[ALBSA-Info] Greece: The FYROM about-face.

[Kreshnik Bejko]

Unheralded, a new foreign policy emerges for the Balkans

By Theodore Couloumbis and Aristotle Tziampiris,

During the recent crisis in the western Balkans, Greece has sought to assist 
and support the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). This behavior 
demonstrates a (largely unnoticed by the international media) new approach 
in Greek foreign policy on regional issues, as well as the culmination of a 
process of improvement in bilateral relations with FYROM.

Things were very different a few years ago. In the early 1990's, enormous 
mass demonstrations and the imposition of sanctions characterized Greece's 
response to the dispute concerning the new republic's name and what were 
perceived (not unfairly) as provocative irredentist statements on the part 
of FYROM's leadership. After four years of acrimony, an Interim Agreement 
was signed in September 1995 between the two states, which, however, did not 
resolve the "name" issue.

Subsequently, Greece's business community took full advantage of the various 
opportunities offered, rendering Greece one of the largest trading partners 
and foreign investors in the country.

Furthermore, the tone of public discourse ceased to be hostile, while even a 
military agreement was signed in December 2000.

FYROM's Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski has described this new situation 
as a "small miracle." After interethnic hostilities between Slav and 
Albanian Macedonians erupted in March 2001, Greece's government declared its 
support for the territorial integrity of FYROM.

Foreign Minister George Papandreou visited Skopje, condemned the acts of 
Albanian extremists and firmly reiterated his opposition to any form of 
violent change of borders. Athens also proposed to the European Council that 
the completion of FYROM's Stabilization and Association Agreement with the 
EU be accelerated. There was a positive response to this request, and a 
signing ceremony eventually took place on April 9, 2001, FYROM becoming the 
first country in the western Balkans to enter such an agreement, in part 
thanks to Greek intervention.

It should be stressed here that the leader of the Greek opposition, Dr. 
Costas Karamanlis, visited Skopje and insisted that violent acts should be 
condemned, and that both FYROM's territorial integrity and minority rights 
should be respected.

Thus, it emerges that Greece's response to developments in FYROM already 
enjoys bipartisan support in favor of minority rights and the sanctity of 
FYROM's borders. Some military aid has been provided (tents, 
telecommunications equipment, etc.), while about 600 Greek troops are 
available to join a NATO force, if the cease-fire holds. At the same time, 
sensitivity to minority rights has also been expressed, thus sending a clear 
signal that Athens does not ignore, as long as they are peacefully 
expressed, the concerns of the neighboring country's Albanian citizenry.

Hence, it can be concluded that Greece's reaction to the armed Albanian 
rebellion was prudent, balanced, bipartisan and supportive. Greece's new 
policy is based on the realization that its national interests are best 
served by stability and democracy in the Balkans.

There is a clear determination that our country will never again be 
perceived as part of the region's problems. The "black sheep" reputation 
acquired in the 1980s and 1990s is no longer applicable and it is evidenced 
by Greek efforts to contribute to multilateral stabilizing activity.

This is why Greek troops are serving under both KFOR and SFOR, and why F.R. 
Yugoslavia's opposition parties received considerable support and 
encouragement from Athens, well before Slobodan Milosevic's overthrow.

Greece, in sum, has demonstrated that it has a stable and mature political 
party system, which guarantees the continuity of the country's new foreign 
policy toward Southeastern Europe. The major opposition party, New 
Democracy, has consistently refused to fan popular discontent and exploit 
sensitive foreign policy issues in the Balkans, which would have allowed it 
to score political points.

This was clearly seen during NATO's bombing campaign in Kosovo, which was 
opposed by 85 percent of the Greek people.

Nevertheless, New Democracy chose not to exploit this question at the 
expense of the governing PASOK party and a prudent foreign policy.

As regards FYROM, and assuming that the Albanian insurgency is checked and a 
political settlement is reached, it should be understood that the small 
country's long-term viability will ultimately depend on the processes of 
enlargement of the Euro-Atlantic structures.

As a member of both NATO and the European Union, Greece can play a very 
useful role in this process.

Skopje's path to Brussels passes through Athens, and it will be interesting 
to view the dynamics of this relationship that could also include the 
resolution of the "name" issue.

,Theodore Couloumbis is professor of International Relations at the 
University of Athens and general director of the Hellenic Foundation for 
European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP). Aristotle Tziampiris is lecturer of 
International Relations at the University of Piraeus and research fellow at 
ELIAMEP.

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