce Duni, do t? ktheheshin p?rmbys n? varr nga ky lajm. Do t? rrotullohej n? varr Titoja, por do t? kthehej sidomos Enver Hoxha. Kjo ishte nj? gj?m? e zez? p?r ta, fshikulli m? i fort? q? u jepte koha, e v?rteta, historia. Nd?rkaq jo m? pak do t? tronditeshin militant?t e thinjur stalinist? n? Beograd dhe n? Tiran?. Ishin gjetur edhe m? par? n? ca aleanca t? verb?ra e t? shurdh?ta, t? nd?rgjegjshme apo t? pand?rgjegjshme, qysh kur kishin pranuar si atdhe t? p?rbashk?t Rusin? sovjetike. U gjend?n pra p?rs?ri n? t? nj?jtin krah, ndon?se k?t? her? m? shum? pa nd?rgjegje se me nd?rgjegje, me fjal? t? tjera m? shum? nga budallall?ku se nga ndonj? projekt. E kishin humbur prej koh?sh atdheun e p?rbashk?t, B.R.S.S.-n?, ngaq? ai s'ekzistonte m? dhe nuk u kishte mbetur ve?se nj? afsh i tij: urrejtja kund?r Per?ndimit dhe NATO-s. E kishin b?r?, pra, k?t? urrejtje nj? far? surogati t? doktrin?s, ndaj, sa her? q? vinte puna, ishin gati t? punonin p?r t?. N? pranver? t? vitit 1999, e gjendur n? pik? t? hallit, Serbia u p?rpoq ta shfryt?zonte verb?rin? e marksist?-leninist?ve shqiptar? dhe mllefin e tyre antiper?ndimor. P?r shkak t? k?tij mllefi, n? bisedimet e Parisit, nd?shkimi i Serbis?, rrjedhimisht, liria e Kosov?s kaluan n? fill t? perit. Me dhjet?ra ishin stalinist?t shqiptar? dhe kosovar? q? b?nin trysni mbi delegacionin shqiptar p?r t? mos n?nshkruar d?nimin e Serbis?, pra, lirin? e Kosov?s. Si rrjedhim i l?kundjeve t? delegacionit, pra si pasoj? e koh?s s? humbur u vran? dhe u masakruan mij?ra shqiptar? t? tjer? n? Kosov?. Nuk kemi par? e as kemi d?gjuar ndonj? her? nj? shfaqje pendimi p?r k?t? faj t? r?nd?. Ashtu si? nuk kemi par? kurrfar? autokritike p?r deklaratat e pap?rgjegjshme t? disa lider?ve t? tjer?, deklarata q? shkaktuan viktima, shp?rngulje t? pafundme e f?mij? t? shkrumbuar. Ky refuzim kok?fort? p?r t? shqyrtuar gabimet u pagua shum? shtrenjt? nga populli shqiptar dhe ka rrezik t? paguhet ende n? t? ardhmen. P?r t? mbyllur k?t? kapitull t? hidhur mund t? thuhet se armiq?sia tradicionale kund?r NATO-s, desh p?rfundoi n? mbrojtje t? Serbis? komuniste, kund?r liris? s? Kosov?s. Asnj? shqiptar nuk ka t? drejt? t? harroj? k?t? tragjedi t? mundshme, prej t? cil?s popullin shqiptar e shp?toi fati. P?r fat t? keq, ka shum? q? qysh tani e kan? harruar. REVANSHI SERB Pas ?lirimit t? Kosov?s nga ushtrit? per?ndimore, Serbia e Miloshevi?it nuk e hoqi shpres?n p?r t? shkaktuar ftohje, pastaj acarim e mund?sisht konflikt midis shqiptar?ve dhe Evrop?s Atlantike. N? nj? v?shtrim t? par? mund t? dukej nj? shpres? e kot?, si p?rpjekjet e t? mbyturit p?r t'u kapur nga flok?t e vet. Por nuk ishte ashtu. Serbia i njihte cenet e shqiptar?ve, vanitetin, kapardisjen dhe etjen e tyre p?r pushtet dhe lavdi. Ajo do t? b?nte t? pamundur?n t? nxirrte prej tyre p?rfitimet e saj. K?to cene, pra, bashk? me rrjetin e saj agjenturor, bashk? me nostalgjit? staliniste antiper?ndimore, ishin shansi i fundit i saj p?r t'i rikthyer shqiptar?t n? gjendjen e tyre t? m?parshme: t? mallkuarit e Evrop?s. Qysh n? dit?t e para t? liris? u vu re mjergulla e par?. Krahas mir?njohjes p?r ?liruesit evropian?, nisi nj? eufori e tepruar p?r ?liruesit vend?s. Shkall?-shkall? kjo e fundit po fryhej nga disa rrethe n? at? mas?, saq? vetvetiu mir?njohja p?r Evrop?n po tkurrej p?r t? shkuar drejt zhdukjes. Mendime t? tilla, si "ushtrit? per?ndimore e ?liruan Kosov?n" me t? cil?n hapet ky n?nkapitull, do t? ting?llonin p?rher? e m? t? panatyrshme, ngaq? ishin z?vend?suar nga mendimi tjet?r: Kosov?n e ?liroi U?K-ja. ??shtje etike? Problem historian?sh t? ardhsh?m? ??shtje e dor?s s? dyt?, q? lidhet si? tham? m? lart me etjen ton? t? njohur p?r lavdi etj., etj.? N? rastin e Kosov?s nuk ka qen? aspak ashtu. ??shtja se kush e ?liroi Kosov?n kishte lidhje me nj? gj? tjet?r: mir?njohje ndaj Evrop?s. Mir?njohja gjithashtu mund t? duket e par?nd?sishme nga ana politike dhe n? shum? raste ashtu ?sht?. Por prap? n? rastin e Kosov?s, ajo do t? merrte ngjyrim dramatik. Dhe ja sepse: p?r t? nisur procesi i ftohjes dhe pastaj i armiq?simit t? shqiptar?ve me Evrop?n Atlantike, e para gj? q? duhej t? binte ishte pik?risht mir?njohja. Z?vend?simi i mir?njohjes me mosmir?njohjen do t? ishte edhe akti i par? i ftohjes. Kam qen? p?rher? p?rkrah?s i U?K-s? s? Kosov?s. I kam mbrojtur djemt? dhe vajzat e Kosov?s q? ishin gati t? flijoheshin p?r t?, n? dit?t e tyre m? t? k?qija, at?her? kur u sulmuan dhe u mbuluan me shpifje nga q? stuhi propagandistike bot?rore. E megjithat?, le t? kemi kurajon t? themi t? v?rtet?n: Kosov?n nuk e ?liroi U?K-ja, por Evropa Per?ndimore. Kjo e v?rtet? as nuk mohon, as nuk ndryshon asgj? n? meritat e k?saj ushtrie ?lirimtare. Ishte U?K-ja ajo q? i ra kamban?s s? alarmit p?r t? zgjuar gjith? planetin. Ishte ajo q? u vra e u cop?tua p?r t'i b?r? t? qart? bot?s se ?'po ndodhte n? Kosov?. S? fundi, ishte ajo q?, duke sh?rbyer si pararoj? e NATO-s, arriti t? t?rhiqte makin?n e r?nd? ushtarake t? saj n? vendin e harruar q? quhej Kosov?. U?K-ja ka dhe do t? ket? gjithmon? gjith? mir?njohjen ton?. Por as mir?njohja, as dashuria p?r t? nuk mund t? na detyroj? t? ndryshojm? t? v?rtet?n. Dhe e v?rteta ?sht? se U?K-ja nuk e ?liroi dhe as kishte mund?si ta ?lironte Kosov?n. Nd?rgjegj?simi p?r k?t? do t? sh?rbente si barrier? kund?r nj? psikoze t? mundshme antievropiane, psikoz? q? agjentura serbe u p?rpoq me t? gjitha m?nyrat ta nxiste n? Kosov?. Pas ?lirimit, n? Kosov? filluan t? ndodhnin gj?ra t? trishtueshme. Dhuna kund?r serb?ve t? pafajsh?m, d?bimi dhe frik?simi i tyre dhe i rom?ve do t? mjaftonin p?r t? dh?n? alarmin p?r nj? "spastrim etnik" n? kah t? kund?rt, t? kryer tashm? prej shqiptar?ve. Kjo u shoq?rua me nj? terror t? brendsh?m midis shqiptar?ve t? tipit bolshevik: vrasje t? kund?rshtar?ve politik?, larje llogarish, hakmarrje meskine. Kapitali q? shqiptar?t kishin grumbulluar si viktima t? dhun?s s? eg?r serbe po shpenzohej me shpejt?si. Bota per?ndimore nisi t? d?gjonte p?rher? e m? shpesh z?rat q? i b?nin thirrje p?r t? rishqyrtuar nd?rgjegjen lidhur me nd?shkimin e Serbis?. Sa m? shum? q? shqiptar?t b?nin marr?zira, aq m? pak Per?ndimi ndihej i detyruar moralisht ndaj tyre. Ishte e v?rtet? se s'kishte kurrfar? krahasimi midis dhun?s serbe dhe asaj shqiptare. Ishte e v?rtet? se shenja e barazis?, q? shpeshher? me lig?si dhe djall?zi, u vu midis tyre ting?llonte si fyerje e r?nd? p?r popullin e martirizuar shqiptar. E megjithat?, kjo nuk e p?rligjte krimin ton?. Duke imituar xhelat?t serb? ne fyenim vetveten. ?do vrasje serbi ose romi t? pafajsh?m, ?do djegie kishe a sht?pie serbe hiqte nj? gur nga muri i solidaritetit, i ngritur me aq mund dy vitet e fundit. N? k?t? gjendje tejet delikate lider?t e Kosov?s nuk u treguan t? kujdessh?m. Jo me deklarata t? thata, jo me mefsht?si, por me sinqeritet dhe pasion duhej t? d?nonin dhun?n shqiptare. Ta d?nonin n? m?nyr? t? besueshme, jo thjesht p?r t'i b?r? qejfin bot?s, por sepse ashtu ia desh?n interesat e liris? s? Kosov?s. D?nimi i dhun?s shqiptare nuk vinte n? kund?rshtim as me Kosov?n, as me moralin universal, ndaj s'kishte vend p?r kurrfar? m?dyshjeje. P?r fat t? keq, m?dyshjet binin n? sy q? larg. Nj? rreth me cen i rreziksh?m u krijua n? Kosov? dhe n? nj? pjes? t? diaspor?s shqiptare. Sa m? shum? Evropa atlantike e ngrinte tonin kund?r dhun?s shqiptare, aq m? fort shtohej rreziku i krijimit t? nervozizmit t? nd?rsjellt?. Instikti i vjet?r stalinist kund?r NATO-s rrezikonte t? dilte tashm? hapur. Beogradi p?rgjonte ?do shenj?, p?rpiqej t? kapte ?do rast dhe natyrisht i hidhte benzin? zjarrit. Dy ngjarje q? u duk?n t? papritura i soll?n m? af?r se kurr? arm?t shqiptare me arm?t e NATO-s, rrjedhimisht triumfin e ?ndrr?s serbe p?r konflikt: rebelimi ushtarak n? Lugin?n e Preshev?s dhe ai n? Maqedoni. I pari filloi n? koh?n e Miloshevi?it, i dyti n? at? t? Kostunic?s. NJ? MEDALJE E KUND?RSHTARIT Le t? jemi t? qart? qysh n? krye: shqiptar?t e zon?s s? Preshev?s, Bujanovskit, Medvjed?s, kan? plot?sisht t? drejt? t? k?rkojn? gjer m? nj? t? drejtat e tyre si qytetar? t? lir? t? shtetit ku b?jn? pjes?. Ve? k?saj ata kan? plot?sisht t? drejt? t? k?rkojn? mospranim n? truallin e tyre t? nj?sive ushtarake serbe q? mor?n pjes? n? masakrat e Kosov?s. K?to dy t? drejta nuk mund t? vihen n? dyshim. Nga ana tjet?r, le ta themi me trishtim, por me qart?si, se shqiptar?t e Lugin?s s? Preshev?s, pavar?sisht se si u gatua kjo pun? q? nga Kongresi i Berlinit e k?tej, sot p?rb?jn? nj? minoritet shqiptar brenda shtetit serb. T? till?, si minoriteti serb n? Kosov?, si minoriteti grek n? Shqip?ri, e k?shtu me radh?, si gjith? minoritetet n? Evrop?. Dihet se fati i tyre s'?sht? kurr? i g?zuesh?m. Dhe dihet se t? gjith? ata n? nj? m?nyr? ose n? nj? tjet?r e ndiejn? veten gjithsesi t? flijuar n? raportin me popujt nga jan? shk?putur. Nd?rkaq, po aq mir? dihet se problemi i pakicave n? Evrop? (e aq m? tep?r n? bot?), nuk shtrohet ende p?r zgjidhje nga q? kultura politike e sotme ?sht? ende larg mir?kuptimit p?r k?t? gj?. Nj? zgjidhje t? t?rthort? do t? sjell? padyshim evropianizimi cep m? cep i kontinentit. Ky evropianizim do t? b?j? q? shum? gjendje t? sotme pakicash t? duken pas disa vitesh barbare. Kjo do t? jet? praktikisht dhe fillimi i zgjidhjes p?rfundimtare. N? Lugin?n e Preshev?s ka ndodhur nj? gj? e ve?ant?. Rebelimi i armatosur shqiptar nisi brenda nj? shteti t? cil?suar praktikisht jasht? ligjit. Me k?t? shpjegohet mbyllja e nj?rit sy e NATO-s dhe me k?t? shpjegohet natyrisht krijimi i nj? keqkuptimi dramatik te shqiptar?t. Ata kujtuan ose ia mbush?n mendjen vetes se ajo q? u falej n? koh? t? Miloshevi?it, mund t'u falej edhe m? pas, n? koh?n kur tirani serb u p?rmbys. Kurrsesi nuk donin t? kuptonin se dit?n q? Serbia me t? drejt? ose pa t? drejt? nisi t? konsiderohej nj? vend pak a shum? normal, shqiptar?t e Lugin?s s? Preshev?s u rikthyen p?rs?ri n? nj? minoritet. Si t? till? ata s'mund t? k?mb?ngulin m? q? t? drejtat e tyre legjitime t'i k?rkonin me arm?. Asnj? pakic? n? Evrop? s'mund t'i lejohet dhe nuk do t'i lejohet kurr? nj? gj? e till?. Lejimi i saj do t? thoshte q? Evropa t? niste vet?vrasjen e saj. Ata q? kujtojn? se Evropa, ajo Evrop? q? s'do ta flijonte veten as p?r irlandez?t, as p?r pakicat gjermane, hungareze a flamande, do ta b?nte k?t? p?rjashtim p?r pakicat shqiptare, gabohen r?nd?. N? Lugin?n e Preshev?s nd?rkaq p?r nj? koh? t? gjat? kan? vazhduar dhe vazhdojn? bisedimet. Kam droj? se ky durim evropian ?sht? keqkuptuar. Arsyeja e v?rtet? e tij ka qen? nderimi p?r Kosov?n e martirizuar dhe p?r ask?nd tjet?r. Mir?po ka asish q? e kthejn? at? kujdes n? favor t? tyre. N? Lugin?n e Preshev?s zgjatja e bisedimeve nuk ka qen? ve?se vitrin? p?r reklamimin e "durimit dhe urt?sis? serbe" p?rball? mosdurimit shqiptar. Duke kujtuar se po b?heshin t? r?nd?sish?m prej zgjatjes s? bisedimeve, shqiptar?t nuk e kuptonin se prej tyre po rr?noheshin ?do dit?. P?r fat t? mir?, dit?t e fundit ka ndodhur nj? ndryshim themelor. Shqiptar?t po merren vesh me trupat e Aleanc?s p?r vendosjen e paqes, nj? akt me t? v?rtet? heroik q? duhet p?rsh?ndetur. E ngjashme ?sht? pak a shum? dhe ajo q? po ndodh n? Maqedoni. S'ka asnj? dyshim se tradita e shtypjes s? shqiptar?ve n? Maqedoni ka qen? monstruoze. S'ka kurrfar? dyshimi se t? d?rgosh policin? dhe tanket kund?r hapjes s? nj? universiteti, si? b?ri shteti maqedon n? Tetov?, se t? tmerrohesh nga p?rdorimi i gjuh?s shqipe, se t? sillesh me t? shp?rngulurit shqiptar? si me tufa bag?tish e t? ul?rish n?p?r stadiume se "shqiptar?t duhen mbytur me gaz!" etj., etj., t? gjitha k?to jan? makabre p?r nj? vend q? hiqet si evropian. E megjithat?, kund?rshtimi i k?tij turpi, k?rkesa e barazis? dhe e ndryshimit t? kushtetut?s jo me deklarata e manifestime politike, po drejt e me arm?, u gjykua ashp?r prej bashk?sis? nd?rkomb?tare si nj? akt destabilizues. Kjo histori tashm? dihet. Dihet ajo q? ndodhi dhe ajo q? po ndodh, gabimet e dyanshme, spekulimet, eg?rsia, t?rbimi i ekstremizmit maqedonas q? kujtoi se i erdhi dita, t?rbimi i ca intelektual?ve e gazetar?ve shqiptar?, t? cil?t nga kozmopolit? t? thekur gjer dje, u kthyen brenda nat?s n? nacionalist? t? p?rv?luar etj., etj. N? k?t? ?orb? tipike ballkanase nuk munguan as deklaratat barbare ruse, q? propozuan ?e?enin? n? Ballkan as intrigat serbe, as sfinat e diaspor?s shqiptare, q? u turr t? nxirrte p?rfitime nga ky mish-mash. Pyetja q? shtruan analist?t dhe nj? pjes? e madhe e opinionit shqiptar dhe bot?ror ishte: p?rse b?het e gjith? kjo? V?rtet shqiptar?t e Lugin?s s? Preshev?s besonin se do ta thyenin vet?m p?r vet?m ushtrin? jugosllave? N? munges? t? k?saj v?rtet ata besonin se NATO, pasi ?sht? deklaruar me nj? ashp?rsi t? pashembullt kund?r tyre, do t'i ndihmonte megjithat? ashtu si? ndihmoi Kosov?n dy vite m? par?? P?r rastin e Maqedonis? pyetja ?sht? e t? nj?jt?s natyr?: v?rtet shqiptar?t besojn? se Evropa dhe NATO, pasi i kan? quajtur terrorist? e jasht? ligjit do t'i ndihmojn? befas t? shembin Maqedonin? p?r t? nd?rruar at? nenin e mbrapsht? t? kushtetut?s? Duhet t? kesh nj? mendje m? shum? se naive p?r t? besuar nj? gj? t? till?. Analist?t dhe opinioni kan? t? drejt? t? b?jn? hamend?sime nga m? t? ndryshmet. Dikush thot? q? ka shtete (madje supershtete), q? p?r interesa t? err?ta e duan Ballkanin t? trazuar. P?r shkaqe t? naft?s, t? gazit, t? Korridorit 8, t? drog?s e t? dreqi e di ?far?. Nj? tjet?r ngul k?mb? se k?shtu i intereson mafies nd?rballkanike. Ka nj? mendim se kjo ?sht? ??shtje parash, pretekst p?r t? mbledhur ndihma, pra biznes me gjakun e popullit shqiptar, s? fundi nj? opinion tjet?r nget mendimin se kjo ?sht? e vetmja m?nyr? p?r t? mos e l?n? Shqip?rin? t? zhvillohet normalisht (Shqip?rin? e Madhe, Shqip?rin? n? ekspansion, Shqip?rin? e rrezikshme, e cila, p?r t? mir?n e Ballkanit e ndoshta t? Evrop?s, duhet t? mbetet ashtu si? ka qen? gjer dje: xhuxhe). P?r ta arritur k?t? duhet q? Shqip?ria, e cila sapo ka dal? n? liri nga kafazi i izolimit komunist t? kthehet prap? atje. P?r ta arritur k?t? ?sht? e domosdoshme q? Shqip?ria t? armiq?sohet prap? me bot?n per?ndimore. E ve?uar si dikur, e mallkuar, ?sht? m? leht? t? mbyllet prap? n? kafaz, si bish? e eg?r q? e tregojn? me gisht. Nj? mot?rzim i k?tij opinioni ?sht? bindja se ky nuk ?sht? ve?se nj? projekt serb p?r rikthimin e ushtris? jugosllave n? Kosov?. Sipas analistit amerikan, Janusz Bugajskit, n? k?t? kurth kan? r?n? p?r fat t? keq shqiptar?t. Tragjizmin e k?saj nyjeje t? err?t Bugajski e ka shprehur me mendimin se ata shqiptar? q? ndihmojn? me nd?rgjegje k?t? projekt mund t? marrin nj? dit? medaljen serbe t? car Dushanit. Armiq?simi i shqiptar?ve me Evrop?n atlantike ?sht? pika ku shumica e analist?ve bashkohen. Po t? hetohet me kujdes kronika e ngjarjeve, do t? v?rehet se as murmurimat e mbytura kund?r NATO-s, as shurdhimi me t? cilat jan? pritur paralajm?rimet e saj, as akuzat kund?r q?ndrimit proevropian t? Qeveris? Shqiptare, s? fundi, as k?rc?nimet gjysm? t? fshehta se, po t? jet? nevoja, do t? goditen trupat per?ndimore, nuk jan? thjesht rast?si. Nj? d?shir? e fsheht? e ardhur nga zgafellat e stalinizmit p?r t'u ndeshur me NATO-n, spikat aty-k?tu. N? nj? miting t? ekstremist?ve n? New-York, pasi b?het thirrje euforike p?r luft? n? Kosov?n lindore e Maqedoni nga nj? spekulant apartamentesh shpallet midis brohoritjeve si nj? sihariq lajmi i krijimit t? U??-s?, d.m.th. i ushtris? p?r ?lirimin e ?am?ris?. Si? shihet ka nj? r?nie maske n? k?t? miting. M? shum? se p?r t? drejta shqiptar?sh k?tu ?sht? fjala p?r konflikt t? hapur me NATO-n. Me fjal? t? tjera, pas g?rricjeve n? Preshev? dhe n? Maqedoni, do t? goditet haptazi nj? shtet q? ?sht? an?tar i NATO-s, Greqia. Shpallja e k?tij konflikt tregoi se testamenti i Enver Hoxh?s p?r luft? n? t? nj?jt?n koh? kund?r imperializmit dhe revizionizmit, kund?r NATO-s dhe Traktatit t? Varshav?s, mbetej ende testamenti baz? p?r nostalgjik?t e stalinizmit. Keqkuptimi dramatik i Evrop?s n? k?t? rast ?sht? se ajo vazhdon t'i fus? n? t? nj?jtin thes djemt? idealist?, q? jan? gati t? flijohen, me manipuluesit e tyre. Ky keqkuptim e mbyll shtegun e daljes nga nj? qorrsokak, shteg i cili funksionoi me sukses n? Lugin?n e Preshev?s. Me sa duket, bashk?sia Evropiane ?do dit? e m? tep?r po e humbet durimin dhe kjo ?sht? p?r t? ardhur keq. Sk?terra q? p?rjetoi populli shqiptar n? pranver?n e zez? t? vitit 1999 ?sht? e p?rmasave t? tilla, q? gjithsesi s'mund t? harrohet kaq shpejt. NJ? MASHTRIM Q? U VOLIT DY PAL?VE Midis val?s s? t?rbimit dhe budallall?kut antishqiptar, Qeveria maqedonase deklaroi se guerrilet shqiptare n? Tetov? p?rkraheshin fshehtazi nga SHBA dhe Gjermania. Ishte nj? tez? e njohur serbe, q? p?r habi p?rhapej gjithashtu nga shqiptar?t. Madje pak koh? m? par? ky mashtrim ishte b?r? biseda zot?ruese pik?risht nd?r shqiptar?t. N?p?r kafene, mjedise familjare, zyra, oda, redaksi gazetash etj., sa her? q? binte fjala p?r at? q? ndodhte n? Lugin?n e Preshev?s ose n? Maqedoni, gjendej dikush q? duke mbyllur syt? p?rgjysm?, i siguronte d?gjuesit se, lidhur me kryengritjen q? gjith? bota e d?nonte, n? t? v?rtet? ne, shqiptar?t, kishim nxitjen e fsheht? t? amerikan?ve. E po shyqyr at?her?, thoshin njer?zit naiv?. S'qenkan edhe aq keq pun?t. Dhe k?shtu vazhdonte t? p?rhapej ky mashtrim anemban? ku jetonin shqiptar?t, nga Prishtina n? Tiran?, q? andej n? Tetov? e Shkup, p?r t? p?rfshir? pastaj kontinentin e vjet?r e t? ri. Qeveria amerikane, ashtu si qeverit? evropiane, b?nte deklarime t? nj?pasnj?shme p?r her? e m? t? ashpra, p?r t? d?nuar metod?n shqiptare t? k?rkimit t? t? drejtave, mir?po p?r ?udi asgj? nuk e pengonte p?rhapjen e mashtrimit. Sepse gjithmon? e gjithkund gjendej "baca", q? mbyllte syt? misteriozisht p?r t? siguruar d?gjuesit p?r t? kund?rt?n. Dhe k?shtu vazhdonte kjo histori groteske, thelbi i s? cil?s mund t? p?rmblidhej n? arsyetimin po aq grotesk: p?r t? hyr? n? konflikt me Evrop?n atlantike, shqiptar?t i nxitka Aleanca Atlantike, me fjal? t? tjera vet? Evropa. ?'em?r t'i vihet k?tij mashtrimi, q? u sh?rbente t? dy pal?ve kund?rshtare? Nj? ?udi e re ballkanase? Katundarizim i skajsh?m i politik?s? Kretiniz?m alpin, si? formulohej n? nj? shprehje p?r?muese gjermane shp?rfillja p?r banor?t e lart?sive? Prapa form?s groteske fshihet megjithat? nj? e v?rtet?: krijuesit e k?tij mashtrimi e kan? ditur fare mir? se populli shqiptar nuk mund t'i ndiqte aq leht? n? nj? aventur?, q? her?t a von? do t'i ?onte kund?r Evrop?s. Ndaj p?r t'ia mbushur mendjen e p?r t? siguruar mb?shtetjen e tij ata sajuan k?t? marifet q? dukej i ?mendur, por q? n? turbullir?n ballkanike, ku njer?zit jan? aq t? prirur nga fantazit?, mund t? pinte uj?. Dhe ashtu ndodhi v?rtet: mashtrimi i p?rhapur si nj? duhm? nga gazetar?, hotelier?, bjerrakohsa kafenesh, amvisa, akademik? e nga nj? kor i pafund llapazan?sh, e ?oroditi p?r nj? far? kohe bot?n shqiptare. P?rve? dredhis? bizantine, thashethemja kishte brenda saj nj? doz? t? padurueshme imoraliteti. Ajo i vinte shqiptar?t n? nj? gjendje t? vajtueshme sejmen?sh e mercenar?sh, q? jan? gati t? vihen n? sh?rbim t? dikujt mjafton q? ai dikushi t'u p?shp?ris? fshehtazi n? vesh se ashtu duhet b?r?. Ve? k?saj, duke u fshehur pas sqetull?s s? NATO-s p?r t? kryer veprime q? NATO i d?nonte, disa shqiptar? b?n? figur?n e palakmueshme t? mikut t? bezdissh?m. Ky far? miku e k?rkon me pahir miq?sin?, e vetmja q? nuk mund t? k?rkohet ashtu. Ai e k?rkon at? edhe kur tjetri i tregon haptaz se nuk e pranon p?r mik. N? shum? deklarata t? ashpra t? b?ra koh?t e fundit nga ata q? duhet t? ishin miqt? tan?, por ne me pro?kat tona filluam t'ua plasnim buz?n, veprimet shqiptare jan? cil?suar "burracake". ?sht? nj? fyerje plagos?se p?r t? cil?n ne, p?rpara se t? ngutemi t? faj?sojm? t? tjer?t, ?sht? mir? t? k?rkojm? pjes?n ton? t? fajit. KY PER?NDIM KAQ SHUM? I LAKMUAR Pyetja a e duam ne Per?ndimin ?sht? e natyrshme t? shoq?rohet n? nd?rgjegjen ton? me vazhdimin e saj: po Per?ndimi a na do? Ka nj? konstatim t? njohur tashm? se Shqip?ria dhe shqiptar?t t? ngjitin nj?far? tifozll?ku dhe miqt? ose dashakeq?t e tyre, ashtu si n? nj? ndeshje futbolli ndahen n? nj? m?nyr? pasionante, p?r t? mir? apo p?r t? keq. Midis glorifikimit t? tepruar t? tipit t? romancierit gjerman Karl Maje dhe posht?rimit t? nj? let?rsie t? t?r?, shqiptar?t jan? ndier her? bij? krenar? t? shqipes e her? reckaman? t? kontinentit, q? shkaktojn? nervoziz?m e frik? gjithkund. Kjo e fundit, ka disa vjet q?, p?r fatin ton? t? keq, ?sht? b?r? zot?ruese. Po t? k?rkojm? nj?far? logjike t? brendshme p?rtej k?saj, s'?sht? v?shtir? t? hetohet nj? ftoht?si e vazhdueshme e s? djatht?s s? skajshme evropiane qoft? ajo angleze, franceze apo italiane, asaj q?, ndon?se nuk e shpreh haptaz, e konsideron Evrop?n si "nj? klub i krishter?". Pas vizionit t? saj konservator n? nj? klub t? till? nuk ka vend nj? popull gjysm? mysliman si? jan? shqiptar?t. N? k?t? pik?, kjo e djatht? ekstreme bashkohet me t? majt?n ekstreme, e cila afishon nj? armiq?si edhe m? t? shfrenuar ndaj popullit t? vog?l q? dikur e quante mik. Po t'i shtosh k?saj edhe val?n e antiamerikanizmit q? rrek t? b?het mod? n? disa vende evropiane, dhe goditjen e s? cil?s e vuajn? shqiptar?t nga q? u ka dal? nami si proamerikan? (gj? q? s'?sht? fort larg s? v?rtet?s), at?her? merret me mend se n? k?t? fush? bijt? e shqipes s'jan? aspak p?r t'u lakmuar. Nj? pyetje e tret? s'ka si t? mos b?het n? k?t? rast: ky Per?ndim kaq i pritur, ky Per?ndim kaq i ?nd?rruar, ky Per?ndim q? her? na do e m? shum? s'na do, v?rtet na qenka kaq i nevojsh?m e kaq i lakmuar p?r ne? Nuk ?sht? v?shtir? t? merret me mend buz?qeshja ngadhnjyese e antievropian?ve shqiptar?. E pra, megjithat?, ky Per?ndim ashtu si? ?sht?, i v?shtir?, problematik, arrogant, m? shum? mospranues se pranues, ky Per?ndim q? ashtu si demokracia, ashtu si vet? liria nuk qenkish as aq i bukur e as aq i p?rsosur si? e kishim p?rfytyruar n? koh?n e fatkeq?sis? son?, ky Per?ndim mbetet zgjedhja jon? e vetme. Kjo zgjedhje nuk kusht?zohet vet?m prej skajimit gjeografik, (fati na ka r?n? n? k?t? kontinent trillan dhe, duam s'duam, aty do t? mbetemi) as vet?m p?r arsye ekonomike, ushtarake, kulture, race etj. Duke qen? bashk?risht t? r?nd?sishme, ato shoq?rohen nga nj? tjet?r arsye. Kjo arsye e ve?ant? e madhore lidhet me problemin num?r nj? t? popullit shqiptar: problemin e liris?. Disa popuj n? Evrop? kan? probleme me lirin?, por te k?ta ?sht? fjala kryesisht p?r lirin? shoq?rore, p?r zgjerimin, pasurimin, p?rsosjen e saj. Populli shqiptar ?sht? i vetmi, q? ende n? fund t? mij?vje?arit problemin e liris? e kishte n? trajt?n e tij m? tragjike. Ishte fjala p?r lirin? n? kuptimin e mir?fillt?, parak t? fjal?s, n? at? kuptim si? flitej n? antikitet, n? mesjet?, n? koh?rat m? t? zeza t? masakrimit t? popujve. N? fund t? mij?vje?arit askund n? Evrop? nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej nj? vend si Kosova ku f?mij?t p?r dhjet? vite rrjesht t? mos shkonin n? shkolla, por n? bodrume, si n? koh?n e Neronit. Askund nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej nj? vend ku policia t'i detyronte banor?t t? mos i mbyllnin nat?n dyert e sht?pive n? m?nyr? q? ajo t? hynte kur t? donte, p?r t? bastisur, rrahur, p?rdhunuar e vrar? mizorisht shtetasit e saj, vet?m se ata nuk ishin sllav?, por shqiptar?, pra, t? huaj n? shtetin q? quhej Jugosllavi. Askund n? Evrop? nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej t? griheshin me thik? prej ushtar?ve e paraushtar?ve mbi nj?mij? foshnja, si n? koh?n e Herodit. Ky primitivitet i rob?ris? shqiptare nuk mund t? p?rligj? megjithat? nj? p?rgjigje t? ngjashme, pra primitive p?r fitimin e liris?. Parulla t? vjetra, si: "me sllavin na ndan ve? gryka e pushk?s" e t? tjera si k?to mund t? prodhojn? rr?muj? t? verb?r, por jo liri. Duke folur p?r Kosov?n, shkrimtari m? i madh i gjall? i Franc?s, Julien Gracq, ka shkruar se ve? n? vise t? Ballkanit mund t? p?rdoren ende formulat e vjetra, si: "gjaku do t? vej? gjer n? gju t? kalit". Duke nd?shkuar Serbin? p?r krimet e saj primitive, Aleanca Atlantike zhvilloi me sa duket luft?n e saj t? par? dhe t? fundit, t? till? si? e kemi ende luft?n n? p?rfytyrimin ton?. E megjithat?, edhe n? k?t? rast, q? duket qysh tani atavik, prej aktit t? luft?s u p?rjashtua ideja e gjakut t? derdhur. Ose m? sakt?, p?r ?lirimin e Kosov?s, midis popullit shqiptar dhe Aleanc?s Atlantike u sajua ai bashk?veprim i ?uditsh?m, ku shpenzimin m? t? vjet?r t? luft?s, gjakun, e vuri populli i pakt? shqiptar, kurse arm?t, NATO-ja e fuqishme. N? rrethana t? tilla, n? kushtet e kund?rth?nies tragjike q? u krijua midis primitivitetit t? rob?ris? dhe domosdoshm?ris? n? kushtet moderne t? liris?, historia i ruajti popullit shqiptar takimin e tij t? shum?pritur me Evrop?n. ?sht? hera e par? q? n? historin? ton? dhe n? at? t? kontinentit q? aspirata jon? e liris? jo vet?m nuk bie ndesh, por p?rkon me programin e Evrop?s s? nes?rme. Kjo Evrop? me kufij t? zbeht? dhe me kontakte t? lira, duke mund?suar lirin? shqiptare n? hap?sir?n e saj t? plot?, unike e t? pand?rprer?, e ndryshon programimin e problemit num?r nj? t? pazgjidhur t? kombit shqiptar. Nga nj? mund?si konfliktesh plot marr?zi dhe eg?rsi ballkanike e ushqyer nga shtampat e gjakut "gjer n? gju t? kalit" e t? "pushk?s q? t? ndan me tjetrin", ajo e kthen at? n? nj? problem evropian, i cili nuk mund t? k?rkoj? ve? nj? zgjidhje evropiane. Shikuar nga ky k?nd, shqiptar?t i kan? t? gjitha arsyet t? militojn? p?r evropianizimin e Ballkanit dhe t? jen? ashtu si? kan? ?nd?rruar poet?t e tyre, populli i par? kontinental i gadishullit. T? jen?... Po a jan? v?rtet? NE PRAG TE NJE FATI TE RI Shqiptar?t ashtu si shumica e ballkanasve jan? ende t? pap?rgatitur p?r lirin? evropiane. Vet? Evropa p?r t'u emancipuar ka kaluar n?p?r prova t? r?nda, disa prej t? cilave e kan? ?uar n? zgrip t? katastrof?s. Nj? nd?r aktet spastruese t? Evrop?s ka qen? d?nimi prej asaj vet? i krimeve t? saj. Krimi kolonialist, fashist, komunist, racist. Pa k?t? d?nim nuk mund t? kishte dhe ende s'mund t? ket? Evrop?. Popujt e Ballkanit, duke p?rfshir? k?tu dhe popullin shqiptar duhet t? d?nojn? krimet e veta. K?t? ndarje e pengojn? hipotekat e vjetra: urrejtja etnike, nj? kultur? e t?r? e dhun?s dhe e eg?rsis?, nj? dehje dhe ekzaltim pas saj, nj? p?rpjekje p?r ta paraqitur si kultur? heroike. As pushka q? t? ndan nga tjetri, as prita, as goditja pas ferr?s, as gusla, lahuta apo deklarata q? i hymnizon ato nuk mund t'i ndihmojn? shkretan?t e Ballkanit. E po ashtu s'mund t'i ndihmoj? dyfytyr?sia n? politik?, stalinizmi soft (me fjal? t? tjera stalinizmi n?n rrogoz), apo djathtizmi fashistoid alla Hajder, t? maskuara t? dyja pas parullave proper?ndimore. Zgjedhja proevropiane q? ka b?r? populli shqiptar ?sht? zgjedhja e liris? s? tij n? kushtet moderne. Liria shqiptare nuk e ka emrin as Shqip?ri e Madhe, as ekspansion shqiptar, si? mendojn? disa. Si? u tha m? lart liria shqiptare ?sht? zhvillimi normal, natyral i popullit shqiptar, brenda harmonis? dhe frym?s s? Evrop?s s? bashkuar. Gjetja e rrug?ve p?r ta lejuar k?t? zhvillim, p?r fat t? keq t? nd?rprer?, ?sht? n? fakt edhe zgjidhja e problemit madhor t? shqiptar?ve n? gadishull. Me k?t? pik?shikim, n? qoft? se ka nj? popull q? p?rfiton m? s? shumti nga paqja, stabiliteti dhe emancipimi i gadishullit ballkanik, ?sht? n? radh? t? par? populli shqiptar. Dhe n?se ka nj? t? till? q? d?mtohet m? s? shumti, nga kaosi dhe lufta, ?sht? prap? populli shqiptar. T? gjith? e din? se qershori i k?tij viti, muaji i zgjedhjeve, ?sht? muaji i shansit t? mir? ose shansit t? keq p?r Shqip?rin?. I madh e i vog?l n? Shqip?ri, e kuptojn? k?t? gj?, sepse i madh e i vog?l e kan? d?gjuar mendimin, paralajm?rimin, e po t? doni ultimatumin e bashk?sis? evropiane se nj? zhvillim normal ose jo i k?tyre zgjedhjeve, varet hapja ose mbyllja e portave t? Shqip?ris? me Evrop?n. P?r ?udi, k?t? t? v?rtet? t? madhe q? lidhet me fatin ton?, e fundit q? nuk e kupton ose q? b?n sikur nuk e kupton ?sht? pjesa radikale e klas?s politike shqiptare. P?r fat t? keq, kjo pjes? radikale arrin t? b?j? ligjin n? majat e politik?s. Fushata e zgjedhjeve, n? t? cil?n populli i lodhur shqiptar, ka v?n? aq shum? shpres?, filloi me muzik?, p?r t? b?r? nj? kthes? drejt degjenerimit dit?n e tret? t? saj. Shqypi shqiptar, me pjekuri e nj? p?rgjegj?si qytetare denoncoi radikalizmin e nj?rit prej lider?ve, Nanos i cili sipas k?tij shtypi i hodhi benzin? zjarrit. S'?sht? her? e par? q? ndodh nj? gj? e till? n? Shqip?ri: sapo di?ka merr p?r mbar?, do t? gjendet dikush q? ta pengoj? me ?do mjet k?t? proces. Do t? gjendet nj? lider radikal q? t? b?j? thirrje p?r acarim me kund?rshtarin, thirrje q? i ngjan aq fort me parull?n ?njer?zore: "forcim i luft?s s? klasave". Sapo n? horizont shfaqet di?ka shpres?dh?n?se do t? d?gjohet, her? nga e djathta, her? nga e majta kushtrimi barbar: "nuk do t'i njohim zgjedhjet!", kjo klithm? e neveritshme q? ?sht? kthyer n? nj? nga turpet e Shqip?ris? s? sotme. Shtypi, analist?t dhe gjith? opinioni publik me t? drejt? b?n pyetjen: A jan? v?rtet kaq t? verbuar nga pasionet primitive politikan?t tan? radikal? saq? t? mos e kuptojn? se ?'katastrof? ?sht? p?r Shqip?rin? ky destabilitet, kjo ethe e vazhdueshme q? po na tret t? gjith?ve? Apo e gjith? kjo nuk ?sht? thjesht verb?ri por pjell? e nj? kalkulimi t? ftoht? p?r t? mos e l?n? Shqip?rin? t? marr? frym?? Pyetja ?sht? e r?nd? dhe dyshimi gjithashtu. Le t? shpresojm? t? mbetet vet?m nj? dyshim. Nd?rkaq mu n? syt? ton? po ndodh gjith?ka: Radikalizmi shqiptar p?rtej kufijve nuk ka dh?n? ve?se rezultate negative: nj? ftohje t? p?rgjithshme t? opinionit bot?ror ndaj shqiptar?ve, dob?sim i pavar?sis? s? Kosov?s, dob?sim i TMK-s? (e para ushtri mbrojt?se e Kosov?s) dhe hedhja e ides? t? shuarjes s? saj, afrimi i ushtris? serbe kilomet?r pas kilometri rrotull Kosov?s, p?rgatitja e ides? s? kthimit t? saj n? vendin e krimit, s? fundi afrimi i Jugosllavis? me NATO-n dhe largimi i Shqip?ris? prej saj. N? k?t? proces t? mbrapsht?, q?ndrimi realist i qeveris? shqiptare, n? vend q? t? mb?shtetet, po komprometohet nga nj? kund?rrym?, nga radikalizmi partiak q? u p?rmend m? lart. N? k?to kushte, destabilizimi i shtetit shqiptar, atij q? duhej t? ishte shtylla ku do t? ankoroheshin shpresa shqiptare dhe besimi evropian ndaj nesh, do t? ishte veprimi m? i pafalsh?m e kriminal i vet? shqiptar?ve. Radikalizmi dhe destabiliteti po kthehen n? penges?n kryesore p?r t? prer? rrug?n e zhvillimit normal t? kombit shqiptar. Normalitetin e tij ky komb nuk mund ta arrij? n?p?rmjet qorrsokak?ve t? vdekjes, me parrula t? vjetra kinse heroike, ato q? komunist?t shqiptar? i adaptuan vite m? par? kor hodh?n iden? q? Shqip?ria ose t? ishte e kuqe ose t? mos ekzistonte fare e q? ende valviten sot mbi g?rmadhat e stalinizmit kuban "socializ?m ose vdekje". Rrug? t? reja drejt demokracis? dhe jet?s jan? t? hapura sot n? Evrop?. Shansi yn? i madh ?sht? se p?r her? t? par? n? histori k?to rrug? jan? t? hapura ehde p?r ne, t? mallkuarit gjer dje t? kontinentit. Ecja n?p?r k?to rrug?, p?rbri popujsh t? tjer?, disa prej t? cil?ve kan? patur probleme tona dhe zymt?sin? ton? ?sht? rruga e vetme q? na mbetet. Si? ?sht? th?n? dhe m? par?, vet?m k?shtu ne do t? fillojm? t? jetojm? e jo t? vazhdojm? t? vdesim. N? K?RKIM T? NJ? FATI T? RI Nga Ismail Kadare Nj? jet?n e popujve q?llon shpesh q? problemet e m?dha shfaqen n? trajt? ciklike. Ky riciklim tregon se hallet e m?dha, t? mbetura pa zgjidhje, e trazojn? n? stin? t? ndryshme nj?lloj si t?rmetet nd?rgjegjen e k?tyre popujve. Ato m? s? shumti quhen si faj i t? tjer?ve, shpesh n? m?nyr? p?rd?llyese poetizohen si fat tragjik dhe vet?m rrall?her? konsiderohen si faj i vet? popujve. Historia ballkanase ?sht? e shenjuar nga nj? viktimologji e till?. E jona ve?an?risht. N? k?t? sprov? do t? ceken disa nga k?to probleme. P?r t? tjera ??shtje, q? kan? lidhje t? t?rthort? madje rast?sore me to, do t? flitet gjithashtu. Por as p?r t? parat, as p?r t? dytat nuk pretendohet t? flitet n? m?nyr? shteruese. Jan? thjesht sh?nime t? nxitura nga dita e ngarkuar, nga pak?naq?sia apo nervozizmi yn? n? or?n e lajmeve n? TV ose fill pas mbylljes s? ekraneve, n? or?t e vetmis? son?. ME PER?NDIMIN APO KUND?R TIJ ?sht? pyetja q? ndoshta m? s? shumti ?sht? p?rs?ritur n? k?t? gadishull t? vjet?r. Ka qen? shtruar, me sa duket, qysh me ndarjen e Rom?s nga Bizanti, n? fillim t? mij?vje?arit t? dyt? p?r t'u p?rt?rir? n? mes t? tij at?her? kur nj? forc? e tret?, e vrullshme si nj? luan i ri, iu sul dy mbret?rive t? vjetra, Perandoria Osmane. Midis ?oroditjes s? plot? q? u krijua n? gadishull, midis trumbetave t? luft?s dhe fyejve t? paqes, midis k?rc?nimeve e joshjeve, shkurt midis kaosit proverbial ballkanik, u gjet dhe populli shqiptar. Nuk ishte as m? i mir? dhe as m? i keq se t? tjer?t, ndaj ishte e natyrshme t? b?nte t? nj?jtat gabime e t? kishte t? nj?jtin fat si t? tjer?t. Nj?ri pas tjetrit k?ta popuj u rr?zuan. Ata i n?nshtroi jo vet?m jatagani turk, si? pretendojn? ballkanasit dhe as vet?m shpirt?sia osmane, si? pretendojn? otoman?t, po t? dyja bashk?. Nd?rkaq, pak p?rpara se t? binte perdja e aktit t? fundit t? nj?r?s prej dramave, asaj shqiptare, prij?si i k?tij populli, Gjergj Kastrioti, bashk? me rebelimin e tij t? bujsh?m kund?r shtetit osman, shpalli nj? ide t? re e nj? ideal t? ri: ndarje me Lindjen, aleanc? me Per?ndimin. Ky nd?rrim i kahut t? historis?, ky programim i ri i saj u b? p?r shqiptar?t orientimi themelor i jet?s s? tyre. Ishte kaq i fort?, saq? nuk e shuan dot as shekujt e gjat? t? pranis? turke, as pluhuri e p?rgjumja e "pax ottomana". Shqiptar?t t? dalluar si p?r dashuri, si p?r mohim t? atdheut, b?n? gabime e marr?zi t? nj?pasnj?shme, megjithat? nuk mund t? thuhet se i kthyen krah?t idealit kastriotian. Edhe kur nd?rruan atdhe e fe, n? nj? k?nd t? nd?rgjegjes s? tyre mbeti si qiri i zbeht? kujtimi i princit katolik q? u kishte m?suar se liria e tyre ishte pjes? e liris? s? Evrop?s. Nj? hero nuk p?rb?n gjithmon? nj? kujtim ngaz?llyes. Ai mund t? jet? edhe bezdis?s. Gjergj Kastrioti ka qen? p?r nj? koh? t? gjat? p?r nj? pjes? t? popullit shqiptar nj? qortim i heshtur. P?r t? jetuar me nj? kujtim t? till? nuk ?sht? leht?. Dhe n? raste t? tilla ka dy zgjidhje: ta shkul?sh nga nd?rgjegjja ose ta modifikosh. Nj? pjes? e shqiptar?ve e ruajti t? paprekur figur?n e Kastriotit. Pjesa m? e prapambetur e tyre e modifikoi at? sipas mend?sis? s? saj t? varf?r e oportuniste. Nga nj? ideator e programues t? madh, e shnd?rroi n? nj? kondotier ballkanas, te i cili shpata dhe kali zinin vendin kryesor. Nd?rkaq kultura dhe let?rsia shqipe e mbajti t? gjall? figur?n e prij?sit. Kjo u d?shmua n? veprat e shkrimtar?ve katolik? t? shekujve XVII-XVIII. Por nj? gj? e till? u rid?shmua sidomos gjat? Rilindjes Shqiptare, kur personazhi i ngritur befas nga terri e mori gjith? shk?lqimin e tij si bart?s i evropianizmit. Vargjet e famshme: "O drit?z e bekuar q? lind nga per?ndon", n? t? cilat shpallet programi i rilindasve p?r rikthim te Evropa Per?ndimore, jan? shkruar nga nj? poet bektashi, pra i universit mysliman, Naim Frash?rit. Dilemat tragjike t? nj? populli shfaqen sidomos n? prag ose n? fund epokash. Ishte e kuptueshme q? pyetja: nga do t? shkonte Shqip?ria, t? ngrihej n? koh?n q? Perandoria Osmane po jepte shpirt. Duke dal? prej saj gati e p?rgjysmuar, Shqip?ria e pagoi dyzimin e saj. M? shum? se shp?rblim p?r q?ndres?n, ajo mori nga Evropa d?nimin p?r oportunizmin e saj. E sikur t? mos mjaftonte ky fshikull, fill pas daljes n? liri, nj? l?vizje prapanike dhe monstruoze shp?rtheu n? Shqip?rin? e Mesme: kryengritja e Haxhi Qamilit. Mesazhi i saj ishte i qart?: kthim te Turqia, kund?r liris? s? Shqip?ris?. N? historin? e vendit ?sht? v?shtir? t? gjendet nj? njoll? m? e err?t. P?r her? t? par? vulgu shqiptar guxoi t? hidhte balt? kund?r ?do shenje t? vet. U shkel me k?mb? flamuri shqiptar, fytyra e Gjergj Kastriotit, gjuha shqipe dhe m?suesit e saj. N? luft? me bandat me shallvare t? Haxhi Qamilit e me bandat esadiste, t? nxitura nga Serbia, u vra koloneli holandez Thomson, i d?rguar n? Shqip?ri prej Fuqive t? M?dha, p?r organizimin e xhandarm?ris? s? shtetit t? par? shqiptar. Fan Noli, peshkopi dhe poeti i madh, i kushtoi nj? vjersh? mall?ngjyese, duke e quajtur martir t? Shqip?ris?. Nacionalist?t primitiv? shqiptar? hesht?n p?r vrasjen, sepse, sipas mendjes s? tyre t? mykur, vras?sit nuk mund t? d?noheshin, ngaq? i p?rkisnin komb?sis? shqiptare. Pa?ka se ata ishin llumi i zi i k?tij vendi. Pyetja: me Per?ndimin apo kund?r tij u shtrua n? at? koh? m? tragjikisht se kurr?. Tridhjetepes? vite m? pas, shefi i komunist?ve shqiptar?, Enver Hoxha, do t? deklaronte se koloneli Thomson ishte agjent i imperializmit dhe se "Haxhi Qamili ?sht? i partis?". ?sht? nj? nga deklaratat makabre kur shpallej kumti ogurzi: Shqip?ria i kthente krah?t Per?ndimit, p?r t? shkuar p?rfundimisht me Lindjen. Gjith? kronika e komunizmit n? Shqip?ri mund t? p?rmblidhet n? disa radh?: shkelje me k?mb? e orientimit t? Gjergj Kastriotit dhe Rilindjes Komb?tare. Armiq?si e eg?r ndaj qytet?rimit per?ndimor. Miq?si e mbrapsht? me ata q? nuk i kishim miq: serb?, sovjetik?, kinez?. N? fund, ve?im vet?vras?s. Ndarja nga bota e Shqip?ris? ishte n? radh? t? par? ndarje nga Evropa dhe SHBA. Katastrof? m? e pashpres? nuk mund t? projektohej p?r shqiptar?t. Gabimeve t? tyre t? vjetra po u shtohej nj? tjet?r faj, k?t? her? i pafalsh?m dhe fatal. Ky ve?im po i merrte frym?n jo vet?m Shqip?ris? shtet?rore, por gjith? shqiptar?ve kudo q? jetonin e sidomos Kosov?s. Shpresa p?r lirin? e saj ishte varrosur m? thell? se kurr?. E PABESUESHMJA Mbarimi i mij?vje?arit t? dyt? kishte ruajtur p?r popullin shqiptar surpriz?n m? t? pabesueshme: Evropa Atlantike, e mallkuar p?r dyzet vjet nga propaganda komuniste, e shpallur armike e betuar e shqiptar?ve, ngrihet befas n? nj? aksion politik e ushtarak t? pashembullt p?r t? mbrojtur popullin, t? braktisur gjer at?her? n? m?shir? t? fatit. Tronditja ishte planetare. U trand?n aleancat, strategjit?, parimet morale. M? shum? se nga bombat e NATO-s opinioni serb u traumatizua nga ajo q? dukej si fundi i bot?s: po nd?shkohej Serbia p?r shkak t? shqiptar?ve t? Kosov?s. Nj? l?vizje n? aksin e boshtit t? tok?s nuk do t? b?nte ndoshta m? pak p?rshtypje. P?r nj? koh? t? shkurt?r populli shqiptar fitoi at? njohje e at? miq?si t? bot?s per?ndimore, q? as n? ?nd?rrimet m? t? guximshme nuk e kishte p?rfytyruar. Testamenti i madh i Gjergj Kastriotit dhe i Rilindjes u duk se ngadhnjeu m? n? fund: aleanc? me Per?ndimin. Ishte kaq e magjishme saq? zgjonte at? frik? bestyte q? provonin t? vjetrit kur dyshonin se mund t? zgjonin smir?n e qiellit. Dhe ajo nuk vonoi. Pas hutimit t? par? pasuan z?rat kund?rshtues: a e meritonin shqiptar?t k?t? miq?si? Mos ishte gabim kjo nd?rhyrje? Mos duhej ndrequr sa m? shpejt ky keqkuptim? Dhe makina q? k?rkonte revizionimin e gjith?kaje u vu n? l?vizje. Por makina nuk ishte e besueshme kur punonte me l?nd? serbe. As britmat proserbe t? miqve nuk mjaftonin. P?r t? revizionuar gjith?ka n? d?m t? shqiptar?ve duhej ndihma e vet? shqiptar?ve. Kam udh?tuar n? Kosov? n? vjesht? t? vitit 1999, pak koh? pas ?lirimit t? saj. Krahas ngaz?llimit deh?s t? liris? q? ndeshej kudo, nuk mungonin fytyra t? ngrira, p?r t? mos th?n? t? zymta. P?rpiqeshin nj?far?soj ta p?rligjnin munges?n e entuziazmit. Kishte shum? probleme n? Kosov?. UNMIK-u nuk orientohej mir?. KFOR-i gjithashtu. Gati-gati nuk po shqiptoheshin fjal?t "OKB-ja po d?shton n? Kosov?", fjal? me t? cilat Beogradi p?rpiqej t? shurdhonte bot?n. N? nj? intervist? mendova t? b?j nj? propozim mjaft delikat: kosovar?t e rekrutuar nga sh?rbimi sekret serb ishte mir? t? faleshin publikisht prej Kosov?s. Ishte e vetmja m?nyr? p?r t'i shp?tuar nga ankthi dhe sidomos p?r ta neutralizuar makin?n e p?rbindshme serbe. Intervista u prit nga nj? heshtje e plot? n? shtyp. Ishte e kuptueshme: njeriu i par? q? do ta p?rkrahte do t? dyshohej se e kishte miz?n n?n k?sul?. SH?RBIMET E FSHEHTA T? HUAJA N? SHQIP?RI M? shum? se n? ?do vend t? bot?s, n? Shqip?rin? komuniste flitej p?r spiun? t? huaj. M? pak se kudo ata kapeshin k?tu. P?r dyzetepes? vjet me radh? mburrjet e sigurimit shqiptar p?rplaseshin me k?t? dush t? ftoht?. P?r t? fshehur paaft?sin? e tij dhe p?r t? reklamuar ca suksese minimale, sigurimi shqiptar n? m?nyr?n m? burracake iu sul grave t? gjora ruse. N? munges? t? spiun?ve t? v?rtet?, ishin ato q? u shpall?n spiune. Si t? tilla u ndoq?n, u burgos?n e u internuan pa m?shir?. Shkakun e k?saj paaft?sie e shpjegojn? sakt? dy vargje t? nj? poeti gjerman: "Ai tregon me dor? armikun tej kufirit, po mendjen e ka tek ty". Sigurimi shqiptar kishte p?r detyr? t? p?rgjonte e t? shtypte kryesisht shtetasit e vet. Nd?rkaq agjenturat e huaja, kryesisht ato lindore, me n? krye agjentur?n sovjetike, kan? mbetur t? paprekura ende sot n? Shqip?ri. Vite me radh? ato ngjanin si t? fjetura. Ishin t? tilla jo nga ndonj? droj? p?rpara "syrit prej shqiponje t? arm?s s? dashur t? partis?", por ngaq?, me sa duket, nuk e quanin t? nevojshme t? ndiheshin. Q?llimi kryesor i rrjetit agjenturor lindor n? Shqip?ri ishte t? pengonte me ?do kusht rr?shqitjen e k?tij vendi drejt Per?ndimit. "Ju do t'i shiteni Per?ndimit p?r tridhjet? aspra", i kishte th?n? Hrushovi Enver Hoxh?s m? 1960. Afrimi shqiptaro-per?ndimor ishte macja e zez? p?r rus?t. Nd?rkaq, p?rderisa k?t? mision, misionin e izolimit, m? shk?lqyesh?m se kushdo e kryente vet? regjimi komunist, veprimtaria agjenturore e jashtme s'ishte fort e nevojshme. Rrjeti lindor i zbulimit u ringjall, me sa dukej, n? Shqip?ri pas vdekjes s? Enver Hoxh?s. Ishte koha kur rreziku i shkarjes s? vendit drejt kahut t? urryer doli prap? n? sken?. Agjentura lindore duhej ta pengonte k?t? me ?do kusht. Sa m? staliniste vazhdonte t? mbetej Shqip?ria, aq m? t? qet? do ta b?nin gjumin rrethet tradicionale shqiptare. Dhe aq m? thell? do t? vazhdonte t? dergjej Kosova n? gjumin e rob?ris?. Nd?rkaq, pas izolimit t? gjat? kriminal, populli shqiptar nisi t? b?nte trysni mbi regjimin p?r hapjen ndaj bot?s. Trysnia rritej nga viti n? vit duke u shnd?rruar n? psikoz? n? vitin 1988. Ishte ajo q? u quajt "koha e shansit gjerman". Tek afrimi gjermano-shqiptar populli shihte t? vetmen m?nyr? p?r t'iu afruar Evrop?s Atlantike. Regjimi nuk guxonte t? prishte brutalisht k?t? iluzion. Ai vendosi t? luante nj? nga loj?rat m? hipokrite q? ishin zhvilluar ndonj?her? n? k?t? vend. Nga nj? an? b?nte sikur nuk e pengonte afrimin, nga ana tjet?r kishte vendosur t? kund?rt?n. Gjat? vizit?s s? ministrit t? Jasht?m gjerman, Gensherit, n? Tiran? n? konferenc?n ngaz?llyese t? shtypit t? dh?n? n? hotel "Dajti", fill pas bisedimeve, fytyra e homologut t? tij shqiptar ishte e prer?. Vet?m syt? e v?mendsh?m mund t? hetonin se di?ka e papast?r po ndodhte pas shpine. Ndon?se njer?zit ngryseshin e gdhiheshin me k?t? shpres?, afrimi me Gjermanin? nuk ndodhi kurr?. D?shira e regjimit u p?rputh si shpeshher? me misionin e agjentur?s sovjetike, q? ashtu si tutori i fsheht? "e mbronte Shqip?rin? nga murtaja per?ndimore". Bisedimet gjermano-shqiptare zgjateshin e st?rzgjateshin pa fund. Me gjakftoht?si gjerman?t p?rballonin trillet e emisar?ve shqiptar? q? venin e vinin n? Bon e q? k?rkonin ve? pretekste p?r nd?rprerje. "Po na v?n? kushte t? papranueshme", qaheshin k?ta emisar?, raportet e t? cil?ve kishte gjas? q? shkonin m? par? n? Mosk? se n? Tiran?. Cilat ishin k?to kushte t? r?nda? Kryesore citohej ??shtja e fes?. P?r t? p?rligjur ndihm?n p?rpara opinionit gjerman, duke kujtuar se kishin t? b?nin me krijesa q? kishin nj? minimum logjike dhe nj? minimum p?rkushtimi ndaj popullit t? vuajtur shqiptar, gjerman?t kishin k?rkuar nj?far? tolerance ndaj liris? s? besimit. Ishte nj? grem? i art? p?r regjimin shqiptar dhe p?r agjentur?n sovjetike, ndaj t? cilit do t? kapeshin me pasion. Nd?rkaq n? Bashkimin Sovjetik, pu?ist?t e ardhsh?m stalinist? organizoheshin. Dit? p?r dit? ato po shtinin n? dor? sektor?t kryesor? t? shtetit: politik?n e jashtme dhe policin? e fsheht?. Ka dokumente q? v?rtetojn? se ngritja e Miloshevi?it p?rkoi me fuqizimin e pu?ist?ve dhe u nxit prej tyre. Jan? t? gjitha gjasat t? v?rtetohet se stalinist?t rus? n? t? nj?jt?n koh? kan? r?n? n? kontakt me udh?heqjen shqiptare. Mesazhi ka qen? i qart?: mbahuni edhe pak. S? shpejti gjith?ka do t? zgjidhet globalisht. Me sa dukej lajmi i madh surpriz? q? pu?ist?t do t'i jepnin bot?s fill pas fitores do t? ishte rikthimi n? gjirin e perandoris? sovjetike e dy deleve t? ikura: Jugosllavis? dhe Shqip?ris?. Pu?i u krye n? gusht t? vitit 1991. N? krye u duk se fitoi. Tregojn? se at? nat? n? Tiran? u b?n? shum? darka t? g?zueshme. Disa or? m? pas, p?r fatin e Shqip?ris? dhe t? nj? pjese t? bot?s, ai d?shtoi. Dhe bashk? me t? ?ndrra e mbrapsht?, ?nd?rr e p?rbashk?t e par? n? Mosk? dhe n? Tiran?, p?r rikthimin e Shqip?ris? drejt Lindjes komuniste. LIRIA E KOSOV?S N? FILL T? PERIT T? kthehemi te pranvera e vitit 1999. Si? u tha m? lart, as n? skenar?t m? fantastik? si ato t? tipit t? filmit "Trafik ndikimi", nuk do t? guxohej t? shkohej kaq larg. Presidenti amerikan lodhet p?rpara ekraneve t? TV p?r t'i shpjeguar popullit amerikan ?'jan? shqiptar?t, ?'?sht? Kosova dhe pse duhet q? ushtria amerikane t? nd?rhyj? p?r t'i mbrojtur. T? nj?jt?n gj? b?jn? president?t e tjer? t? Evrop?s. NATO sulet m? n? fund t? nd?shkoj? Serbin?. Jugosllavia pret marr?dh?niet me Shqip?rin?, duke e akuzuar si sh?rb?tore dhe avanpost t? NATO-s. T? rr?zuar n? gjunj? nga masakrat shqiptar?t e Kosov?s e kan? v?n? shpres?n e vetme p?r shp?tim te Evropa atlantike. Dhe m? n? fund, ashtu ndodh v?rtet: Per?ndimi i keq, Per?ndimi i urryer, Per?ndimi kriminal e ?liron popullin e Kosov?s nga nj? vend komunist, q? quhet Jugosllavi! Lider?t e dikursh?m komunist?, q? nga Stalini te Mao Ce Duni, do t? ktheheshin p?rmbys n? varr nga ky lajm. Do t? rrotullohej n? varr Titoja, por do t? kthehej sidomos Enver Hoxha. Kjo ishte nj? gj?m? e zez? p?r ta, fshikulli m? i fort? q? u jepte koha, e v?rteta, historia. Nd?rkaq jo m? pak do t? tronditeshin militant?t e thinjur stalinist? n? Beograd dhe n? Tiran?. Ishin gjetur edhe m? par? n? ca aleanca t? verb?ra e t? shurdh?ta, t? nd?rgjegjshme apo t? pand?rgjegjshme, qysh kur kishin pranuar si atdhe t? p?rbashk?t Rusin? sovjetike. U gjend?n pra p?rs?ri n? t? nj?jtin krah, ndon?se k?t? her? m? shum? pa nd?rgjegje se me nd?rgjegje, me fjal? t? tjera m? shum? nga budallall?ku se nga ndonj? projekt. E kishin humbur prej koh?sh atdheun e p?rbashk?t, B.R.S.S.-n?, ngaq? ai s'ekzistonte m? dhe nuk u kishte mbetur ve?se nj? afsh i tij: urrejtja kund?r Per?ndimit dhe NATO-s. E kishin b?r?, pra, k?t? urrejtje nj? far? surogati t? doktrin?s, ndaj, sa her? q? vinte puna, ishin gati t? punonin p?r t?. N? pranver? t? vitit 1999, e gjendur n? pik? t? hallit, Serbia u p?rpoq ta shfryt?zonte verb?rin? e marksist?-leninist?ve shqiptar? dhe mllefin e tyre antiper?ndimor. P?r shkak t? k?tij mllefi, n? bisedimet e Parisit, nd?shkimi i Serbis?, rrjedhimisht, liria e Kosov?s kaluan n? fill t? perit. Me dhjet?ra ishin stalinist?t shqiptar? dhe kosovar? q? b?nin trysni mbi delegacionin shqiptar p?r t? mos n?nshkruar d?nimin e Serbis?, pra, lirin? e Kosov?s. Si rrjedhim i l?kundjeve t? delegacionit, pra si pasoj? e koh?s s? humbur u vran? dhe u masakruan mij?ra shqiptar? t? tjer? n? Kosov?. Nuk kemi par? e as kemi d?gjuar ndonj? her? nj? shfaqje pendimi p?r k?t? faj t? r?nd?. Ashtu si? nuk kemi par? kurrfar? autokritike p?r deklaratat e pap?rgjegjshme t? disa lider?ve t? tjer?, deklarata q? shkaktuan viktima, shp?rngulje t? pafundme e f?mij? t? shkrumbuar. Ky refuzim kok?fort? p?r t? shqyrtuar gabimet u pagua shum? shtrenjt? nga populli shqiptar dhe ka rrezik t? paguhet ende n? t? ardhmen. P?r t? mbyllur k?t? kapitull t? hidhur mund t? thuhet se armiq?sia tradicionale kund?r NATO-s, desh p?rfundoi n? mbrojtje t? Serbis? komuniste, kund?r liris? s? Kosov?s. Asnj? shqiptar nuk ka t? drejt? t? harroj? k?t? tragjedi t? mundshme, prej t? cil?s popullin shqiptar e shp?toi fati. P?r fat t? keq, ka shum? q? qysh tani e kan? harruar. REVANSHI SERB Pas ?lirimit t? Kosov?s nga ushtrit? per?ndimore, Serbia e Miloshevi?it nuk e hoqi shpres?n p?r t? shkaktuar ftohje, pastaj acarim e mund?sisht konflikt midis shqiptar?ve dhe Evrop?s Atlantike. N? nj? v?shtrim t? par? mund t? dukej nj? shpres? e kot?, si p?rpjekjet e t? mbyturit p?r t'u kapur nga flok?t e vet. Por nuk ishte ashtu. Serbia i njihte cenet e shqiptar?ve, vanitetin, kapardisjen dhe etjen e tyre p?r pushtet dhe lavdi. Ajo do t? b?nte t? pamundur?n t? nxirrte prej tyre p?rfitimet e saj. K?to cene, pra, bashk? me rrjetin e saj agjenturor, bashk? me nostalgjit? staliniste antiper?ndimore, ishin shansi i fundit i saj p?r t'i rikthyer shqiptar?t n? gjendjen e tyre t? m?parshme: t? mallkuarit e Evrop?s. Qysh n? dit?t e para t? liris? u vu re mjergulla e par?. Krahas mir?njohjes p?r ?liruesit evropian?, nisi nj? eufori e tepruar p?r ?liruesit vend?s. Shkall?-shkall? kjo e fundit po fryhej nga disa rrethe n? at? mas?, saq? vetvetiu mir?njohja p?r Evrop?n po tkurrej p?r t? shkuar drejt zhdukjes. Mendime t? tilla, si "ushtrit? per?ndimore e ?liruan Kosov?n" me t? cil?n hapet ky n?nkapitull, do t? ting?llonin p?rher? e m? t? panatyrshme, ngaq? ishin z?vend?suar nga mendimi tjet?r: Kosov?n e ?liroi U?K-ja. ??shtje etike? Problem historian?sh t? ardhsh?m? ??shtje e dor?s s? dyt?, q? lidhet si? tham? m? lart me etjen ton? t? njohur p?r lavdi etj., etj.? N? rastin e Kosov?s nuk ka qen? aspak ashtu. ??shtja se kush e ?liroi Kosov?n kishte lidhje me nj? gj? tjet?r: mir?njohje ndaj Evrop?s. Mir?njohja gjithashtu mund t? duket e par?nd?sishme nga ana politike dhe n? shum? raste ashtu ?sht?. Por prap? n? rastin e Kosov?s, ajo do t? merrte ngjyrim dramatik. Dhe ja sepse: p?r t? nisur procesi i ftohjes dhe pastaj i armiq?simit t? shqiptar?ve me Evrop?n Atlantike, e para gj? q? duhej t? binte ishte pik?risht mir?njohja. Z?vend?simi i mir?njohjes me mosmir?njohjen do t? ishte edhe akti i par? i ftohjes. Kam qen? p?rher? p?rkrah?s i U?K-s? s? Kosov?s. I kam mbrojtur djemt? dhe vajzat e Kosov?s q? ishin gati t? flijoheshin p?r t?, n? dit?t e tyre m? t? k?qija, at?her? kur u sulmuan dhe u mbuluan me shpifje nga q? stuhi propagandistike bot?rore. E megjithat?, le t? kemi kurajon t? themi t? v?rtet?n: Kosov?n nuk e ?liroi U?K-ja, por Evropa Per?ndimore. Kjo e v?rtet? as nuk mohon, as nuk ndryshon asgj? n? meritat e k?saj ushtrie ?lirimtare. Ishte U?K-ja ajo q? i ra kamban?s s? alarmit p?r t? zgjuar gjith? planetin. Ishte ajo q? u vra e u cop?tua p?r t'i b?r? t? qart? bot?s se ?'po ndodhte n? Kosov?. S? fundi, ishte ajo q?, duke sh?rbyer si pararoj? e NATO-s, arriti t? t?rhiqte makin?n e r?nd? ushtarake t? saj n? vendin e harruar q? quhej Kosov?. U?K-ja ka dhe do t? ket? gjithmon? gjith? mir?njohjen ton?. Por as mir?njohja, as dashuria p?r t? nuk mund t? na detyroj? t? ndryshojm? t? v?rtet?n. Dhe e v?rteta ?sht? se U?K-ja nuk e ?liroi dhe as kishte mund?si ta ?lironte Kosov?n. Nd?rgjegj?simi p?r k?t? do t? sh?rbente si barrier? kund?r nj? psikoze t? mundshme antievropiane, psikoz? q? agjentura serbe u p?rpoq me t? gjitha m?nyrat ta nxiste n? Kosov?. Pas ?lirimit, n? Kosov? filluan t? ndodhnin gj?ra t? trishtueshme. Dhuna kund?r serb?ve t? pafajsh?m, d?bimi dhe frik?simi i tyre dhe i rom?ve do t? mjaftonin p?r t? dh?n? alarmin p?r nj? "spastrim etnik" n? kah t? kund?rt, t? kryer tashm? prej shqiptar?ve. Kjo u shoq?rua me nj? terror t? brendsh?m midis shqiptar?ve t? tipit bolshevik: vrasje t? kund?rshtar?ve politik?, larje llogarish, hakmarrje meskine. Kapitali q? shqiptar?t kishin grumbulluar si viktima t? dhun?s s? eg?r serbe po shpenzohej me shpejt?si. Bota per?ndimore nisi t? d?gjonte p?rher? e m? shpesh z?rat q? i b?nin thirrje p?r t? rishqyrtuar nd?rgjegjen lidhur me nd?shkimin e Serbis?. Sa m? shum? q? shqiptar?t b?nin marr?zira, aq m? pak Per?ndimi ndihej i detyruar moralisht ndaj tyre. Ishte e v?rtet? se s'kishte kurrfar? krahasimi midis dhun?s serbe dhe asaj shqiptare. Ishte e v?rtet? se shenja e barazis?, q? shpeshher? me lig?si dhe djall?zi, u vu midis tyre ting?llonte si fyerje e r?nd? p?r popullin e martirizuar shqiptar. E megjithat?, kjo nuk e p?rligjte krimin ton?. Duke imituar xhelat?t serb? ne fyenim vetveten. ?do vrasje serbi ose romi t? pafajsh?m, ?do djegie kishe a sht?pie serbe hiqte nj? gur nga muri i solidaritetit, i ngritur me aq mund dy vitet e fundit. N? k?t? gjendje tejet delikate lider?t e Kosov?s nuk u treguan t? kujdessh?m. Jo me deklarata t? thata, jo me mefsht?si, por me sinqeritet dhe pasion duhej t? d?nonin dhun?n shqiptare. Ta d?nonin n? m?nyr? t? besueshme, jo thjesht p?r t'i b?r? qejfin bot?s, por sepse ashtu ia desh?n interesat e liris? s? Kosov?s. D?nimi i dhun?s shqiptare nuk vinte n? kund?rshtim as me Kosov?n, as me moralin universal, ndaj s'kishte vend p?r kurrfar? m?dyshjeje. P?r fat t? keq, m?dyshjet binin n? sy q? larg. Nj? rreth me cen i rreziksh?m u krijua n? Kosov? dhe n? nj? pjes? t? diaspor?s shqiptare. Sa m? shum? Evropa atlantike e ngrinte tonin kund?r dhun?s shqiptare, aq m? fort shtohej rreziku i krijimit t? nervozizmit t? nd?rsjellt?. Instikti i vjet?r stalinist kund?r NATO-s rrezikonte t? dilte tashm? hapur. Beogradi p?rgjonte ?do shenj?, p?rpiqej t? kapte ?do rast dhe natyrisht i hidhte benzin? zjarrit. Dy ngjarje q? u duk?n t? papritura i soll?n m? af?r se kurr? arm?t shqiptare me arm?t e NATO-s, rrjedhimisht triumfin e ?ndrr?s serbe p?r konflikt: rebelimi ushtarak n? Lugin?n e Preshev?s dhe ai n? Maqedoni. I pari filloi n? koh?n e Miloshevi?it, i dyti n? at? t? Kostunic?s. NJ? MEDALJE E KUND?RSHTARIT Le t? jemi t? qart? qysh n? krye: shqiptar?t e zon?s s? Preshev?s, Bujanovskit, Medvjed?s, kan? plot?sisht t? drejt? t? k?rkojn? gjer m? nj? t? drejtat e tyre si qytetar? t? lir? t? shtetit ku b?jn? pjes?. Ve? k?saj ata kan? plot?sisht t? drejt? t? k?rkojn? mospranim n? truallin e tyre t? nj?sive ushtarake serbe q? mor?n pjes? n? masakrat e Kosov?s. K?to dy t? drejta nuk mund t? vihen n? dyshim. Nga ana tjet?r, le ta themi me trishtim, por me qart?si, se shqiptar?t e Lugin?s s? Preshev?s, pavar?sisht se si u gatua kjo pun? q? nga Kongresi i Berlinit e k?tej, sot p?rb?jn? nj? minoritet shqiptar brenda shtetit serb. T? till?, si minoriteti serb n? Kosov?, si minoriteti grek n? Shqip?ri, e k?shtu me radh?, si gjith? minoritetet n? Evrop?. Dihet se fati i tyre s'?sht? kurr? i g?zuesh?m. Dhe dihet se t? gjith? ata n? nj? m?nyr? ose n? nj? tjet?r e ndiejn? veten gjithsesi t? flijuar n? raportin me popujt nga jan? shk?putur. Nd?rkaq, po aq mir? dihet se problemi i pakicave n? Evrop? (e aq m? tep?r n? bot?), nuk shtrohet ende p?r zgjidhje nga q? kultura politike e sotme ?sht? ende larg mir?kuptimit p?r k?t? gj?. Nj? zgjidhje t? t?rthort? do t? sjell? padyshim evropianizimi cep m? cep i kontinentit. Ky evropianizim do t? b?j? q? shum? gjendje t? sotme pakicash t? duken pas disa vitesh barbare. Kjo do t? jet? praktikisht dhe fillimi i zgjidhjes p?rfundimtare. N? Lugin?n e Preshev?s ka ndodhur nj? gj? e ve?ant?. Rebelimi i armatosur shqiptar nisi brenda nj? shteti t? cil?suar praktikisht jasht? ligjit. Me k?t? shpjegohet mbyllja e nj?rit sy e NATO-s dhe me k?t? shpjegohet natyrisht krijimi i nj? keqkuptimi dramatik te shqiptar?t. Ata kujtuan ose ia mbush?n mendjen vetes se ajo q? u falej n? koh? t? Miloshevi?it, mund t'u falej edhe m? pas, n? koh?n kur tirani serb u p?rmbys. Kurrsesi nuk donin t? kuptonin se dit?n q? Serbia me t? drejt? ose pa t? drejt? nisi t? konsiderohej nj? vend pak a shum? normal, shqiptar?t e Lugin?s s? Preshev?s u rikthyen p?rs?ri n? nj? minoritet. Si t? till? ata s'mund t? k?mb?ngulin m? q? t? drejtat e tyre legjitime t'i k?rkonin me arm?. Asnj? pakic? n? Evrop? s'mund t'i lejohet dhe nuk do t'i lejohet kurr? nj? gj? e till?. Lejimi i saj do t? thoshte q? Evropa t? niste vet?vrasjen e saj. Ata q? kujtojn? se Evropa, ajo Evrop? q? s'do ta flijonte veten as p?r irlandez?t, as p?r pakicat gjermane, hungareze a flamande, do ta b?nte k?t? p?rjashtim p?r pakicat shqiptare, gabohen r?nd?. N? Lugin?n e Preshev?s nd?rkaq p?r nj? koh? t? gjat? kan? vazhduar dhe vazhdojn? bisedimet. Kam droj? se ky durim evropian ?sht? keqkuptuar. Arsyeja e v?rtet? e tij ka qen? nderimi p?r Kosov?n e martirizuar dhe p?r ask?nd tjet?r. Mir?po ka asish q? e kthejn? at? kujdes n? favor t? tyre. N? Lugin?n e Preshev?s zgjatja e bisedimeve nuk ka qen? ve?se vitrin? p?r reklamimin e "durimit dhe urt?sis? serbe" p?rball? mosdurimit shqiptar. Duke kujtuar se po b?heshin t? r?nd?sish?m prej zgjatjes s? bisedimeve, shqiptar?t nuk e kuptonin se prej tyre po rr?noheshin ?do dit?. P?r fat t? mir?, dit?t e fundit ka ndodhur nj? ndryshim themelor. Shqiptar?t po merren vesh me trupat e Aleanc?s p?r vendosjen e paqes, nj? akt me t? v?rtet? heroik q? duhet p?rsh?ndetur. E ngjashme ?sht? pak a shum? dhe ajo q? po ndodh n? Maqedoni. S'ka asnj? dyshim se tradita e shtypjes s? shqiptar?ve n? Maqedoni ka qen? monstruoze. S'ka kurrfar? dyshimi se t? d?rgosh policin? dhe tanket kund?r hapjes s? nj? universiteti, si? b?ri shteti maqedon n? Tetov?, se t? tmerrohesh nga p?rdorimi i gjuh?s shqipe, se t? sillesh me t? shp?rngulurit shqiptar? si me tufa bag?tish e t? ul?rish n?p?r stadiume se "shqiptar?t duhen mbytur me gaz!" etj., etj., t? gjitha k?to jan? makabre p?r nj? vend q? hiqet si evropian. E megjithat?, kund?rshtimi i k?tij turpi, k?rkesa e barazis? dhe e ndryshimit t? kushtetut?s jo me deklarata e manifestime politike, po drejt e me arm?, u gjykua ashp?r prej bashk?sis? nd?rkomb?tare si nj? akt destabilizues. Kjo histori tashm? dihet. Dihet ajo q? ndodhi dhe ajo q? po ndodh, gabimet e dyanshme, spekulimet, eg?rsia, t?rbimi i ekstremizmit maqedonas q? kujtoi se i erdhi dita, t?rbimi i ca intelektual?ve e gazetar?ve shqiptar?, t? cil?t nga kozmopolit? t? thekur gjer dje, u kthyen brenda nat?s n? nacionalist? t? p?rv?luar etj., etj. N? k?t? ?orb? tipike ballkanase nuk munguan as deklaratat barbare ruse, q? propozuan ?e?enin? n? Ballkan as intrigat serbe, as sfinat e diaspor?s shqiptare, q? u turr t? nxirrte p?rfitime nga ky mish-mash. Pyetja q? shtruan analist?t dhe nj? pjes? e madhe e opinionit shqiptar dhe bot?ror ishte: p?rse b?het e gjith? kjo? V?rtet shqiptar?t e Lugin?s s? Preshev?s besonin se do ta thyenin vet?m p?r vet?m ushtrin? jugosllave? N? munges? t? k?saj v?rtet ata besonin se NATO, pasi ?sht? deklaruar me nj? ashp?rsi t? pashembullt kund?r tyre, do t'i ndihmonte megjithat? ashtu si? ndihmoi Kosov?n dy vite m? par?? P?r rastin e Maqedonis? pyetja ?sht? e t? nj?jt?s natyr?: v?rtet shqiptar?t besojn? se Evropa dhe NATO, pasi i kan? quajtur terrorist? e jasht? ligjit do t'i ndihmojn? befas t? shembin Maqedonin? p?r t? nd?rruar at? nenin e mbrapsht? t? kushtetut?s? Duhet t? kesh nj? mendje m? shum? se naive p?r t? besuar nj? gj? t? till?. Analist?t dhe opinioni kan? t? drejt? t? b?jn? hamend?sime nga m? t? ndryshmet. Dikush thot? q? ka shtete (madje supershtete), q? p?r interesa t? err?ta e duan Ballkanin t? trazuar. P?r shkaqe t? naft?s, t? gazit, t? Korridorit 8, t? drog?s e t? dreqi e di ?far?. Nj? tjet?r ngul k?mb? se k?shtu i intereson mafies nd?rballkanike. Ka nj? mendim se kjo ?sht? ??shtje parash, pretekst p?r t? mbledhur ndihma, pra biznes me gjakun e popullit shqiptar, s? fundi nj? opinion tjet?r nget mendimin se kjo ?sht? e vetmja m?nyr? p?r t? mos e l?n? Shqip?rin? t? zhvillohet normalisht (Shqip?rin? e Madhe, Shqip?rin? n? ekspansion, Shqip?rin? e rrezikshme, e cila, p?r t? mir?n e Ballkanit e ndoshta t? Evrop?s, duhet t? mbetet ashtu si? ka qen? gjer dje: xhuxhe). P?r ta arritur k?t? duhet q? Shqip?ria, e cila sapo ka dal? n? liri nga kafazi i izolimit komunist t? kthehet prap? atje. P?r ta arritur k?t? ?sht? e domosdoshme q? Shqip?ria t? armiq?sohet prap? me bot?n per?ndimore. E ve?uar si dikur, e mallkuar, ?sht? m? leht? t? mbyllet prap? n? kafaz, si bish? e eg?r q? e tregojn? me gisht. Nj? mot?rzim i k?tij opinioni ?sht? bindja se ky nuk ?sht? ve?se nj? projekt serb p?r rikthimin e ushtris? jugosllave n? Kosov?. Sipas analistit amerikan, Janusz Bugajskit, n? k?t? kurth kan? r?n? p?r fat t? keq shqiptar?t. Tragjizmin e k?saj nyjeje t? err?t Bugajski e ka shprehur me mendimin se ata shqiptar? q? ndihmojn? me nd?rgjegje k?t? projekt mund t? marrin nj? dit? medaljen serbe t? car Dushanit. Armiq?simi i shqiptar?ve me Evrop?n atlantike ?sht? pika ku shumica e analist?ve bashkohen. Po t? hetohet me kujdes kronika e ngjarjeve, do t? v?rehet se as murmurimat e mbytura kund?r NATO-s, as shurdhimi me t? cilat jan? pritur paralajm?rimet e saj, as akuzat kund?r q?ndrimit proevropian t? Qeveris? Shqiptare, s? fundi, as k?rc?nimet gjysm? t? fshehta se, po t? jet? nevoja, do t? goditen trupat per?ndimore, nuk jan? thjesht rast?si. Nj? d?shir? e fsheht? e ardhur nga zgafellat e stalinizmit p?r t'u ndeshur me NATO-n, spikat aty-k?tu. N? nj? miting t? ekstremist?ve n? New-York, pasi b?het thirrje euforike p?r luft? n? Kosov?n lindore e Maqedoni nga nj? spekulant apartamentesh shpallet midis brohoritjeve si nj? sihariq lajmi i krijimit t? U??-s?, d.m.th. i ushtris? p?r ?lirimin e ?am?ris?. Si? shihet ka nj? r?nie maske n? k?t? miting. M? shum? se p?r t? drejta shqiptar?sh k?tu ?sht? fjala p?r konflikt t? hapur me NATO-n. Me fjal? t? tjera, pas g?rricjeve n? Preshev? dhe n? Maqedoni, do t? goditet haptazi nj? shtet q? ?sht? an?tar i NATO-s, Greqia. Shpallja e k?tij konflikt tregoi se testamenti i Enver Hoxh?s p?r luft? n? t? nj?jt?n koh? kund?r imperializmit dhe revizionizmit, kund?r NATO-s dhe Traktatit t? Varshav?s, mbetej ende testamenti baz? p?r nostalgjik?t e stalinizmit. Keqkuptimi dramatik i Evrop?s n? k?t? rast ?sht? se ajo vazhdon t'i fus? n? t? nj?jtin thes djemt? idealist?, q? jan? gati t? flijohen, me manipuluesit e tyre. Ky keqkuptim e mbyll shtegun e daljes nga nj? qorrsokak, shteg i cili funksionoi me sukses n? Lugin?n e Preshev?s. Me sa duket, bashk?sia Evropiane ?do dit? e m? tep?r po e humbet durimin dhe kjo ?sht? p?r t? ardhur keq. Sk?terra q? p?rjetoi populli shqiptar n? pranver?n e zez? t? vitit 1999 ?sht? e p?rmasave t? tilla, q? gjithsesi s'mund t? harrohet kaq shpejt. NJ? MASHTRIM Q? U VOLIT DY PAL?VE Midis val?s s? t?rbimit dhe budallall?kut antishqiptar, Qeveria maqedonase deklaroi se guerrilet shqiptare n? Tetov? p?rkraheshin fshehtazi nga SHBA dhe Gjermania. Ishte nj? tez? e njohur serbe, q? p?r habi p?rhapej gjithashtu nga shqiptar?t. Madje pak koh? m? par? ky mashtrim ishte b?r? biseda zot?ruese pik?risht nd?r shqiptar?t. N?p?r kafene, mjedise familjare, zyra, oda, redaksi gazetash etj., sa her? q? binte fjala p?r at? q? ndodhte n? Lugin?n e Preshev?s ose n? Maqedoni, gjendej dikush q? duke mbyllur syt? p?rgjysm?, i siguronte d?gjuesit se, lidhur me kryengritjen q? gjith? bota e d?nonte, n? t? v?rtet? ne, shqiptar?t, kishim nxitjen e fsheht? t? amerikan?ve. E po shyqyr at?her?, thoshin njer?zit naiv?. S'qenkan edhe aq keq pun?t. Dhe k?shtu vazhdonte t? p?rhapej ky mashtrim anemban? ku jetonin shqiptar?t, nga Prishtina n? Tiran?, q? andej n? Tetov? e Shkup, p?r t? p?rfshir? pastaj kontinentin e vjet?r e t? ri. Qeveria amerikane, ashtu si qeverit? evropiane, b?nte deklarime t? nj?pasnj?shme p?r her? e m? t? ashpra, p?r t? d?nuar metod?n shqiptare t? k?rkimit t? t? drejtave, mir?po p?r ?udi asgj? nuk e pengonte p?rhapjen e mashtrimit. Sepse gjithmon? e gjithkund gjendej "baca", q? mbyllte syt? misteriozisht p?r t? siguruar d?gjuesit p?r t? kund?rt?n. Dhe k?shtu vazhdonte kjo histori groteske, thelbi i s? cil?s mund t? p?rmblidhej n? arsyetimin po aq grotesk: p?r t? hyr? n? konflikt me Evrop?n atlantike, shqiptar?t i nxitka Aleanca Atlantike, me fjal? t? tjera vet? Evropa. ?'em?r t'i vihet k?tij mashtrimi, q? u sh?rbente t? dy pal?ve kund?rshtare? Nj? ?udi e re ballkanase? Katundarizim i skajsh?m i politik?s? Kretiniz?m alpin, si? formulohej n? nj? shprehje p?r?muese gjermane shp?rfillja p?r banor?t e lart?sive? Prapa form?s groteske fshihet megjithat? nj? e v?rtet?: krijuesit e k?tij mashtrimi e kan? ditur fare mir? se populli shqiptar nuk mund t'i ndiqte aq leht? n? nj? aventur?, q? her?t a von? do t'i ?onte kund?r Evrop?s. Ndaj p?r t'ia mbushur mendjen e p?r t? siguruar mb?shtetjen e tij ata sajuan k?t? marifet q? dukej i ?mendur, por q? n? turbullir?n ballkanike, ku njer?zit jan? aq t? prirur nga fantazit?, mund t? pinte uj?. Dhe ashtu ndodhi v?rtet: mashtrimi i p?rhapur si nj? duhm? nga gazetar?, hotelier?, bjerrakohsa kafenesh, amvisa, akademik? e nga nj? kor i pafund llapazan?sh, e ?oroditi p?r nj? far? kohe bot?n shqiptare. P?rve? dredhis? bizantine, thashethemja kishte brenda saj nj? doz? t? padurueshme imoraliteti. Ajo i vinte shqiptar?t n? nj? gjendje t? vajtueshme sejmen?sh e mercenar?sh, q? jan? gati t? vihen n? sh?rbim t? dikujt mjafton q? ai dikushi t'u p?shp?ris? fshehtazi n? vesh se ashtu duhet b?r?. Ve? k?saj, duke u fshehur pas sqetull?s s? NATO-s p?r t? kryer veprime q? NATO i d?nonte, disa shqiptar? b?n? figur?n e palakmueshme t? mikut t? bezdissh?m. Ky far? miku e k?rkon me pahir miq?sin?, e vetmja q? nuk mund t? k?rkohet ashtu. Ai e k?rkon at? edhe kur tjetri i tregon haptaz se nuk e pranon p?r mik. N? shum? deklarata t? ashpra t? b?ra koh?t e fundit nga ata q? duhet t? ishin miqt? tan?, por ne me pro?kat tona filluam t'ua plasnim buz?n, veprimet shqiptare jan? cil?suar "burracake". ?sht? nj? fyerje plagos?se p?r t? cil?n ne, p?rpara se t? ngutemi t? faj?sojm? t? tjer?t, ?sht? mir? t? k?rkojm? pjes?n ton? t? fajit. KY PER?NDIM KAQ SHUM? I LAKMUAR Pyetja a e duam ne Per?ndimin ?sht? e natyrshme t? shoq?rohet n? nd?rgjegjen ton? me vazhdimin e saj: po Per?ndimi a na do? Ka nj? konstatim t? njohur tashm? se Shqip?ria dhe shqiptar?t t? ngjitin nj?far? tifozll?ku dhe miqt? ose dashakeq?t e tyre, ashtu si n? nj? ndeshje futbolli ndahen n? nj? m?nyr? pasionante, p?r t? mir? apo p?r t? keq. Midis glorifikimit t? tepruar t? tipit t? romancierit gjerman Karl Maje dhe posht?rimit t? nj? let?rsie t? t?r?, shqiptar?t jan? ndier her? bij? krenar? t? shqipes e her? reckaman? t? kontinentit, q? shkaktojn? nervoziz?m e frik? gjithkund. Kjo e fundit, ka disa vjet q?, p?r fatin ton? t? keq, ?sht? b?r? zot?ruese. Po t? k?rkojm? nj?far? logjike t? brendshme p?rtej k?saj, s'?sht? v?shtir? t? hetohet nj? ftoht?si e vazhdueshme e s? djatht?s s? skajshme evropiane qoft? ajo angleze, franceze apo italiane, asaj q?, ndon?se nuk e shpreh haptaz, e konsideron Evrop?n si "nj? klub i krishter?". Pas vizionit t? saj konservator n? nj? klub t? till? nuk ka vend nj? popull gjysm? mysliman si? jan? shqiptar?t. N? k?t? pik?, kjo e djatht? ekstreme bashkohet me t? majt?n ekstreme, e cila afishon nj? armiq?si edhe m? t? shfrenuar ndaj popullit t? vog?l q? dikur e quante mik. Po t'i shtosh k?saj edhe val?n e antiamerikanizmit q? rrek t? b?het mod? n? disa vende evropiane, dhe goditjen e s? cil?s e vuajn? shqiptar?t nga q? u ka dal? nami si proamerikan? (gj? q? s'?sht? fort larg s? v?rtet?s), at?her? merret me mend se n? k?t? fush? bijt? e shqipes s'jan? aspak p?r t'u lakmuar. Nj? pyetje e tret? s'ka si t? mos b?het n? k?t? rast: ky Per?ndim kaq i pritur, ky Per?ndim kaq i ?nd?rruar, ky Per?ndim q? her? na do e m? shum? s'na do, v?rtet na qenka kaq i nevojsh?m e kaq i lakmuar p?r ne? Nuk ?sht? v?shtir? t? merret me mend buz?qeshja ngadhnjyese e antievropian?ve shqiptar?. E pra, megjithat?, ky Per?ndim ashtu si? ?sht?, i v?shtir?, problematik, arrogant, m? shum? mospranues se pranues, ky Per?ndim q? ashtu si demokracia, ashtu si vet? liria nuk qenkish as aq i bukur e as aq i p?rsosur si? e kishim p?rfytyruar n? koh?n e fatkeq?sis? son?, ky Per?ndim mbetet zgjedhja jon? e vetme. Kjo zgjedhje nuk kusht?zohet vet?m prej skajimit gjeografik, (fati na ka r?n? n? k?t? kontinent trillan dhe, duam s'duam, aty do t? mbetemi) as vet?m p?r arsye ekonomike, ushtarake, kulture, race etj. Duke qen? bashk?risht t? r?nd?sishme, ato shoq?rohen nga nj? tjet?r arsye. Kjo arsye e ve?ant? e madhore lidhet me problemin num?r nj? t? popullit shqiptar: problemin e liris?. Disa popuj n? Evrop? kan? probleme me lirin?, por te k?ta ?sht? fjala kryesisht p?r lirin? shoq?rore, p?r zgjerimin, pasurimin, p?rsosjen e saj. Populli shqiptar ?sht? i vetmi, q? ende n? fund t? mij?vje?arit problemin e liris? e kishte n? trajt?n e tij m? tragjike. Ishte fjala p?r lirin? n? kuptimin e mir?fillt?, parak t? fjal?s, n? at? kuptim si? flitej n? antikitet, n? mesjet?, n? koh?rat m? t? zeza t? masakrimit t? popujve. N? fund t? mij?vje?arit askund n? Evrop? nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej nj? vend si Kosova ku f?mij?t p?r dhjet? vite rrjesht t? mos shkonin n? shkolla, por n? bodrume, si n? koh?n e Neronit. Askund nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej nj? vend ku policia t'i detyronte banor?t t? mos i mbyllnin nat?n dyert e sht?pive n? m?nyr? q? ajo t? hynte kur t? donte, p?r t? bastisur, rrahur, p?rdhunuar e vrar? mizorisht shtetasit e saj, vet?m se ata nuk ishin sllav?, por shqiptar?, pra, t? huaj n? shtetin q? quhej Jugosllavi. Askund n? Evrop? nuk mund t? p?rfytyrohej t? griheshin me thik? prej ushtar?ve e paraushtar?ve mbi nj?mij? foshnja, si n? koh?n e Herodit. Ky primitivitet i rob?ris? shqiptare nuk mund t? p?rligj? megjithat? nj? p?rgjigje t? ngjashme, pra primitive p?r fitimin e liris?. Parulla t? vjetra, si: "me sllavin na ndan ve? gryka e pushk?s" e t? tjera si k?to mund t? prodhojn? rr?muj? t? verb?r, por jo liri. Duke folur p?r Kosov?n, shkrimtari m? i madh i gjall? i Franc?s, Julien Gracq, ka shkruar se ve? n? vise t? Ballkanit mund t? p?rdoren ende formulat e vjetra, si: "gjaku do t? vej? gjer n? gju t? kalit". Duke nd?shkuar Serbin? p?r krimet e saj primitive, Aleanca Atlantike zhvilloi me sa duket luft?n e saj t? par? dhe t? fundit, t? till? si? e kemi ende luft?n n? p?rfytyrimin ton?. E megjithat?, edhe n? k?t? rast, q? duket qysh tani atavik, prej aktit t? luft?s u p?rjashtua ideja e gjakut t? derdhur. Ose m? sakt?, p?r ?lirimin e Kosov?s, midis popullit shqiptar dhe Aleanc?s Atlantike u sajua ai bashk?veprim i ?uditsh?m, ku shpenzimin m? t? vjet?r t? luft?s, gjakun, e vuri populli i pakt? shqiptar, kurse arm?t, NATO-ja e fuqishme. N? rrethana t? tilla, n? kushtet e kund?rth?nies tragjike q? u krijua midis primitivitetit t? rob?ris? dhe domosdoshm?ris? n? kushtet moderne t? liris?, historia i ruajti popullit shqiptar takimin e tij t? shum?pritur me Evrop?n. ?sht? hera e par? q? n? historin? ton? dhe n? at? t? kontinentit q? aspirata jon? e liris? jo vet?m nuk bie ndesh, por p?rkon me programin e Evrop?s s? nes?rme. Kjo Evrop? me kufij t? zbeht? dhe me kontakte t? lira, duke mund?suar lirin? shqiptare n? hap?sir?n e saj t? plot?, unike e t? pand?rprer?, e ndryshon programimin e problemit num?r nj? t? pazgjidhur t? kombit shqiptar. Nga nj? mund?si konfliktesh plot marr?zi dhe eg?rsi ballkanike e ushqyer nga shtampat e gjakut "gjer n? gju t? kalit" e t? "pushk?s q? t? ndan me tjetrin", ajo e kthen at? n? nj? problem evropian, i cili nuk mund t? k?rkoj? ve? nj? zgjidhje evropiane. Shikuar nga ky k?nd, shqiptar?t i kan? t? gjitha arsyet t? militojn? p?r evropianizimin e Ballkanit dhe t? jen? ashtu si? kan? ?nd?rruar poet?t e tyre, populli i par? kontinental i gadishullit. T? jen?... Po a jan? v?rtet? NE PRAG TE NJE FATI TE RI Shqiptar?t ashtu si shumica e ballkanasve jan? ende t? pap?rgatitur p?r lirin? evropiane. Vet? Evropa p?r t'u emancipuar ka kaluar n?p?r prova t? r?nda, disa prej t? cilave e kan? ?uar n? zgrip t? katastrof?s. Nj? nd?r aktet spastruese t? Evrop?s ka qen? d?nimi prej asaj vet? i krimeve t? saj. Krimi kolonialist, fashist, komunist, racist. Pa k?t? d?nim nuk mund t? kishte dhe ende s'mund t? ket? Evrop?. Popujt e Ballkanit, duke p?rfshir? k?tu dhe popullin shqiptar duhet t? d?nojn? krimet e veta. K?t? ndarje e pengojn? hipotekat e vjetra: urrejtja etnike, nj? kultur? e t?r? e dhun?s dhe e eg?rsis?, nj? dehje dhe ekzaltim pas saj, nj? p?rpjekje p?r ta paraqitur si kultur? heroike. As pushka q? t? ndan nga tjetri, as prita, as goditja pas ferr?s, as gusla, lahuta apo deklarata q? i hymnizon ato nuk mund t'i ndihmojn? shkretan?t e Ballkanit. E po ashtu s'mund t'i ndihmoj? dyfytyr?sia n? politik?, stalinizmi soft (me fjal? t? tjera stalinizmi n?n rrogoz), apo djathtizmi fashistoid alla Hajder, t? maskuara t? dyja pas parullave proper?ndimore. Zgjedhja proevropiane q? ka b?r? populli shqiptar ?sht? zgjedhja e liris? s? tij n? kushtet moderne. Liria shqiptare nuk e ka emrin as Shqip?ri e Madhe, as ekspansion shqiptar, si? mendojn? disa. Si? u tha m? lart liria shqiptare ?sht? zhvillimi normal, natyral i popullit shqiptar, brenda harmonis? dhe frym?s s? Evrop?s s? bashkuar. Gjetja e rrug?ve p?r ta lejuar k?t? zhvillim, p?r fat t? keq t? nd?rprer?, ?sht? n? fakt edhe zgjidhja e problemit madhor t? shqiptar?ve n? gadishull. Me k?t? pik?shikim, n? qoft? se ka nj? popull q? p?rfiton m? s? shumti nga paqja, stabiliteti dhe emancipimi i gadishullit ballkanik, ?sht? n? radh? t? par? populli shqiptar. Dhe n?se ka nj? t? till? q? d?mtohet m? s? shumti, nga kaosi dhe lufta, ?sht? prap? populli shqiptar. T? gjith? e din? se qershori i k?tij viti, muaji i zgjedhjeve, ?sht? muaji i shansit t? mir? ose shansit t? keq p?r Shqip?rin?. I madh e i vog?l n? Shqip?ri, e kuptojn? k?t? gj?, sepse i madh e i vog?l e kan? d?gjuar mendimin, paralajm?rimin, e po t? doni ultimatumin e bashk?sis? evropiane se nj? zhvillim normal ose jo i k?tyre zgjedhjeve, varet hapja ose mbyllja e portave t? Shqip?ris? me Evrop?n. P?r ?udi, k?t? t? v?rtet? t? madhe q? lidhet me fatin ton?, e fundit q? nuk e kupton ose q? b?n sikur nuk e kupton ?sht? pjesa radikale e klas?s politike shqiptare. P?r fat t? keq, kjo pjes? radikale arrin t? b?j? ligjin n? majat e politik?s. Fushata e zgjedhjeve, n? t? cil?n populli i lodhur shqiptar, ka v?n? aq shum? shpres?, filloi me muzik?, p?r t? b?r? nj? kthes? drejt degjenerimit dit?n e tret? t? saj. Shqypi shqiptar, me pjekuri e nj? p?rgjegj?si qytetare denoncoi radikalizmin e nj?rit prej lider?ve, Nanos i cili sipas k?tij shtypi i hodhi benzin? zjarrit. S'?sht? her? e par? q? ndodh nj? gj? e till? n? Shqip?ri: sapo di?ka merr p?r mbar?, do t? gjendet dikush q? ta pengoj? me ?do mjet k?t? proces. Do t? gjendet nj? lider radikal q? t? b?j? thirrje p?r acarim me kund?rshtarin, thirrje q? i ngjan aq fort me parull?n ?njer?zore: "forcim i luft?s s? klasave". Sapo n? horizont shfaqet di?ka shpres?dh?n?se do t? d?gjohet, her? nga e djathta, her? nga e majta kushtrimi barbar: "nuk do t'i njohim zgjedhjet!", kjo klithm? e neveritshme q? ?sht? kthyer n? nj? nga turpet e Shqip?ris? s? sotme. Shtypi, analist?t dhe gjith? opinioni publik me t? drejt? b?n pyetjen: A jan? v?rtet kaq t? verbuar nga pasionet primitive politikan?t tan? radikal? saq? t? mos e kuptojn? se ?'katastrof? ?sht? p?r Shqip?rin? ky destabilitet, kjo ethe e vazhdueshme q? po na tret t? gjith?ve? Apo e gjith? kjo nuk ?sht? thjesht verb?ri por pjell? e nj? kalkulimi t? ftoht? p?r t? mos e l?n? Shqip?rin? t? marr? frym?? Pyetja ?sht? e r?nd? dhe dyshimi gjithashtu. Le t? shpresojm? t? mbetet vet?m nj? dyshim. Nd?rkaq mu n? syt? ton? po ndodh gjith?ka: Radikalizmi shqiptar p?rtej kufijve nuk ka dh?n? ve?se rezultate negative: nj? ftohje t? p?rgjithshme t? opinionit bot?ror ndaj shqiptar?ve, dob?sim i pavar?sis? s? Kosov?s, dob?sim i TMK-s? (e para ushtri mbrojt?se e Kosov?s) dhe hedhja e ides? t? shuarjes s? saj, afrimi i ushtris? serbe kilomet?r pas kilometri rrotull Kosov?s, p?rgatitja e ides? s? kthimit t? saj n? vendin e krimit, s? fundi afrimi i Jugosllavis? me NATO-n dhe largimi i Shqip?ris? prej saj. N? k?t? proces t? mbrapsht?, q?ndrimi realist i qeveris? shqiptare, n? vend q? t? mb?shtetet, po komprometohet nga nj? kund?rrym?, nga radikalizmi partiak q? u p?rmend m? lart. N? k?to kushte, destabilizimi i shtetit shqiptar, atij q? duhej t? ishte shtylla ku do t? ankoroheshin shpresa shqiptare dhe besimi evropian ndaj nesh, do t? ishte veprimi m? i pafalsh?m e kriminal i vet? shqiptar?ve. Radikalizmi dhe destabiliteti po kthehen n? penges?n kryesore p?r t? prer? rrug?n e zhvillimit normal t? kombit shqiptar. Normalitetin e tij ky komb nuk mund ta arrij? n?p?rmjet qorrsokak?ve t? vdekjes, me parrula t? vjetra kinse heroike, ato q? komunist?t shqiptar? i adaptuan vite m? par? kor hodh?n iden? q? Shqip?ria ose t? ishte e kuqe ose t? mos ekzistonte fare e q? ende valviten sot mbi g?rmadhat e stalinizmit kuban "socializ?m ose vdekje". Rrug? t? reja drejt demokracis? dhe jet?s jan? t? hapura sot n? Evrop?. Shansi yn? i madh ?sht? se p?r her? t? par? n? histori k?to rrug? jan? t? hapura ehde p?r ne, t? mallkuarit gjer dje t? kontinentit. Ecja n?p?r k?to rrug?, p?rbri popujsh t? tjer?, disa prej t? cil?ve kan? patur probleme tona dhe zymt?sin? ton? ?sht? rruga e vetme q? na mbetet. Si? ?sht? th?n? dhe m? par?, vet?m k?shtu ne do t? fillojm? t? jetojm? e jo t? vazhdojm? t? vdesim. Nga Shekulli --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! 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