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List: ALBSA-Info[ALBSA-Info] G8 Nations To Review Balkans CaseGazhebo at aol.com Gazhebo at aol.comSat Jul 21 08:39:13 EDT 2001
G8 Nations To Review Balkans Case By DUSAN STOJANOVI BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - With Slobodan Milosevic behind bars, leaders of the world's seven richest countries and Russia can take heart over the future of the Balkans when they review the situation there during their summit in Genoa, Italy. However, the handover of the former Yugoslav president to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in the Netherlands doesn't mean the turbulent region is on its way to imminent peace and prosperity. Here's a look at Balkan troublespots: MACEDONIA Western-mediated talks between Macedonian and ethnic Albanian parties to allow more rights for the restive Albanian minority are likely to produce an agreement soon. But with ethnic Albanian rebels excluded from the talks, the agreement's implementation could be difficult. The insurgents have profited from poorly organized government defense forces and have taken control of large chunks of Macedonian territory - ground they won't give up without a fight. NATO has pledged to help disarm the rebels, but only when a political agreement is in place. YUGOSLAVIA The country is on the verge of disintegrating over the next year. Its two remaining republics - dominant Serbia and much smaller Montenegro - are unlikely to agree on a loose confederation proposed by the secessionist Montenegrin leadership. The new pro-democracy Yugoslav leadership, which replaced Milosevic in October, will not use force to keep the country together as Milosevic had threatened to do. But as the two republics edge toward divorce, tensions are rising in Montenegro, where people are divided between wanting independence and wanting to remain part of Yugoslavia. The likely split will lead to new Serbian elections. President Vojislav Kostunica hopes to have his party assume a leadership role and desert the broad coalition that unseated Milosevic. Kostunica's moderate nationalist party has gained strength as Milosevic's neo-communists and ultranationalists switch sides and join its ranks. His party's election victory could stall pro-Western democratic reforms that the Serbian government - led by Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic - has been trying to carry out since Milosevic's ouster. The return of neo-nationalists to power in Serbia could have grave consequences for the region. Hard-line policies could fuel more trouble, especially in Kosovo, where the ethnic Albanian majority seeks independence. CROATIA Croatia's pro-Western government, which has been in place just 18 months, has been seriously challenged after its agreement to hand over two senior officers to the U.N. war crimes tribunal. The decision, highly sensitive in a country where Croat fighters are widely regarded as heroes of the 1991 war for independence, is fiercely disputed by veterans, opposition parties and even Prime Minister Ivica Racan's key coalition partner in government. Racan's Cabinet handily survived a vote of confidence earlier this week, but still faces veterans' threat of mass protests when the generals are extradited. KOSOVO The province is formally a part of Serbia, even though it has been run by the United Nations and NATO since July 1999, when NATO ended 78 days of airstrikes that punished Milosevic's regime for its crackdown on ethnic Albanians. Kosovo will remain a Balkan flashpoint as long as Serbia's leaders refuse to recognize that it is no longer a historic part of their state. BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA Bosnia remains deeply split among its three ethnic groups - Bosnian Muslims, Serbs and Croats. Although the war ended in 1995, the country is far from stable despite efforts by the international community and NATO-led troops. Because it is so deeply split along ethnic lines and lacks a functioning joint government, Bosnia will continue to depend on Western economic, political and military aid. Despite announced efforts to reduce the U.S. military presence in Bosnia, which numbers roughly 3,800 American troops, the country could not function without a long-term peacekeeping force.
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