From kbejko at hotmail.com Mon Jul 2 14:51:59 2001 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Mon, 02 Jul 2001 14:51:59 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian groups helps Peru Message-ID: Albanian group expands mission Monday, July 2, 2001 By Richard Duckett Telegram & Gazette Staff WORCESTER-- The name of the group is the New England Albanian Relief Organization. But the charitable nonprofit organization, based in Worcester, has been turning its attention southward to Peru, rather than eastward to the Balkans for the past week as it attempts to offer aid and relief to another part of the world in urgent need. Leon Lonstein, president of NEARO, said he hopes to ship at least one 40-foot container of humanitarian aid for the victims of the June 23 earthquake in southern Peru that killed more than 100 people, injured hundreds of others and left thousands homeless. But although NEARO has plenty of donated material, Mr. Lonstein said his all-volunteer organization does not have the money to ship a container. Ocean and inland freight charges total about $4,100 per container. Just as NEARO in the past appealed to the public for help in aiding the poor in Albania, it now is hoping people will support its efforts to lend a helping hand to the quake victims in Peru. ?We hope that people will respond with donations,? Mr. Lonstein said. Asked why an Albanian relief group would want to assist Peruvians, he said, ?We're still for Albania, No. 1. But if a county like Peru has an earthquake, we're there.? Mr. Lonstein said he has been talking to Mariano Garcia-Godos, the Consul General of Peru based in Boston, who has described scenes of horror in the wake of the 7.9-magnitude earthquake. ?When I spoke to the consul he said you can't believe the devastation there. The earthquake has devastated the country,? Mr. Lonstein said. The temblor caused the most damage in Moquegua, a city near the border with Chile, and Arequipa, the second-largest city in Peru. In Moquegua, problems were compounded by a landslide, while in Arequipa people have been sleeping outside despite winter temperatures close to freezing in the city. Elsewhere near the epicenter of the earthquake, a tidal wave surged three-quarters of a mile inland, destroying homes and furnishings. ?People don't have anything to sleep on. They sleep on the ground,? Mr. Lonstein said. ?People are walking around barefoot and with just the clothes they have on their backs.? In a fax to Mr. Garcia-Godos, Mr. Lonstein said that NEARO wishes to send to the quake victims a container of humanitarian aid. The container would include 232 boxes of good-quality used clothing and shoes separated by age group -- newborn to 6 years, ages 7-14, and adult women and men. NEARO said it also may send sheets of rubber foam and medical items such as canes, crutches and walkers. Additionally, NEARO has some bicycles that could be shipped. Mr. Lonstein said Mr. Garcia-Godos was particularly interested in the sheets of rubber foam, which could be used as bedding, and the clothes and shoes. Mr. Garcia-Godos was trying to determine how much the government of Peru would be able to help with paying the cost of the freight charges. Somerset Marine Lines, of Hillsborough, N.J., operates a vessel that leaves New York City every Friday and has a 17-day transit to the port city of Callao in Peru. Mr. Lonstein said he could have a container shipped out on Friday. The problem, however, is ?we don't have the money to pay for a container ... We could send five containers. We've got five containers of material to go today. There is a need for that,? he said. He was speaking last week inside the NEARO warehouse at 1048 Southbridge St., where boxes of donated clothes and medical supplies reached the ceiling. Outside, three trailers had been packed with items by volunteers for shipment in the near future. Mr. Lonstein founded NEARO in 1990 to provide emergency medical supplies, food and clothing to orphanages, institutions and individuals in Albania as the country began its painful transition from Stalinism to democracy and a market economy. He said that $10 million in donated aid has been shipped to Albania over the past 11 years. Mr. Lonstein's wife, Mary Sahagen-Lonstein, is a native of Albania. Many people of Albanian heritage live in the Worcester area. A retired businessman, Mr. Lonstein set up the organization's distribution system in Albania and established a library in the southern city of Korce. Also in the warehouse last week were boxes of books that had been donated by pupils at Deerfield Academy. The books will soon be shipped to Korce. It remains to be seen when the first shipment of aid will go to Peru. Mr. Lonstein said that it appears that very few agencies have stepped forward so far to offer the country assistance. When Mr. Garcia-Godos heard of NEARO's offer, ?he was extremely grateful,? Mr. Lonstein said. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:19:45 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:19:45 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Europe Council asks Skopje to give rebels amnesty Message-ID: Europe Council asks Skopje to give rebels amnesty STRASBOURG, France, June 28 (Reuters) - The Council of Europe's Parliamentary Assembly urged Macedonia on Thursday to declare an amnesty for ethnic Albanian rebels who laid down their arms. A spokeswoman at the Strasbourg-based Council said the assembly sought amnesty for rebels who had not committed war crimes and renounced violence and handed in their weapons. The assembly, which brings together deputies from the human rights watchdog's 43 member countries, issued the call in a six- point resolution after a debate on violence in the Balkans. The assembly strongly condemned the actions of Albanian extremist groups and urged them to lay down their arms, a statement from the Council said. It called on the parties in the coalition government to conclude an agreement to resolve the crisis, and supported international efforts to stabilise the situation and combat extremist violence. The assembly also asked Macedonia to allow the Albanian minority to use their language in dealings with the state and courts and to ensure that ethnic Albanians were properly represented in public bodies including police and the army. In separate recommendations, the assembly said the Council's Committee of Ministers should invite all member states to prohibit the financing of extremist groups and freeze their bank accounts. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:21:07 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:21:07 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Families Discuss Milosevic With Rage Message-ID: Families Discuss Milosevic With Rage By FISNIK ABRASHI RACAK, Yugoslavia (AP) - Libade Azemi will forever be haunted by the sight of her decapitated husband, one of 45 ethnic Albanians killed and mutilated in this village during Slobodan Milosevic's crackdown on Kosovo. ``He deserves worse than what he did to my husband,'' Libade, 51, said Friday from the balcony of her small brick house - just a few yards away from the spot where Milosevic's forces hauled away her husband in 1999. There is a palpable sense of relief in Kosovo that Milosevic is finally before the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, to face justice for atrocities committed here. But there is also rage and grief over the carnage that Milosevic's crackdown left behind. His forces swept through this village on Jan. 15, 1999, carrying out executions at point-blank range and beheading or otherwise mutilating the bodies. Forty-five ethnic Albanians - 42 men and boys and three women - were slain. The youngest was 13; the oldest, 75. In the village of 2,000 people, it boiled down to this: 63 children lost a parent. Twenty-five women were widowed. The bodies of 23 men, all shot at close range, were tossed into a ditch. Others lay scattered around the village, their heads smashed, with brains and organs missing. Some victims were shot in the back, suggesting they were gunned down while trying to run away. Even with Milosevic in The Hague, there was no sign of jubilation Friday in this village nestled in gentle foothills about 18 miles southwest of Pristina, the provincial capital. ``It is not only him who is responsible - there are lot of others wandering freely in Serbia,'' Libade said. The tribunal cited the Racak killings in its May 1999 indictment of Milosevic and four members of his inner circle. The court charged the former Yugoslav president and his aides with crimes against humanity and violations of the laws and customs of war for atrocities in Kosovo, and is building a genocide case against Milosevic for war crimes committed in Bosnia and Croatia in the early 1990s. The Racak blood bath gave the United States and other backers of military intervention a powerful rallying point for NATO's 78-day bombing campaign that punished Belgrade for its crackdown in Kosovo. For Ramiz Ymeri, 64, the massacre marked the beginning of the end of Milosevic. ``From that day, his misdeeds became known around the world. He started going down,'' said Ymeri, caressing a brown gravestone marking the remains of his 20-year-old son. ``There are more people who should pay for this, not only (Milosevic),'' he said. ``There was lot of room on that plane that took him there I heard. Others should have been with him.'' Other villagers share his desire for revenge. ``I would kill him straight away,'' said Ymer Mustafa, 31, a shopkeeper. ``He should be killed not only for what he did in Kosovo, but also in Bosnia and elsewhere. I hope his nightmares are going to come true.'' From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:21:55 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:21:55 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NATO backs Macedonia force, urges political deal Message-ID: NATO backs Macedonia force, urges political deal By Paul Taylor, Diplomatic Editor LONDON, June 29 (Reuters) - NATO members gave final approval on Friday to a plan to send up to 3,000 troops to Macedonia to collect and destroy the weapons of ethnic Albanian rebels if a political settlement can be reached. NATO Secretary-General George Robertson said it was now up to the government in Skopje to conclude political negotiations to resolve ethnic Albanian grievances and observe a truce so the alliance could provide assistance. "The ball is now firmly in the court of the Macedonian government to deliver on the political dialogue and the ceasefire in order to allow NATO's help to come into effect," he said in an interview with Reuters on a visit to London. The force would only go to Macedonia once a lasting ceasefire had been declared and a political agreement reached between Macedonian political parties. "There will be no NATO deployment unless there is a permissive environment and a ceasefire," Robertson said. In Brussels, NATO spokesman Yves Brodeur said the alliance had approved the "Essential Harvest" operational plan for troops to deploy in Macedonia for about 30 days to collect weapons from disarming Albanian guerrillas once the conditions were met. Fifteen of the 19 NATO member countries, including the United States, have committed troops, Brodeur said. He declined to identify the other countries involved, but NATO sources have said Britain, France, Spain, Greece, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Norway are among possible contributors. WINDOW OF OPPORTUNITY Western nations have been engaged in intensive diplomacy to try to prevent the four-month-old rebellion in Macedonia, fuelled from neighbouring NATO-patrolled Kosovo, from turning into a new Balkan war. Robertson said he hoped new European Union special envoy Francois Leotard would be able to persuade the Macedonian authorities to use a window of opportunity to end the conflict. "I hope he is going to be successful in persuading the various elements of the national unity government now to recognise that avoiding civil war is possible, but only if there is an urgent addressing of the political dialogue," he said. The rebels say they are fighting to improve the rights of the large ethnic Albanian minority in Macedonia. Earlier this month NATO ordered military planners to ready a force for Macedonia to collect arms from Albanian guerrillas as soon as a political agreement could end fighting in the former Yugoslav republic. When plans for the force were first announced, diplomats said NATO hoped it would hasten the conclusion of a political deal with ethnic Albanian party leaders. The two sides have been discussing ways to improve minority rights, but talks have stalled and some Western analysts question whether there will be any agreement to enforce. NATO sources have said the alliance has no intention of mounting a third major Balkan peacekeeping mission alongside those in Bosnia and Kosovo, despite calls from the guerrilla National Liberation Army for international troops to police a ceasefire. Asked why the Albanian guerrillas should surrender their arms to NATO if they knew the allied force would be gone within 30 days, Robertson said: "Because the Albanian guerrillas know there is in a democracy a political dialogue with two Albanian parties who will be delivering on the grievances that remain outstanding by the Albanian community. "There is no need for the armed insurgency if the political dialogue produces the reforms," he added. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:22:47 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:22:47 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU envoy starts Macedonia mission, NATO urges deal Message-ID: <9d.17ab46d9.28726a57@aol.com> EU envoy starts Macedonia mission, NATO urges deal By Anatoly Verbin SKOPJE, June 29 (Reuters) - The European Union's new Balkans envoy, Francois Leotard, on Friday met Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski on the first step of his mission aimed at averting a new war in the Balkans. Macedonian troops fired occasional machinegun and mortar rounds at ethnic Albanian rebel positions just above the city of Tetovo, but Reuters reporters said there were no fresh skirmishes in the northeast. In Brussels, NATO said it had given final approval to a plan to send up to 3,000 troops to Macedonia to collect and destroy the weapons of ethnic Albanian rebels. The force would only go once a lasting ceasefire had been declared and a political agreement reached between Macedonian political parties -- the task Leotard is due to facilitate. "The ball is now firmly in the court of the Macedonian government to deliver on the political dialogue and the ceasefire in order to allow NATO's help to come into effect," NATO Secretary-General George Robertson told Reuters in London. Western nations have been engaged in intensive diplomacy to try to halt the four-month-old rebellion in Macedonia, fuelled from neighbouring NATO-patrolled Kosovo. "I indicated to President Trajkovski that there were several levels of dialogue," Leotard told reporters after the meeting. "There is the political dialogue among parliamentary representatives, but there's another dialogue which is carried out between the authorities of this republic with the international community and the opinion of the European Union has its place in this." Macedonian and ethnic Albanian political leaders have been discussing ways to improve minority rights to undercut the four-month-old rebellion, but talks have stalled. The latest meeting was disrupted on Monday when armed police reservists stormed into parliament during a nationalist riot and participants in the talks were evacuated through a back door. Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski said on Friday he had ordered demobilisation of some police reservists. LEOTARD STARTED WITH A SNAG The Albanians are demanding a more formalised international participation, something the Macedonian side has so far resisted, fearing it will play into their opponents' hands, but diplomats say such a move is crucial to get negotiations moving. Leotard made his talks ever more difficult when on Tuesday, one day after his appointment, he said the government should talk to the rebels. He later clarified his comments to make clear the EU position -- negotiations with the one-third minority's political leaders, but not the guerrillas -- remained unchanged. Another Leotard task is to avoid the prospect of NATO getting dragged into yet another conflict in former Yugoslavia. Slobodan Milosevic, blamed for most of the wars, was transferred to an international court in The Hague on Thursday. NATO has had what it calls "technical" contacts with the insurgents, brokering a deal this week to end an army onslaught in a strategic village. CIVILIANS SUFFER NATO spokesman Yves Brodeur told Reuters in Brussels that 15 of the 19 NATO member countries, including the United States, had pledged to take part in the operation under which 3,000 NATO troops would come to help disarm the rebels. About 100,000 people, mostly ethnic Albanian villagers, have been displaced. Thousands of others remain trapped in the northern hills held by the rebels in conditions described by some aid workers as close to a humanitarian catastrophe. A doctor in the northeasten village of Slupcane, held by the rebels and shelled by the troops since early May, said the situation there was "catastrophic." "We have a lot of infection. We do not have food. There are a lot of dead animals. If they do nothing to bury them, it is possible there will be an epidemic," said the doctor who preferred to be called by his first name, Fatmir. In Kosovo, the NATO-led KFOR peacekeeping force said 20 suspected guerrillas from Macedonia were detained on Thursday near the border. Three of them had gunshot wounds. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:25:31 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:25:31 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] U.S. Diplomat Arrives in Macedonia Message-ID: <32.173a379b.28726afb@aol.com> U.S. Diplomat Arrives in Macedonia By KONSTANTIN TESTORIDES SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) - An American diplomat landed in Macedonia on Sunday and called on political leaders to work harder to end a conflict with ethnic Albanian rebels who have reportedly seized new villages and forced Slav civilians out. ``It is important to recognize that finding a solution here is really the responsibility of the leaders of Macedonia,'' special envoy James Pardew told reporters after his arrival, which raised the Bush administration's stake in the troubled Balkan country. ``Those who favor use of force here are undermining the peace process,'' he said. Pardew, the State Department's European Bureau special adviser, will be working with a European Union envoy to jump-start peace negotiations between the rebels and the Slav-dominated government. Persistent skirmishes and reports of rebels driving civilians from villages suggest their mission will be difficult. A state radio report said the rebels took control of four villages near tiny Macedonia's second largest city, Tetovo, and ordered Macedonian Slavs to leave. Vase Zakovski, a resident of one of the villages, Setole, told an Associated Press reporter in Skopje that he left after ``three armed and masked people ... told me to get out of the village.'' A Human Rights Watch team met a convoy of about 50 villagers who said armed rebels forced them out of Setole and another village, Otunje, said Peter Bouckaert, an official with the rights organization. They said a larger group had left a day earlier. ``Certainly we are concerned that Macedonian civilians in this area where physically threatened,'' Bouckaert said. ``One of the Macedonians told me he had had a gun pointed at him and was told to leave the village yesterday.'' Deputy Interior Minister Refat Elmazi, an ethnic Albanian, told The Associated Press he had heard reports that rebels were in the communities in recent days but had not heard of threats to civilians. Monitors with the Organization for Security and Cooperation were trying to get to the area to check the reports. Police officials said a 58-year-old civilian male was shot to death recently in one of the villages, Brezno. About a dozen civilians have been killed in Macedonia's conflict since the ethnic Albanian rebels took up arms in February. The government also reported a soldier killed and another wounded, both by rebel mortar fire in separate attacks in the north of the country. The government also said its troops had come under fire in the village of Tanusevci from the Kosovo side of the border. Army spokesman Col. Blagoja Markovski said the region near Tetovo, about 25 miles west of Skopje, was ``relatively calm'' overnight, but that there was occasional sniper fire from outlying villages. Markovski also said there were sporadic exchanges of small arms fire that lasted into early Sunday near Kumanovo, about 20 miles northeast of Skopje. He said the fighting began when rebels opened fire from several cars. The second day of low-level fighting came after a lull that lasted several days. Clashes were reported Saturday near the Kosovo border in the north. Most of the fighting has taken place in the northwestern portion of the Vermont-sized nation. Pardew did not single out specific leaders when he condemned hard-liners. The EU has warned Macedonia that further aid could be suspended if its Slavs and ethnic Albanians fail to bridge their differences. The rebels have demanded constitutional changes to guarantee ethnic Albanians, who make up for about a third of the population of 2 million, equal status with the Slav majority. The government says it fears that would eventually lead to the division of the country along ethnic lines, and claims the rebels intend to carve off parts Macedonia and ultimately create a new nation linking ethnic Albanians in Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:26:17 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:26:17 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANALYSIS-Scant mention of NATO, KLA in Milosevic indictment Message-ID: <9f.17a2d55b.28726b29@aol.com> ANALYSIS-Scant mention of NATO, KLA in Milosevic indictment By Douglas Hamilton THE HAGUE, July 2 (Reuters) - The fact that NATO was bombing Yugoslavia while Slobodan Milosevic was allegedly orchestrating the mass killing and deportation of Kosovo Albanians is not mentioned until the last-but-one page of his 32-page indictment. It comes at the end of a section called "Additional Facts." The existence of a state of conflict at the time is first mentioned on page 22 and the Kosovo Liberation Army, which was fighting the Yugoslav Army and police all the while, is first referred to on page 28, also as an "additional fact." Milosevic's prosecutors aim to prove he had a master plan to drive Albanians from Kosovo, and ruthlessly executed it. His defence may argue that NATO bombing triggered the mayhem. "There's nothing to be read into this," said Graham Blewitt, the deputy prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at The Hague. "The way these things are drafted often is just a questioon of the individual style of the people doing it," he told Reuters when asked about the lack of these elements of context in 12 pages of otherwise detailed charges in the indictment. But a Rip Van Winkle reader unaware of the two-year guerrilla war between Kosovo Albanian separatists and Yugoslav forces, that climaxed in the Western alliance's first armed "humanitarian intervention," would get an odd impression of events and the circumstances in which killings were committed. Attached to the indictment which Milosevic is due to answer on Tuesday is a 22-page appendix with the names of some 600 murdered Kosovo Albanians, aged from 10 months to 90 years. With the sole exception of 46 victims at Racak on January 15, 1999, all were killed during the March 24 to June 10 period of NATO bombing. Most listed lost their lives in late March or early April, within days of the first allied air raids. Until the bombing started, KLA guerrillas claimed to control up to 40 percent of Kosovo. LINKING ORDERS TO TRIGGERS Milosevic, and four others accused, allegedly "planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in a campaign of terror and violence" against Kosovo Albanians. "By using the word 'committed' in this indictment, the Prosecutor does not intend to suggest that any of the accused physically perpetrated any of the crimes charged, personally," the tribunal's indictment states. The indictment, reissued after Serbia handed Milosevic over to the tribunal last week, asserts at several points that the killings, woundings and forced deportations were "systematic." In the section titled "General Allegations," it asserts that in addition to his de jure powers as president of Yugoslavia and supreme commander of the army, Milosevic "exercised extensive de facto control over numerous institutions essential to, or involved in, the conduct of the offences alleged." But in the probable absence of any convincing paper trail, the prosecution will be required to produce convincing witnesses to prove Milosevic ordered crimes against humanity in Kosovo and urged his security forces to disregard the rules of war. Milosevic says the tribunal is a tool of NATO and the West to justify the bombing of Yugoslavia -- a viewpoint for which Russia has also expressed some sympathy. Supporters say that whether he gets a technically fair trial at The Hague is not the issue; the politics of "victor's justice" lies in who indicts whom in the first place. "He said he wanted his defence to be political as he considers all the accusations against him to be political," one legal source privy to discussions told Reuters in Belgrade. "He said the real war criminals were the leaders of NATO and that they should be tried and not him," the source said. As the indictment notes, Milosevic was the "primary interlocutor" of the international community on the crisis provoked by the breakup of Yugoslavia. It even lists the big conferences. Chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte ruled months ago, after reviewing the facts, that NATO has no case to answer. But Milosevic's defence team can be expected to challenge that. "SECRET PLAN" "I think we cannot underestimate the case," Nancy Paterson, an American lawyer who has just left the tribunal's prosecutor's office, told the New York Times on Monday. "There is no classic paper trail that ideally you would like to have," said Paterson, who helped draw up the indictment in 1999 that made Milosevic the first head of state ever to be charged with war crimes while in office. "There are pieces missing...You need to establish what the real chain of command was." Whatever it was, the results are not in any doubt. Thousands of Kosovo Albanians were killed by Serbian troops, police and paramilitary gangs, then burned or buried in mass graves or, as recently disclosed, trucked north to faraway sites for concealment. Three quarters of a million were driven out of Yugoslavia and hundreds of villages and farms put to the torch. As the indictment states, those who were spared death had their identity documents systematically removed as they were pushed out, so they could never reclaim their homeland. Was this the orchestrated execution of a long-standing, drastic plan to "save" Kosovo for Serbia by reversing the 9-to-1 ethnic population balance? Or was it a storm of revenge by Serb forces against Albanians who knowingly brought NATO bombs down on Yugoslavia? Proof that it was the former may exist in a secret Serbian plan, called "Operation Horseshoe," said to have been uncovered by German military intelligence. Its three-pronged intent was to rid Kosovo of Albanians, leave the KLA no place to hide, and cause a refugee crisis in the Balkans. But details of the alleged plot appeared at a convenient time for NATO -- in early April as it became apparent that more than a few days of bombing was going to be needed to make Milosevic give in -- and its existence is questioned by some. It is not mentioned in the Tribunal's indictment. Two international studies, by the UN refugee agency and the OSCE (Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe), concluded that the air strikes did trigger greater violence on a grander scale, as Kosovo Albanians will readily testify. It was open season. Whether the crimes alleged in the Milosevic indictment were planned before or after the start of NATO military action may have no bearing on his ultimate guilt, or innocence, for them. But a finding that the start of war with NATO triggered the pogrom could stoke debate over the timing and wisdom of Western "humanitarian intervention," and its cost in lives. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:27:04 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:27:04 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia awaits U.S. envoy verdict on peace talks Message-ID: Macedonia awaits U.S. envoy verdict on peace talks By Daniel Simpson SKOPJE, July 3 (Reuters) - Macedonia waited on Tuesday for U.S. envoy James Pardew's first verdict on the prospects for kick-starting stalled peace talks after another night of army helicopter strikes on ethnic Albanian guerrillas. Diplomats warned against expecting miracles from the man Washington appointed at the weekend to intensify Western efforts to end an ethnic Albanian rebellion before it slides into civil war that could touch off a wider Balkan conflict. Leaders from across Macedonia's ethnic divide talked for two hours in secret on Monday evening after crisis meetings with Pardew and his European Union counterpart Francois Leotard. But the tiny republic's politicians remain bogged down in discussions about how to restart formal talks on a peace plan they agree on in principle but dispute bitterly in practice. "This is a grind," a diplomatic source said of the task ahead. "It's not like someone wades in and waves a magic wand." For a second night running, the army sent Mi-24 gunships swooping in on Radusa, a village held by the gunmen whose four-month rebellion in the name of greater rights for minority Albanians has brought Macedonia to the brink. Last week's controversial NATO-backed evacuation of rebels from a village on Skopje's outskirts sought to ease the pressure on peace talks. But the guerrillas have since seized new ground and vowed to advance further while the politicians stand still. Monday night's meeting was only the second since police reservists stormed parliament a week ago, firing into the air in protest at NATO's intervention and sending politicians fleeing out of a back door. But diplomats say this in itself is progress. "You could say talking is going on again," a diplomatic source said, cautioning against expecting too much. "Whether that's a formal political dialogue is for others to decide." The detention of an Albanian academic over alleged links to the guerrillas will not help the search for compromise. Police picked up Fadil Sulejmani, the rector of an Albanian university which inflames passions because it is denied any official status. Renewed fighting only increases the pressure further. Army spokesman Blagoja Markovski said Macedonian forces had exchanged fire with the rebels in the area around Radusa on the mountainous border with Kosovo. "The terrorist groups opened mortar, machinegun and sniper fire towards our border watchtower and a police position. We returned fire fiercely," he said. A spokesman for the rebel National Liberation Army (NLA), which is demanding international mediation and is sure to welcome U.S. involvement, said on Sunday they had advanced after repeated government shelling. Ethnic Albanian politicians are equally keen on a greater foreign role in the crisis. But their Macedonian counterparts have so far resisted formalised international participation in a process designed to extend more rights to the Albanian minority. About 100,000 mostly ethnic Albanian villagers have fled their homes since the conflict began. More than 70,000 of them have gone to live with Albanian families in neighbouring Kosovo. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:24:20 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:24:20 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanians Recall Atrocities Message-ID: Albanians Recall Atrocities By COLLEEN BARRY RACAK, Yugoslavia (AP) - For six hours, Rame Shabani lay motionless, his face pressed to the dirt, while Serb police and army units shot and mutilated 25 men on a hillside above the Albanian village of Racak. He escaped by throwing himself into a ravine when they opened fire. Now with former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic in a U.N. prison, Shabani's memories have gathered the weight of testimony. ``I heard their screams as they were being massacred. They were begging for their lives,'' Shabani said, sitting cross-legged on the floor of a spartan room decorated only with a photograph of the victims' coffins blanketed with Albanian flags. When they were finished they sang a nationalist song: ``Who is saying, who is lying Serbia is small? Serbia is not small. Serbia is not small.'' A bullet had ripped a hole through Shabani's leather jacket and nicked his belt, but spared him. He was meant to be a witness, and could provide key testimony at Milosevic's war crimes trial in The Hague, Netherlands. ``I am not afraid any more even to stand in front of him,'' Shabani, 34, said with a steady gaze. He imagines the scene: ``That day is going to be interesting for me, to say I saw people with their hearts cut out, with their eyes gouged and ears cut off. A 70-year-old man decapitated.'' There was symmetry in Milosevic's delivery Thursday to the U.N. tribunal for atrocities in Kosovo. The day was St. Vitus' Day, Serbia's biggest religious holiday, and it was 12 years since he awakened the nationalist fervor that sparked four Balkan wars with a speech at a Kosovo battlefield where Serbs were defeated by Ottoman Turkish troops 600 years earlier. ``They weren't wrong, all the Balkan prophets who have said it started in Kosovo and it will end in Kosovo,'' the Kosovo Albanian daily Koha Ditore wrote in a special issue announcing Milosevic's demise. The Racak (RAH-chak) massacre on Jan. 15, 1999 marked the beginning of the end for Milosevic. It wasn't the first massacre in Milosevic's final Balkan campaign, this one to evict the Albanian majority from the southern Serb province of Kosovo. But this time, international monitors observed the Serb assault from across the valley. After the Serb retreat, they entered the village and found mutilated bodies strewn in houses and yards. In all, 45 people were murdered, three of them women, including the 25 dead on the Racak hillside. The others were murdered in and around the village. The world was outraged - and the outrage eventually coalesced into the 78-day air campaign that drove Serb fighters out of the province. The Racak killings were cited in the original indictment against Milosevic and four members of his inner circle. But it didn't stop there. There were other massacres: Bela Crkva, Velika Krusa, Djakovica, Crkolez, Izbica. And more were added to the indictment this week, the tribunal announced. Crouched on her living room floor with two small nephews and a younger brother, Krenare Popaj studied the list of 65 men, women and children from Bela Crkva killed on March 25, 1999, just 12 hours after NATO launched its attack. Her father and a brother are there, Ethem Popaj, 46; Kreshnik Popaj, 18. As long as Milosevic was free in Belgrade, the indictment was just a piece of paper. But now the wheels are turning fast toward a trial, and the indictment may bring Popaj to The Hague to face Milosevic. Popaj already has testified at the first local war crimes trial in Kosovo, which ended in the conviction of a local Serb police officer on June 14. Cedomir Jovanovic got 20 years in prison from an internationally administered court in Prizren. The satisfaction she feels at the conviction is overwhelmed by the loss. She wears black, at 20, and her pretty face is devoid of lightness. ``It feels like a different life completely,'' she said. ``There is no resemblance to the old life. There is no happiness in the village.'' The road to Racak has been renamed Rruga William Walker for the American diplomat who announced the massacre to the world. In typical Albanian fashion, the houses are hidden behind concrete block walls enclosing small compounds where extended families live in separate dwellings. Shabani was sleeping in a one-room building on the family's courtyard when his mother rushed in at quarter to seven on Jan. 15, 1999 to alert him to the shooting. ``I asked if it was big or small. She said big,'' Shabani said. Serb tanks had taken position in the hills opposite Racak and pounded the area with artillery. Serb police and army units first entered the village on foot. They found Shabani with a group of villagers hiding women and children. A Serb police man slapped his 8-year-old daughter in the face when she cried out as he was led away. The men were beaten with boards the forced to walk up the steep hill single file, where waiting Serbs opened fire. The wooden boards, Shabani said, were taken by investigators as evidence. Shabani is certain of the identity of only one of the attackers: the Serb police commander from nearby Stimlje. Others from the area wore masks. The police from Serbia were outsiders, unknown locally. Still, Shabani is sure they got the right man. ``Someone else did it but most of the blame is his,'' he said. ``In all the massacres from Bosnia to Kosovo, he is guilty because he's the landlord.'' It was his house - and he made the rules. The Hague is too good for Milosevic, Shabani said. ``I would smoke a cigarette. I would beat him until he had open wounds, I would pour salt in the wounds, then I would leave him to live like that,'' he said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:27:42 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:27:42 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic Talks With Lawyer Message-ID: Milosevic Talks With Lawyer By ROBERT H. REID THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) - Slobodan Milosevic will refuse legal representation when he appears Tuesday before the U.N. war crimes tribunal, maintaining the court is part of a Western conspiracy to exterminate the Serb people, his lawyers said. In a landmark move, Milosevic will appear Tuesday before a three-judge panel to answer charges that he was responsible for the murders and expulsions carried out by his forces during the brutal crackdown against Kosovo Albanians two years ago. Milosevic, who was transferred here Friday by the pro-democracy government of Yugoslavia's republic Serbia, will become the first former head of state to stand trial for alleged crimes committed during his rule. On the eve of his appearance, Milosevic conferred for three hours with two Yugoslav lawyers at the Dutch prison where he and the 38 other Yugoslav war crimes defendants are being held. Afterward, lawyers Zdenko Tomanovic and Dragan Krgovic told reporters that Milosevic refuses to accept the validity of the court, established in 1993 by the U.N. Security Council to prosecute those believed responsible for crimes committed during Balkan wars which the United States and its allies believe he instigated ``Mr. Milosevic does not recognize The Hague tribunal,'' Tomanovic said. Milosevic believes the tribunal ``is part of a mechanism to commit genocide on the Serb people.'' ``He is not going to appoint any lawyer,'' Tomanovic added. He said Milosevic would refuse legal representation during the arraignment and the trial expected to begin next year. Tomanovic said Milosevic would appear in court for the arraignment - although he has the right not to do so under tribunal rules. The lawyers said Milosevic would try to make a public statement but if the judges cut him off, they would release a text ``of what he wanted to say.'' It appeared that Milosevic intends to argue that his only crime was to stand up against NATO, a defense unlikely to win points with the court but which he believes will bolster his reputation among his own people. The U.S. has provided evidence concerning Milosevic to the U.N. War Crimes Tribunal and is prepared to provide additional information, according to the U.S. State Department. Tribunal spokesman Jim Landale confirmed that Milosevic, himself a lawyer, had refused his right to counsel. ``He has advised us he does not wish to have defense counsel present tomorrow,'' Landale said. ``We have advised him against this, but it's his right.'' Tomanovic would not say whether Milosevic intended to enter a plea. Landale said that if a defendant refuses to enter a plea, the court will wait 30 days and then enter a ``not guilty'' plea for him. The uncertainty over Milosevic's next moves reflected a style that the wily tactician employed repeatedly during his 13 years in power - keeping his opponents off guard with moves they often didn't expect. In Belgrade, about 15,000 flag-waving supporters of Milosevic's Socialist and allied ultra-nationalist Radical party gathered in front of the downtown federal parliament Monday in the biggest protest since the former ruler was extradited. Protesters demanded new elections, hoping they would unseat the pro-democracy government of Serbia, the main Yugoslav republic, whose leaders handed Milosevic to the tribunal. Milosevic's allies in Belgrade claim the former president, who was forced from power in October, believed he was being persecuted because he stood up to NATO, refusing to sign a power-sharing deal with Kosovo Albanians in 1999. That triggered a 78-day NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, which ended with the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces from Kosovo and the handing over of the Serbian province to the United Nations and NATO. Citing NATO's role, former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark offered to aid in Milosevic's defense. Clark told reporters in Belgrade he was considering joining Milosevic's defense team but that he would insist that Yugoslav lawyers take the lead. Clark, who had been an outspoken opponent of NATO's bombing campaign of Yugoslavia, said he was holding talks with Milosevic's lawyers. He said the United Nations, ``coerced by the USA,'' was behind the charges against Milosevic. He said he had not spoken with the former president. The extradition, spearheaded by Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, triggered a crisis in the Yugoslav government. Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica and other Serb pro-democracy leaders held talks Monday about the composition of a reshuffled Yugoslav Cabinet, following the resignation last week of the Yugoslav prime minister, Zoran Zizic, over the extradition. Milosevic and four close aides were indicted by the tribunal in May 1999 on four charges in connection with a crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. The crackdown began in early 1998 and ended in June 1999 Plans call for Milosevic to appear Tuesday in a compact courtroom in the gray tribunal building in an outlying district of this coastal city. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:28:50 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:28:50 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek leftists protest over Milosevic extradition Message-ID: Greek leftists protest over Milosevic extradition ATHENS, June 29 (Reuters) - Hundreds of Greek leftist demonstrators marched through Athens on Friday shouting "Out with NATO and the Americans" in protest at Slobodan Milosevic's extradition to The Hague. The demonstrators, mainly supporters of the Greek Communist Party (KKE), marched to the U.S. and then the Yugoslav embassies, waving banners reading "Freedom to Milosevic." Milosevic was in a jail in The Hague on Friday after being flown to the Netherlands from Serbia. Indicted for crimes against humanity in the province of Kosovo, is the first head of state to be indicted for war crimes while in office. Greece, which has traditional ties with fellow Orthodox Serbia, protested at the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia at the time but stood by its alliance obligations. Communists party members and supporters led opposition protests against the West and the Greek government during the 1999 bombing and tried to block NATO troops travelling through Greece to Kosovo. On Thursday scores of Greek MPs from across the political spectrum signed a petition asking the Yugoslav government not to extradite Milosevic. The socialist government refrained from commenting on the extradition on Friday, saying it was Yugoslavia's internal matter. Communist MP Stratis Kokoras told reporters at the protest that he was one of the last people to see Milosevic on Thursday. He said Milosevic seemed calm. "He said to me he wouldn't change his position in jail for a position in a government that bowed to the foreign interests that were controlling the people and the country," Korakas said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:30:20 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:30:20 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic to make defiant lone stand at Hague Message-ID: <127.e053c0.28726c1c@aol.com> Milosevic to make defiant lone stand at Hague By Alastair Macdonald THE HAGUE, July 3 (Reuters) - Slobodan Milosevic is set to face the UN war crimes tribunal at The Hague for the first time on Tuesday, defiantly alone after dispensing with legal counsel in a show of contempt for the accusers he refuses to recognise. "The Butcher of Belgrade" to his enemies, a hero of the Serb nation to his dwindling admirers, the former Yugoslav president is due to be arraigned at 10 a.m. (0800 GMT) for crimes against humanity committed during ethnic cleansing in Kosovo in 1999. History will be made when British judge Richard May has the four counts read out in Court No.1 at the International Criminal Tribunal and asks Milosevic how he pleads. He is the first head of state ever indicted for war crimes while still in office and could spend the rest of his life behind bars if convicted. Yet, five days after he was spirited out of Belgrade Central prison by the Serbian reformists who toppled him from power last October, Milosevic seems unwilling meekly to go along with the set pattern of proceedings that have brought dozens of others to book for a decade of genocide and blood-letting in the Balkans. A Yugoslav lawyer who defended him on the corruption charges on which he was detained in Belgrade in April said Milosevic had decided not to be represented by counsel at Tuesday's hearing. And he might even decide to conduct his own defence once a trial starts -- which is unlikely to happen before next year. "Due to the fact that he does not recognise the tribunal, he is not going to call any lawyers to appear before the tribunal," Zdenko Tomanovic told a news conference after meeting Milosevic at the UN remand centre in The Hague's Scheveningen jail, where he has been kept in isolation since the early hours of Friday. "The tribunal is part of the mechanism to conduct genocide of the Serb people," Tomanovic said. Milosevic has said that it is not he but Western NATO leaders who bombed Yugoslavia during the Kosovo war of 1999 who should be answering for war crimes. WIFE ON WAY? At least it appeared that the 59-year-old, who graduated in law from Belgrade University nearly 40 years ago, would actually appear to hear the charges against him. There had been speculation he might refuse to leave his cell, forcing the judge to consider whether to have him brought to the court by force. It was not clear how exactly he would plead but it was likely he would either say "not guilty" or stay silent. Either way, the case against the man whose 13-year rule oversaw the break-up of Yugoslavia was expected to continue. The court would just assume a "not guilty" plea if he said nothing for 30 days. The lawyer said Milosevic had seen no one but himself in person and had spoken to no one by telephone since his transfer but his wife, the strong-willed and influential Mira Markovic. Although she, like the rest of Milosevic's immediate family, is barred from entering the European Union, diplomats said Markovic was likely to be able to secure a Dutch visa in order to visit her husband, as the remand centre's rules allow. Despite massive evidence of atrocities in Kosovo, where three-quarters of a million people were forced from their homes and the names of nearly 600 identified dead are listed on Milosevic's indictment for murder, actually proving the man at the top was fully responsible will be far from straightforward. It will be a key issue for chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, who has vowed to bring more suspects to The Hague and may also charge Milosevic with crimes committed in Bosnia and Croatia. The feisty 54-year-old Swiss attorney is expected to relish coming face to face at last on Tuesday with her prize quarry. There is speculation, however, that his testimony could embarrass enemies at home and in the West. Critics of NATO's war on Yugoslavia note the bulk of crimes for which Milosevic is indicted were committed only after Western bombing raids began. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:40:53 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:40:53 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Skopje crisis flares up as EU envoy rushes in Message-ID: <26.17a6389e.28726e95@aol.com> Skopje crisis flares up as EU envoy rushes in Bush moves to 'choke off' funds and mobility of Albanian guerrillasfollowing FYROM outrage over US armed protection of rebel convoy Skopje THE EUROPEAN Union's new envoy to Skopje arrived on June 28 to launch a permanent mission aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the four-month-old crisis which has engulfed the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) as army clashes with ethnic Albanian guerrillas flared up. Meanwhile, US President George W Bush moved on June 27 to choke off the funds and mobility of Albanian rebels in and out of FYROM - part of what the White House called an effort to "face down extremists." The president signed an executive order barring Americans from any transactions involving the property or bank accounts of known Albanian warlords. In a separate proclamation, Bush restricted their entry into the United States. He took the action two days after a decision by General Joseph Ralston, the commander of all US forces in Europe and the top Nato commander, to use American troops to protect a convoy of buses carrying ethnic Albanian rebels from one FYROM village to another. Francois Leotard, a former French defence minister, arrived amid heightened tensions; Slavs rioted outside parliament this week to protest their government's Nato-sponsored ceasefire with rebels who had held a strategic village near the capital for two weeks. Under the ceasefire deal, some 300 rebels were escorted out of the village of Aracinovo by Nato forces which were mainly comprised of US troops, and released on June 25 in the mountains of the neighbouring Nikustak village, along with their weapons. The FYROM army reported sporadic firing on government positions in the region overnight, an indication the rebels are regrouping in the same flashpoint area. Over 5,000 Skopje Slavs, enraged that the government had stopped its bombardment of the rebel-held village, expressed their anger by destroying the interior minister's car outside of parliament, and eventually firing on the building during the June 25 riots. Leotard, who will act as EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana's personal envoy in Skopje, told Europe-1 radio on June 27 that he will work to help the parties negotiate a peace. He also met with the FYROM ambassador in Paris to explain the EU's controversial stance on the crisis. "If this war develops in FYROM, it will call into question everything we have been doing for 10 years," he told Europe-1 radio in France, referring to a series of Balkan wars following the breakup of federal Yugoslavia. Leotard told the radio there was no question of altering the external borders of FYROM. (AP) From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:47:02 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:47:02 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] =?ISO-8859-1?Q?Greece=20=96=20Immigration=20a=20thorny=20issue=20?= =?ISO-8859-1?Q?that=20needs=20a=20more=20thorough=20solution?= Message-ID: <126.e04946.28727006@aol.com> Immigration a thorny issue that needs a more thorough solution It has often been said that the problem of immigration from the most unfortunate places on earth to those that are, or appear to be, more fortunate, is an explosive device with a very long fuse. The problem entails conflicting needs and conflicting solutions: Unemployment and, in some sectors, an insufficient work force, the need to guard borders and the practical impossibility of doing so, humanitarian treatment of illegal immigrants who are in need and the limits of tolerance within local society, hospitality and xenophobia, the incorporation of foreigners into society and the preservation of local traditions, higher moral principles and respect for certain baser reactions on the part of the people, to name but a few. In the midst of this confusion, it would be naive to try to formulate a clear, single-track policy on immigration matters. On the other hand, it is pointless to ignore the problem in the hope that it will resolve itself with the passage of time. For as time goes on, new complications arise. A necessary law Given the above, the passing of a law titled "The entry and residence of foreigners in Greece, acquisition of Greek citizenship and other procedures" was most welcome, particularly the attempt to settle the status of many thousands of foreigners who have entered the country illegally but live and work here. It appears that some kind of legal status is unavoidable, as the perpetuation and tolerance of illegality only emphasizes the negative aspects of the situation. The law was passed and publicized broadly. The advertising slogan was almost touching: "No one need be illegal any longer. The law says so." The circular issued by the relevant ministry claimed triumphantly that the State would take care of its illegal immigrants: "A solution is to be found for the huge question of foreigners living illegally in our country... living as pariahs, subject to all kinds of exploitation and the temptations of organized and petty crime." It all sounds wonderful, but that is as far as it goes. For the law itself cancels out the State's benign intentions, by demanding that the illegal immigrant must have lived in Greece for one year (entering the country by June 2, 2000). Of course, the law had to set some time limit if it is not to act as an incentive. Yet how on earth are illegal immigrants to prove they have been here for a year? There can be no question of them having a Greek visa or an entry stamp on their passport, since most have not entered the country through a customs post but have crossed on foot over a mountain pass or been put ashore on a deserted beach. If they ask a Greek employer for a sworn statement, there will be a flood of false testimonials. The law says that residency in Greece can be proven by a public document such as "electricity, telephone, mobile phone, water bills or insurance policies" or "reports from a Greek school on their children or monthly bus tickets." One might well wonder whether those who drew up the law have ever considered the social profile of the average illegal immigrant. How many illegal immigrants have electricity, telephone or water bills in their name? How many have private health insurance policies or pension plans? How many send their children to schools that issue progress reports, or who buy monthly transport cards with their photograph and name on them, and then keep them afterward? How many of us keep these documents? The question of income The law offers another way out; recognition of social security payments "by buying social security stamps." At a rough estimate, stamps representing 250 days' work would cost about 500,000 drachmas, which immigrants are required to pay out of their pockets. Has anyone wondered where they will get that kind of money? Perhaps by borrowing from - or robbing - a bank? I don't really believe that this method was devised as a way of covering the pension funds' cash flow problem, although it would be helpful. For 100,000 illegal immigrants, the income would be 50 billion drachmas, no negligible amount. However, as the State is not likely to get that much, it appears willing to settle for less. All immigrants registering have to pay a flat fee of 50,000 drachmas, bringing in at least 5 billion. Illegal is better? Illegal immigrants might eventually prefer to remain outside the law. Apart from the above-mentioned difficulties and the high cost of legalization, they also have to confront the age-old problem of Greek bureaucracy. For example, there is the requirement of an official translation of passports. Long queues have formed outside the Foreign Ministry's translation offices, even though passports more or less follow a standard formula around the world, and are written in Latin characters. Why translate when with a little bit of effort, any person in authority should be able to understand which data refer to the surname, first name, sex, date of birth, expiry date, and even - perhaps with a bit more effort - marital status or other personal details. Let them issue a residence permit based on data they do understand. The result is poor indeed; a six-month residence permit that just might, with extreme difficulty, be extended. And a registration of data that facilitates deportation. Of course, legislative power is exercised by Parliament and the relevant minister is responsible for drawing up the bill. But neither were able to avert the mistakes in the law. Perhaps, even at thi s late date, it is time to review the situation. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 2 20:48:23 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 2 Jul 2001 20:48:23 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] FYROM's Xhaferi calls for NATO help Message-ID: <11b.120ef8b.28727057@aol.com> FYROM's Xhaferi calls for NATO help The political leader of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia's ethnic Albanians, Arben Xhaferi, said yesterday that the country's government had armed Slav-Macedonian citizens to attack Albanians and he called for a strong NATO presence to prevent civil war. In an interview with Greece's Athens News Agency, Arben Xhaferi also denied rumors that ethnic Albanians were planning an armed insurgency in Greece, saying that such demands were made by "extremists with unacceptable claims." "We have to deal with this problem in democratic ways," he said. Xhaferi, whose party is a member of the government of national unity, spoke of a possible solution to the Albanian insurgency in FYROM, where ethnic Albanians comprise about a third of the population. "This kind of problem can be solved in two ways, either through territorial segregation, by providing a regime of autonomy or a federation - cantons or something similar - or by a mechanism that protects all the other communities," Xhaferi said. "We are in favor of the second way. We do not want a territorial solution, but a kind of human mechanism that will protect the interests of the Albanians in society, who are now marginalized to a great degree." He spoke of the need for NATO's intervention. "If you consider that some of the security forces - mainly the police - want to escalate the tension in the country, when you consider that they have already given 16,000 weapons to Macedonian citizens, the members of one party, to create 'political columns,' it is clear that we need more NATO forces to avoid a civil war, which is a real threat," he said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 19:55:56 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 19:55:56 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia peace talks resume under ambush cloud Message-ID: <76.c8d3ecc.2873b58c@aol.com> Macedonia peace talks resume under ambush cloud By Daniel Simpson SKOPJE, July 3 (Reuters) - Leaders across Macedonia's ethnic divide restarted peace talks on Tuesday with help from Western envoys but progress appeared likely to be difficult after an Albanian guerrilla ambush killed a Macedonian soldier. U.S. envoy James Pardew and his European Union counterpart Francois Leotard joined the cross-party session in parliament after holding two days of separate crisis talks with politicians to kick-start efforts to avert a civil war with dialogue. But neither gave any indication of how the deadlocked process might be salvaged to deliver substantial enough results to persuade Albanian gunmen to hand over their weapons. The guerrillas, whose rebellion in the name of greater rights for minority Albanians has brought Macedonia to the brink in less than five months, are planning to advance not retreat and Tuesday's ambush can only raise the pressure on the talks. "There is a fair bit of military muscle-flexing going on on both sides," a diplomatic source said, noting two successive nights of helicopter gunship strikes on a rebel-held village. A rebel commander codenamed Sokoli confirmed there had been an attack near the Kosovo border, where the guerrillas surfaced in February. The army said the rebels ambushed a patrol near the hamlet of Tanusevci, killing one soldier and injuring another. "One of the vehicles was hit by rockets from a hand-held launcher," army spokesman Blagoja Markovski said. Defence Minister Vlado Buckovski said peace talks had to move quickly and said the military situation was worsening after the guerrillas vowed to extend the territory they control. "The terrorists are in a phase of radicalising their acts," Buckovski said, but declined to say if he had used a weekend trip to Ukraine to restock the army's arsenal. MIRACLES UNLIKELY Diplomats say Pardew, appointed at the weekend to intensify Western efforts to broker a deal, should not be expected to work miracles in persuading the tiny Balkan republic's politicians to compromise on improving the lot of its Albanian population. Although now holding daily meetings, he is unlikely to make his first verdict public before Friday, a U.S. official said. On the table is a fresh draft of Macedonia's constitution, rewritten by a French expert in a bid to address the sensitive question of how to define the official status of Albanians. But diplomats expect this to be one of the last issues to be finalised and neither side has commented on the new proposal. Last week's controversial NATO-backed evacuation of rebels from a village on Skopje's outskirts sought to ease pressure on the talks. But the rebel National Liberation Army (NLA) has since seized new ground while the politicians have stood still. The rebels and Albanian politicians demand international mediation and are sure to welcome U.S. involvement. But their Macedonian counterparts are resisting a formalised foreign role. President Boris Trajkovski told Greek foreign minister George Papandreou that plans for an international peace summit being touted by several EU nations, including Greece, were unnecessary, although advice from Western envoys was welcome. "The political leaders in Macedonia have the responsibility for coping with the crisis," Trajkovski told Papandreou by telephone, according to a statement released by his cabinet. The only intervention both sides agree on is for NATO to help disarm the rebels if they agree to give up. But without major progress in the talks, this remains a distant prospect. Some 100,000 civilians have fled their homes since February, more than 70,000 of them to join Albanian kin in Kosovo. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 19:56:50 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 19:56:50 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic Refuses to Enter Plea Message-ID: <110.1d6ab51.2873b5c2@aol.com> Milosevic Refuses to Enter Plea By ROBERT H. REID THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) - Flashing the defiance that marked his 13 years in power, Slobodan Milosevic refused to enter a plea on war crimes charges Tuesday in his first appearance before a U.N. tribunal that he said was merely a cover for NATO ``crimes'' in Yugoslavia. Appearing at times uneasy, at times arrogant, the former Yugoslav leader stood alone - having turned down counsel for the session - and expressed his contempt for the court as it arraigned him on four counts linked to a bloody crackdown in Kosovo. ``This trial's aim is to produce false justification for the war crimes of NATO committed in Yugoslavia,'' Milosevic told the three-judge panel when asked to enter a plea. He said he would not appoint defense attorneys, saying he did not need counsel before an ``illegal organ.'' Chief Judge Richard May entered a plea of innocent on his behalf and scheduled a procedural hearing for next month. Milosevic sparred verbally with May, a British judge with a no-nonsense reputation, who repeatedly cut off the former president during the 12-minute hearing to tell him not to make speeches. Asked if he wanted the court to read the entire, 51-page indictment, Milosevic - who is a lawyer - snapped: ``That's your problem.'' Such demonstrations of defiance were a hallmark of Milosevic's rule, during which he outwitted domestic and international opponents to remain in power despite losing four Balkan wars and presiding over the dismemberment of Yugoslavia. His courtroom manner appeared aimed primarily at supporters back home watching the proceedings live on radio and television. But the hearing was a humiliation for the man who was once among the strongest figures in Europe. He had fought bitterly to avoid standing in the dock in The Hague court established in 1993 to try cases stemming from the wars that the United States and its allies believe he inspired and supported. He was ousted from power in October after a popular uprising forced him to accept electoral defeat. He was arrested April 1 pending charges in Yugoslavia then sent here Thursday night. In May 1999, Milosevic became the first head of state indicted by the U.N. court. Now he becomes the first former head of state to stand trial before an international court for offenses allegedly committed during his rule. Human rights organizations consider the case against Milosevic the most significant since the Nuremberg Trials after World War II. The charges against Milosevic include deportation, a crime against humanity; murder, a crime against humanity; murder, a crime against laws or customs of war; and persecution on ethnic or religious grounds, a crime against humanity. All carry a life sentence. The charges stem from atrocities allegedly committed during the Kosovo crackdown two years ago, when ended after a 78-day NATO bombing campaign forced Yugoslav forces to hand over the province to the United Nations and a NATO-led peacekeeping force. Milosevic has consistently maintained that his actions were to save his country from Western domination and that the world has ignored NATO's ``crimes,'' including the bombing of civilian targets in and out of Kosovo. Tribunal officials also expect to indict Milosevic for offenses in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina by October. His trial is expected to begin in about eight months and may last two years. After entering the courtroom with two armed U.N. sentries, Milosevic sat in a blue swivel chair and shifted nervously as he waited for the judges. Guards had to nudge him to rise when the judges entered the room. Once the hearing began, Milosevic's manner changed. He placed his fist firmly on the table and spoke clearly and firmly in both English and Serbo-Croatian. When Judge May asked him a second time if he wanted to enter a plea, Milosevic snapped: ``I have given you my answer.'' May replied crisply, ``We treat your response as a failure to enter a plea and we shall enter pleas of not guilty on each count on your behalf.'' When Milosevic sought to speak again about NATO's ``crimes committed in Yugoslavia,'' May interrupted: ``Mr. Milosevic, this is not the time for speeches. As I have said, you will have the full opportunity, in due course, to defend yourself and to make your defense before the tribunal.'' Tribunal officials said Milosevic and chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte met privately for a brief period after the arraignment, a standard procedure to allow the defendant to speak to the prosecutor's office. The officials said Milosevic had nothing to say. The case against Milosevic represents the greatest challenge to face the tribunal, whose credibility would be shattered if it cannot prove its case against its most important defendant. ``This case will be very carefully put together as strongly as possible because this is a milestone in international law,'' said Marcel Brus of the Leiden University law faculty in the Netherlands. The United States has promised to provide information to the tribunal, and other major powers are expected to follow suit. However, the prosecution's case would be strengthened if it can apprehend key Milosevic aides and former allies - such as former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic - believed privy to private strategy sessions with the former ruler. Deputy Prosecutor Graham Blewitt said the prosecution will ``call witness, after witness, after witness to establish his guilt.'' Among those expected to testify are investigators who have exhumed thousands of bodies from mass graves, survivors of atrocities and possibly Milosevic's former colleagues. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 19:57:31 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 19:57:31 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Reaction Mixed on Milosevic Appearance Message-ID: <111.1d68455.2873b5eb@aol.com> Reaction Mixed on Milosevic Appearance By FISNIK ABRASHI PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, the targets of Slobodan Milosevic's brutal campaign of violence and terror, greeted his arraignment Tuesday with swearing, shouting and a profound sense of satisfaction. ``It is so good to see him there, even though it is way too nice for him there,'' said Faton Aliu, 26, who watched Milosevic's defiant appearance before the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, from a tea house. Swearing and shouts of ``Bravo!'' went up as Milosevic appeared on the TV screen. ``It is way too late, but better late then never,'' Aliu said. ``It is over for him now.'' Shefki Makolli, a 39-year-old cigarette vendor, could not hide his pleasure as he watched the arraignment, which was televised live across Serb province of Kosovo, and much of the Balkans. ``He is a real fox. He is going to try to ridicule the court. He deserves much worse,'' Makolli said. Others refused to watch, affecting a studied disinterest and pretending to read the newspapers. ``I do not want to see his eyes while he is alive,'' said Ibrahim Hoxha, 31. ``Tell me when he is dead.'' In Belgrade, a prominent lawyer, Vladimir Gajic, said he wasn't surprised at Milosevic's tough stance before the tribunal. ``That's how he ruled the country and negotiated with foreigners: At first he was tough, and then he would go soft, accepting much more than was demanded from him,'' he said. ``This was the show for his supporters back home. His defiance will encourage his supporters (in Serbia), but it will not help him a lot in the court,'' Gajic said. Peca Ristic, a staunch supporter of Milosevic, watched the court proceedings at a downtown Belgrade cafe. ``Slobo was great in the court,'' Ristic declared. ``That's our Slobo, our hero. He's defending our Serbian pride in front of those Western terrorists and Serb haters,'' said Milan Spasojevic, 65, a retiree. ``He'll show them all what they have to deal with. Serbs cannot be pushed like garbage. You'll see. He'll come back home as a hero, and those Western bandits will be kissing his feet,'' Spasojevic said. But Maja Dragicevic, a university student, said Milosevic's defiance was incomprehensible. ``He's gone nuts,'' she said. ``This character has ruled this country for such a long time. No wonder the country is in the shape it is. We're lucky that he's gone - hopefully forever.'' Although Milosevic is indicted only for war crimes committed in Kosovo, the tribunal has said it is also building a case against him for atrocities committed in Bosnia and Croatia during the breakup of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Anticipating eventual charges against him from those conflicts, about 10 women who survived an infamous massacre of thousands of Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica angrily watched Tuesday's arraignment in downtown Sarajevo. Among them was Advija Sehomerovic, who lost her husband, her brother-in-law and other family members. ``We are looking for 10,700 of our dearest who died during the fall of Srebrenica in 1995,'' she said. ``He should have been in The Hague a long time ago. There is no punishment great enough for him.'' From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 19:58:05 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 19:58:05 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Swiss bar alleged Macedonia rebel activists Message-ID: <11f.12b5a44.2873b60d@aol.com> Swiss bar alleged Macedonia rebel activists BERNE, July 3 (Reuters) - Switzerland on Tuesday barred an ethnic Albanian leader allied to rebels in Macedonia, redoubling efforts to keep the country from being used as a base to support combat in the Balkans. The government declared Ali Ahmeti, political representative of the National Liberation Army (NLA) Albanian guerrillas who began a revolt in Macedonia in February, persona non grata. It also slapped a ban on Xhavit Haliti, a leader of the ethnic Albanian Democratic Party of Kososvo, the party headed by former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) leader Hashim Thaqi. The KLA fought Serb rule in the southern Serbian province. Berne instructed these two and another Swiss-based activist named Musa Dzaferi who is still in Switzerland not to form, represent or support any group that joined the violence in Macedonia or backed anyone who did. "The activities of these people lend themselves to damaging Swiss ties to Macedonia and to third countries that, like Switzerland, seek a peaceful solution in the Balkans and condemn warlike activity by Albanian nationists," the Federal Justice and Police Ministry said in a statement. A ministry spokesman said Ahmeti and Haliti had sought asylum in Switzerland but then abused their residence permits. "They lived here for years and used Switzerland as a base to collect money, spread propaganda and support the KLA materially and financially," he said, calling them key figures in ethnic Albanian militarism. The two men were believed to be in Kosovo or Macedonia, the spokesman added. Some of their family members remain in Switzerland and will be allowed to stay for the time being. Rebels in Macedonia are fighting what they call state-supported discrimination and violence against ethnic Albanians, who make up a third of the population. Swiss officials say Kosovo Albanian groups use Switzerland as a base for logistics, recruitment, propaganda, arms deals and collecting large sums for humanitarian purposes, but add they have not triggered security problems in Switzerland itself. Last month Switzerland muzzled all political activity on behalf of the NLA in Macedonia by Fazli Veliu, the NLA political representative in Switzerland. From Gazhebo at aol.com Wed Jul 4 09:34:39 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Wed, 4 Jul 2001 09:34:39 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic trial must be seen as fair, papers say Message-ID: <21.df0a352.2874756f@aol.com> Milosevic trial must be seen as fair, papers say LONDON, July 4 (Reuters) - With Slobodan Milosevic hauled into the dock at The Hague, a gloating West might think it has finally defeated an arch foe. But European newspapers warned the international community on Wednesday to make sure the former Yugoslav president gets a trial that was both fair and seen to be fair. Some said the West's own past deeds would also be in the spotlight and accused it of double standards, pointing out that for years its leaders negotiated with Milosevic and still deal politely with politicians involved in other bloody conflicts. "A trial that is seen as 'victor's justice' serves neither the case of humanity nor that of political catharsis for Serbia," wrote The Times of London. It said the victors would determine the framework of the proceedings at the U.N. war crimes court, as the allies did at Nuremberg after World War Two. "But the validity of these hearings depends, crucially, on the court allowing Mr Milosevic the representation, transparency and opportunity to challenge the evidence which he and the Nuremberg defendants denied their victims," the newspaper said. Serbia handed Milosevic over last week to the Hague court, which arraigned him on Tuesday on charges related to killings of Kosovo Albanians in 1999. Indictments relating to the earlier Bosnian and Croatian wars may follow. Britain's Daily Mail, in a commentary entitled "The West on trial," said that having spent millions bringing Milosevic to court, the West must not fail now. "The tribunal is as much on trial as Milosevic himself...The chorus of self-congratulation which greeted the news of his extradition last week will ring hollow indeed if, at the end of it all, justice is not seen to be done," it commented. Milosevic will appear in court again in August but a trial is not expected before next year. WEST SHARES BLAME? Vecer newspaper in Slovenia, the republic that escaped most easily from former Yugoslavia 10 years ago, said that instead of staying defiantly silent, Milosevic should use his grandstand to show how Western leaders went along with him for so long. "He will waste probably his last chance for sharing at least part of the responsibility with those who assisted his fatal policy, either by doing nothing or with their unreadiness to intervene when necessary," its editorial said. "There is no cause for smug words about a victory of justice," wrote Germany's Berliner Zeitung. "It will quickly be shown that the trial against Milosevic will not only confront the Serbs with their recent past, but also show that politicians in the West have to face their responsibility...They will have to answer many questions." Britain's Independent said the proceedings sent a clear message to the world's despots that "a crime is a crime, whoever it is committed by." Both French and Greek newspapers questioned why, if that were the case, the West still dealt lightly with other leaders. "The sight of (Milosevic in court) should prompt European authorities to show more decency and firmness in their relations with regimes which, like that of (Russian President) Vladimir Putin in Chechnya, use barbaric methods against civilians," wrote a Le Monde columnist. The Paris paper's front-page cartoon showed a blood-drenched Milosevic wearing a butcher's apron, carrying a cleaver and saying "not guilty." One columnist in the Athens daily Kathimerini argued that the West was two-faced in its dealing with Milosevic, and illustrated his point with an imaginary but unlikely scenario. He depicted a deposed Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in front of the Hague court, charged with massacring Palestinians in 1982 while he was defence minister. A new Israeli premier explained that Israel had had to extradite him or face a U.S. economic embargo. Newspapers in Russia, whose leaders backed Milosevic after the West turned against him, gave scant coverage to the trial. Izvestia said the exchanges between Milosevic and court chairman Richard May sounded like a "dialogue of the deaf." From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 5 08:22:34 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 05:22:34 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dita Juge - artikull Message-ID: <20010705122234.82098.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Dy linjat e politik?s greke Imponimi i k?tij vizioni n? politik?n greke nuk ?sht? b?r? pa ndonj? kok??arje dhe pa kosto. Si n? t? gjith? vendet e konsoliduara, aq m? tep?r si nj? shtet q? ka qen? shum? af?r shtetit fetar ortodoks sesa shtetit laik, -mjafton t? shoh?sh kushtetut?n greke-, n? Greqi ekzistojn? qarqe tradicionale, q? shprehin natyrisht edhe politik? tradicionale. V?rtet kjo politik? nuk ?sht? n? krye t? vendit, por ajo ka fuqin? e vet imponuese n?p?rmjet kish?s s? fuqishme ortodokse e cila ?sht? deri dhe antisemite, antikatolike, etj. P?r t? vijuar m? tej n?p?rmjet pranis? n? gjirin e diplomacis? greke t? bijve t? familjeve t? m?dha q? rregullisht jan? tradicionalist?, influenc?s s? diaspor?s, qarqeve t? caktuara t? opozit?s, instituteve t? studimeve, segmenteve t? shoq?ris? civile si historian?ve, gazetar?ve, segment?ve t? aparatit represiv t? shtetit grek si? jan? sh?rbimet sekrete, t? policis? dhe ushtris?. Gjith? k?to element? kusht?zojn? ritmet e ndryshimit t? politik?s greke n? pushtet e cila e ndjer? e fort? nga sukseset n? politik?n e brendshme, megjithat? po arrin t? imponoj? q?ndrimet e veta. Q?ndrimi ndaj faktorit shqiptar n? rajon. Edhe m? par? n? gjirin e shoq?ris? greke nuk kan? munguar z?rat realist? q? kan? sugjeruar nj? politik? afrimi me Shqip?rin? dhe faktorin shqiptar n? rajon, q?ndrim q? p?rputhej me objektivat p?r dominim t? Greqis? n? Ballkan. M? i spikaturi, edhe pse n? nj? minoranc? t? diskriminuar sistematikisht, ka qen? studiuesi i njohur arvanitas Aristidh Kolia, i cili ka shkruar shum? duke ju referuar historis?, se sllav?t kan? qen? shpesh kund?r grek?ve dhe shqiptar?t p?rfaq?sojn? aleatin natyror t? grek?ve, qoft? edhe n? optik? antiturke. Mjafton t? shfletosh nj? p?rmbledhje n? shqip t? artikujve t? tij t? shikosh aktivizmin e tij n? k?t? drtejtim. Pas k?saj paranteze, nisur edhe nga artikulli i Limes, botuar n? Dita, ndoshta do t? ishte e nevojshme t? rikapitulohen bazat e k?saj politike t? re greke ndaj faktorit shqiptar. N? ndihm? p?rve? artikullit n? fjal? na vjen edhe nj? artikull tjet?r, i botuar n? gazet?n Eksusia , nj? gazet? proqeveritare greke, n? dat?n 12 shkurt 2001. N? pjes?n e vler?simeve p?r faktorin shqiptar n? k?t? artikull i cili reflekton q?ndrimet q? duhet t? mbaj? diplomacia greke ndaj shqiptar?ve, ve?ojm?: ? superioriteti numerik i shqiptar?ve p?rb?n nj? forc? l?viz?se p?r p?rmbushjen e synimeve t? tyre. Ata jan? n? Serbin? jugore 95%; n? Kosov? 97%; n? Maqedoni 35-40%, madje ndoshta ky raport ?sht? p?rmbysur; n? Mal t? Zi 7%. a) shqiptar?t nuk jan? t? integruar n? shoq?rin? e vendeve ku jetojn?. Jetojn? n? rajone t? caktuara, dhe n? kushte t? pazhvilluara ekonomike. b) Ata jan? solidar? me njeri tjetrin dhe grumbullojn? fonde ve?an?risht n? komunitetet e tyre n? Per?ndim p?r t? mb?shtetur l?vizjet clirimtare. c) C) bashk?sit? shqiptare n? rajon funksionojn? si en? komunikimi , gj? q? do t? provokoj? reaksione zinxhir si? u vu re. d) Mungesa e statusit t? Kosov?s krijon paqart?si dhe instabilitet. Pas vler?simeve t? tjera, n? rekomandimet e studiuesve grek?,-s?ka ?udi q? edhe autori i artikullit t? Limes-t t? jet? brenda grupit t? autor?ve t? k?tyre vler?simeve-, p?rfshihen: cdo rrregullim n? rajon duhet t? marr? parasysh detyrimisht faktorin shqiptar. Faktori shqiptar n? t?r?si do t? p?rcaktoj? n? nj? shkall? t? madhe kufijt?, balancat, paqen dhe zhvillimin e rajonit.Vijojn? edhe konsiderata t? tjera irrealiste se shqiptar?t st?rviten p?r Shqip?rin? e Madhe, dhe t? tjera asociime t? shqiptar?ve me dhun?n, kriminalitetin, etj. Ajo q? ?sht? m? interesante ?sht? sugjerimi q? ? politika e jashtme greke duhet t? riorientoj? politik?n e saj t? jashtme dhe t? marr? seriozisht parasysh gjendjen q? po krijohet n? baz? t? nj? vler?simi realist dhe jo n? baz? t? d?shirave dhe simpative? -citimi ?sht? integral. M? tej shtrohet nevoja e gjall?rimit t? dhe p?rforcimit t? bashk?punimit Athin?- Beograd- Shkup- Tiran?- Bruksel. N? k?t? kuad?r, sipas materialit t? botuar n? Eksusia, bashk?punimi me Tiran?n ?sht? problematik, p?rderisa n? Shqip?ri ka forca me n? krye Presidentin Rexhep Meidani t? cilat gjenden n? t? nj?jt?n linj? me bashk?kombasit e tyre n? vende t? tjera t? rajonit. Pa u zgjatur m? tej n? vler?simet e kuptueshme kriminalizuese p?r shqiptar?t, sa koh? q? autor?t jan? t? ushqyer n? mjedisin p?r t? cilin fol?m m? lart, ajo q? bie n? sy ?sht? lloji i angazhimit q? p?rfytyrohet me Maqedonin?: zgjidhja e emrit, mb?shtetje ushtarake, p?rshpejtim i integrimit t? saj , etj. Duhet shtuar k?tu disa prononcime publike t? Papandreut p?r pavar?sin? e Kosov?s. Njeri n? nj? gazet? greke koh?t e fundit, ku ai thot? se mjafton q? kjo pavar?si t? b?het n? paqe apo t? jet? e kadifenjt?, dhe prononcimi i dyt? ?sht? ai n? seksionin shqip t? Z?rit t? Amerik?s, gjat? vizit?s s? tij t? fundit n? SHBA. Kjo p?rfaq?son nj? ndryshim t? madh konceptual n? politik?n e jashtme greke. Por a ka ndonj? bisht dardha greke n? politik?n e jashtme? Ja bishti i dardh?s greke-rajonalizimi Duke analizuar dhe t? dh?na t? tjera, rezulton se grek?t jan? n? favor t? kantonizimit t? Maqedonis?, le ta quajm? edhe rajonalizim, dhe pse jo edhe t? vendeve t? tjera ku jetojn? shqiptar?t, p?rfshi Shqip?rin?, duke e par? si zgjidhje p?r ??shtjen shqiptare. Pra ?sht? ky elementi karakterizues i politik?s s? jashtme t? Greqis? p?r rajonin. K?tu fillon edhe shfaqet negativizmi i politik?s realiste greke ndaj faktorit shqiptar. Themi realiste sa koh? q? kjo politik? duke njohur mir? faktor?t veprues n? rajon, n? fund t? fundit i sh?rben interesave t? vendit q? po analizojm?. Rajonalizimi i Kosov?s i cili n? disa gjeopolitikan? grek? merr form?n e kantonizimit apo edhe ndarjes s? Kosov?s, nuk ?sht? n? favor t? shqiptar?ve n? Kosov? dhe shkon edhe kund?r rezolut?s 1244 q? e sheh Kosov?n si nj? entitet t? pandash?m. Po ashtu edhe rajonalizimi i Maqedonis?. N? dukje mund t? ishte i favorsh?m, por nuk ?sht? ashtu. Do t? krijonte shum? diskutime krijimi rajoneve ku popullsia ?sht? n? p?rqindje t? barabarta apo t? p?raf?rta. Maqedonia ?sht? shum? e vog?l p?r tu rajonalizuar, kantonizuar apo edhe federalizuar. Rajonalizimi etnik i Shqip?ris? ?sht? pjesa m? absurde e propozimit grek p?r rajonalizimin e Ballkanit. N? favor t? k?tij q?llimi studiuesit grek? t? cil?t d?gjohen m? shum? n? qarqet europiane, dhe bash p?r k?t? ar?sye i bien boris? me forc?, flasin p?r ndarje kulturale, gati etnike t? Shqip?ris? n? Jug dhe Veri duke ekzagjeruar diferencat ekzistuese midis tosk?ve dhe geg?ve. N? k?t? p?rpjekje ata u ngjajn? shum? studiuesve serb? dhe madje edhe disa studiuesve italian? t? rreshtuar pro Serbis? dhe q? jan? shfaqur n? Limes. N? k?t? linj? ata e mb?shtesin iden? e tyre p?r rajonalizimin e Shqip?ris? n? ekzagjerimin e numrit t? grek?ve n? Shqip?ri, pesh?s s? tyre, etj. N? k?t? linj? duhen par? edhe zhurmat p?r regjistrimin e popullsis? nga ana e drejtuesve t? OMONIA-s t? cil?t paradoksalisht duken m? af?r linj?s tradicionale greke t? priftit Sebastianos sesa linj?s s? re, madje dhe k?rkesat e tyre gjat? takimeve me delegacionin e k?shillit t? europ?s t? drejtuat nga polaku Smoravinski koh?t e fundit, p?r rajonalizim, autonomi kulturore, etj. Natyrisht duket edhe se politika e jashtme greke favorizon m? shum? dep?rtimin e politikan?v? t? minoritetit n? gjirin e partive shqiptare si? ?sht? rasti i Angjelit q? i ka b?r? sh?rbime m? t? m?dha vendit am? se sa OMONIA. Partit? mbi baza etnike apo organizatat si ajo jan? shum? t? p?r?ara p?r shkak t? nivelit t? ul?t kulturor t? drejtuesve t? tyre dhe p?rve? asaj jan? t? lidhura me politik?n tradicionale greke. Natyrisht edhe konkurenca midis linjave jep fryte, por m? i favorizuar duket opcioni i dep?rtimit n? partit? shqiptare si? ?sht? rasti i Tavos, Angjelit, etj. Nj? lloj konkluzioni Si? mund t? kuptohet rajonalizimi, kjo ide t?rheq?se p?r vesh?t europian?, rrug? q? do t? aplikohet n? vendet e Bashkimit me synimin p?r t? rritur eficienc?n e sistemit ekonomik europian, propagandohet nga politika e jashtme zyrtare greke si zgjidhje p?r Ballkanin. N?se n? rastin e rajonalizimit t? BE-s?, kuptohen ar?syet ngusht?sisht ekonomike dhe financiare, motivet e rritjes s? eficienc?s n? administrim n?p?rmjet decentralizimit q? q?ndrojn? pas, n? rastin e Ballkanit panorama duket ndryshe. Duket e v?shtir? t? rajonalizosh Ballkanin mbi kritere etnike, sepse do t? lindnin konflikte t? vegj?l q? do t? krijonin kushtet edhe p?r m? t? m?dhenj, edhe pse jo ushtarake. N? k?ndv?shtrimin shqiptar, n?se duhen fal?nderuar grek?t q? tashm? e pranojn? publikisht r?nd?sin? e faktorit shqiptar nuk mund t? mos konstatohet se pik?risht rajonalizimi si? p?rfytyrohet prej tyre ?sht? nj? rrug? p?r t? i dob?suar shqiptar?t n? rajon. Dhe qoft? edhe n? nj? plan shikimi ekonomik, kjo ?sht? pik?risht ajo q? duan grek?t. Dritan Sula --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 5 08:24:46 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 05:24:46 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dita Juge - 23 qershor 2001 - editorial Message-ID: <20010705122446.82370.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> Opinion Ndal angazhimit grek n? fushat?n elektorale Shum? prej t? d?rguarve nd?rkomb?tar? t? ardhur n? Shqip?ri me rastin e zgjedhjeve, kan? pyetur n? takimet me KQZ dhe institucione t? tjera, apo n? konferenca shtypi se ??do t? b?het me Himar?n, dhe a do t? ket? konflikte atje. Ambasadori Shtudman I ODIHR- ishte I fundit n? rradh?. Kjo ?sht? nj? pyetje pa kuptim ose t? pakt?n u ?sht? adresuar personave t? gabuar. P?r nj? ar?sye t? thjesht?. Problemet n? Himar? gjat? zgjedhjeve jan? krijuar sa koh? q? atje ?sht? shfaqur ambasadori grek, konsulli grek apo deputet? grek?, etj. Problemet kan? filluar sa koh? q? Greqia angazhohet shtet?risht q? n? Himar? t? vijn? e t? votojn? emigrant? t? p?rzgjedhur dhe sa koh? q? Greqia em?ron si komisionere n? qendrat e votimit n? em?r t? PBDNJ- gra q? jetojn? atje prej 10 vjet?sh dhe q? p?r pasoj? b?jn? politik?n e Greqis? p?r Himar?n. Po cila ?sht? kjo politik?? ?sht? ajo q? synon me forc? t? p?rfshij? Himar?n si zon? minoriteti, politik? e mb?shtetur n? dh?nie pensionesh, vizash dhe leht?sirash t? tjera nj? pjese t? qytetar?ve t? Himar?s, ku flitet greqisht. Pra ku ka maksimumi nj? minoritet greqisht-fol?s dhe jo minoritet grek. P?r t? p?rg?njeshtruar angazhimin shtet?ror grek n? k?t? linj? t? sjelluri, mjafton q? t? lexohet nj? dokument I Lidhjes s? Kombeve I vitit 1935. N? p?rgjigje t? k?rkes?s s? k?saj organizate, drejtuar Shqip?ris? dhe Greqis?, p?r t? sjell? nj? list? me emrat e vendbanimeve ku jetonin minoritetet p?rkat?se, n? list?n greke me dhjetra emra nuk figuronte Himara. Mjafton deklarimi I Petro Markos n? librin e vet autobiografik i shkruar dhe i botuar pas diktatur?s, ku deklarohet me krenari qenia shqiptar p?r t? p?rg?njeshtruar sharlatan?t dhe t? shiturit si nipi I tij Stavri Marko q? thot? se jam grek. Bijt? e Himar?s, krenar? p?r origjin?n e tyre shqiptare jan? edhe mes arb?resh?ve t? Italis?. Ka me dhjetra shembuj t? till?. N? k?t? kuptim n? Himar? do t? ket? rr?muj? n?se shteti grek n?p?rmjet emisar?ve t? vet do t? p?rfshihet ashtu si ?sht? p?rfshir? deri m? sot n? t? gjitha fazat e procesit elektoral. Por rasti Himara, ?sht? I p?rfshir? n? nj? fenomen m? t? gjer? q? po vihet re gjat? k?saj fushate elektorale dhe q? ka t? b?j? me grek?t. Kudo ku kandidojn? grek? etnik? t? v?rtet? dhe t? konvertuar, n? m?nyr?n m? t? paturpshme dhe arrogante, ambasadori grek Iliopulos, konsujt grek? t? Tiran?, Kor??s, dhe Gjirokastr?s b?jn? fushat? haptas n? favor t? tyre. Ky ?sht? c?nim I drejtp?rdrejt? I sovranitetit t? shtetit shqiptar, sakoh? q? c?nohet Kodi Elektoral dhe ligje t? tjera. Ofertat e tyre t? p?shtira diku mund t? b?jn? efekt, tek hallexhinj apo njer?z pa personalitet, po v?shtir? se do t? b?jn? efekt tek populli patriot I Kolonj?s. Tek patriot?t e Gjirokstr?s, apo n? zona t? tjera t? Shqip?ris?, p?rfshi dhe Himar?n. 5000 vizat e manaxherit t? firmave piramidale, q? I p?rket komunitetit arumun dhe q? pretendon se ?sht? grek, Kristo Goxhit, vizat e Jatrus? dhe shefit t? OMONIA-s, Dule n? P?rmet dhe Gjirokast?r, dhe fushata e tyre bashk? me konsullin e Gjirokastr?s, celular?t e dhuruar, vizat e premtuara prej Thoma Mi?os n? zon?n e Delvin?s dhe shoq?rimi I tij me konsullin grek, e plot raste t? tjera nuk duhen toleruar. Minimalisht duhet reaguar ndaj tyre me forc? prej autoriteteve lokale dhe q?ndrore. Maksimalisht edhe forcat e rendit me qet?si duhet t?I kthejn? mbrapsh, pasi n? mandatin e tyre diplomatik nuk b?jn? pjes? fushata elektorale n? favor t? bashkombasve t? tyre t? v?rtet? apo t? rrem?. Rastet e v?na re duhen dokumentuar dhe I duhen dor?zuar institucioneve nd?rkomb?tare. I duhet dh?n? fund koncerteve elektorale edhe t? Dallarasit t? madh n? kalan? e Gjirokastr?s, t? organizuar nga konsulli grek dhe jo nga autoritetet lokale. Ishte nj? sken? e sh?mtuar kur koncertin tij e ndiqnin n? bashin e vendit diplomat?t grek? dhe grek?t e Shqip?ris? dhe autoritetet shqiptare nuk dukeshin asgj?kundi. Shqip?ria n? k?to 10 vjet?t e fundit I ka treguar madje edhe tep?r munges?n e paragjykimeve nacionaliste ndaj Greqis?. ?sht? lejuar nj? kryepeshkop grek n? krye t? kish?s autoqefale shqiptare, i cili udh?heq kryq?zatat ndaj sht?pive t? kultur?s sic ishte rasti i P?rmetit dhe i kthen n? kisha: ?sht? lejuar nj? kompani ushtarake greke me mandat jo t? qart? dhe jasht? NATO-s, nd?rsa Greqia mban gjendjen e luft?s me Shqip?rin?; kompanit? greke kontrollojn? nj? sektor strategjik si ai i telefonis? celulare, e plot koncesione t? tjera. Nuk ka ngritur n? pritje t? nj? mir?kuptimi grek ??shtjen e pronave t? ish shtetasve grek? me komb?si shqiptare. Mjaft pra me koncesione t? tep?rta nj? vendi q? refuzon t? njoh? pakicat n? territorin e tij dhe refuzon tryez?n e Paktit t? Stabilitetit p?r pakicat. Nuk mund t? presim leksione nga nj? vend si Greqia ku terrorizmi antiper?ndimor tolerohet dhe nuk nd?shkohet: ku trafiku I klandestin?ve, ve?a?nrisht atyre kurd?, p?rfshin edhe segmente shtet?rore. Dakord, nuk mund t? pengojm? dhe duhet t? ftojm? kapitalin grek t? investoj? n? Shqip?ri, po brenda rregullave t? shtetit shqiptar dhe jo brenda rregullave q? shkruajn? ata vet?. M?sime demokracie nuk jepen prej Iliopulosit apo Pedhiotisit, I cili dhuron viza n? koh? fushatash dhe p?rfshihet n? pun?t e brendshme t? shtetit shqiptar. Jasht? nga Shqip?ria p?r nacionalistin e ?mendur Gaxojanis dhe kushdo tjet?r si ai q? p?rpiqet t? b?j? ligjin n? vendin ton?. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From Gazhebo at aol.com Thu Jul 5 11:38:13 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 11:38:13 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Peacekeepers Shift Kosovo Mission Message-ID: Peacekeepers Shift Kosovo Mission By COLLEEN BARRY CAMP BONDSTEEL, Yugoslavia (AP) - Two years into their mission in Kosovo, U.S. forces have made a significant strategic shift, launching foot patrols in the mountains to cut supply lines to ethnic Albanian rebels in Macedonia - and preserve the fragile peace in Kosovo. While U.S. troops have mounted foot patrols throughout their deployment, the key difference is that U.S. forces since last month have been operating under specific orders to increase surveillance and interdictions along the rugged mountain border. ``There is no way to shut the border completely and there are many places they can get supplies from other than the Kosovo border,'' Col. Anthony Tata, deputy commander of the U.S. forces in Kosovo, told The Associated Press in an interview Tuesday outlining the new operation. ``But it is obvious based on the quantity of equipment we have received that we have had an impact.'' Since sending out the first patrols on June 7, U.S. forces based in Kosovo have intercepted and seized a convoy of five rebel SUVs and four mule trains - all laden with arms, food, clothing and medical supplies, and all making their way to reinforce rebel lines in neighboring Macedonia. They also have secured at least five caches of weapons hidden under brush, and detained 124 rebels. So far, the rebels have not fought back, Tata said. One soldier, however, lost a foot last week when he stepped on a land mine. NATO command in Pristina ordered the mission shift in June following a NATO-brokered peace that calmed fighting between ethnic Albanian guerrillas and Serb troops in the Presovo valley in neighboring Serbia, which borders the U.S. sector in Kosovo. That success freed resources to launch the intensified patrols under the command of American Brig. Gen. William C. David at the same moment that the rebel Albanian insurgency in Macedonia intensified, Tata said. The rebels are battling in northern Macedonia, near the Kosovo border, in what they say is a campaign for greater rights for that country's ethnic Albanian minority. The Macedonian government calls the rebels separatists trying to carve out an ethnic Albanian region. ``Gen. David's intent here is important. He wants to show resolve in assisting (Macedonia) by disrupting logistical and recruiting operations in our sector that are supported by the National Liberation Army,'' as the Macedonian rebel force is known, Tata said. The U.S. mission to maintain security in Kosovo remains the primary goal, he said, adding: ``The movement and the smuggling is disruptive to the safe and secure environment in Kosovo.'' One particularly productive night in the Sar mountains, four U.S. infantry soldiers seized rebel Albanian SUVs maneuvering a muddy, mountaintop goat track toward the Macedonian border, blocking the lead vehicle in a ravine. The impressive take on June 8 was a blow to the rebels' resupply efforts: rifles, machine guns, ammunition drums, mortar components - plus uniforms, boots, bottled water, cans of food, bags of flour, medical supplies and 50,000 German marks - or about $25,000 - which Tata believes was the rebel payroll. ``This was a dangerous mission. Every rebel in these vehicles had a loaded weapon and there were 11 that they saw,'' Tata said. The four soldiers captured six without resistance; the others fled. Helicopters moved in immediately to secure the area and prevent the rebels from regrouping and trying to retake the supplies. Ground forces followed, helping with the detainees and removing seized equipment. That was the first success. A day earlier, patrols found four cases of mortar ammunition hidden beneath deadfall. Rather than securing the arms, they placed the cache under surveillance. On June 9, U.S. soldiers captured four rebels returning for the weapons. Battalion commanders then turned their focus to mule trains spotted in the mountains near the border - intercepting four in one weekend. The seizure included 10 rocket propelled grenades, 16 cases of 12.7 ammunition, 23 cases of explosive, 103 82 mm mortar rounds and 23 boxes of fuses, along with cans of chicken, bags of bread and brand-new boots. The interdictions so far have focused on a radius of several miles where reconnaissance teams identified a heavily traveled network of foot paths. ``They have been operating in this area for a long time,'' Tata said. ``They have a very good information network. Everybody seems to be connected. The shepherd will report to the woodcutter that the U.S. forces are here. So you have to be somewhat crafty about how you develop your patrol plans.'' Tata saw evidence of the mission's success when he led last week's mission to escort rebel soldiers out of Aracinovo, a suburb of the Macedonian capital Skopje they held for two weeks. Rebels stores were low, he said, with possibly just a two-week supply remaining. From Gazhebo at aol.com Thu Jul 5 11:37:12 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 11:37:12 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Britain ready to commit 1,000 troops to Macedonia Message-ID: <62.10c39f45.2875e3a8@aol.com> Britain ready to commit 1,000 troops to Macedonia By Mike Collett-White LONDON, July 4 (Reuters) - Britain will provide around 1,000 troops to a proposed NATO force of 3,000 in Macedonia to collect arms from ethnic Albanian rebels, a defence official said on Wednesday. But its commitment to send a battle group -- comprising a battalion of about 800 soldiers plus logistical support and artillery -- was not indefinite, particularly with a major exercise in the Gulf due this autumn. "At the moment we have indicated that we would provide a brigade headquarters and one of a total of three or four battle groups," the Defence Ministry official said, adding that any mission was expected to last around two months. NATO says it will send in the force only after a political settlement was reached between political parties representing the Macedonian majority and the ethnic Albanian minority. Talks between the sides resumed this week but are being complicated by hostilities between ethnic Albanian guerrillas and Macedonian government forces in the north of the former Yugoslav republic. "This is not disarmament, but a benign job of collecting weapons," the British official said of the planned mission. He said Italy, France and Greece had indicated willingness to commit a significant number of troops to the NATO expedition. But he also warned that other commitments facing the British army, air force and navy this autumn meant NATO's contingency plans now in place for Macedonia may have to be reviewed. The services are to commit over 20,000 personnel to a major overseas exercise later in the year in Oman. "If this (Macedonian operation) is not done by September, then we must assess it again against the other things the British armed forces are doing at the time," he said. "But our ministers do give Macedonia the highest priority." He said that current plans indicated there would be around 15 arms collection points set up by NATO in Macedonia, with an average of 200 troops committed to each. Extreme elements both among Albanian rebels and Macedonian forces could pose a threat to NATO forces, the official added. From Gazhebo at aol.com Thu Jul 5 11:39:00 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 11:39:00 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU, NATO welcome Macedonian ceasefire Message-ID: EU, NATO welcome Macedonian ceasefire BRUSSELS, July 5 (Reuters) - The European Union and NATO issued a joint statement on Thursday welcoming a ceasefire agreement reached between the Macedonian authorities and ethnic Albanian guerrillas. Earlier, the Macedonian government and the guerrillas signed separate ceasefire accords brokered by NATO officials in the tiny Balkan state. "We strongly welcome the open-ended ceasefires declared by the military and police authorities of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and by the armed ethnic Albanian extremists," the joint statement said. "We call upon all parties to respect these ceasefire declarations and to act with utmost discipline and restraint in avoiding incidents that could lead to a return to violence," said the statement, signed by EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and NATO Secretary-General George Robertson. They said the onus was now on the political parties to make progress in talks aimed at tackling the grievances of the country's large ethnic Albanian minority, who have long complained of discrimination. "The European Union and NATO each remain poised to assist the government in Skopje in the implementation of a settlement, including through EU financial assistance and the deployment of a NATO military force to assist in the disarmament of the ethnic Albanian fighters," the statement said. Nearly five months of fighting between Macedonian forces and the rebels has brought Macedonia to the brink of civil war, stirring Western fears of a wider regional conflagration. NATO has agreed to send in a 3,000-strong force to collect weapons once the Macedonian parties have reached a political settlement. From Gazhebo at aol.com Thu Jul 5 11:40:48 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 11:40:48 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia Announces Cease-Fire Message-ID: Macedonia Announces Cease-Fire By COLLEEN BARRY SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) - The Macedonian government announced a nationwide cease-fire Thursday with ethnic Albanian rebels whose four-month insurgency has threatened political stability in this Balkan country. NATO troops will be deployed to disarm the rebels as a key element of the agreement. U.S. troops will handle logistics, NATO spokesman Paul Barnard said, without elaborating on whether that would be their only role or explaining what logistics entailed. The open-ended cease-fire, brokered by NATO and the European Union, came a day after President Boris Trajkovski announced progress in political dialogue. The cease-fire takes effect just after midnight Thursday, said Defense Minister Vlado Buckovski. Preceding the cease-fire, the government reported heavy fighting overnight around Kumanovo, about 15 miles northeast of the capital, one of the conflict's hot spots. The attack from the rebel-held areas around Slupcane continued until around 6 a.m. No injuries were reported. Some 3,000 NATO troops from 15 nations, including the United States, were expected to be deployed as early as mid-month, and the actual disarmament would begin two weeks later, Buckovski said. British forces will lead the operation, which is expected to be completed in four to six weeks. ``Once we have seen the cease-fire will last and we see progress in political dialogue, we will be ready to commit troops,'' Barnard said in Skopje. The final composition of the disarmament force has not been determined, but Barnard said British troops working with Greek, Italian and French forces would be directly involved in the disarmament. ``It is a major step forward,'' the Macedonian president's national security adviser, Nikola Dimitrov, told Associated Press Television News. ``Of course it is not the end of the crisis, but it will create the conditions for political dialogue and of course it is one of the conditions for disarmament to be realized.'' ``We think and we hope this will bring peace to the Macedonian citizens,'' he said. Macedonia's chief of general staff, Pande Petrevski, signed a cease-fire agreement Thursday in Skopje, and Ali Ahmeti, political leader of the rebels' National Liberation Army, signed separately Wednesday evening in the southern Kosovo city of Prizren. ``The cease-fire is different from the ones before and more important because this one was brokered by the EU, U.S. and NATO leaders as a way to create conditions to resume political dialogue,'' said Gezim Ostreni, the rebels' military chief. He said the rebels would abide by any political agreement as long as it provides equality for Macedonia's ethnic Albanian minority. The cease-fire deal also provides for early parliamentary elections in November and includes amnesty for rebels who have not committed any crime during the insurgency, Buckovski said. The elections seek to provide better proportional representation for the Albanian minority, who make up about a third of the country's 2 million people but control only 25 seats in the 120-member national legislature. The breakthrough came amid heightened international diplomatic efforts by EU and U.S. envoys dispatched after rioting 10 days ago brought the country to the brink of civil war. EU envoy Francois Leotard and his U.S. counterpart, James Pardew, told reporters that the cease-fire ``sets a positive atmosphere for the new political dialogue.'' NATO Secretary-General Lord Robertson and EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana welcomed the cease-fire, emphasizing that it creates the opportunity to make significant progress in the political dialogue. ``As we have repeatedly stated, there can be no military solution to the present conflict - only a political solution can provide lasting peace and stability in the country and in the wider region,'' they said in a joint statement. ``We call upon all parties to respect fully these cease-fire declarations and to act with utmost discipline and restraint in avoiding incidents that could lead to a return to violence.'' The rebels launched their insurgency in February, saying their fight centered on securing greater rights and recognition for ethnic Albanians. The government contends the militants are bent on seizing territory, and it has refused to negotiate directly with the insurgents. On Wednesday, Trajkovski announced that leaders of the country's major Macedonian Slavic and Albanian parties had agreed to launch expert-level talks on reforms to better protect the rights of ethnic Albanians. Experts began meeting Wednesday and were expected to have a draft proposal ready over the weekend, a Cabinet source said. The issues under discussion include demands by ethnic Albanian political leaders for wider use of their language in official business and proportional representation in government institutions and strengthening local government. Albanian leaders also want the constitution to include provisions that will allow the Albanian minority to override future parliamentary decisions that have an impact on the minority - one of the most contentious issues. A French constitutional expert, Robert Badinter, last week recommended against this measure, saying it runs counter to current democratic trends. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 19:58:38 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 19:58:38 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia Paramilitary Threat Emerges Message-ID: <5b.182bd29c.2873b62e@aol.com> Macedonia Paramilitary Threat Emerges By COLLEEN BARRY SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) - Pamphlets emblazoned with a lion symbolizing a group calling itself Paramilitary 2000 delivered a powerful threat to ethnic Albanian shopkeepers: Close shop or we'll burn down your businesses. Most stall owners in and around the trash-strewn industrial wasteland called Madzari packed up and left after receiving the threat 10 days ago from the recently activated paramilitary group, which considers some Albanians who arrived in the last few years illegal residents of Macedonia. The emergence of paramilitary threats in the capital, Skopje - a direct response to the insurgents' assault on neighboring Aracinovo and evident in riots outside Parliament last week - brings a new escalation to Macedonia's conflict between ethnic Albanian militants and government troops in this troubled Balkan country. Immediately following the threat, rebel Commander Hoxha announced that his forces in the hills surrounding the capital were prepared to defend Albanians in Skopje if they came under attack. That spread unease among the Slav population. The Albanian businessmen of the Madzari district say they have been menaced by a black jeep with the Paramilitary 2000 logo, but so far there have been no direct confrontations or violence. But they also say Macedonian police have refused to protect them. ``The police said that all Albanians who work here should remove their stock and leave the area,'' shopowner Ibrahim Baftjari said. He has remained, but has removed his most expensive goods. Since the threat, up to 30,000 Albanians, mostly from Skopje, have left for Kosovo, bringing the number of refugees who have taken refuge in the Serbian province to 100,000 since the insurgency began four months ago. It is a pattern that has repeated itself in more than a decade of Balkan conflicts: Irregular units form in response to dissatisfaction with military and police action against an insurgency. Western observers worry that the slightest spark - a slain policeman or Macedonian Slav civilian - could lead to full-blown civil war. They cite not only the new irregular units but also the vast number of armed reservists. Already, reservists were blamed last week by President Boris Trajkovski for bringing the country to the brink of civil war when, massed outside Parliament, they opened fire amid a crowd of Macedonian Slavs enraged at the rebels' safe passage from Aracinovo under U.S. escort. ``There's a coalescence of different extremist elements into more formal networks,'' said Peter Bouckaert of Human Rights Watch. ``We're talking about a region where there's a pattern of civilians involved in conflicts.'' The government denies the existence of any irregular paramilitary organization in Macedonia. Off the record, a government source dismissed the Paramilitary 2000 as ``a bunch of drunks who number no more than 20 people,'' and estimated the total number of paramilitary fighters at ``no more than 200.'' The real threat, the source said, is from reservists who have been issued arms by the Interior Ministry, like those outside Parliament last week. Not all the guns were given to people on the reservist list, the source said, and some were distributed specifically to members of the ruling government party. But bigger questions remain: Who controls these armed militias and reservists, and how much crossover exists between them? So far, very little is known about who comprises the newly emerging armed groups. In a communique two weeks ago, Paramilitary 2000 said its 2,000 fighters included members of Army special forces units - the Tigers, the Wolves and the Scorpions - as well as mercenaries. There are other groups operating as well, including the National Front of Macedonia and the Todor Aleksandrov, named for a 20th-century patriot, as well as clubs of football hooligans boasting paramilitary structures. Following a pattern some fear will spread to Skopje and other cities, Western and government sources say police officers were among gangs that destroyed Albanian businesses and targeted the homes of prominent Albanians in Bitola in May after four policemen from the southern city were killed. The home of the deputy health minister, Muharrem Nexhipi, an ethnic Albanian, was among those targeted. Deputy Interior Minister Refet Elmazi, who is an ethnic Albanian, says neither the prime minister nor the interior ministers - both Slavs - expressed condolences, adding: ``I guess that speaks a lot.'' Polarization has already spread through government. Elmazi said recent events have made it difficult for him to perform his government role. Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski refused to give him details of the reservist call-up, including how many arms were distributed. ``It is important for the second person in the police to know what is happening,'' Elmazi said. ``As deputy minister of the interior, I can tell you the Macedonians are playing a very secret game. They are not sharing information with other parties.'' From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 20:05:51 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 20:05:51 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Balkans: Pride Of Place - NEWSWEEK Message-ID: Balkans: Pride Of Place A bubbling cultural stew boils over with nativist passions By Rod Nordland NEWSWEEK In the Balkans, everyone is a minority somewhere or other. Croats are a majority in Croatia, but a large minority in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a tiny minority in Serbia, where they still live in fear of their lives. Serbs may dominate Serbia, but in Croatia they would have a rough time these days?if nearly all of them hadn?t already been chased out. Bosnian Muslims dominate in Bosnia, but only in 51 percent of it; the rest is practically deeded to Serb control under the Dayton peace accords. And Macedonia, the last to fall victim to ethnic strife, is a bewildering mixture of Muslim Slavs, Greeks, Turks, Egyptians, Romas, Macedonian Slavs, Serbs and Bulgarians. So many, in fact, that the word for a mixed-fruit salad in many European languages is ?Macedonian.? ?? ? ALL THESE MYRIAD GROUPS want their own ethnically defined nations, for self-protection as well as pride. All have vivid memories of oppression and glorious martyrdom. All have even greater reason to believe now, after a decade of violence, that safety lies only with their own kind?and in numbers. The reductio ad absurdum of all this is the historic struggle for self-determination and international recognition of the Vlachs. The Vlachs? A people linguistically related to Romanians rather than to Slavs, Vlachs are scattered throughout the Balkans, with a home turf along the south bank of the Danube. Before anyone rushes out to order flags, though, the Vlachs themselves are divided, between mountain Vlachs and alluvial Vlachs. How many are they? Who knows. Census-taking in the Balkans is a deeply controversial process; calling for one is enough to provoke threats of war by those groups who happen to be on the wrong side of a suspected demographic shift. Some countries in the region have gone so long without a census that no one really knows how much of what is where any longer. This might all be funny if it weren?t so dangerous. The problem with rising ethnic aspirations is, of course, that no borders are redrawn peacefully. Irredentism is inevitably a violent process?and one that cripples the argument that peoples can and should live together with their differences. As everyone in the Balkans knows by now, that makes us all losers. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 20:16:15 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 20:16:15 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Judgment Day - NEWSWEEK Message-ID: <127.eec40e.2873ba4f@aol.com> Judgment Day Milosevic is at The Hague, accused of war crimes. But his malevolent spirit lives on in places like Macedonia By Rod Nordland and Roy Gutman NEWSWEEK? Slobodan Milosevic?s humilation was by turns historic and pathetic. On Thursday afternoon the warden of Belgrade?s Central Prison came to his cell and said, ?Get ready, you?re going.? Where? ?To The Hague, Mr. Milosevic.? He was incredulous. ?Come on, am I really going to The Hague?? He asked to smoke a cigarette: granted. He asked to call his wife: denied. Prison guards drove him to the helipad behind Belgrade?s old secret-police headquarters. There they turned him over to three representatives of the U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, who read him his rights and part of the indictment against him. Milosevic interrupted angrily: ?This is a farce. The Hague tribunal has come to the wrong address. The right address is NATO. There is a Hague for you, too.? ? ? ? ? THEN MILOSEVIC and his single small suitcase were searched, and resignation replaced anger. They confiscated hidden pill bottles, which Milosevic said were only nitroglycerine for his hypertension. He referred sarcastically to public speculation that he might commit suicide, as both his mother and father had done. ?Don?t worry, none of these medicines are poison.? Aboard the helicopter he was handcuffed and flown to Eagle Base near the Muslim city of Tuzla in Bosnia. There U.S. Army peacekeepers bundled him onto a plane to The Hague. He spent the flight, said a source, staring ?wistfully? out a window, and his request for another cigarette was turned down because the British Royal Navy plane was nonsmoking. By 1 a.m. Friday, Milosevic was in a 10- by 17-foot box in the U.N. wing of Holland?s Scheveningen prison. From the bars of his cell window he could see only a blank wall. No sooner were the cuffs off the former autocrat than commentators began to declare that justice was being done for Milosevic?s murderous decade. Rights activists exulted that, for the first time ever, a former head of state will be tried by the international community for crimes against humanity. Milosevic is now accused of orchestrating ?a campaign of terror and violence? against thousands of Kosovar Albanians during the 1999 war. But the tribunal?s chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, is expected to file charges soon over his earlier wars in Bosnia and Croatia; altogether, more than 200,000 people have died in Balkan conflicts since 1991. He could be sentenced to life imprisonment, the maximum penalty. MANY WILLING EXECUTIONERS Yet it will take a lot more than the trial of Slobodan Milosevic to purge the Balkans of those horrors. Many people reject the idea of ?collective guilt,? the notion that whole peoples should be held responsible for the criminal acts directed by their leaders. The tribunal, by assigning personal guilt, is designed to avoid precisely that outcome. But Milosevic?s long and malevolent shadow obscures a multitude of sins by others who have escaped a reckoning. In Serbia he had many willing executioners behind him. And nearly everywhere else in the Balkans, his virulent ethnic nationalism still has many enthusiastic imitators today. Just last week in Macedonia?one of the former republics of the old Yugoslavia?it was as if the calendar had flipped back to 1991. Slav paramilitaries began prowling the streets of Skopje, the capital, putting up posters warning ethnic Albanian Muslims to flee or die. Mobs of Macedonian Slavs chanted, ?Albanians to the gas chambers.? Led by rogue policemen, they sacked the Parliament building and chased the president from his office for the offense of negotiating peace with the enemy. Then rioters hunted Westerners on the streets, mostly aid workers and journalists, and beat a dozen of them senseless. The lobby of the new Holiday Inn, a hopeful investment in a young country?s future, was splattered with the blood of a BBC cameraman. The mob violence was set off by unwitting U.S. NATO troops. On June 25 a convoy of U.S. Army 101st Airborne vehicles had escorted 450 Albanian guerrillas out of besieged Aracinovo. The town overlooks Skopje?s airport, and the guerrillas? mortars seriously threatened NATO?s vital lines of supply into Kosovo, just 25 miles north. The Macedonian Army?s efforts to dislodge them militarily had been a dismal failure. But Macedonians saw NATO rescuing a defeated enemy. An American soldier working in the defense attache?s office at the U.S. Embassy was shot and wounded by Macedonian forces, though not seriously. President Bush tried to tamp down the anti-U.S. hysteria by freezing the bank accounts and visa rights of Albanian ?terrorists.? He wouldn?t rule out sending more American troops to Macedonia. ? ? ? ? A STEEP POLITICAL COST Milosevic?s extradition also had a steep political cost to the stability of Yugoslavia. When his lawyers won a stay of his extradition in Yugoslavia?s highest court, the Serbian prime minister, Zoran Djindjic, ignored it. Djindjic claimed the court was packed with Milosevic appointees. The Yugoslav prime minister resigned in protest, and the government collapsed. Few people beyond a gaggle of Serb supporters doubt that Milosevic is getting what he deserves. But most Serbs have not truly confronted the reality of what their nation did. A recent poll by Radio B92 found that Serbs still rank Milosevic as the fourth greatest Serb of all time. And the Serbs aren?t the only offenders in the region. While the world?s attention was on Milosevic and Bosnia, Croatia methodically ethnically cleansed those of its sizable Serb minority who remained. Even with Milosevic gone, pulling NATO troops out of Bosnia would still mean war. Kosovo is equally unstable. The province?s Albanian majority, who once endured Milosevic?s oppression, won?t condemn the systematic murder of the few elderly Serbs who haven?t fled. As the idea of a Greater Serbia lies discredited, Albanians privately aspire to an ethnically pure Greater Kosovo. NATO itself is not free of complicity. The West loudly demanded that Serbia send Milosevic to The Hague?the United States threatened to hold up aid if he wasn?t?but it has ignored the tribunal?s second and third most wanted men: Radovan Karadzic, former president of the Bosnian Serbs, and Ratko Mladic, the Serb general, both of whom were indicted for the ethnic cleansing of Bosnia. NATO troops were long ago ordered to arrest those two men on sight, but they move freely through their NATO-occupied territory. ?It is equally important they be brought to account,? says Richard Holbrooke, the former U.N. ambassador and Balkans negotiator. Milosevic?s trial, by publicizing the evidence against him, will help bring a fuller reckoning. And today, at least, the region?s leaders are on notice that they can no longer run amok as he once did. As ?Hoxha,? an Albanian rebel in Aracinovo, puts it, ?Now hopefully others like Milosevic who think they are kings of the world will realize that they can?t get away with killing people.? It?s a strange thing to hear from a man brandishing an AK-47 and getting ready for a new offensive against Macedonia?s democratically elected government. But perhaps it is true. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 20:19:27 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 20:19:27 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Why Milosevic Matters - NEWSWEEK Message-ID: Why Milosevic Matters NEWSWEEK?s Roy Gutman, winner of a Pulitzer Prize for his coverage of war crimes in Bosnia, reflects on how the trial of the former Yugoslav strongman could deter other would-be dictators. A Web exclusive By Roy Gutman When I heard last week that Slobodan Milosevic was on his way to The Hague, I was in Zagreb, Croatia?one of the former Yugoslav leader?s first targets in the series of wars that began, almost to the day, 10 years earlier. It was in Croatia in 1991 that Milosevic first developed his style of war: using artillery to level populated cities and terrorize their inhabitants; paramilitaries to kill, rape and plunder; bombers to attack public buildings, including the presidential palace; and all forces combined to ?cleanse? an ethnic group from lands they had lived on for centuries. ? ? ? ? ? ? ?? BUT MY FIRST THOUGHT on hearing the news was not the horrendous wars of dissolution of the multi-ethnic Yugoslav state so much as the more joyful event that preceded them. Just 18 months earlier, I had been in East Berlin the night the Wall came down, watching East German border guards starting to attack that horrible symbol of an entire era with a pickax. For me, what linked November, 1989, and June, 2001, was that on both occasions I had trouble believing that what I was seeing was true. Both occasions were historic turning points; both exemplify real news: something that comes as a surprise because you?ve given up anticipating it. Milosevic being sent to face a U.N. tribunal may seem a small event compared to the demise of the Wall. Yet his handover constitutes a breakthrough that helps define this new era as much as anything in the last decade. Britain?s arrest of Augusto Pinochet in 1998 proved that ex-heads of state no longer have sovereign immunity. But the ailing Chilean president is unlikely to go on trial. This time?unlike the Nuremberg trials, which were convened by the victors of World War II?an accused major leader will have to account personally for his alleged misdeeds in an internationally recognized court of the United Nations. This is something that has never before occurred in history. This region of southeastern Europe is often said to produce more history than it can consume. The correlate for journalists is that the region produces more stories and story ideas than most editors?and the public?can consume. The reason I could stick with the story of Milosevic?s wars longer than most colleagues is that I gave up trying to focus on the political machinations of the time. Instead I devoted my energies to reporting about the war crimes. Unlike ordinary crimes, where states investigate, convict and incarcerate, it is states or armies themselves that commit war crimes. Anyone who hones in on this issue inevitably risks antagonizing that state?and that means the state can act against you if its leaders feel your reporting is causing them harm. In my case, I was unable to obtain a visa to Yugoslavia from 1993 until even after the overthrow of Milosevic last October. I have since heard that Milosevic himself kept a small blacklist of foreign journalists to whom he would not grant press visas. His nationalist-leaning successor, Vojislav Kostunica, who became president after a national uprising last October, also, I was told, carried on the practice for his first few months in office. On the other hand, if you see visa restrictions as a challenge rather than a barrier, there are always ways around them. When access is closed off to reporters (as in Kosovo just two years ago, when Milosevic?s forces used terror tactics to deport close to a million Albanians), there are usually witnesses and survivors. By questioning them and cross-checking their assertions, it is possible to reconstruct the facts of a story. That is how I first reported in 1992 that Milosevic?s Bosnian Serb cronies had created a string of concentration camps in northern Bosnia. I could not get to the camps, but searched for survivors after hearing a tip about the existence of a network of camps. Uncovering the story of Omarska and other concentration camps was one of the most discouraging moments of my journalistic career. True, the story received worldwide attention, and the Bosnian Serbs closed down some of the camps following the expose. But what I realized from the moment I heard about the camps was that global powers, starting with the United States and its allies, had deliberately decided to close their eyes to the atrocities taking place. No amount of solid reporting was going to change it. But as events have shown, major states do get interested over time, especially if there is a public outcry, as with the Bosnian camps. Readers and viewers want individuals and states to be accountable?and impunity tends to generate criticism of the governments that fail to respond. Sooner or later, statesmen realize that if carried on a big enough scale, state-approved crimes against humanity challenge the whole world order. ?The danger is that failure to punish such crimes is taken by other would-be imitators as a green light. The converse can also hold true: a decision to end impunity and instill accountability even in one obscure Balkan location can affect the way the world will be run for decades to come. The immediate impact of the reporting on ?ethnic cleansing? in 1992 seemed modest at the time. Media reports provided a vehicle used by human rights advocates at the United Nations to demand the creation of The Hague Tribunal, which will now decide Milosevic?s fate. When I first visited the headquarters in early 1994, the Tribunal consisted of just the deputy prosecutor, Graham Blewitt of Australia, sitting in a big empty room leased from an insurance company in The Hague. Today, with three trial chambers, a full complement of judges, sound procedures, many trials behind it, and Milosevic in the lock-up, the Tribunal is well-positioned to write history. As this is written from Zagreb, I must recall that one of the signal omissions of my profession, not to mention Western governments, occurred during the Croatian war, which occurred shortly after the end of the Gulf war. At least 10,000 people, mostly civilians, died in the Croatian war of secession in the second half of 1991. More significant, it proved to be the harbinger of the Bosnian war, in which at least 200,000 civilians were killed. All of the war crimes that occurred in Bosnia occurred here on a smaller scale. Most of us reporters missed the cues, focusing attention on the spectacular events?the Yugoslav Army?s shelling of Dubrovnik, for example?rather than the daily seizing of territory and brutal mistreatment of civilians in far less glamorous locales. Had we been looking for the war crimes, I think we could have exposed Milosevic?s intentions a good deal earlier. I don?t know whether that would have aroused the international public at the time, but for a journalist, the responsibility is not for the outcome. Our responsibility is to ring the alarm bell the moment we see something alarming. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 3 20:23:50 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 20:23:50 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] =?ISO-8859-1?Q?There=92s=20More=20to=20Right=20Than=20Might=20-=20?= =?ISO-8859-1?Q?NEWSWEEK?= Message-ID: <31.171ccc4f.2873bc16@aol.com> There?s More to Right Than Might ? Milosevic in the dock should remind go-it-alone Americans why we need global rules and courts ?? ? Fareed Zakaria NEWSWEEK By sending Slobodan Milosevic to The Hague, the Serbian government has confirmed one of the oldest dictums of international relations. ?The standard of justice depends on ... the power to compel,? wrote the Greek historian Thucydides about 2,400 years ago. ?The strong do what they have the power to do and the weak accept what they have to accept.? At the end of the day, justice is empty without force. ? ? ? ? ?? THE WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL at The Hague is a model of international jurisprudence. It has broad legitimacy and carefully designed procedures to ensure that every person accused, even Milosevic, will get a fair trial. Yet the tribunal has been ineffective until now. It took not lofty ideals but power?mostly American power?to make it work. Hundreds of pages of well-wrought indictments and warrants would have languished in filing cabinets had it not been for the decision by Washington (mainly Secretary of State Colin Powell) to block international aid to Yugoslavia until Milosevic was in a jail in the Netherlands. Might made right. The day before Milosevic was extradited, another important event took place at The Hague. The International Court of Justice ruled 14 to 1 that the United States had broken international law when it executed two German citizens, Walter and Karl LaGrand, in Arizona in 1999. America is bound by the Vienna protocol to inform foreign detainees that they have the right to seek help from their own embassies?a kind of international Miranda protection. It didn?t. The United States also ignored the World Court?s ruling requesting a last-minute stay of the executions. This decision, barely noted in the American media, made headlines all over Europe. I can hear the angry objections from Washington already: what business does a court in the Netherlands have telling the democratic government of the United States what it should do? Well, what business does a court in the Netherlands have telling the democratic government of Yugoslavia what it should do? Here lies the central tension in American foreign policy today. The United States wants to create a world of universal values, rules and institutions. But we can?t abide the fact that they might apply to us. Over the past decade, with the rise of a world economy and without the constraints of a cold war, these global rules and institutions have been growing in number and scope. It is becoming increasingly clear that we can straddle the fence no longer. America must make up its mind about what sort of world it wants to live in. Washington has pressed to set up U.N. tribunals for the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Cambodia and Sierra Leone (the last two are still being discussed). It has invoked international law often?when freezing Iran?s assets, capturing Manuel Noriega, fighting Saddam Hussein, arresting drug dealers and prosecuting terrorists. American courts now routinely indict foreign statesmen, companies and cartels for all kinds of violations of its laws (something unheard of 20 years ago). Most significant, Washington has established procedures and arbitration panels for trade that trump national laws. You can?t have a global economy without global rules and courts. And yet Washington resists paying its U.N. dues or signing on to the International Criminal Court, the Kyoto accords, the ban of land mines and various other inconvenient treaties and rulings. It objects when arbitrators rule against the United States and is horrified if a foreign court indicts an American citizen. Now in many cases, the United States has strong, sensible objections to international agreements. They reflect the reality that America is in a unique position as the world hegemon?its troops are spread around the world, it is the chief target of global terrorists and it is the country protesters would most like to embarrass. But the answer to these concerns is not to walk away from the world but to sit down and negotiate. Most American objections could easily produce a workable compromise if both sides understood that they needed a deal. It would certainly be better for these world bodies, which without America are simply debating societies. ?What is the point of having an International Criminal Court without the United States as a member? It would be utterly ineffective,? says Princeton?s Gary Bass, the author of a noted book on war crimes. And while there are many important debates to be had about the specifics?I am wary of the ever-expanding jurisdiction of criminal courts?on the whole, the move toward more civilized rules of conduct among and within states is a triumph.? It also has practical benefits for the United States. Around the world, American power is increasingly viewed as suspect. This is not because of anything the United States has done but rather because of what it is. Great strength breeds great resentment. If America can use international treaties to pursue its policies in such a climate, its policies will be doubly effective. If it can use international institutions to reflect its ideas and ideals, they will take root more easily and durably. Wisely used, international legitimacy can be a potent source of American power, building institutions that will preserve a world of peace and liberty long after American hegemony wanes. Recall another dictum of politics. ?The strongest,? wrote Rousseau, ?is never strong enough to be always the master, unless he transform his strength into right and obedience into duty.? From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 3 23:28:47 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 3 Jul 2001 20:28:47 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ashdown on Macedonia Message-ID: <20010704032847.68163.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> 04 July 2001 04:26 GMT+1 Independent Paddy Ashdown: The West must act now, or face the risk of a wider war in the Balkans03 July 2001 As Slobodan Milosevic approaches his trial in The Hague, and as fresh fighting breaks out in Macedonia, I am reminded that, in the Balkans, it is the interconnection of things which matters more than the things themselves. Failure to recognise this has been one of the chief causes of our failures in the Balkans. We gave recognition to Croatia ? and blew up Bosnia. At Dayton we brought peace to Bosnia ? but omitted to include Kosovo. We fought the Kosovo war to protect Albanians and end the threat of greater Serbia ? but failed to address the threat posed by the concept of greater Albania. And so we end up with Macedonia and a crisis which looks more and more likely to slide from sporadic outbursts of conflict into civil war with the capacity to drag in a wider set of players, from Greece through to Bulgaria and Romania on one side and Albania and, God help us, Turkey on the other. Macedonia is a new state, hewn uncomfortably out of ex-Yugoslavia, in which there is a large Albanian minority population made up of two distinct elements; the older, settled Albanians with whom the Macedonian Slav majority get on perfectly well and a later influx who fled from Kosovo in the early days of Milosevic, and who are hated and distrusted in equal measure by the Macedonian Slavs. It is these newer arrivals who formed the backbone of the Kosovo Liberation Army (which was actually founded in the western Macedonian city of Tetovo) and who returned to Kosovo to fight Milosevic in the rebellion of 1998, lighting the fuse which led to war and Nato's intervention. Flushed with success, they returned home to take up the cause of Albanians in their own country, where successive Slav governments have denied Albanians the rights they ought to have enjoyed in a country aspiring to join the EU. This has, in many ways, been a slow-motion tragedy, whose predictability has not seemed to make it any easier to solve. It has not been for want of trying. The new government of President Boris Trajkovski is the first to have been made up of Slavs and Albanians (chiefly from the original Albanian population). They made brave, if insufficiently urgent, attempts to address Albanian grievances, encouraged by the West. The present crisis broke when a handful of (mostly ex-Kosovar) rebels emerged in the mountains north of Skopje and another in the hills above Tetovo in March. Since when, Europe and Nato have been actively involved. Unlike Bosnia and Kosovo, this is not a Balkan crisis which has taken us by surprise. Its coming has been widely predicted since even before the Kosovo war. This time we have tried to get involved early to resolve the problem, rather than leaving it too late and paying the price. Nato has been much criticised for the recent deal brokered by its Secretary General, Javier Solana, in Aracinovo ? not least by Macedonian Slavs who saw the West yet again intervening to protect Albanian terrorists from just retribution by the Macedonian army. In fact, as I tried to persuade the Macedonian government in March, the Macedonian army does not have the military capacity to remove the rebel forces and, in the absence of a political solution, has been losing ground to them. Those who find it easy to criticise the Solana deal ought to ponder the thought that, if it had not happened the slide to full scale civil war, with even wider consequences for the region, would have been unstoppable. I am not at all sure that, even with this breathing space, this outcome can be avoided ? but I am quite clear that, for the first time in the Balkans, the West tried to act early to widen options and avoid conflict, rather than allowing inaction to close them and leave us only with intervention after one had started. The question now is how do we act to widen this fragile opportunity? The first answer is: act quickly. Already the contagion of that virulent Balkan disease ? ethnic cleansing ? is beginning to spread. Some 50 to 60 Albanian intellectuals have mysteriously disappeared. There is a steady stream widening into a flood of Albanian refugees taking refuge in Kosovo. Weapons are circulating freely amongst extremists of both sides, and a dangerous mix of rumour, fear and aggression is taking hold in the Albanian and Slav quarters of Skopje and the ethnically mixed cities on the plains of western Macedonia. It requires a single spark to set this thing alight again in a conflagration which it will be impossible to stop and almost impossible to contain. I fear the solution now will require the West to act as more than passive mediators. We have tried that and it hasn't worked. The only solution in Macedonia is political, in which the Albanians' grievances are addressed, in return for rebel disarmament. But I am not sure that there is any political force in Macedonia capable of delivering that now. Arben Xhaferri, the democratic leader of Macedonian Albanians, though much respected, is very sick. The Macedonian government is tired, weakened by splits and in uncertain control of the army. The army is furious and frustrated. It is insufficiently strong to remove the rebels as it boasted it would, and as an increasingly angry Slav population is demanding. Perhaps worse, the Macedonian forces, coming as they do from the same old Yugoslav army as Milosevic's forces in Kosovo, have not yet learnt the lesson that the Serbs learnt in their defeat, that you do not beat terrorists by using tanks and artillery to pulverise villages. If the West is to extract peace out of this witches brew, it will only be by taking the initiative ourselves. I fear what we are looking at is a third major Nato deployment in the Balkans which will be large, long-term and expensive. If we are lucky, this time we might just be able to do it before war happens, instead of having to fight a war to make it happen. No doubt even now, as in Bosnia and Kosovo, Western capitals are recoiling at the cost and danger. But now, as then, the cost of doing it will be far less than the cost of a civil war, with a potential to widen into a regional conflict involving two Nato nations, Greece and Turkey, on opposite sides. A final point. We will not solve Macedonia, only in Macedonia. What we should have had after Kosovo and what we need even more urgently now, is a wider regional settlement ? a Dayton for the southern Balkans and an end to the practise of solving its problems through conflict and piecemeal resolution. I hope that the British government will lead the way towards the West playing a more proactive role. As I said, it is the interconnection of things that matters in the Balkans. Also from the null sectionArchive: Tory leadership election Tug of war over top F1 designer New look for Independent on Sunday The 50 Best collection Hague's 'One Nation' plans for inner cities --> --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Thu Jul 5 11:49:05 2001 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja) Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 11:49:05 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] job position at MIT (fwd) Message-ID: ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 5 Jul 2001 11:04:15 -0400 From: Lili Kepuska I wanted to let you know about a new position in the office of the Dean for Undergraduate Education. This is a terrific opportunity for someone interested in new challenges in MIT undergraduate education. The job listing is at this website: http://web.mit.edu/jobs/listings/01-0000674.html Please share this information with anyone who you think might be interested in finding out more. Thank you, Lili *************************************************************************** Lili Kepuska Undergraduate Academic Administrator Foreign Languages & Literatures Bldg. 14N-310 (617) 253-4550 - work, (617) 258-6189 - fax lilik at mit.edu From iliri at hotmail.com Thu Jul 5 18:44:03 2001 From: iliri at hotmail.com (F_L_I _R_I) Date: Thu, 05 Jul 2001 22:44:03 -0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] : NAAC Commends All Sides for Recent Elections in Albania Message-ID: National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, NW Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Email: info at naac.org ______________________________________________________________________ Press Release NAAC Commends All Sides for Recent Elections in Albania Opposition Concerns Should Be Addressed Washington, DC, July 5, 2001: The National Albanian American Council made the following statement concerning recent parliamentary elections in Albania. The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) commends all parties participating in the recent national elections in Albania for their efforts to ensure that the elections were free and fair and without violence. In particular, NAAC would like to commend the leadership role undertaken by the Central Election Commission (CEC) during and prior to the elections. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe has praised the efforts of the CEC as "professional and transparent" and reports indicate that the Commission made significant advances in the fair and equitable treatment of all parties during the election process. NAAC was also heartened by the positive statement of the Greek government that "We believe the (Greek) minority voted under the best possible conditions in recent years," according to government spokesman Dimitris Reppas. At this time, with over 45% of precincts included in the second round of elections scheduled for July 8, it is too early to declare a clear winner. There is strong disagreement between the government and opposition parties concerning the fairness of the election. It is important for the relevant government officials responsible for overseeing the electoral process, with the assistance of international observers, to provide clarity on this issue before and after the July run-off. During elections, it is normal for participants to hold different opinions and viewpoints with regard to the results. Such is also the case in the United States. The time has come, however, for the political parties in Albania to recognize that the government and opposition must work constructively to enhance the quality of the entire political system. We urge all sides, irrespective of the final results, to demonstrate respect for the law and the electoral process, and to recognize the duly constituted new government as the legitimate representative of the people. Stability in Albania is critical to stability in the entire region. NAAC, therefore, also strongly encourages the Diaspora to respect the outcome of these elections, as well. It is indispensable for Albanians worldwide to work cooperatively, without regard for the internal politics of Albania, to combat trafficking and corruption and to strengthen political and social institutions and the economy in Albania. It is both a strong Albania and a strong Diaspora that, working together, will make Albania a model of integration and new development and lead to a prosperous future. ### _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 6 12:10:52 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 6 Jul 2001 09:10:52 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Executive Order Message-ID: <20010706161052.40270.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary For Immediate Release June 27, 2001 EXECUTIVE ORDER - - - - - - - BLOCKING PROPERTY OF PERSONS WHO THREATEN INTERNATIONAL STABILIZATION EFFORTS IN THE WESTERN BALKANS By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.)(IEEPA), the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code, I, GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States of America, have determined that the actions of persons engaged in, or assisting, sponsoring, or supporting, (i) extremist violence in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, southern Serbia, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and elsewhere in the Western Balkans region, or (ii) acts obstructing implementation of the Dayton Accords in Bosnia or United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 of June 10, 1999, in Kosovo, threaten the peace in or diminish the security and stability of those areas and the wider region, undermine the authority, efforts, and objectives of the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and other international organizations and entities present in those areas and the wider region, and endanger the safety of persons participating in or providing support to the activities of those organizations and entities, including United States military forces and Government officials. I find that such actions constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States, and hereby declare a national emergency to deal with that threat. I hereby order: Section 1. (a) Except to the extent provided in section 203(b)(1), (3), and (4) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C. 1702(b)(1), (3), and (4)), the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (title IX, Public Law 106-387), and in regulations, orders, directives, or licenses that may hereafter be issued pursuant to this order, and notwithstanding any contract entered into or any license or permit granted prior to the effective date, all property and interests in property of: (i) the persons listed in the Annex to this order; and (ii) persons designated by the Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, because they are found: (A) to have committed, or to pose a significant risk of committing, acts of violence that have the purpose or effect of threatening the peace in or diminishing the stability or security of any area or state in the Western Balkans region, undermining the authority, efforts, or objectives of international organizations or entities present in the region, or endangering the safety of persons participating in or providing support to the activities of those international organizations or entities, or, (B) to have actively obstructed, or to pose a significant risk of actively obstructing, implementation of the Dayton Accords in Bosnia or United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 in Kosovo, or (C) materially to assist in, sponsor, or provide financial or technological support for, or goods or services in support of, such acts of violence or obstructionism, or (D) to be owned or controlled by, or acting or purporting to act directly or indirectly for or on behalf of, any of the foregoing persons, that are or hereafter come within the United States, or that are or hereafter come within the possession or control of United States persons, are blocked and may not be transferred, paid, exported, withdrawn, or otherwise dealt in. (b) I hereby determine that the making of donations of the type specified in section 203(b)(2) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C. 1702(b)(2)) by United States persons to persons designated in or pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section would seriously impair my ability to deal with the national emergency declared in this order. Accordingly, the blocking of property and interests in property pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section includes, but is not limited to, the prohibition of the making by a United States person of any such donation to any such designated person, except as otherwise authorized by the Secretary of the Treasury. (c) The blocking of property and interests in property pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section includes, but is not limited to, the prohibition of the making or receiving by a United States person of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services to or for the benefit of a person designated in or pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section. Sec. 2. Any transaction by a United States person that evades or avoids, or has the purpose of evading or avoiding, or attempts to violate, any of the prohibitions set forth in this order is prohibited. Any conspiracy formed to violate the prohibitions of this order is prohibited. Sec. 3. For the purposes of this order: (a) The term "person" means an individual or entity; (b) The term "entity" means a partnership, association, trust, joint venture, corporation, group, subgroup, or other organization; and (c) The term "United States person" means any United States citizen, permanent resident alien, entity organized under the laws of the United States or any jurisdiction within the United States (including foreign branches), or any person in the United States. Sec. 4. The Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, is hereby authorized to take such actions, including the promulgation of rules and regulations, and to employ all powers granted to me by IEEPA, as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this order. The Secretary of the Treasury may redelegate any of these functions to other officers and agencies of the United States Government. All agencies of the United States Government are hereby directed to take all appropriate measures within their authority to carry out the provisions of this order and, where appropriate, to advise the Secretary of the Treasury in a timely manner of the measures taken. Sec. 5. This order is not intended to create, nor does it create, any right, benefit, or privilege, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law by a party against the United States, its agencies, officers, or any other person. Sec. 6. (a) This order is effective at 12:01 eastern daylight time on June 27, 2001; (b) This order shall be transmitted to the Congress and published in the Federal Register. GEORGE W. BUSH THE WHITE HOUSE, June 26, 2001. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 6 12:11:00 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 6 Jul 2001 09:11:00 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Executive Order Message-ID: <20010706161100.40300.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary For Immediate Release June 27, 2001 EXECUTIVE ORDER - - - - - - - BLOCKING PROPERTY OF PERSONS WHO THREATEN INTERNATIONAL STABILIZATION EFFORTS IN THE WESTERN BALKANS By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.)(IEEPA), the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code, I, GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States of America, have determined that the actions of persons engaged in, or assisting, sponsoring, or supporting, (i) extremist violence in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, southern Serbia, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and elsewhere in the Western Balkans region, or (ii) acts obstructing implementation of the Dayton Accords in Bosnia or United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 of June 10, 1999, in Kosovo, threaten the peace in or diminish the security and stability of those areas and the wider region, undermine the authority, efforts, and objectives of the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and other international organizations and entities present in those areas and the wider region, and endanger the safety of persons participating in or providing support to the activities of those organizations and entities, including United States military forces and Government officials. I find that such actions constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States, and hereby declare a national emergency to deal with that threat. I hereby order: Section 1. (a) Except to the extent provided in section 203(b)(1), (3), and (4) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C. 1702(b)(1), (3), and (4)), the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (title IX, Public Law 106-387), and in regulations, orders, directives, or licenses that may hereafter be issued pursuant to this order, and notwithstanding any contract entered into or any license or permit granted prior to the effective date, all property and interests in property of: (i) the persons listed in the Annex to this order; and (ii) persons designated by the Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, because they are found: (A) to have committed, or to pose a significant risk of committing, acts of violence that have the purpose or effect of threatening the peace in or diminishing the stability or security of any area or state in the Western Balkans region, undermining the authority, efforts, or objectives of international organizations or entities present in the region, or endangering the safety of persons participating in or providing support to the activities of those international organizations or entities, or, (B) to have actively obstructed, or to pose a significant risk of actively obstructing, implementation of the Dayton Accords in Bosnia or United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 in Kosovo, or (C) materially to assist in, sponsor, or provide financial or technological support for, or goods or services in support of, such acts of violence or obstructionism, or (D) to be owned or controlled by, or acting or purporting to act directly or indirectly for or on behalf of, any of the foregoing persons, that are or hereafter come within the United States, or that are or hereafter come within the possession or control of United States persons, are blocked and may not be transferred, paid, exported, withdrawn, or otherwise dealt in. (b) I hereby determine that the making of donations of the type specified in section 203(b)(2) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C. 1702(b)(2)) by United States persons to persons designated in or pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section would seriously impair my ability to deal with the national emergency declared in this order. Accordingly, the blocking of property and interests in property pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section includes, but is not limited to, the prohibition of the making by a United States person of any such donation to any such designated person, except as otherwise authorized by the Secretary of the Treasury. (c) The blocking of property and interests in property pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section includes, but is not limited to, the prohibition of the making or receiving by a United States person of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services to or for the benefit of a person designated in or pursuant to paragraph (a) of this section. Sec. 2. Any transaction by a United States person that evades or avoids, or has the purpose of evading or avoiding, or attempts to violate, any of the prohibitions set forth in this order is prohibited. Any conspiracy formed to violate the prohibitions of this order is prohibited. Sec. 3. For the purposes of this order: (a) The term "person" means an individual or entity; (b) The term "entity" means a partnership, association, trust, joint venture, corporation, group, subgroup, or other organization; and (c) The term "United States person" means any United States citizen, permanent resident alien, entity organized under the laws of the United States or any jurisdiction within the United States (including foreign branches), or any person in the United States. Sec. 4. The Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, is hereby authorized to take such actions, including the promulgation of rules and regulations, and to employ all powers granted to me by IEEPA, as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this order. The Secretary of the Treasury may redelegate any of these functions to other officers and agencies of the United States Government. All agencies of the United States Government are hereby directed to take all appropriate measures within their authority to carry out the provisions of this order and, where appropriate, to advise the Secretary of the Treasury in a timely manner of the measures taken. Sec. 5. This order is not intended to create, nor does it create, any right, benefit, or privilege, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law by a party against the United States, its agencies, officers, or any other person. Sec. 6. (a) This order is effective at 12:01 eastern daylight time on June 27, 2001; (b) This order shall be transmitted to the Congress and published in the Federal Register. GEORGE W. BUSH THE WHITE HOUSE, June 26, 2001. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jul 7 23:20:10 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 7 Jul 2001 20:20:10 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gjykata e Larte per konfliktin ne Permet Message-ID: <20010708032010.79724.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> GAZETA E GJIROKASTRES P?rmet, Pallati i Kultur?s ende pa zgjidhje PERMET Kolegji civil i Gjykat?s s? Lart?, n? dat? 27 qershor ka marr? n? shyrtim ankes?n e paraqitur nga Drejtoria e Qendr?s s? Kultur?s s? P?rmetit kund?r vendimit t? gjykat?s s? Apelit p?r pezullimin e vendimit p?r t'i dor?zuar Kish?s Pallatin e Kultur?s. Sipas drejtorit t? Qendr?s s? Kultur?s Kastriot Bezati "gjykata e lart? ka konstatuar q? ankimi i paraqitur p?r pezullimin e ??shtjes ?sht? brenda afatit ligjor". P?r t'i prer? rrug?n nj? ekzekutimi t? menj?hersh?m t? vendimit t? gjykat?s s? Apelit, q? do t? sjell? pasoja t? r?nda, gjykata ka ?muar si t? arsyeshme t? b?j? pezullimin e ekzekutimit t? k?tij vendimi. Por, m? 15 qershor Zyra e P?rmbarimit t? P?rmetit ka shp?rthyer dyert e k?tij institucioni. Kjo sepse Qendra Kulturore nuk dor?zoi ?el?sat p?r t'ia dh?n? nd?rtes?n Kish?s. Deri tani ka pasur dy vendime kontradiktore t? Komisionit t? Kthimit t? Pronave n? dy vite t? ndryshme me dy vendime t? ndryshme. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 13:25:29 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 13:25:29 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] U.S.-EU present framework for Macedonia talks Message-ID: U.S.-EU present framework for Macedonia talks By Paul Casciato SKOPJE, July 7 (Reuters) - The U.S. special envoy to Macedonia and his European Union counterpart presented a negotiating framework to Macedonia's multi-ethnic parties on Saturday in a bid to re-start deadlocked political talks. The presentation came after a NATO-brokered ceasefire between government troops and armed ethnic Albanian rebels on Thursday cleared the way for political dialogue. "At this point we have a single document that all the parties have agreed to use as a negotiating instrument in reaching a political settlement," U.S. envoy James Pardew told Reuters after he and EU envoy Francois Leotard met the parties. Talks stalled about three weeks ago and a ragged 11-day truce in place then was torn to shreds by a government assault on the rebel-held village of Aracinovo near the capital Skopje. Pardew said the leaders of Macedonia's divided communities had the rest of the weekend to study the U.S.-EU document before intensive negotiations start on Monday morning. "We hope we can get (it) accomplished very quickly because the ceasefire is in effect and we don't want war to resume in Macedonia," he said in a brief interview. NATO and European Union envoys secured separate ceasefire agreements with government forces and ethnic Albanian guerrilla National Liberation Army (NLA), whose armed rebellion in the name of improved Albanian rights has brought the country to the brink of civil war in less than five months. DISCRIMINATION Macedonia's two main ethnic Albanian parties published demands on Saturday that were barely changed from those which have kept talks deadlocked for weeks. The Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) and the Party for Democratic Prosperity (PDP) published their demands in Koha Ditore newspaper. They were topped by the call for a quick agreement on political rights at U.S.-EU mediated talks to be held outside Macedonia. The foreign participation Albanians want, also a key rebel demand, is a non-starter for Macedonians. They fear a more formal Western role in the sha pe of an international peace conference could promote a breakaway Albanian agenda. At stake is the official status of Albanians in Macedonia, who argue they are discriminated against and want to be defined as one of the tiny Balkan state's founding ethnic groups, which Macedonians worry could be used as a separatist springboard. Minority Albanians demand equality in job, education and cultural spheres but their formula -- radical constitutional change -- is rejected by the Macedonian-dominated government fearful it would dismember the Balkan state along ethnic lines. TENSIONS HIGH Tensions remain high and witnesses said they heard artillery fire near the village of Radusa Friday night. Macedonian army spokesman Blagoja Markovski told Reuters the ceasefire had been respected overnight aside from some minor episodes. "There were some individual incidents...but there was no organised military activity that broke the truce," he said. NATO and the European Union have welcomed signs the ceasefire was holding after a fierce battle for territory in Macedonia's northern hills ended on Thursday. However, diplomats cautioned the ceasefire was only the start of an intensive effort to revive talks. So far there are few bridges over an ethnic chasm that widens every day armed guerrillas remain at large. "Without a ceasefire there'd be no political dialogue and attentions have to focus on that fast," one Western envoy said. But diplomats, remain cautious after unidentified gunmen attacked a German NATO convoy, an angry crowd spat on the U.S. Ambassador's car and the appearance of inflammatory pamphlets from shadowy groups. NATO's peacekeeping force in neighbouring Kosovo has a logistical unit of about 3,000 troops based in Macedonia. Previous NATO involvement in the evacuation guerrillas from Aracinovo after government forces failed to dislodge them sparked rioting by Macedonians angry at the alliance's role. Diplomats said talk of a NATO arms-collecting mission within two weeks looked premature, despite an NLA statement promising to end its armed rebellion if reforms were agreed. "It will be some time before you see the NATO operation kick in," one Western envoy said. "They want to see something solid." From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 13:26:33 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 13:26:33 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanians vote calmly in key election round Message-ID: Albanians vote calmly in key election round By Benet Koleka TIRANA, July 8 (Reuters) - Albanians returned to the polls on Sunday for the crucial second round of parliamentary elections, which were largely free of incidents apart from opposition charges of voting irregularities. The second round of the elections, the first since the country plunged into anarchy in 1997 after the collapse of fraudulent investment schemes, appeared to be a facsimile of the first round which won praise from international observers. Election observers reported no incidents of violence after polling booths opened to 1.2 million eligible voters in this impoverished Balkan nation. "This is not much different than the first round," a Western diplomat told Reuters. "It seems it is going well, but not great." The ruling Socialist Party aims to strengthen its lead after winning 33 of 100 seats under the first-past-the-post system against the 17 won by the opposition Democratic Party of former President Sali Berisha in the first round on June 24. In 44 constituencies where no overall winner emerged last time, the leading candidates -- Socialist and Democratic in every case -- are contesting the second round. Voting in one constituency is being repeated, and partial voting is taking place in four others. Berisha, who was ousted from power in 1997 in the chaos that followed the collapse of pyramid investment schemes, has complained of electoral irregularities, triggering concern he may not recognise the outcome. "I denounce the Albanian government which has blocked the election process in tens of constituencies from the (eastern) Devolli region to the (northern) Great Highlands region," Berisha said while casting his ballot. Albania's democratic credentials are still at stake in the second round, which will be closely watched by international monitors who said the first round marked progress towards meeting international election standards. "The voting process has failed in four constituencies because of infighting between the representatives of the political parties," the central election commission spokesman Aldrin Dalipi told Reuters. "However, the result of those four constituencies will not block the process," Dalipi said. Turnout was around 35 percent at 2:45 p.m. (1245 GMT). Voting at roughly 2,500 polling stations was expected to last until 6 p.m. (1600 GMT). Final official results are expected on Wednesday whereas unofficial results are expected later on Sunday or early on Monday. The ruling Socialists of Prime Minister Ilir Meta accused Democratic commissioners of blocking the voting process, while the Democrats charged that the Socialist government was using the police force to intimidate their supporters. The Interior Ministry said there was no pressure from the police, who had taken measures to prevent trouble in a country where some half a million guns, looted during the 1997 uprising, remain in private hands. "I call on the police force not to be discouraged by propaganda and to continue to behave correctly," General Police director Bilbil Mema told a news conference. To the relief of Albania's Western partners, the conflict in neighbouring Macedonia, where ethnic Albanian insurgents are battling government forces, and the wider concept of Greater Albania have not been election issues. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 13:27:07 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 13:27:07 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Opposition Accuses Government Message-ID: Albanian Opposition Accuses Government By MERITA DHIMGJOKA TIRANA, Albania (AP) - Firebrand former president Sali Berisha accused Albanian leaders of manipulating parliamentary voting Sunday, hinting his opposition coalition may challenge the results of an election expected to strengthen the Socialist-led government. ``The government is ruining these elections and it will have to face the consequences,'' Berisha said after casting his ballot as Albanians voted in run-offs to fill 50 parliament seats in districts where an initial round of voting last month was inconclusive or flawed. Moderate Prime Minister Ilir Meta's Socialists won 33 of the 140 seats in parliament in the first round on June 24, compared to 17 seats for Berisha's Democratic Party. The remaining 40 seats will be decided by proportional distribution. Disputes between the election commission members from the two rival parties prevented about 80,000 people in three districts from voting Sunday. Central Election Commission spokesman Aldrin Dalipi said voting in those districts would be held within a month. Berisha, who complained of irregularities in the initial voting, accused the government of interfering in the run-offs in several districts Sunday. His coalition denounced the ``excessive police presence'' at polling stations and accused police of beating up opposition members in local election commissions. The Interior Ministry issued a statement denying the accusations. It said several people were briefly detained and fined for pressuring voters to vote for Berisha's coalition. Initial unofficial results of Sunday's voting were expected to be announced early Monday with official returns by the end of the week. Opposition refusal to accept the official outcome of the parliamentary elections could trigger unrest in an impoverished country whose democracy is still fragile a decade after the collapse of its communist government. The United States, the European Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe released a joint statement Saturday urging all sides in the nation of 3.5 million to act in a mature and responsible manner. ``Of paramount importance is the acceptance of the internationally recognized election results by all parties,'' the statement said. In 49 districts, Sunday's runoff was required because no candidate won a majority in the initial round or because of irregularities. In one district, disputes between the rival parties prevented about 20,000 people from voting June 24. Gunfire broke out at one polling station and assailants burned ballots at another in the June vote, but international observers gave the first round of voting their seal of approval, saying incidents were isolated. The Socialist Party came to power in June 1997 after winning elections called to end months of unrest sparked by the collapse of fraudulent investment schemes in which most Albanians had invested. The International Monetary Fund has praised Albania - once a strictly isolated communist country - for fostering recent economic growth and holding down inflation. The biggest challenge for the next government in the nation of 3.5 million will be fighting widespread corruption and illegal trafficking in women, weapons and drugs. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 13:29:55 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 13:29:55 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Serbian Minister Pledges Justice Message-ID: <67.1682ac17.2879f293@aol.com> Serbian Minister Pledges Justice By JOVANA GEC BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - Investigators have so far uncovered the bodies of 150 ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo and buried in mass graves outside the province and are searching for hundreds more, Serbia's interior minister said. Dusan Mihajlovic, the minister in charge of police in Serbia, vowed to find the ``full truth'' about ethnic Albanians killed in former President Slobodan Milosevic's 1999 crackdown in Kosovo and punish those responsible. ``Justice is slow but attainable,'' Mihajlovic told the VIN independent television network in comments aired Saturday. ``We must find out the full truth, where all the mass graves are, how many there are and who are the people in them.'' He said around 800 Kosovo Albanian victims are thought to have been buried outside the province in other parts of Serbia, part of a campaign he says Milosevic ordered to cover up all evidence of war crimes in Kosovo. The government of Serbia - the larger, dominant republic in Yugoslavia - handed Milosevic over the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, on June 28 to face trial for atrocities committed by Serb troops in Kosovo before and during NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999. Mihajlovic, who came to office after Milosevic's ouster last year, first made public the existence of mass graves in Serbia weeks ago, paving the way for Milosevic's extradition. In the comments aired Saturday, Mihajlovic said that so far about 150 bodies have been exhumed from mass graves near Belgrade and in eastern Serbia, all believed to be ethnic Albanians. ``In those mass graves, we found bodies with their identity cards. We must bury them properly and inform their families,'' Mihajlovic said. In other recent comments, Mihajlovic has said that among the bodies were those of male rebel fighters, civilians, women, children and even an eight-month fetus. Mihajlovic said that his police will try to differentiate among the bodies found, to see which were ``victims of war crimes, accidental victims during the fighting or victims of NATO bombing.'' ``There are indications many of them are victims of war crimes,'' he said. ``We must find those who did it and bring them to justice. We must not carry war crimes on our conscience.'' Investigators from The Hague tribunal have taken part in the exhumations of mass graves in Serbia, together with the local forensic experts. The latest findings are likely to be used as additional evidence against Milosevic at a trial expected to start next year. Four top Milosevic aides also are sought by The Hague tribunal, but - with some international pressure easing due to Milosevic's June 28 extradition Serbian officials are also suggesting they might now put some war crimes suspects on trial in their republic. ``We must show the world that we are capable of trying them,'' said Mihajlovic. ``If we pretend it never happened, we, as a nation, will never have peace and will act as accomplices.'' From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 13:35:13 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 13:35:13 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Balkan Flip-Flopper - NEWSWEEK Message-ID: <54.1702ba1c.2879f3d1@aol.com> The Balkan Flip-Flopper A leader once favored by the West is now trashing NATO. A talk with the volatile prime minister By Rod Nordland NEWSWEEK Albanian rebels in Macedonia signed a NATO-brokered ceasefire with the Macedonian Army last week. If the ceasefire holds, NATO is committed to sending in 3,000 troops to disarm the guerrillas. Whether that happens may depend on the mercurial personality of Macedonia?s powerful prime minister, Ljubco Georgievski. In a recent interview with NEWSWEEK, the prime minister made clear that he is no fan of NATO?s role in Macedonia. ?This is the worst flirting by the international community with terrorist groups we have ever seen,? he said. ?NATO has been too mild with terrorists and Albanian extremists.? WHEN THE 35-YEAR-OLD PRIME MINISTER SPEAKS, diplomats wince. Three years ago the poet and politico became the bright young hope of Macedonia?s Western supporters after he took the bold step of forging a coalition between his own Slavic-dominated party and an Albanian political party. That brought him to power?the first salaried job of his life?and brought moderate Albanian leaders into the governing coalition. But Georgievski now fiercely criticizes his coalition partners. ?The Albanian political parties have become the political wing of the terrorists,? he said. ? Georgievski himself has destabilized the situation from time to time. Twice in recent months he has threatened to declare a state of war, which would lead to the inevitable withdrawal of Albanian moderates from Macedonian politics. The prime minister blames the West for this. ?We are witnessing a monster actually created by NATO,? he said. ?NATO intervention made Kosovo what it is... and these terrorists all come from Kosovo.? Even the military success of the Albanian guerrillas, who have never lost a serious engagement with Macedonian forces, he blames on NATO. The rebels do well, he said, ?because the international community pressured our Macedonian state institutions rather than... applying any pressure against terrorist groups.? When ethnic Slavs rioted two weeks ago in Skopje, overrunning Parliament and chasing President Boris Trajkovski from his office, Georgievski was quick to condemn the violence. But he was also quick to excuse it. The rioting was touched off by a NATO deal to end fighting in Aracinovo, a town uncomfortably close to the capital, he pointed out. ?Ninety percent of Macedonians are convinced that NATO is in a kind of treaty with the Albanians to destroy the country and promote the ideal of a Greater Albania.? Does Georgievski think so, too? ?I personally do not believe it,? he insisted, but adds, ?Everyone is at the end of their patience.? That includes top NATO officials. Georgievski?s people ?are taking their country to war because of the lack of responsibility in leadership,? said a NATO negotiator. ?Georgievski has to stop saying they?re only doing this because the international community is forcing them.? Not to worry. The prime minister says Macedonians?by which he means the ethnic-Slav majority?are no longer listening to their political leaders. ?Macedonian politicians have been losing their authority and all of their leaders have simply been sinking into helplessness,? he said. It?s easy to see why. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 18:13:42 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 18:13:42 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US-EU Macedonia plan seeks state of fair play Message-ID: <44.ff24407.287a3516@aol.com> US-EU Macedonia plan seeks state of fair play By Paul Casciato SKOPJE, July 8 (Reuters) - An eight-point U.S.-European Union peace plan presented to Macedonia's political leaders seeks to boost the representation of its large Albanian minority in a bid to bridge a widening ethnic divide. The "Draft Framework Document" presented on Saturday envisages enhanced local government, equitable representation for Albanians in the state institutions of a bilingual country and the rejection of violence, according to a copy of the document obtained by Reuters. "This framework will promote the peaceful and harmonious development of civil society, while respecting the ethnic identity and the interests of all Macedonian citizens," it said. The latest round of talks between the divided communities stalled three weeks ago and a ragged 11-day truce was torn to shreds by an assault on a village held by armed ethnic Albanian rebels. The initial points of the draft presented by U.S. envoy James Pardew and European Union envoy Francois Leotard focus on basic issues and ending the rebellion which has brought the country to the brink of civil war in less than five months. NATO and EU envoys secured separate ceasefire agreements on Thursday between government forces and the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Army (NLA), which says it is fighting in the name of improved Albanian rights. The paper calls for a peaceful solution to assure a stable, democratic future for a unified country that preserves Macedonia's multi-ethnic character and has a constitution which meets the needs of all citizens. It also calls for international financial assistance for reconstruction and reform projects. DEAL BEFORE NATO A halt to hostilities, voluntary disarmament of the guerrillas and a political deal are essential before NATO will honour a commitment to deploy 3,000 troops to collect weapons. "They (the parties) acknowledge that a decision by NATO to assist in this context will require the establishment of a general, unconditional and open-ended ceasefire, agreement on a political solution to the problems of this country, a clear commitment by the armed groups to voluntarily disarm..." The paper also proposed adequate financing and enhanced powers for elected local officials to improve public services. It called on the parties to revise municipal boundaries one year after a census completed by the end of 2001. It also seeks to revise local election laws and regulate employment in public administration in order to guarantee equitable minority representation. "Particular attention will be given to ensuring that police services reflect the composition of the population," it said. One-third of Constitutional Court judges should be chosen by representatives of Macedonia's parliament and constitutional amendments should be approved by representatives using a formula that ensures they have minority backing. Bilingual education within a uniform curriculum should be provided in schools, while a mix of private and state universities must decide their language priorities. Positive discrimination will be applied in state universities to reflect the composition of Macedonia, it said. Local communities should also be free to place emblems identifying the majority of a community next to that of Macedonia on the front of their municipal public buildings. Three annexes at the end of the document provide room for the parties to thrash out details of constitutional amendments, legislative changes and confidence-building measures. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 18:14:40 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 18:14:40 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] INTERVIEW-Macedonian Albanians attack U.S.-EU peace plan Message-ID: <90.16d056d2.287a3550@aol.com> INTERVIEW-Macedonian Albanians attack U.S.-EU peace plan By Daniel Simpson TETOVO, Macedonia, July 8 (Reuters) - Leaders of Macedonia's Albanian minority on Sunday dismissed a Western-backed plan to revive deadlocked peace talks as inadequate, vowing to fight for a better deal when negotiations resume on Monday. Their stance clouded optimism expressed by U.S. and European Union envoys that a proposal on political reforms they presented on Saturday would form the basis of efforts to end a 20-week-old Albanian guerrilla rebellion by improving minority rights. "I didn't start the war, I want to stop the war," Macedonia's foremost Albanian politician Arben Xhaferi told Reuters in an interview. "This offering cannot stop the war." Xhaferi, leader of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), said he was holding out for the West to back radical demands for constitutional change, blamed by the Macedonian majority for crippling the talks, and send in NATO troops to keep the peace. "They must impose the same standards as in the rest of former Yugoslavia," he said. "They must say the Albanians have the same rights as Croats in Bosnia." The leader of Macedonia's other main Albanian party, Imer Imeri, also took a tough line, shrugging off the fact that diplomats say the plan on the table is the only option on offer. "For the most part we will disagree with this when we start talking tomorrow," Imeri, president of the Party for Democratic Prosperity (PDP), told Reuters in a separate interview. "There is no substantial difference from what was on the table before." SERIOUSLY MISTAKEN Diplomats said the Albanians were seriously mistaken if they believed NATO, which plans to collect weapons from the rebels if they agree to disarm, would send another peacekeeping mission to former Yugoslavia in addition to those in Bosnia and Kosovo. "We don't need a third protectorate in the Balkans. The people here need to resolve their own differences and not have a military occupation force," one said, adding that the message to both sides of the ethnic divide was simple: "Talk here, talk now, this is the best option you have." Albanian leaders want a peace summit outside the country but the idea is rejected by Macedonians, who fear such a conference could serve a separatist Albanian agenda. The joint U.S.-EU proposals, obtained by Reuters, would decentralise power in Macedonia, make Albanian an official language and create mechanisms to ensure legislation on sensitive ethnic issues would need minority backing to be passed by parliament. Almost all of these proposals are acceptable to the majority, Macedonia's Social Democratic party (SDSM) said. "The only problematic point at this minute for us is the free use of the Albanian language in parliament," SDSM vice president Radmila Shekerinska told Reuters. "To my knowledge everything is acceptable and we can talk about it." But Xhaferi said this was not enough, demanding an effective veto on any law deemed not to be in the interests of Albanians. The EU, which has declared the demand a non-starter and a recipe for gridlock, had to recognise that Macedonia's ethnic divisions needed special handling like those in Bosnia, he said. "It's not enough to say it's better to be normal," he said. GUERRILLAS SET AGENDA Both leaders acknowledged that the National Liberation Army (NLA) guerrillas, whose rebellion in the name of minority rights has brought Macedonia to the brink of civil war, had been more successful than they in getting Albanian grievances addressed. "If there was no NLA no one would seriously get involved in dialogue with Albanians," Imeri said. "The bottom line is that every Albanian in his soul is with the NLA." But both denied they were fighting for their political lives by pushing a hardline agenda to guard against rivals such as NLA political representative Ali Ahmeti giving up their guns and later standing for office on the basis of gains they helped win. "It is not really relevant whether Ali Ahmeti, Imer Imeri or Arben Xhaferi is the most successful politician," Imeri said. Western diplomats, who brokered a ceasefire last week to ease pressure on the talks, are leaning heavily on both sides to compromise, dangling the prospect of an international donors' conference as an incentive to agree a peace deal. But Albanian leaders, who argue their community has been widely discriminated against by Macedonians in the decade since independence, said offers of foreign aid were irrelevant. "I cannot...trade ideas for money," Xhaferi said. Western diplomats said the hardline stance appeared to be self-defeating unless it was just a negotiating tactic. "They're going to have to ask themselves do they really want to return to a state of war with more refugees, more tragedy and they still don't have their issues resolved, so it would be tragic if they don't seize this opportunity," a diplomat said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 18:16:18 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 18:16:18 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Leaders Object to Plan Message-ID: <74.ccc57cb.287a35b2@aol.com> Albanian Leaders Object to Plan By MISHA SAVIC SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) - Ethnic Albanian politicians expressed serious objections Sunday to a new Western-backed peace plan for Macedonia. Their comments came on the eve of talks to help end an ethnic Albanian insurgency here that has threatened to develop into civil war. The ethnic Albanian leaders did not outright reject the draft, which is meant to reconcile Macedonia's majority Slavs and minority ethnic Albanians. The parties meet Monday to negotiate. ``We have serious objections to the proposed document,'' said Zehir Bekteshi, a spokesman for the ethnic Albanian Party for Democratic Prosperity. ``But this is only a draft version, it is not something final that could be immediately accepted or rejected,'' he told The Associated Press. European Union envoy Francois Leotard emphasized that the plan was a just a beginning in the quest to reach a negotiated settlement to end the rebel's four-month insurgency. ``It is the basis for further negotiations. Now, we need to have ... comments and amendments to this document,'' Leotard said Saturday. The plan is based on a proposal by French constitutional expert Robert Badinter, who 10 years ago proposed that the former Yugoslav republic become an independent country. American envoy James Pardew called the draft a ``comprehensive framework'' arising from the input of local and international experts to Badinter's proposal. The leaders of Macedonian Slav and ethnic Albanian parties agreed Saturday that the framework will form the single negotiating document - meaning that all previous peace plans are off the table, a Western diplomat said on condition of anonymity. He stressed the need to reach agreement quickly to preserve a NATO-mediated cease-fire that extended into its third day on Sunday with only sporadic gunfire and no casualties. Just last week the country appeared on the brink of full-fledged civil war. Meanwhile, more than 1,000 displaced civilians, mostly ethnic Albanians, returned from neighboring Kosovo on Sunday. An estimated 4,000 refugees had returned since the truce took effect midnight Thursday. Macedonian Foreign Minister Ilinka Mitreva, who returned from a trip to Brussels, Belgium, told reporters Sunday that she would travel to the United States on July 11 and meet with Secretary of State Colin Powell. She said she had received assurances from the European Union that it would follow the United States in banning travel and financial support for those ethnic Albanians involved in the insurgency. Details of the Western-backed plan have been withheld - but it is likely to be a compromise solution between Albanian demands and the majority's fear that changes would ultimately lead to a breakup of Macedonia. Ethnic Albanians have been seeking better representation in public institutions, expanded official use of the Albanian language and a veto power in parliament. Currently, Albanian parties hold 25 seats in the 120-seat legislature. Agreement on institutional reforms and other measures to ensure greater rights for the Albanian minority are preconditions for the next critical phase: deployment of NATO forces to disarm the rebels. Though rebels are not involved in negotiations, they are expected to disarm if ethnic Albanian political leaders reach a deal. Macedonian state television said late Sunday that rebels launched an attempt to capture the Slav village of Lesok north of Tetovo. Police sent in additional troops. The report was not immediately confirmed by the government or by international observers. Macedonian radio reported two incidents overnight - a rebel attack on a police checkpoint near the border crossing of Jazince, about 20 miles north of Tetovo, and a sniper attack on government forces near the village of Slupcane in the Kumanovo region. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 22:29:29 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 22:29:29 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian demands cloud new Macedonia peace talks Message-ID: Albanian demands cloud new Macedonia peace talks By Kole Casule SKOPJE, July 9 (Reuters) - Haggling over political reforms to end an ethnic Albanian guerrilla rebellion in Macedonia is likely to be intense when talks resume on Monday. Leaders of Macedonia's Albanian minority have attacked a Western-backed peace proposal, despite U.S. and European Union envoys' optimism that the document they presented on Saturday would be the basis of a political effort to avert civil war. "I didn't start the war, I want to stop the war," Macedonia's foremost Albanian politician, Arben Xhaferi, told Reuters in an interview. "This offering cannot stop the war." Xhaferi, leader of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), said he wanted the West to send in NATO troops to keep the peace and back radical demands for constitutional change that the Macedonian majority blame for crippling the talks. Diplomats, who brokered a truce last week to ease pressure on the talks, had hoped for quick progress when they start at 10:00 a.m. (0800 GMT) in hopes of securing a deal under which NATO would send in troops to collect guns from rebels who agree to disarm. Albanian politicians said a swift solution was unlikely. "I'm not very confident that a serious agreement can be reached this week," Imer Imeri, the leader of the Party for Democratic Prosperity, told Reuters in a separate interview. "For the most part we will disagree with this when we start talking tomorrow," Imeri said of the U.S.-EU plan. "There is no substantial difference from what was on the table before." SERIOUSLY MISTAKEN Diplomats said the Albanians were seriously mistaken if they believed NATO would send another peacekeeping mission to former Yugoslavia in addition to those in Bosnia and Kosovo. "We don't need a third protectorate in the Balkans. The people here need to resolve their own differences and not have a military occupation force," one said. To politicians on both sides, the diplomat said the message was simple. "Talk here, talk now, this is the best option you have." Albanian leaders want a peace summit outside the country but the idea is rejected by Macedonians, who fear such a conference could serve a separatist Albanian agenda. Albanians account for about one-third of Macedonia's two million people. Although the ceasefire has broadly held, fire was exchanged above the mainly Albanian town of Tetovo -- the scene of fierce battles last week -- on Sunday night, Yugoslavia's Beta news agency reported, quoting police sources. The joint U.S.-EU proposals, obtained by Reuters, would decentralise power in Macedonia, make Albanian an official language and create mechanisms to ensure laws on ethnic issues can only be passed by parliament with minority backing. "The only problematic point at this minute for us is the free use of the Albanian language in parliament," Social Democratic party vice president Radmila Shekerinska said. But Xhaferi he would not drop demands for an effective veto on any law deemed not to be in the interests of Albanians. GUERRILLAS SET AGENDA Both leaders acknowledged that the National Liberation Army guerrillas, whose rebellion in the name of minority rights has brought Macedonia to the brink of civil war, had been more successful than they in getting Albanian grievances addressed. "If there was no NLA no one would seriously get involved in dialogue with Albanians," Imeri said. "The bottom line is that every Albanian in his soul is with the NLA." But both denied they were fighting for their political lives by pushing a hardline agenda. Rivals such as NLA political representative Ali Ahmeti could give up their guns and later stand for office on the basis of gains they helped win. "It is not really relevant whether Ali Ahmeti, Imer Imeri or Arben Xhaferi is the most successful politician," Imeri said. Western diplomats said the hardline stance appeared to be self-defeating unless it was just a negotiating tactic. "They're going to have to ask themselves do they really want to return to a state of war with more refugees, more tragedy and they still don't have their issues resolved, so it would be tragic if they don't seize this opportunity," one diplomat said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 8 22:30:08 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 8 Jul 2001 22:30:08 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Socialists claim victory in Albanian election Message-ID: <6a.1067c8f8.287a7130@aol.com> Socialists claim victory in Albanian election By Benet Koleka TIRANA, July 8 (Reuters) - Albania's ruling Socialist Party claimed a landslide victory in the decisive second round of elections on Sunday which monitors said were generally calm, although the opposition complained of irregularities. The ruling Socialist Party of Prime Minister Ilir Meta, which won 33 of 100 seats in the first round on June 24, announced it had won 37 more seats on Sunday against five for the opposition Democratic Party of ex-president Sali Berisha. A further 40 seats in the 140-seat single chamber are allocated to the parties in proportion to the share of the overall vote they achieve. Final official results are due in by Wednesday. The second round of the elections, the first since the country plunged into anarchy in 1997 after the collapse of fraudulent investment schemes, appeared to be a facsimile of the first round which won praise from international observers. Election observers reported no incidents of violence after polling booths opened to 1.2 million eligible voters in this impoverished Balkan nation. "The Socialist Party won 37 seats while the Democratic Party has won five in 43 constituencies in the second round," the Socialists' secretary general Gramoz Ruci said. Ruci said the Socialists and its allies believed they would have the 85 votes required to elect a new president next year when incumbent Rexhep Meidani's five-year term ends. Aldrin Dalipi, a spokesman for the Central Election Commission (CEC), said voting had been normal although turnout, at around 48 percent, was marginally lower than the first round's 54 percent. BERISHA COMPLAINS OF IRREGULARITIES However Berisha, who was ousted from power in 1997 in the chaos that followed the collapse of the pyramid investment schemes, complained of electoral irregularities even before the Socialists claimed victory, triggering concern that he might not recognise the outcome. The Democrats charged during and after the voting that the Socialist government had used the police force to intimidate their supporters and manipulate the result. The Interior Ministry denied there had been any pressure from the police, who had taken extra measures to prevent trouble in a country where some half a million guns, looted during the 1997 uprising, still remain in private hands. To the relief of Albania's Western partners, the conflict in neighbouring Macedonia, where ethnic Albanian insurgents are battling government forces, and the wider concept of Greater Albania did not feature as election issues. From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Mon Jul 9 09:29:44 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Mon, 9 Jul 2001 09:29:44 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Workshop info Message-ID: From: "Craig Zelizer" There will be an international workshop on "European Identities: Constructs and Conflicts", organized by Rainer Baubock and hosted by the Austrian Academy of Sciences and Diplomatic Academy of Vienna, December 13-15, 2001. For information contact Rainer Baubock, Austrian Academy of Sciences, IWE, Postgasse 7/1/2, A-1010 Wien; tel: 43 (0) 1-51581-568; fax: 43 (0) 1-51581-566; e-mail: rainer.baubock at oaew.ac.at From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 10 20:59:43 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 17:59:43 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek court's decision on an Aromunian activist Message-ID: <20010711005943.4907.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> ATHENS COURT OF THE FIRST INSTANCEDecision No 11263/20001THE THREE-MEMBER MISDEMEANORS COURT OF ATHENSConsisted of a) the Judge of the First Instance Court, Zoe Kostojianni -President of the Court of the First Instance b) The Misdemeanors Judge Maria Ralli-Katrivanou c) The Misdemeanors Judge Stamata Petsali d) The Public Prosecutor of the Court of First Instance Nikolaos Seintis Held an open court session on February 2, 2001, with the collaboration ofTheanitsa Ioannou -Secretary In order to judge the case: Of the defendant Sotiri Bletsa, a resident of Athens (Vas. Herakleiou 22),who was present in court, and compiled the following records of the court: During today's open court sitting the President of the Court announced thename of the defendant who, after he appeared and was asked by the Presidentabout his identity etc., replied that his name is as it is inscribed aboveand that he is appointing as his counsel the lawyer Mr. Lambro Baltsioti,who was present in court (Registration No 19690/Athens Bar Association). The President of the Court advised the defendant to attend to theindictment against him and to the deliberations that were going to beconducted. Simultaneously she informed him that he had the right to object, to give afull account of his pleadings and to submit his objections at the end ofthe examination of every witness and during the investigation of anyprobative evidence. The public prosecutor, when he took the podium, brought the charge witha-concise accuracy and added in support of the indictment that he hadsummoned witnesses for the prosecution, whose names were listed below theindictment. The president of the court called out their names. They werefound present in court. Then the President asked the defendant to provide ageneral account of the action for which he was accused and simultaneouslyshe informed him that his defense would take place after the completion ofthe probative proceedings. The defendant provided the information requested of him and declared thathe had summoned as defense witnesses Mr. Gregorio Ontria and Ms AlexandraIoannidou.The President called the names of the witnesses for the prosecution and forthe defense that had been summoned and they were present. Afterwards, when all other witnesses had left the courtroom, in accordancewith the provision of Article 350 of the Penal Code, the first witness forthe prosecution remained and responded to the relevant questions addressedto him by the President. He replied that his name is Eugenios Haitidis, [heis the son] of Demetrios and Olga, he was born in Serres and still residesthere at 25 Merarchias Street. He is 58 yeas old, a civil engineer, and aChristian Orthodox Greek citizen. He also said that he is merely acquaintedwith the defendant and that he was not related to him.Consequently he swore, in accordance with the provision of Article 218 ofthe Penal Code, on the Holy Book and under investigation he testified: "I am an MP for the prefecture of Serres, a civil engineer. I becameacquainted with the defendant in Naousa, on July 1, 1995. Yearly thePan-Hellenic Union of Vlach Cultural Associations holds an event, the danceof the Greek Vlachs. The Union invited me [to this dance]. The "meeting ofthe Vlachs" was about the traditions of the Vlachs. They have certainmanners and customs that do not take anything away from theircharacteristic of being Greek. At some point, I heard a fuss. I saw theheads of the Union quarrelling with Mr. Bletsa. Mr. Bletsa was distributinga specific leaflet entitled "The Lesser Used Languages of the EuropeanUnion". He had a bag full of leaflets. The defendant was distributing thisleaflet. He was trying (addressing himself to the Vlachs, who participatein these types of events, to persuade them that: "You constitute a Vlachminority and that you must claim your rights and I have come to inform you"These phrases were uttered before the disturbance started. They said tohim: "What is that you are saying"? The leaflet was issued by anon-governmental organization. In an attempt to give validity andlegitimacy to this publication he said that the "Bureau of the Lesser UsedLanguages of Europe" issued it. He insistently continued saying to theVlach bystanders: "You constitute a Vlach minority and you must claim yourrights". Many languages were mentioned; Romanian with red color, Turkish,Bulgarian (i.e., that in Greece these languages are spoken). They arereferenced in this leaflet. The defendant was interested in and mentionedthe Vlachian language by word of mouth. There was also mentioned that inEurope in certain regions besides the official languages other languagesare spoken too. He had a map. There exists confusion between languages andidioms. The defendant refers to the Vlachian language. A deliberate mix upis created between Aroumanian language and Romanian. A systematic effort ismade to present this issue as if it is about Romanian-Vlachs and notGreek-Vlachs. That is why scholarships are offered. He was trying toproselytize them. The defendant has made statements in the newspaper"Elefterotypia" about the real existence of these languages and [how theminorities speaking them] must co-operate so as to be able to claim theirrights in Greece, [presumably] because in Greece they are persecuted. Itrefers to the Slavo-Macedonian language, which is how he characterizesMakedonski, Turkish, and Arvanitika (Arberichte). These languages are notspoken in Greece. Some isolated individuals speak them. There are noindividuals [groups] who consciously speak them. I have nothing personal togain or any other purpose [in saying this]. They are trying to provide apicture of Greece as a mosaic. This is my anxiety. In the leafletdistributed by the defendant is mentioned that in Greece there are 5languages spoken. Organized groups do not speak [these languages]. I am arefugee. Half of the Greeks speak English, but that does not make them aminority. Every one who speaks a foreign language does not constitute aminority. Minority, as an organized group, is something different. There isa difference between idioms and languages. Idiom is the Cretan or Cypriot[way of speaking]. But on the whole [such an idiom] it is still the Greeklanguage. It is false with the meaning assigned to it by the defendant.These are not spoken languages. They are idioms. The accusation isrestricted to the Vlachs. It is false to say that there is a Vlachianlanguage when it is an idiom. Some people in the region of Thrace speak theTurkish language. In Greece, except the Greek language English is spokenand certain dialects-variations of Greek language. It is not that they arerecognized. There are other publications as well. Inside politicalformations there are organizations in which the defendant participates.This has seriously preoccupied the parliament and the media. All officialVlach organizations condemn the defendant. The defendant's Organizationserves other purposes. Already trouble has been created and the police haveintervened. [The people he was speaking to] objected and replied: "We areGreeks, we have our ways of living". The defendant was still trying topersuade them that they were a minority. The Vlachs are, like theSarakatsanae or the Thracian etc. These groups have created a distinctiveway of life. The Vlachs were employed as guards in Engatia Avenue. Theycreated a history out of the place they lived. They never stopped beingGreeks. Their Associations prove this. The Vlachs were dispersed all overthe Balkans. In Koritsa were 2500 Vlachs. They are in Skopia and inAlbania. They are Greeks who have been dispersed in different places. TheGreeks of the Black Sea are not less Greek. There are severalnon-governmental organizations in Europe, which sometimes appear as if theyhave philanthropic aims. If they had noble aspirations they would have beeninterested in all minorities. In an interview given on February 9, 1997,[the defendant] said that it was a mistake that we did not joint forceswith the Turks, the Pomaks, and he comes from Trikala. I do not know him. Isaw him there and here in court. The festival takes place all over Greece.It includes all the recognized [Vlach] societies. I do not know if the sameperson or others repeated [this type of trouble] in the past. I know thatthere are several people who collaborate with or are directed by [someone]to try to portray Greece as a mosaic. They acknowledge that there areseveral languages. The European Union does not recognize Aroumanian. Thereis a difference between Romanian and Aroumanian. In the leaflet they speakabout Romance Language (Romanian Languages). I am not aware of anystatement Mr. Karamanlis made. I do not know if there are anyannouncements. I have not done specific studies in linguistics. I havestudied the grammar of Koutsovlachian, I do not know [the language]. The"Rainbow" spoke of the existence of the Macedonians. My grandparents spokeTurkish but they were Greeks. That did not make them a linguistic minority.I do not know a word in Turkish. They never taught me. I visited the townof Orini in Serres. There they speak a local Greek idiom. I communicatedwith them in Greek. The defendant has signed an affidavit regarding thismatter. Next another prosecution witness came in and when he was asked by thePresident of the Court about his identity he replied that his name isGeorgios Makris, of Constantine, he was born in Mikropoli Dramas, he is 47years old and resides in Prosotsani Drama's, a high school teacher and aChristian Orthodox. He also testified that he is merely acquainted with thedefendant and that he was not related to him or with the injured party.Following, the witness swore on the Holy Book in accordance with Article218 of the Penal Code and under examination he testified: "I am the Mayor of Drama. I was General Secretary of the Pan-HellenicUnion of Vlach Cultural Associations. On July 1, 1995 the event "meeting[of the Vlachs]" took place in Naousa. I was the organizer of the event andthe person responsible for making it happen. I met the defendant. In theprogram a visit to the Town Hall was scheduled. All the associations linedup. At the scheduled meeting time for the visit to the Town Hall weobserved a disturbance. A young person came and told me that somebody wasdistributing certain leaflets in English and that he saw that it [thepublication] referred to certain languages in Greece, it was written in theEnglish language. He pointed out to us who had given him this publication.He was Mr. Bletsa. He had a package. We did not see him distributing. Thedancer pointed him out to us. We reproved him saying: "What are you doinghere?" His reply was: "We have a democracy and we can do what we want." Wesaid: "We have a democratic right to distribute leaflets but [you should]not [do it] in our event". We are trying to keep what we believe toourselves. He was aware of the positions of the Pan-Hellenic Union of VlachCultural Associations. We have our own traditions. They are identical toGreek ways of living. Mr. Bletsas was President of the Aroumanian Cultural[Association]. They did not even bring us their Articles of Association.Their positions were different from ours. He did not deny the fact that hedistributed them. [The publication] mentioned that besides Greek, theMacedonian, Bulgarian, Aromanian, Arvanitika (Arberichte) and Turkishlanguages are spoken. I do not know if the Pomanian is a language or anidiom. Aromanian is an idiom. I do not know if the Turkish language isspoken. In my region it is not spoken. The spreading of fallaciousinformation in an event such as this, in the form of diffused propaganda asto the culture, was aimed at creating a disturbance, trouble. They wereready to lynch him. The question is why was he distributing them. Itamounts to that he was coming to dispute what we believe. We do not accepthis views. He generated indignation. Most people are aware that there areno minorities. These types of publications though could create theimpression to people who have not dealt with these issues that there reallyexist minority problems (confusion). I believe he was aware of this. Ithink the defendant is of the Polytechnic. All contacts I had [with him]were here in court. In the 1st court he gave the impression that he did notknow. Later he changed his mind. He is aware of the facts. The Aroumanianlanguage does not have any relation to the Romanian [language]. And in theVlachian "Vlach" means "Romie" [Greek]. They call "Vlachs" all those whohad the Latin. It is spoken and it was always spoken at home. In thefamily, among each other, they spoke this idiom. Not outside. There wasnever inclination for the creation of Vlachian schools. In accordance withthe Bucharest Treaty of 1913, it was recognized. The defendant wasdistributing the publication. He must have had 2 to 3 more individuals[helping him]. We spoke to the particular individual. We told him that thiswas not an acceptable way of acting and that he should leave. It was thefirst time I ascertained this fact. It did not change my belief. Itgenerated indignation. It disturbed public order. It did not produce thefeeling that they are not Greeks. I speak Vlachian. The Vlachs speak Greekand Vlachian. The songs are in Vlachian. It does not pose a problem. I haveheard in the past talk about other languages. Nobody creates any problem orsecond class citizens. If he wants to protect the Arvanitika (Arberichte)he should organize an event. In these meetings they speak Vlachian. I knowMr. Katsani. The Koutsovlachian language was taught at the AristotelianUniversity of Thessaloniki. There is a difference between registering itscientifically and presenting it the way they do. Mr. Katsanis knowsVlachian. They pointed the defendant out to me and I saw him holding theleaflets". Lastly, another prosecution witness was called and when the President ofthe Court asked him about his identity he replied that his name is IoannisZaparas of Eyaggelos, he was born in Serres, 58 years of age. He resides inSerres at 9 Papafotiou Street; he is an employee of the GreekTelecommunication Corporation (OTE) and a Christian Orthodox. He toodeclared that he is merely acquainted with the defendant and that he is notrelated to him or to the injured party. Then, the witness swore on the HolyBook in accordance with Article 218 of the Penal Code and under examinationhe testified: "I am an employee of the Greek Telecommunications Corporation. I aminvolved in deliveries. On July 1, 1995 I took part in the meeting ofVlachs. I know the defendant by sight. I met him there. The youngsters ofmy association had gathered there waiting for the event to begin. They toldme that the leaflet refers to Romanian languages and that this is somethingthat should concerns us. It must have been written in English. I saw thepublication. The youngsters were outraged about what they read about theRomanian language. There is propaganda that, all the Vlachs in Greececonstitute a Romanian minority, while the Vlachs are Greeks. I don't thinkthat there can be found people who are more Greeks than the Vlachs.Bulgarian and Turkish are spoken in Greece. In some villages of Thracepeople speak Turkish. I do not know if they speak it as a language or anidiom. They speak Bulgarian alongside Greek. I do not know if it is alanguage or an idiom. In the mountainous areas of Thessaly, Epirus and ofPindos, they do not speak the Romanian language. A Vlachian idiom is spokenand not the Romanian as a language. From what I have heard, in some areasthey speak Arvanitika (Arberichte). I do not know if it is a language or anidiom. ?? people who are knowledgeable about these issues it does not posea problem. [To them] they could not create the impression [that this is]about minorities. The Vlachs are aware that they are do not constitute aminority. I did not see the defendant distributing the leaflets. I saw himholding the leaflets. I do not know how many they were. [The publication]generated the indignation of the people attending the event because of whatit said about the Vlachs. They were not true. It marked the areas of Greecewhere people speak other languages besides Greek. [The publication] couldnot create doubt about their beliefs. I do not know what was the goal ofthe defendant. He generated anxiety for the young people. The young personsknow where they are. They wondered. I discussed it with them. It createdsome trouble. It could not create a problem for politics abroad. I speakVlachian. I do not know if the Municipalities of Salamina distributed it". Next another prosecution witness was called for and after he was asked bythe President of the Court about his identity, he replied that his name isAnastasios Kotsopoulos, born in Athens in 1965 and resides in Vrilisia at23 Botsari Road, a journalist by profession and a Christian Orthodox. Hetoo declared that he is merely acquainted with the defendant and that he isnot related to him or to the injured party. Following the witness swore onthe Holy Book in accordance with Article 218 of the Penal Code and underexamination testified: "I am a journalist for the newspaper "Eleftherotypia" I met the defendantin 1997. We got an interview from him. I had read about the meeting. I wasnot at the event. It happened in 1995.The defendant was a representative ofthe Office for the Lesser-Used Languages. It was founded with a decision of the EuropeanParliament in 1982. It is officially funded. It is not false to say thatTurkish is spoken in the area of Evros of Western Thrace. It is a language.Also in Western Thrace Bulgarian is spoken. Pomaks told me. I have adocument from Archives of the Ministry of External Affairs. There is thecensus of 1920. The residents there used the Turkish language. In manyareas of the Macedonian region, in the prefecture of Florina,Slavo-Macedonian language is spoken. Statements made by Mr. Paggalos existfrom the time this issue was raised as a Slavo-Macedonian language. It hasbeen registered in the 1920's census. It is referred in the letters of P.Melas. The use of this term does not constitute an offense. In themountainous areas of Thessaly, Epirus and Pindos evidently Romanianlanguage is spoken. I have heard it spoken in Metsovo and I asked. I havean article and an interview of Mr. Kilipiri where he mentions that: "I usethe term Armanos and not Vlach, because this term is more accurate since wecall ourselves Armanous. As far as its relation to Romanian language goesare thought to be relatives. The Koutsovlachian is a distinct Romanianlanguage. I have heard it spoken in the prefecture of Florina, at Nymfaioin the station. There is a book with a preface by the President ofDemocracy entitled " Studies about the Vlachs"- "The Metropoles and theDiaspora of Vlachs" where it is referenced as a language. An idiom is adialect of a certain language. The degree that we speak a language does notbring into question Hellenic civilization. There are issues regardingWestern Thrace. A minority problem does not exist. There are issues thatare linked to minorities. I cannot judge the consciousness of any humanbeing. I read certain publications. I do not have a personal view. Therewas a publication regarding an incident that happened, I don't rememberexactly its subject matter. There was a series of publications about theexistence of the Office. In 1997 we made a report, a small piece waswritten. I do not remember exactly what the particular piece said. I havebeen involved with issues such as these since 1990. In 1997, with theopportunity provided by the publication of "Nea" positive we searched forthe defendant purely out of journalistic interest. The defendant told usthat he gave the paper to the Presiding Board of the Vlachs and theyobjected. The publication talks about linguistic groups. I am not aware ofthe defendant's statement. Everyone has every right as long as he does notviolate the laws. I do not remember his official capacity. I think he is anengineer. The defendant was speaking with someone in Vlachian. Here in theCourt. As a journalist, the only picture that I had was positive, the one Isaw on the Mega television, in the Tzima program". In closing, another prosecution witness was called and when he was askedby the President of the Court about his identity, he replied that his nameis Demetrios Psaras, he was born in Athens in 1953 and resides in N.Cosmos, at 10-16 Minoa Road, a journalist by profession and a ChristianOrthodox. He too declared that he is merely acquainted with the defendantand that he is not related to him or to the injured party. Then, he sworeon the Holy Book in accordance with Article 218 of the Penal Code and underexamination he testified: "I know the defendant. I met him in my capacity as a journalist. I am ajournalist for the newspaper "Eleftherotypia". In 1997, with theopportunity provided by the publication, I met the defendant in hiscapacity as a representative of the Greek branch of the "Bureau of theLesser Used languages in The European Union". He had a publication and thisis how this case started. What has been inscribed in it is true. Iascertain this from the reliability of its author. The Council is official,financed by the European Parliament. The publications are verified by theEuropean Parliament. There is the 1994 voted resolution concerning thelinguistic and cultural minorities. In the area of Evros the Turkishlanguage is spoken as a language and the Greek State officially teaches it.The Pomanian is a dialect. I know about the Pomaks from my visit. It istrue. The Aromanian or Armanesti, are the Vlachian. In the sense that itconstitutes a distinctive linguistic morpheme it is a language. Arvanitiki(Arberichte) is a dialect of the Albanian language. I don't know if thepeople who speak it have a Greek consciousness. The defendant gave aleaflet. I was not present. I did not find out later. Otherpress-publications followed. There cannot be a problem with an informationleaflet of the European Union. I am aware that Mr. Haitidis and perhaps ajournalist objected. Language and national consciousness are two differentthings. There are minority problems. All people who live in Greece areaware of the existence of these languages. They have been voted. There is adifference between language and idiom".At this point, after a motion by the Prosecutor and an order by Presidentof the Court the following documents were read:1) The announcement of the Committee of the European Communities on thesubject: "The Lesser Used Languages of the European Union". 2) The forwarding document of Mr. Demetrios Tsaktani, President of the"Union of Vlach Scientists", addressed to Mr. Eugene Haitidis, dated August4, 2000.3) The Press Release dated August 3, 2000.4) The letter of the "Pan-Hellenic Union of Vlach Cultural Associations"addressed to the newspaper "Eleftherotypia", dated February 15, 1997.5) The ref. no 32/23-6-2000 letter of the "Union of Vlach Scientists"addressed to Mr. Eugene Haitidis.6) The program of "????" (Center for Research of Minority Groups) entitled"Greece and the European Map for Regional or Minority Languages of theCouncil of Europe", dated June 28, 2000.7) The letter of " PAN-HELLENIC UNION OF VLACH CULTURAL ASSOCIATIONS",addressed to the newspaper "Eleftherotypia", dated November 15, 1995.8) Photocopy of the Grammar of common Koutsovlachian [language] by N.Katsani & K. Dina, 1990 edition, page 17.9) The signed declaration of the defendant, dated May 17, 1999.10) Excerpts from the book "Minorities in Greece and the Political World"release January 1992.11) Excerpts from the book "STUDIES FOR THE VLACHS VOLUME B' - TheMetropoles and the Diaspora of Vlachs, by Asterio T. KOUKOUDI.12) Statements of Mr. Paggalos, Minister of External Affairs, by theCommunications Department of the Ministry of External Affairs, dated,December 23, 1998.13) The Articles of Associations of the "SOCIETY OF AROMANIAN (VLACHIAN)CULTURE" dated June 9 1988.14) The declaration of the President of the European Office for the LesserUsed Languages, addressed to every competent Court of the Greek DemocraticState, dated February 14,2000, accurately translated by the lawyer Mr.Lambro Mich. Baltsioti.15) The Ministry of Culture document, addressed to the "Society ofAromanian (Vlachian) Culture, dated February 3, 1995 (Ref. No.6668).16) Photocopy of the Book "PAYLOS MELAS" by Natalia P. Mela.17) Excerpt from the February 9, 1997 "Eleftherotypia" entitled "Dialoguein 45 languages" (The Sunday Virus).18) Photocopy of the August 22, 1994 Newspaper "Ta Nea", pages 13, 14 & 15).19) Photocopy of the January 23, 1997 from the Newspaper "Ta Nea.20) Photocopy of the May 1996 Cultural Review of the "Rainbow".21) Photocopy of the February 9, 1994 Official Gazette of the EuropeanCommunity for the Linguistic and Cultural Minorities.22) The interview of Mr. Fotis Kilipiri, President of the Pan-HellenicUnion of Vlach Cultural Associations given to Armanika Chrinika. 23) Data from the December 19, 1920 and January 1, 1921 census of WesternThrace. 24) The census of the Greek population of December 19, 1920 for Thessalyand Arta (about the language of the Prefecture of Trikala). Afterwards another witness for the defense was called and when thePresident of the Court asked him about his identity, he replied that hisname is Gregorios Ontrias, of Christos and Paraskevi, born in Athens in1931, and resides in Voula, at 11 Kolokotroni Street. He is ananesthesiologist by profession (Identity Card No.L959784/82 of KalamataPolice Station) and a Christian Orthodox. He too declared that he is merelyacquainted with the defendant and that he is not related to him or to theinjured party. Following the witness swore on the Holy Book in accordancewith Article 218 of the Penal Code and under examination he testified: "The defendant and myself are compatriots from Trikala Thessalias. I waspresent. I saw that he had a single paper written in English. I do not knowthe contents of this paper. I did not read it. The point is, somethinghappened with Mr. Kilipiri. An hour later they appeared and arrested him. Iwas in the Society's area. I don't know how many members were in theSociety. We were 5-6 people from my Society in the square. The publicationwas not distributed anywhere. Mr. Bletsas gave it to Mr. Kilipiri. Thespace was open. The youngsters were dressed in costumes. The Society wassubsidized only one time. The Vlachs are Greek citizens. I speak theVlachian language".Finally, another defense witness was called and after the President of theCourt asked her about her identity, she replied that her name is AlexandraIoannidou of Demetrios, born in Athens in 1966 and resides in Varibobi(Identity card No.M289620/81), a linguist by profession, and a ChristianOrthodox. She too declared that she is merely acquainted with the defendantand that she is not related to him or to the injured party. Then, thewitness swore in the Holy Book in accordance with article 218 of the PenalCode and under examination she testified: "I know the defendant. He is well known. I met him here. I am a linguist.My view is that it [publication] cannot be characterized as false. TheTurkish that is spoken in the area of Evros is language. I know this factfrom the existing research. Whatever is used for communication is language.Slavian language exists. It would be a mistake to give a characterization.It is a political position and political responsibility. In the region ofN. Greece, it is true that many people as language speak Makedonski. I havedealt with this issue, I have written that in the areas of Western Greece,of Peloponnese and of Euboea, Arvanitika (Arberichte) is spoken. It hasAlbanian roots. Sometimes [the language people speak] is related to theconsciousness of the speakers, other times it is not. To a higherpercentage it is not. I do not know the defendant's positions. Everylanguage has variations. Language is a much larger notion than an idiom.The Romance Language is a distinct language. There is a group of languages.The Ministry of External Affairs employed me as a language expert for (2)two years. Language does not coincide with national consciousness. I havenot heard that it can create confusion".The President of the Court called the defendant to give his statement. Hedenied the charge attributed to him and maintained that:"I was not distributing any leaflets. I gave a copy to the President [ofthe Pan-Hellenic Union of Vlach Cultural Associations]. Where are the rest?Why didn't the police seize them? How many, among the Vlachs, know English?Why didn't I translate it? I only handed it to the President. He hasdefamed me. The activist of the Vlachs is persecuted. In English is itpossible to create anxiety? He found a sacrificial victim, me, whosupposedly create conspiracies networks against the Greek people. Nobody ismore Greek than I am. How is it possible that I am considered to beanti-Greek or a hater of Greece? I never distributed leaflets, not even asa university student, let alone now that I am an acclaimed scientist. I amproud that I am Vlach. We developed Greece. And now I should be falselyaccused of distributing leaflets? I was born Vlach. I am not a criminal,judge me. I am proud that I am Greek. I was at the celebration. There wasno disturbance. I was in the area of the Society. At some point, themembers of the Association of Verroia began a discussion with Mr. Kilipiri,that is, in all the days of the festival no Vlachian song was heard. Manypeople joined the discussion. I entered it too. Mr. Kilipiris left and (3)three hours later, while I was watching the show of the dancing groups, inthe area of the square, I found myself being surrounded by the police andMr. Haitidis. They told me to go to the police station for questioning.Next many people had gathered and said: "Freedom to Bletsa". There theywere pushed. A violent incident took place. Who denied my Greekness? Mr.Haitidis demanded that I declare that I am proud to be Vlach. I came andsaw signs of support. The incident was extremely exaggerated. I said thatthere must have been a misunderstanding. I did not give an interviewanywhere. I went to my office and somebody telephoned me and said that:"Mr. Haitidis stated that you and I have formed a kind of a Society ofFriends [Filiki Heteria] for the purpose of establishing an independentState". He asked me to declare that I do not know him. On the Macedonia TVstation, I saw in rerun that I had distributed leaflets and that I declaredin writing that I had repented that I had set up a kind of a Society ofFriends. I became enraged. Then many news agencies began to contact me. Iagreed to speak only to "Eleftherotypia" and I explained how things were. Ihave never been engaged in Greek propaganda. Many people know me includingthe Mayor and others. In the police station I gave a deposition. On thespot, in the police station, after the deposition I think, I signed thedeclaration. There are (2) two signed declarations. I did not rebutanything. In 1995 I signed a declaration. I did it in order to diffuse theatmosphere because the Vlachs had come and complained about Mr. Haitidis. Ionly had a single publication. Whatever I know about the Vlachs I knowabout the Arvanites [Albanians]. My grandmother did not know Greek and Ihad to repeat grade A' of public school because I didn't know Greek. Thispublication was send to me from the "Bureau of the Lesser Used Languages ofEurope" through the mail. I am not a representative. "Eleftherotypia"contacted the Office and they referred to me. There is no representative. Ido not know if there are minority problems. It has been said that there areproblems with the Turks. It has never been heard for the Vlachs to createtrouble. It was the first time that I went. This publication has been sendto all the Vlachs. I did not think it could create a problem I went to thePan-Hellenic meeting. I had it and I handed it to the President, obviouslymeaning well. A group of us went. The office sends invitations to manypeople. It notified others as well. The only time I went to Brussels was inFebruary of 1995. Afterwards I went one more time. From the first moment ofmy arrest I stated that I am proud that I am Greek". Furthermore the President of the Court asked the Public Prosecutor and thelitigants if they needed to carry out any additional examination or toclarify any piece of evidence and after she received a negative answer shedeclared the probative proceedings closed. The Public Prosecutor to whom the word was given, after he developed theindictment proposed that the defendant be found guilty in accordance withthe indictment. The defense counsel when he took the podium developed thedefense position and asked for the acquittal of his client. The Presidentof the Court asked the defendant if he had anything to add for his defenseand he replied negatively. Consequently the President of the Court declared the end of the deliberations.Then, the Court in a closed-door session in the presence of its secretary,formulated and the President made public in the open court session the ref.no 11263/2001 decision, which is as follows:THOUGHT IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE LAWFrom the primary testimonial proceedings and the documents that were readto the audience during the hearing of the case, as well as from thetestimonies of the witnesses for the prosecution and for the defense, whowere lawfully examined in open court, in combination with the testimony ofthe defendant and the overall discussion of the case, the following wereproved: In Naousa, On July 1, 1995 during a cultural event of the Vlachs, morespecifically, during the festivities of the 12th Pan-Hellenic Meeting ofVlachs, at approximately 20:30, in front of the Town Hall, the defendantdistributed a leaflet to the people attending. It was written in English,and had been transmitted by the "European Bureau of the Lesser UsedLanguages". The Office in question is an independent organization. TheBoard of Governors of the Office consists of representatives from tencommittees from the member states. Such a committee does not exist inGreece. (See the announcement of the Committee of the European Communitieson the subject: "The Lesser Used Languages of the European Union"). In themid 1990s, a representative of the aforementioned office contacted thedefendant, whom they thought could represent his linguistic community tothe Office. (See the letter-declaration of the President of the EuropeanOffice for the Lesser Used Languages, addressed to every competent Court ofthe Greek Democratic State, dated February 14,2000). And in February 1995,as the defendant himself stated in his testimony, and at another time,which he did not specify, he went to Brussels where the Office with thename "Information Center of Brussels" is located. It was further proved that the defendant in the past had been involved inthe setting up of a society called "Society of Aromanian (Vlachian)Culture" and that he was its President. At about the year 1991 he requestedto become a member of the Pan-Hellenic Union of Vlach CulturalAssociations, which is the tertiary organ which represents the all Vlachcultural associations in Greece and the organizer of the aforementionedcultural activities. (See the February 15, 1995 letter of the reportaddressed to the newspaper Eleftherotypia and the testimony of the examinedwitness Georgios Makris). His attempt was not successful. The positions ofthe defendant were different. And the representatives of the Union do notaccept his views. (See the testimony of the same aforementioned witness).In the leaflet which, as has already been mentioned, the defendantdistributed, was included the European Map of the Regional or MinorityLanguages, which was approved in 1995 by the Council of Europe and took theform of a European Agreement. (See the February 9, 1991 entry in theOfficial Gazette of the European Communities). In this publication it wasalso mentioned that in Greece Greek is the official language. There are sixlesser used or regional languages. 1) Arvanitiki (Arberichte) which isspoken in many regions all over the country. 2) Romanian(Aroumanian-Armanesti) in the mountainous regions of Thessaly, Epirus andPindos. 3) Bulgarian (Bolgarski) which is spoken in Western Thrace by thePomaks, who are a Moslem community. 4) The Slavo-Macedonian (Makedonski) inthe region of Northern Greece and 5) the Turkish (Turkse) in WesternThrace. Also included were suggestions about how a distinct language andculture should be cultivated. Simultaneously the defendant was trying toaddress himself to the Vlachs who participated in the festivities, topersuade them that they constitute a minority and that they must claimtheir rights and that he had gone there in order to inform them. (See thetestimony of Mr. Eugene Haitidis). Of course the defendant maintained inhis testimony that he did not distribute the publication and that he hadsimply handed the single copy he had to the President of the Union. Theexamined witness Gregorio Ontrias stated the same. But base on thetestimonies of the witnesses Eugene Haitidis, Georgios Makris and IoanniZapara, who were eyewitnesses' results that the defendant had more than onecopy. (The first of the witnesses mentioned a bag full of leaflets, thesecond a package and the third several leaflets.) In addition the defendanthimself in his July 1, 1995 unsworn statement mentioned many, while lateron he specified that he only had two. The defendant however, as can bededuced from his aforementioned activities, was cognizant of the fact thatin Greece there are no regional or minority languages as a characteristicof cohesion of a people or a nationality and that Vlachian in particular isnot a language but a latinistic idiom. Subsequently, being a Vlach himself,the defendant knew that the previously mentioned and the issues containedin the indictment do not correspond to reality. He was also aware that theabove mentioned hearsay was capable of inciting anxiety to the citizens andcreating the impression that in Greece minorities exist. Despite all that,he went to the cultural event and with the distribution of theaforementioned publication, without the permission of the organizers spreadthe earlier mentioned false information, which indeed incited anxiety inthe participants who knew the above mentioned positions of the defendantand had heard all he had verbally expressed during the distribution of thepublication. Consequently, there exist the objective and subjectiveevidence for the act attributed in the indictment to the defendant, whichis anticipated in the Article 191 of the Penal Code, and is aimed to theprotection, in the narrow sense, of the Public Order, that is, to theestablishment in the state of the rule of law (Supreme Court (Areios Pagos)1126/1994) Penal Chron. Volume 44 847) and for this reason he must bedeclared guilty of it. One member of the Court, Judge Stamatia Petsali, seated on the left, hasthe opinion that the defendant must be declared innocent because: From theaforementioned probative evidence results that, the inscribed in thepublication map, which the defendant distributed on July1, 1995, in thecultural event of the Vlachs in Naousa, regarding the speaking in Greece offive more languages besides Greek, which are spoken in a smaller scale andarea, in particular the Turkish language in the whole Western Thrace, theBulgarian language in Western Thrace and in the areas of Pomaks, theSlavo-Macedonian in the whole Northern Greece, the AROUMANIAN-ARMANESTI inthe mountainous regions of Thessaly, Epirus and Pindos, the Arvanitiki(Arberichte) in the areas of Western Greece, of Central Greece, Peloponneseand Euboea), is a true fact, which not only cannot be disputed, but to thecontrary, has been repeatedly attested to by different public services, andby the state itself. (See especially the documents read in the court whereare included data from the census.) The fact that these languages arespoken has not been disputed even by the complainant, who among otherthings, mentioned that these languages are spoken not by groups but byisolated individuals. In any case, even if it was about false information,this information would not be sufficient to incite citizens regardingminority problems in Greece, given that, as has been proven, it was aboutthe existence of more, lesser used languages, without any connection withnotions of minorities, and even more so, with minority problems.Consequently, the objective and subjective basis of the anticipated in theArticle 191 of the Penal Code crime of spreading false information is notsubstantiated and therefore the defendant must be proclaimed innocent.FOR THESE REASONS JUDGES, in the presence of the defendant Sotiri Bletsa, resident ofAthens, at 22 Vas. Herakleiou Street. PROCLAIMS with a majority vote the defendant guilty of:In Athens, on July 1,1995 propagated, in the manner described below, falseinformation capable of inciting the populace, and particularly during thecultural event of the Vlachs in Naousa, distributed to people attending theevent a pamphlet in the English language which he knew falsely stated thatin Greece not including the Greek language, five other languages are spokento a lesser extent. Specifically a) in the area of Evros, and indeed in thewhole Western Thace the Turkish language is spoken; b) in Western Thracealso, in the Pomaks areas, the Bulgarian language; c) in the whole regionof Northern Greece the Slavo-Macedonian language which is referred to withthe familiar term of the State of Skopia (MAKEDONSKI); d) in themountainous areas of Thessaly, Epirus and Pindos the Romanian language(AROYMANIKA-ARMANESTI); and e) in the areas of Central Greece, ofPeloponnese and Euboea the Arvanitiki (Arberichte) language. This type ofinformation was capable of generating anxiety to the citizens because itcould create the impression that in Greece there are minority problems, afact that he was aware of. Following the reading of the verdict.After listening to the Public Prosecutor who recommended the imposition ofthe penalty, against the defendant who was proclaimed guilty, of (12)twelve months prison sentence and a fine of five hundred (500.000) drachmasplus court costs which amounted to 25000 drachmas.The defense counsel asked for the minimum penalty that can be appealed.THOUGHT IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE LAWThe act for which the defendant was pronounced guilty by a majority verdictis punishable according to the provisions of Article 26 par. 1a, 27 par.1,191 par. 1, of the Penal Code. The Court, taking into consideration, on the one hand, the gravity of thecrime which the defendant had committed, and on the other hand, thedefendant's personality, judges by a majority verdict that the penaltyreferred to in the pronouncement must be imposed on the defendant.The Court was led to this decision after taking into consideration, besidesthe assessment of the gravity of the crime the following evaluativecriteria: the harm incurred through the crime, the dander caused by thecrime, the nature and the type of the object of the crime, thecircumstances (time, place, and manner) under which the crime was plannedand carried out as well as the intensity of the deceit of the defendant. The Court took further into consideration the assessment of the personalityof the defendant, the causes which led him to commit the crime, theoccasion that gave rise to it, the goal which the defendant sought, hischaracter and the degree of his development, the human and socialcircumstances and his past as well as his conduct before and after the act.Finally the Court took in to consideration the defendant's financialstanding and that of his family. In accordance though with the opinion of one member of the Court,specifically the seating from the left Judge Stamata Petsali, thepronounced by the Public Prosecutor penalty of the (12) twelve-monthimprisonment should have been imposed on the defendant.FOR THESE REASONSSENTENCES the defendant in to (15) fifteen months prison term by majorityverdict and a fine of five hundred (500.000) drachmas unanimously. At this point the defense counsel took the podium and asked for thesuspension of the imposed prison term for his client, for a period of threeyears, and the appeal to have suspensive effect. The President of the Court read the defendant's criminal record datedJanuary 5, 2001, from which results that prior to today he had never beencondemned for any punishable act. The Public Prosecutor after taking the podium proposed the suspension ofthe execution of the prison sentence, which was imposed by the power of thecourt's decision against the defendant, for a period of three years and theappeal to have a suspensive effect.Afterwards the Court, following a closed-door session in the presence ofits secretary, made the decision, with the same as above number, which isas follows: THOUGHT IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE LAWIn accordance with Article 99 par. 1 of the Penal Code, the Court isobligated to examine even without request, if the necessary conditions thefor suspension of the execution the penalty are fulfilled and toparticularly justify the by any chance negative judgment.In the case at hand the defendant was condemned with the present decisionto a (15) fifteen month prison sentence, that is, to a penalty which doesnot exceed two years, while from the criminal record which was read,results that until today he has never been convicted of any punishable act.Therefore for him all the necessary conditions for suspension of theaforementioned sentence, which has been imposed on him, have been fulfilledand must be ordered as it is specified in the pronouncement. FOR THESE REASONSSUSPENDS the aforementioned (15) fifteen-month sentence for a period ofthree years.It rules that any appeal lodged by the defendant will have suspensive effect. Lastly, the President of the Court disclosed the terms of the basis ofwhich the suspension of the execution of the imposed sentence was granted. It is affirmed that after the examination of each witness and before andafter the issuing of every decision, all the participants of the trial werecalled upon to speak in order, and the defendant was always called last.It was judged, decided and published in an open court session.Athens, February 2, 2001The President The Secretary --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 10 21:02:10 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 18:02:10 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] European Parliament on Minorities in Greece Message-ID: <20010711010210.77843.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Problems of Roma, Muslims, Albanians and non-respect of judicial decisions in Greece recorded in the EP Report on Human Rights in the EU in 2000 On Wednesday 4 July 2001, the European Parliament will discuss the Motionfor a Resolution "on the situation as regards fundamental rights in the EUin 2000" based on an appended report by the Committee on Citizens' Freedomand Rights, Justice and Home Affairs (rapporteur: Thierry Cornillet). The report is available athttp://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/438240en.pdf(English) andhttp://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/438240el.pdf(Greek). The proposed amendments to the Motion:http://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/439001en.pdf(English) andhttp://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/439001el.pdf(Greek).The related Opinion of the Committee on Petitions:http://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/437740en.pdf(English) andhttp://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/437740el.pdf(Greek).The report has many references to Greece, among which the lengthier ones are:"It seems that certain minorities are still experiencing difficulties inGreece in particular (theMuslim minority in Western Thrace does not enjoy full freedom of expressionor full controlover its schools, while the Albanian community is a frequent target ofxenophobia)" (p. 62)"The situation of the Roma is particularly disturbing in two EU MemberStates, Italy andGreece.... According to the Human Rights Watch report (2001), the Romacommunity in Greece hassuffered ill-treatment, notably in the form of brutal expulsions in thevicinity of Athens inpreparation for the 2004 Olympic Games, as well as in other cities(Thessaloniki), acts ofviolence which went unpunished, with no effort made to put forwardequitable proposals forrehousing the expelled communities. In addition to forced expulsions, theRoma are oftenvictims of police brutality and many do not have Greek nationality eventhough they have always lived in the country." (pp. 63-4)"- non-respect of final judicial decisions by the administrationIn the Memorandum from 14 September 2000 (CM/Inf(2000)51 Committee ofMinisters, Council of Europe) the Committee of Ministers expresses its concern about the refusal ofseveral branches of the administration in Greece to abide by final and executable decisionof Greek tribunals. The committee mentions - inter alia - its judgements Hornsby v. Greece,March 2000 and Georgiadis Dimitrios v. Greece, June 2000 and points out that several othercases of that kind are pending before the European Court of Human Rights. It was already previouslysuggested to the Greek authorities to consider improvements of the system of civil and administrativeresponsibility of officials especially incase they oppose illegally to the execution of judicial decisions. Theadoption of an InterimResolution is reiterated since it could support the efforts undertaken bythe judicial authoritiesto abide by the judgements of the European Court of Human Rights and anycurrentlegislative projects and prompt the Greek government to take urgentmeasures concerningobvious illegal conduct of certain parts of the administration." (p. 113) --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 10 21:04:53 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 18:04:53 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Minority languages in Europe Message-ID: <20010711010453.22312.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> Fwd: Conference Report: Minority Languages in Europe: Frameworks - Status - Prospects Conference report An international conference on Minority Languages in Europe:Frameworks Status Prospects. A Pan-European comparative,multi-disciplinary approach, sponsored by the European ScienceFoundation, was held at the University of Bath on 8-10 June 2001. Theaim of this event, which was organised by Gabrielle Hogan-Brun(University of Bristol) and Stefan Wolff (University of Bath), was toextend our existing knowledge and understanding of the importance ofminority languages within a democratic Europe and the need for theiradequate protection as part of our cultural heritage.The keynote speakers were John Packer, (Director, Office of the HighCommissioner on National Minorities, Organisation for Security andCooperation in Europe, The Hague, The Netherlands), Franois Grin(Deputy Director, European Centre for Minority Issues, Flensburg,Germany) and Bencie Woll, (Chair in Sign Language & Deaf Studies,Department of Language & Communication Science, City UniversityLondon).24 short papers were presented, under the following seven topics:1. Pan-European perspectives on language and ethnicityMinority language communities in the age of globalization: Rethinkingthe organization of human language diversity was the focus of thecontribution by Albert Bastardas-Boada (University of Barcelona,Spain). Considering the impact of worldwide globalization processesand of European unification on minority language communities hestressed the importance of continued cultural diversity and the needto organize peaceful co-existence. He suggested an 'ecological'principle as a way forward, according to which stable habitats wouldbe provided for sustainable language communities, whilst at the sametime assuring intercommunication in Europe through an interlingua. Itwas his view that a global language, though important forinternational communication, should have limited functions, because ofthe application of the subsidiarity principle in language use. Thusall communication functions that could be accomplished by the locallanguages should not be allocated to the major or big language orlanguages to preserve their functionality in all domains.Camille OReilly, Richmond (The American University, London) spoke onMinority languages, ethnicity and the state in the European union andeastern Europe post 1989. Her paper entailed a comparativeperspective, comprising an overview of trends in both parts of Europeregarding the politics of ethnicity and the position of minoritylanguage groups. She explored the impact of EU policy and discourse onindividual movements within states, as well as on the overallorientation towards linguistic heterogeneity and cultural diversity inboth the East and West. She argued that while the EU is moving awayfrom an ideal of ethnic homogeneity within states and towards a modelof cultural and linguistic diversity based on multiple and hybrididentities, most states in Eastern Europe still take a largelymodernist and homogenising approach, relying on the ethnic nationalistideal of the state.2. Legal dimensions in the protection of minority languages andlinguistic minoritiesIn his keynote speech John Packer clarified the role of the OSCE HighCommissioner on National Minorities in the protection of linguisticminorities, whose mandate is to de-escalate at the earliest stageconflicting tensions involving national minority issues. Human rightsstandards serve as an analytical framework in their work to maximisefreedom through non-discrimination, and to provide opportunitiesthrough democratic, inclusive means in areas where disintegration andconflicts arise.The focus of the keynote by Franois Grin was The effectiveness ofvarious measures for the protection of minority languages.Distinguishing between the two poles of politics of language, wherelaw is seen as normative, and language policy, with itsproblem-oriented stance, he called for the need to put appropriatestrategies in place that give substance to the linguistic rights ofminorities. Such steps ought to involve appropriate policy measures toensure positive outcomes. He argued that evaluation of language policyprocesses should involve the following three pillars: capacity (creation of) opportunities desire (attitudes to improvement) inorder to guarantee effectiveness.Kristin Henrard's (University of Groningen, The Netherlands)contribution was on Devising an adequate system of minorityprotection: individual human rights, minority rights and the right toself-determination. Her paper contained a critical assessment of theacquisition of current minority right standards, whilst acknowledgingtheir additional protection as compared to individual human rights andthus their potential to contribute to minority protection. She arguedthat qualified recognition of internal self-determination forminorities could be an option to further their integration withoutassimilation.In his paper Linguistic diversity pearl or stumbling bloc of EU-law?Gabriel von Togggenburg (The European Academy, Bozen/Bolzano, SouthTyrol, Italy) discussed the legal attitude of the EU towards (its)minorities and their languages. With reference to the Treaty ofAmsterdam he showed that minorities were not an issue in the economicand legal process of the European integration, and that a lack oflegal competencies in Primary law at the European level was evident.He called for a new political consciousness that should promote therecognition of minority and language protection not only as apolitical export product but also as an internal legal principlewithin the framework of the (enlarged) EU in order to prevent minoritylanguages from being macdonaldised through the (market force driven)destruction of Europes linguistic variety.3. Language status and ethnic linguistic identityFacilitating or generating linguistic diversity? was the title byMirad Nic Craith (University of Liverpool, UK), who discussed the roleof the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages (as acatalyst or merely the facilitator of linguistic pluralism) in thecontext of a multilingual Europe. Using a case study of Ulster-Scotsin Northern Ireland, she queried the emergence of new and disputedlanguages, whose speakers then seek legitimacy under the terms of thisCharter, and explored their significance for the construction ofregional identities. With reference to the promotion of a Europe ofthe Regions, her paper examined the reactions of speakers of moreestablished minority languages such as Irish to the emergence of suchnew and disputed tongues and asked whether the promotion of a Europeof the Languages has served to maintain, protect or to enhance thecultural diversity of its regions.James OConnells (University of Bradford, UK) contribution dealt withThe failure of the Irish language revival: a problem for nationalidentity. Based on a historical analysis of linguistic development inIreland, he examined the intimate relationship of nationalism andlanguage, paying particular attention to the role of the Anglo-Irish,the nexus of language and identity, and the search for otheringredients the distinctive use of English in Ireland and theliterary revival, from Yeats to Heaney, from O'Casey to Friei, fromJoyce to Toibin for the construction of a national identity.National minority-models for linguistic diversity was the focus of thetalk by Karen Margrethe Pedersen (Danish Institute for Border RegionStudies, Aabenraa, Denmark). She introduced the language situation ofthe Danish-German border region Schleswig as a model that cancontribute to a development from confrontation to peacefulco-existence between majorities and national minorities in amultilingual Europe. This national minority-model relates to afunctional regional bilingualism consisting of the state language andtwo varieties of the minority language (the standard language of thekin-state and a regional language containing transfer phenomena), andto each language or variety having its own fields of function with ahigh status. The system of variation of the regional language, whichis acquired as a minority second language, is like that of ethnicminorities second language in the kin-state, the difference beingstatus. Linking linguistic diversity to transethnic identity, shefinally discussed whether status planning with the nationalminority-model is possible in the kin-state and in a multiculturalEurope.Judith Broadbridge (University of Staffordshire, UK) was concernedwith the possibility of a reversal of language shift in her paper onAlsatian in Alsace: linguistic ability, language use, languageattitudes. Against the background of French linguistic policy sincethe French Revolution and its devastating effect on regional varietiesshe examined internal language legislation as well as reaction toEuropean-led initiatives. Finally she considered the desirability forand effectiveness of attempts to reverse language shift in acentralist state such as France where a chronic lack of support hasresulted in a drastic reduction of inter-generational transmission ofAlsatian.4. The non-hearing community as a cultural and linguistic minority Inher keynote speech Bencie Woll (City University London) gave anoverview of the sign languages of Europe, introducing them aslong-established natural human languages that have their own lexiconsand grammars differing from those of the surrounding hearingcommunities. Identifying similarities and differences with thesituation of spoken minority languages in Europe, she reviewed thestatus of sign languages and commented on efforts which are being madefor one of these tongues, the British Sign Language (BSL), to achieveofficial legislative recognition in the European Charter of MinorityLanguages.With the title British sign language and the push-me-pull-you effectGraham Turner (University of Central Lancashire, UK) referred to a setof incentives and disincentives alike that are being offered by policymakers to linguistic campaigners within the Deaf community. He arguedthat whilst on the one hand, social policy developments - led by theintroduction of the Disability Discrimination Act - have revitalisedthe national debate about ensuring access to public life for disabledpeople, on the other hand, many years of campaigning have been devotedto raising public awareness of the Deaf community as a linguisticminority group who - whilst they may as individuals have a physical'impairment' - do not otherwise identify with the generalintegrationist thrust of disability politics. In view of the fact thatthe devolution debate, with its associated linguistic highlighting ofthe 'other' languages of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, maypresent a parallel and template for Deaf people he offered anassessment of the prospects for a linguistic maintenance projectfocusing on BSL within the current national social, educational andcultural policy climate.Pauline Darlings (University of Bath, UK) talk on Russian SignLanguage provided an overview of the history of RSL as an unrecognisedminority language, and sketched its current situation as an'auxiliary' means of teaching the deaf. Taking into accountperceptions of the deaf community and deaf identity, it seeked toestablish attitudes towards RSL in Russia. In view of the fact that,in the wake of glasnost and perestroika, there is felt to be a movetowards recognising sign as a minority language, she attempted toassess how close the deaf community is to achieving officialrecognition, and to raise questions about the future of RSL.5. Minority languages and the mediaThe contribution by Lucia Grimaldi (Free University of Berlin,Germany) and Eva-Maria Remberger (University of Cologne, Germany) wason The promotion of the Sardinian language and culture via theinternet: fields of activity and perspectives. They introduced theirproject Limba e curtura de sa Sardigna ("Sardinian language andculture" http://www.spinfo.uni-koeln.de/mensch/sardengl.htmln) whichwas aimed initially at the collection of information on the Sardinianlanguage for native speakers. This was soon to develop into one of themost extensive sites on the subject, the principal objectives beingthe promotion, preservation, linguistic analysis and the developmentof different kinds of language (processing) tools for sociolinguisticdata collection, as well as the networking of information on theSardinian language and culture. They presented evidence on therelevance of the above tasks for the protection of endangeredlanguages, such as Sardinian.Carmen Milln-Varela (University of Birmingham, UK) spoke on Minorneeds or the ambiguous power of translation. She argued that, whilsttranslation is widely acknowledged as a crucial instrument for thecreation and development of national languages and literatures, in thecase of minor(itised) languages however, translation becomes a complexand ambiguous activity: on the one hand, it contributes to processesof linguistic and cultural normalisation and, on the other hand, it isa painful reminder of the existence of asymmetrical relations ofpower. The study of translation is thus revealed as a powerfulresearch tool to investigate issues related to language, power, andidentity.'Minority languages and local media: lessons from the Basque magazinemovement was the focus of the talk by Jacqueline Urla (University ofMassachusetts, Amerherst, USA). She claimed that whilst languageplanning policies have often placed emphasis on securing high prestigefunctions as a key to minority language maintenance, policies need topay more attention to the promotion of more "low brow" languagefunctions if they are to attract young speakers. Drawing onethnographic research on community magazines in the Basque country,her findings indicated that local media and other forms of popularculture help to encourage literacy, localize standard varieties, andpromote community building that is essential for minority languagesurvival, as well as affording opportunities for creativeexperimentation with language, including language mixing, that may notbe seen as appropriate for other registers. Her paper concluded with acall for more descriptive research on the products and processes oflocal media-making and their functions as tools for languagedevelopment and intergenerational communication.6. Politics of language and identity in multicultural societies In his talk on 'Balkan dialects, migrations, and ethnic violence: thecase of the Bosnian Serbs, Robert Greenberg (University of NorthCarolina, Chapel Hill, USA) traced the population movements inBosnia-Herzegovina before hostilities broke out in 1992. He showedthat whilst the ethnic Slavic groups (the Muslim Slavs, the CatholicCroats and the Orthodox Serbs) differed primarily in religion andcultural heritage, the ethnic differences of the population who hadshifted from rural communities to urban centres had often becameneutralized, resulting in culturally diverse cities, such as Tuzla orSarajevo. In Bosnia's rural communities however, where Serbs hadsettled for military and economic reasons, many of the cultural andlinguistic differences had remained strong. Due to these polarizationsit was not surprising that some of the fiercest fighting of the waroccurred it these rural areas, where some of the war's worst massacresoccurred. His research suggests that the preservation of distinctivelinguistic identity in the rural areas could well be a reflection ofeach group's need to cling to their respective cultural heritages andthe their historical resistance to the pressures of assimilativetendencies.The focus of the contribution by Vanessa Pupavac (University ofNottingham, UK) was on Education Reform and the Politicisation ofLanguage in the Post-Yugoslav States. Her paper was an analysis of theSerbo-Croat language in the Post-Yugoslav states. It considered thepoliticisation of the language through an examination of works bylocal linguists and school grammars, and the response of internationalofficials to the language quest ion. She argued that internationalresponses over the last decade have helped legitimate the claim ofnationalists to separate languages as part of the nationalist projectsand that the divisive consequences of this approach can be seen in thecurrent problems being experienced by international administrators inBosnia-Herzegovina, attempting to reintegrate education in therepublic.Tomasz Kamusella (University of Opole, Poland) spoke on Nationalism,ethnicity and language: a case study of the Polish region of UpperSilesia. In his paper he claimed that the development of standardlanguages in Central Europe is closely connected to the parallelunfolding of national movements that are in part made through theselanguages and, in turn, make these languages their own as national. Heshowed that whilst this standard coupling of language and nationfailed to take root in Upper Silesia it served the Kashubs aroundGdansk (Danzig) to refashion themselves as an ethnic group who is onthe road to become a new nation with their distinctive language. Usingthese examples he presented and analysed different uses made ofminority languages in similar ecological contexts to draw attention tochoices made by group leaders and to their approach to language as aninstrument of doing identificational politics or not.In his paper on Minority languages in Italy Paolo Coluzzi (Universityof Exeter, UK) gave a brief introduction on the languages spoken inItaly, both those that are protected and recognized as minoritylanguages by the Italian law, and those that are still termed dialectsin spite of being Romance languages, as different from each other asItalian is from Spanish, and quite unintelligible to those who do notspeak them. Depicting the sociolinguistic situation of one of theseprotected languages Friulian, (formerly called a dialect), spoken innortheast Italy, he outlined what needed to be done in terms oflanguage planning and promotion..7. Language policy for/against indigenous and immigrant minoritiesCidgem Balims (University of Manchester, UK) talk on Language as atool of group survival focused on language policy for/againstindigenous & immigrant minorities. Presenting cases from Turkiclanguages (Meskhetians, Crimean Tatars and Bulgarian Muslims/Turks)she illustrated how languages and/or dialects can act as a bindingforce between ethnically different peoples in their determination toform a (national) identity. She stressed the importance of keepingfacilities (such as schools etc.) for minorities to prevent resentmentin the face of resulting assimilation due to a lack of theirprovision.Marietta Caldern (University of Jerusalem, Israel) gave a paper onFrancophobic Francophones? Perspectives on the Isareli French-speakingcommunity. Findings from her work on discursive identity constructionsamong immigrated Israelis who remain French citizens revealed theemphasis being laid on the importance they attribute to French, one ofthe most important minority languages in Israel, as a constitutiveelement of their (new) identity/identities. She also presented ananalysis of the current situation of French in Israel from asociological point of view and the political attitudes toward theIsraeli French speaking community.The talk by Gabrielle Hogan-Brun (University of Bristol, UK) andMeilute Ramoniene (University of Vilnius, Lithuania) was entitledLithuanian, Russian and Polish languages in Lituania: traditions andchanges. They presented a sociolinguistic analysis of the changeswhich had affected Lithuanians since the collapse of communist rule in1990. Their findings highlighted the language-related challenges thathave arisen since independence and the diverging attitudes of the -now legally protected - national minorities whose behavioural andattitudinal patterns can be observed to range from segregation toactive integration.Julia Sallabank (Reading University, UK) spoke on Guernsey French andstandard French: a symbiotic relationship. Her research showed howGuernesiais, the indigenous language of Guernsey in the ChannelIslands, and once the language of government and of the ilite afterthe Norman invasion of England in 1066, has declined over the years.According to her findings most native speakers are past child-bearingage and now constitute less than one in ten of the population. Sheheld the view that this language, which is now seen as a tongue of theuneducated and being displaced by a former lower-status language,English, would benefit from a revival programme at school through acombination of the medium of French and Guernesiais.The organisers are planning to publish a selection of papers in anedited volume and to encourage future collaboration through thecreation of an ESF-Network.For more information contact one of the organisers or consult:http://www.bath.ac.uk/~mlssaw/min_lang_workshopBristol and Bath Gabrielle Hogan-Brun, g.hogan-brun at b...June 2001 Stefan Wolff, s.wolff at b... --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 10 21:06:36 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 18:06:36 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] More on Greece's Aromunian Trial Message-ID: <20010711010636.82553.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Greece update (Aromanian activist's appeals trial postponed) IFEX- News from the international freedom of expression community_________________________________________________________________ACTION ALERT UPDATE - GREECE4 July 2001Aromanian activist's appeals trial postponedSOURCE: Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM), Athens**Updates IFEX alerts of 1 June and 5 February 2001**(GHM/IFEX) - On 3 July 2001, the First Appeals Court of Athens postponed thehearing of Sotiris Bletsas' case until 19 September. On 2 February, Bletsas,a member of the Society for Aromanian (Vlach) Culture, was sentenced tofifteen months in prison and fined 500,000 drs. (approx. US$1,400) fordissemination of false information (under Article 191 of the penal code).The postponement was decided by the Court because of the absence of allthree prosecution witnesses, nationalist deputy Eugene Haitidis (NewDemocracy), who had pressed charges, and two Vlach personalities. Thedefence insisted that the trial be held, as is possible in Greece, with theabsent witnesses' testimonies in the previous trial read to the court. Onereason presented by the defence was that a representative of the EuropeanBureau for Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL), Domenico Morelli from Italy, aswell as party representatives from PASOK, Coalition and Renewal ModernizingMovement (Coalition-splinter party) were present to testify for the defence.Another general reason is that Greece is in violation of the right to a fairtrial (Art. 6, para. 1 of the European Convention of Human Rights), as thecharges against Bletsas were first brought in 1995. Present in the courtwere observers of GHM, Minority Rights Group - Greece, Home of MacedonianCivilization, and Rainbow Political Organization of the Macedonian Minorityin Greece, who, along with Society for Aromanian (Vlach) Culture, hadinvited the EBLUL representative.The charges were based on Bletsas' distribution of a publication of theEuropean Union's (EU) semi-official EBLUL (in which Bletsas was the Greek"observer") at an Aromanian festival in July 1995. The document made mentionof minority languages in Greece (Aromanian, Arvanite, Macedonian, Pomak,Turkish) and those in other EU member states. His prosecution was triggeredby charges pressed by conservative New Democracy Deputy Eugene Haitidis.According to Bletsas, the prosecution's witnesses included the Aromanianmayor of Prosotsani (northern Greece). The latter considered the referenceto the Vlach language as a minority language defamatory to the Vlachs.Bletsas appealed the sentence and was set free pending the appeal.GHM considers the verdict to be obscurantist and a flagrant violation offreedom of expression. After the conviction, there was an internationaloutcry, following a campaign launched by GHM, which led inter alia to twoquestions being tabled in the European Parliament. The first question wasasked by two members of the European Parliament's Green/Free Alliance group.Welsh MEP, Eurig Wyn, and Basque MEP, Gorka Kn?rr Borr?s, asked theCommission if it considered that the sentence was "compatible with Europeanvalues of freedom of expression and opinion and of cultural and linguisticdiversity." On 4 May, Commissioner Reding answered that: "The Commissionconsiders this topic of high importance and follows it carefully. At thisstage, the Commission is not able though to answer properly. That's why theCommission has asked the Greek government to provide a copy of the sentenceas soon as it will be ready and any other information related to thismatter."It is widely believed that the swift setting of an appeals trial date in thecourt's summer session was a reaction by the Greek state to theinternational outcry, and GHM had hoped that the charges would be dropped bythe Appeals Court. However, the court's presiding judge said that one of thewitnesses for the prosecution was not properly summoned; and he claimed thatthis, combined with the MP's reasons for not being present ("socialobligations"), made postponement mandatory. GHM believes that the Greekstate must investigate the improper summons which contributed crucially tothe postponement, as well as the necessity of the postponement itself.Finally, a week before the trial, the Society for Aromanian (Vlach) Culturedistributed a press release dated 10 March, in which it makes clear thatAromanians have "a national conscience, a specificity as a people thatspeaks its own language, different from that of the other Balkan peoples,[which] has survived for two millenaries." GHM considers that Greece shouldrespect the right of some Aromanians to feel they are a separate people andto want their language taught and preserved. Just as it respects -and infact promotes- the right of other Aromanians to feel that they are part ofthe Greek nation and that their "idiom" (as they call their language) neednot be taught and may die out with time. Both options emanate from the rightto self-identification, which is only respected in Greece in the secondcase. Naturally, programmes aimed at the preservation and development ofAromanian in Greece should not be impeded, but on the contrary encouraged,at least as long as there is sufficient demand for them.BACKGROUND:For background, texts on related parliamentary questions and reactions tothe conviction, as well as an English translation of the officialtranscripts of the first court case, see the GHM website:http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/english/special_issues/aromanians.html.RECOMMENDED ACTION:Send appeals to authorities:- condemning the verdict in the first trial, the postponement of theappeals' trial and the authorities' attitude as a violation of freedom ofexpression and the right to a fair trial, as well as an indication of acuteintolerance towards minorities- calling for an investigation of the legal foundations for the appealstrial's postponement, and especially the improper summons of one prosecutionwitness- asking for a condemnation of the verdict, and the quashing of the chargesat the next hearing, on 19 September- asking that Greece abolish its intolerant policies towards minorities,acknowledge the presence of national and linguistic minorities, sign andratify the European Charter on Regional or Minority Languages, ratify theFramework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, which itsigned in 1997, and introduce the teaching of those minority languages(Aromanian, Macedonian and Romani) for which there is sufficient demandexpressedAPPEALS TO:George PapandreouForeign MinisterAthens, GreeceFax: +30 1 36 81 433E-mail: gpap at m...Dimitris ReppasMinister of Press and InformationAthens, GreeceFax: +30 1 36 06 969Professor Mihalis StathopoulosMinister of JusticeAthens, GreeceFax : +30 1 77 55 835Romano ProdiPresident of EU CommissionE-mail: sg-info at c... --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 10 21:09:04 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 18:09:04 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Interesting Conference on Hasluck in UK Message-ID: <20010711010904.77578.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Sponsored by the University of Wales Centre for the Study of South Eastern Europe and supported also by the British Academy, a conference on archaeology and heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia will be held at the University of Wales Gregynog on 3rd-6th November 2001. There are still a few places left, so please do send any queries to the organisers (via DShankland1 at yahoo.co.uk). The 'call for papers' is pasted in below. CALL FOR PAPERS Anthropology, Archaeology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia or The Life and Times of F.W. Hasluck (1878-1920) University of Wales, Gregynog, 3rd-6th November 2001 The Balkans and Anatolia are fascinating areas to study heritage, religion and nationalism. Yet, they can hardly be understood without taking into account the role of foreign researchers, who possessed their own distinctive, overlapping interests in the ethnography and archaeology of the region, and have often set up their own research institutes in order to pursue this study. Ideologically, albeit controversially, these interests have often been pre-occupied by contrasts between Islam and Christianity, or the Classical and the Modern, often with the intent to prove long-term cultural continuities. F.W. Hasluck lived in the midst of these events through being the Assistant Director and the Acting Director of the British School at Athens during the decades leading up to the First World War. Though he died young, of consumption, his critical and meticulous work was largely published after his death by his widow, Margaret Hasluck (nee Hardie). In dozens of papers and five monographs, he covered theoretical and practical topics that are still of the greatest relevance to this day. From this work, it is clear that far from accepting such continuities in folk or religious tradition, he rejected them almost entirely, causing him to reach a quite opposite position to Ramsay, or the dominant cultural evolutionists of his time. He also made major contributions in other areas of archaeology, epigraphy, ethnography (he specialised in the Bektashis), religion, history, travellers accounts, folklore, nationalism, cultural change, and even numismatics. His posthumous editor, Margaret Hasluck, herself went on to become a distinguished ethnographer of the Balkan region, particularly Albania. In November, a group of international and national scholars will gather together to discuss the themes to which he devoted his efforts, to illustrate the context of his research, and to further our understanding of his insights in a major conference. In itself, it will provide topical subjects (such as the interaction between Islam and Christianity, or the origins of modern anthropological research) for discussion, and provide a further impulse for research into heritage, archaeology, and nationalism in the Balkans and Anatolia. Plenary speakers: Professor Giovanni Salmeri (University of Pisa, Italy) 'Hasluck and Smyrna: an unknown manuscript study in pre-Braudelian 'long dur?e' '. Professor Irene M?likoff (University of Strasbourg), 'Hasluck's study of the Bektashis and its contemporary significance'. Professor Michael Meeker (UCSD) "Who are the Oflus?: Nationalist and Counter-Nationalist Discourse in 19th century Trabzon" Mr Keith Hopwood (UW Lampeter) 'The Beginnings of Christian-Muslim Symbiosis in Anatolia'. There will, in addition, be panels devoted to 'Life and Times of F.W. and M. Hasluck', 'Archaeological travellers and Foreign Schools', 'Ethnographic studies', 'Religious Transitions', 'Cultural Interaction and collective memory', 'Archaeology, Nationalism and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia'. Isis Books, who will be publishing the conference proceedings, will launch a reprint of Hasluck's seminal work Christianity and Islam under the Sultans at the conference. Copies will be made available at reduced rates for delegates. We also hope to mount an appropriate exhibition illustrating conditions in Greece and at the school at that time. Costs: Delegates who offer a paper will not be charged a conference fee. In addition, there will be a very substantial accommodation subsidy, the exact figure will be known nearer the time. For delegates who would rather not present a paper, the conference fee is likely to be set at ?75 for the three days, and full board and accommodation at ?51 a day. Deadline. Abstracts and titles should be submitted whenever convenient, but certainly by the end of July. This is so that the organisers can begin to circulate a preliminary programme, and the paper givers begin to prepare their talks. The publication of the conference will proceed as quickly as possible after the event. Conference committee: the conference committee consists of Dr David Shankland (Lampeter), Professor Stephen Mitchell (Swansea), and Mr Keith Hopwood (Lampeter). Please address enquiries (all welcome) in the first instance to David Shankland, e-mail DShankland1 at yahoo.co.uk. Yours David --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 10 21:14:07 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 21:14:07 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian opposition wants partial election rerun Message-ID: Albanian opposition wants partial election rerun By Linda Spahia TIRANA, July 9 (Reuters) - Albania's opposition Democrats called on Monday for a partial rerun of the general election, alleging ballot-rigging and police interference in the run-off vote which the ruling Socialists said they won by a landslide. International observers said Sunday's ballot "confirmed progress towards international standards for democratic elections," but there had been "serious concerns." "These were the best elections conducted in this country but they were not perfect," Nikolai Vulchanov, head of an observation team from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), told a news conference. The general election was the first since Albania plunged into anarchy in 1997 after the collapse of fraudulent investment schemes. The Balkan country has been broadly stable since 1998. Prime Minister Ilir Meta's ruling Socialist Party claimed a landslide victory after the second round vote, which generally passed off calmly with no significant incidents of violence. But the opposition Democratic Party demanded a rerun in 20 seats, saying that police had pressured polling officials and manipulated results. "We categorically cannot accept a result dictated by violence and terror," opposition leader and former president Sali Berisha said in a radio interview. Berisha's deputy Jozefina Topalli said the opposition would ask for a rerun in all those constituencies "where the result was beset by violence, falsification and terror." The Democratic Party said it planned to file a complaint to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Official results were expected by Wednesday. OBSERVERS GUARDED International monitors from the Council of Europe and the OSCE gave a broadly favourable assessment of the conduct of the election but were more guarded than in their verdict on the first round. "Most polling stations functioned well and generally voting proceeded without incident," the two organisations said in a statement. "However, the international observers reported a number of serious concerns, including isolated cases of police interference, detentions of election commission members and ballot stuffing." Socialist Party leader Fatos Nano told Reuters by telephone his party "was happy with the result and the correct manner in which the election was conducted despite some isolated problems and irregularities." The Socialists, who won 33 of 100 seats in the first round on June 24, said they had taken 37 more seats on Sunday against five won by the opposition, who took 17 in the first round. A remaining 40 seats in the 140-seat single-chamber parliament will be allocated to the parties in proportion to the share of the overall vote they achieved. Nano said the results meant that together with their allies the Socialists had a big enough majority to choose a new president next year. President Rexhep Meidani's five-year term expires next June and parliament will choose a successor. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 10 21:13:16 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 21:13:16 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Vote Fraud Alleged in Albania Message-ID: Vote Fraud Alleged in Albania By ARLINDA CAUSHOLLI TIRANA, Albania (AP) - The opposition party of former President Sali Berisha said Monday it would file a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights alleging vote fraud by the Socialist-led government in weekend runoff elections. Official results were not expected until later this week. Individual parties began releasing unofficial returns suggesting that the Socialists won 37 seats and the Democrats won seven in voting Sunday. Besnik Mustafaj, the general secretary of the Democratic Party, told The Associated Press that the Council of Europe - Europe's top human rights body - would help it prepare its court case alleging ``serious irregularities during the election process.'' ``We thought it was the right thing to do,'' Mustafaj said. ``We presented 15 complaints at the Albanian Constitutional Court and none was accepted.'' Both the council and the human rights court are based in Strasbourg, France. Berisha had accused the government of irregularities in the first round of parliamentary elections in June. He said there were signs of fraud again in Sunday's runoff to fill 50 parliament seats in districts where results from last month's balloting were inconclusive or flawed. The Interior Ministry has denied the allegations, and accused Berisha's coalition of falsifying some voter registration lists and using pressure tactics on voters. Disputes between the election commission members from the two rival parties prevented about 80,000 people in three districts from voting. Central Election Commission spokesman Aldrin Dalipi said voting in those districts would be held within a month. Gunfire broke out at one polling station and assailants burned ballots at another in the original June 24 vote, but international observers gave the first round their seal of approval, saying incidents were isolated. The Socialist Party came to power in Albania in June 1997 after winning elections called to end months of unrest sparked by the collapse of fraudulent investment schemes in which most Albanians had invested. The International Monetary Fund has praised Albania - once a strictly isolated communist country - for fostering recent economic growth and holding down inflation. The biggest challenge for the next government in this nation of 3.5 million will be fighting widespread corruption and illegal trafficking in women, weapons and drugs. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 10 21:15:11 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 21:15:11 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANALYSIS-Albanians hold the cards in Macedonia peace poker Message-ID: <9f.17fe1112.287d029f@aol.com> ANALYSIS-Albanians hold the cards in Macedonia peace poker By Daniel Simpson SKOPJE, July 10 (Reuters) - Leaders of Macedonia's Albanian minority appear to have nothing to lose in a high stakes Balkan power game, however the West tries to force their hand to dissolve a guerrilla uprising. With the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Army entrenched in northern hills, Albanian civilian negotiators are holding out for peace terms unpalatable to Macedonia's majority and NATO is reluctant to intervene for fear of casualties, diplomats say. Ethnic Albanian politicians acknowledge that the guerrillas are setting the agenda. "If there was no NLA, no one would seriously get involved in dialogue with Albanians (in Macedonia)," said Imer Imeri, an Albanian party leader. The world's most powerful countries are scrambling to broker a compromise on political reforms to put a lid on a guerrilla revolt that has dragged Macedonia towards civil war. But the unwillingness of NATO powers to send in peacekeepers who could return home in body bags leaves a fistful of aces with the one of the Balkans' most respected Albanian politicians. "Why should I ask the Macedonians what they're prepared to give me? I am playing my game on my terrain," Arben Xhaferi told Reuters this week, dismissing Western peace plans as inadequate. Although the kingmaker of Macedonian politics since 1998, Xhaferi failed to secure major improvements in Albanian minority rights. But with the territorial threat posed by the NLA, he now sees the chance to fight for his legacy. "I cannot have an approach of refusing everything but I will stick to my demands," whispered the ailing 53-year-old, who is slowly losing a battle with Parkinson's disease. Western envoys, anxious to exploit a truce brokered last week, are leaning heavily on Xhaferi and fellow Albanian leader Imer Imeri to sign up to reforms that fall short of those on their wish list, stressing this is the best they can expect. "They're getting a great deal and I'm convinced they have enough to sell to their community," one diplomat said. Perhaps. But the hard sell appears not to be working on men whose bargaining space is limited with Albanian gunmen at large. "I don't believe they are playing games," warned Ibrahim Mehmeti, an Albanian journalist who promotes ethnic tolerance for the independent Skopje agency Search for Common Ground. "They have very little choice left any more." CATCH-22 FOR NATO In just five months, the rebel National Liberation Army (NLA) has pushed longstanding Albanian demands for equality onto the mainstream agenda. They say they will hand over their guns to NATO if a comprehensive reform deal is signed. However, a NATO weapons-collecting mission dangled in front of politicians as an incentive is unlikely to be deployed before a satisfactory deal -- unless the alliance is willing to risk another long stay in a former Yugoslav republic. "If NATO comes in too early, it will end up policing lines of demarcation, which is just what the NLA wants," a military source warned. Ceasefire lines internationally secured before a peace treaty can evolve into partition of an ethnically torn country, as shown by Cyprus. The military source added that there was little appetite to create an effective third Western protectorate -- after Bosnia and Kosovo -- in the Balkans. Yet the risk of watching a NATO-brokered ceasefire unravel while foreign troops are held back is equally unappealing. Some diplomats accept they may have to bite the bullet without the final agreement U.S. special envoy James Pardew and his European counterpart Francois Leotard are pushing for. "If you sit here with these people and discuss things you get nowhere," one Western diplomat cautioned. "You can't sit back and wait and that means accepting we have to go in." It would be a risky gambit. NATO has 3,000 troops lined up to collect rebel guns, but is desperate to avoid being shot at, especially as it still has 40,000 peacekeepers policing neighbouring Kosovo. GUERRILLAS RUN THE SHOW Deployment, which tops the list of Albanian demands, could provide the impetus towards a deal. But few expect the NLA -- like the reluctantly demobilised Kosovo Liberation Army rebels -- to surrender its full arsenal even under a disarmament plan. Many Macedonians would rather see NATO crush this effective offshoot of the KLA which the West once helped to fight Serbs in Kosovo. That province's majority Albanians are now accused by Macedonians of exporting rebel commanders. Diplomats suspect Xhaferi of stalling talks in the hope the West will come to his rescue but accept it would be better to deal with him than the guerrillas whose political platform he has adopted and who would be given amnesty under a peace deal. NLA leaders such as political representative Ali Ahmeti are seen as serious rivals. They have been careful to wage a war of attrition against Macedonian forces, seeking to provoke them into a disproportionate response, military sources say. "The NLA is dictating the agenda, they've been very clever," a Western source said. "They could bomb the Macedonian capital if they wanted but they've chosen not to. That's control." The West is threatening to crack down on NLA supply lines, but Albanian leaders appear to believe these are empty threats unless NATO is ready to risk shootouts at the Kosovo border. Attentions are starting to focus on the prospect of a peace summit outside Macedonia, a plan touted by several EU nations. Top Western officials have opposed the idea, arguing that the presence of heavyweight EU and U.S. envoys in Skopje is enough. But Albanians believe it is their best hope. And although Macedonians reject a summit, fearing it could play into the hands of Albanian radicals who may seek effective partition of Macedonia, diplomats warn it could creep onto the agenda. "Now the conference idea is out of the bag, it'll be hard to put away and even harder to make progress before it," one said. From Gazhebo at aol.com Tue Jul 10 21:17:24 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 21:17:24 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece protests to Macedonia over flag incidents Message-ID: Greece protests to Macedonia over flag incidents ATHENS, July 9 (Reuters) - Greece said on Monday it had protested to Macedonia over the repeated removal of its flag from a Greek press office in Skopje and asked for police measures. "We are asking the neighbouring country to take some security measures because it appears that our press office there is a target due to its prominent location," government spokesman Dimitris Reppas told reporters. On Saturday night, unknown culprits removed the Greek flag from the press office, located in a central Skopje square away from the main Greek diplomatic mission building, he said. "It was the fifth time that extreme elements have committed such an act," Reppas said. Greek officials blamed the attacks on rising Macedonian nationalism since an ethnic Albanian uprising flared in the small Balkan state in recent months. Greece and Macedonia have diplomatic representations, not full-fledged embassies, in each other's capitals pending final resolution of a dispute over the former Yugoslav republic's name. Athens has long objected to the use of the name Macedonia by its northern neighbour, saying it implied a territorial threat to its own northern region with the same name. The two Balkan states are cooperating under an interim agreement allowing trade and other relations until the name issue is permanently settled at the United Nations. From pl217 at columbia.edu Wed Jul 11 11:55:08 2001 From: pl217 at columbia.edu (pl217 at columbia.edu) Date: Wed, 11 Jul 2001 11:55:08 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] postcards from peje alert Message-ID: <994866908.3b4c76dc8361f@cubmail.cc.columbia.edu> TAKE ACTION TO SUPPORT YOUTH IN KOSOVO -- Watch WITNESS Rights Alert video "Postcard from Peje" and ACT NOW Visit http://www.witness.org to view "Postcard from Peje", an account of the conflict in Kosovo created by young people who experienced it firsthand. In 1999, NATO lauched airstrikes in an attempt to halt what the prosecutors for the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia have termed President Slobodon Milosevic's campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Albanians of Kosovo. Hundreds of thousands of Albanians had been forced to flee their homes and take refuge in surrounding countries. When they returned, to rebuild their lives, many of their cities and homes had been looted, burned or completely destroyed. Relations between ethnic Albanians and Serbians are still tense, and many wonder if relations will improve in the near future. Balkan Sunflowers is a grassroots organization that works to teach tolerance through several programs, with a special emphasis on artistic expression and environmental awareness. BSF volunteers work to restore hope to a region that has been ravaged by violence and ethnic tension. The Peja Video Project produced this video, with support from Balkan Sunflowers and WITNESS. ACT NOW Go to the WITNESS website to watch 'Postcard from Peje.' Read the 'Story' section or explore the 'Links' to find out more about the work of the Balkan Sunflowers, donate to the organization or apply as a volunteer. From kbejko at hotmail.com Wed Jul 11 13:48:43 2001 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Wed, 11 Jul 2001 13:48:43 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece: The FYROM about-face. Message-ID: Unheralded, a new foreign policy emerges for the Balkans By Theodore Couloumbis and Aristotle Tziampiris, During the recent crisis in the western Balkans, Greece has sought to assist and support the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). This behavior demonstrates a (largely unnoticed by the international media) new approach in Greek foreign policy on regional issues, as well as the culmination of a process of improvement in bilateral relations with FYROM. Things were very different a few years ago. In the early 1990's, enormous mass demonstrations and the imposition of sanctions characterized Greece's response to the dispute concerning the new republic's name and what were perceived (not unfairly) as provocative irredentist statements on the part of FYROM's leadership. After four years of acrimony, an Interim Agreement was signed in September 1995 between the two states, which, however, did not resolve the "name" issue. Subsequently, Greece's business community took full advantage of the various opportunities offered, rendering Greece one of the largest trading partners and foreign investors in the country. Furthermore, the tone of public discourse ceased to be hostile, while even a military agreement was signed in December 2000. FYROM's Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski has described this new situation as a "small miracle." After interethnic hostilities between Slav and Albanian Macedonians erupted in March 2001, Greece's government declared its support for the territorial integrity of FYROM. Foreign Minister George Papandreou visited Skopje, condemned the acts of Albanian extremists and firmly reiterated his opposition to any form of violent change of borders. Athens also proposed to the European Council that the completion of FYROM's Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU be accelerated. There was a positive response to this request, and a signing ceremony eventually took place on April 9, 2001, FYROM becoming the first country in the western Balkans to enter such an agreement, in part thanks to Greek intervention. It should be stressed here that the leader of the Greek opposition, Dr. Costas Karamanlis, visited Skopje and insisted that violent acts should be condemned, and that both FYROM's territorial integrity and minority rights should be respected. Thus, it emerges that Greece's response to developments in FYROM already enjoys bipartisan support in favor of minority rights and the sanctity of FYROM's borders. Some military aid has been provided (tents, telecommunications equipment, etc.), while about 600 Greek troops are available to join a NATO force, if the cease-fire holds. At the same time, sensitivity to minority rights has also been expressed, thus sending a clear signal that Athens does not ignore, as long as they are peacefully expressed, the concerns of the neighboring country's Albanian citizenry. Hence, it can be concluded that Greece's reaction to the armed Albanian rebellion was prudent, balanced, bipartisan and supportive. Greece's new policy is based on the realization that its national interests are best served by stability and democracy in the Balkans. There is a clear determination that our country will never again be perceived as part of the region's problems. The "black sheep" reputation acquired in the 1980s and 1990s is no longer applicable and it is evidenced by Greek efforts to contribute to multilateral stabilizing activity. This is why Greek troops are serving under both KFOR and SFOR, and why F.R. Yugoslavia's opposition parties received considerable support and encouragement from Athens, well before Slobodan Milosevic's overthrow. Greece, in sum, has demonstrated that it has a stable and mature political party system, which guarantees the continuity of the country's new foreign policy toward Southeastern Europe. The major opposition party, New Democracy, has consistently refused to fan popular discontent and exploit sensitive foreign policy issues in the Balkans, which would have allowed it to score political points. This was clearly seen during NATO's bombing campaign in Kosovo, which was opposed by 85 percent of the Greek people. Nevertheless, New Democracy chose not to exploit this question at the expense of the governing PASOK party and a prudent foreign policy. As regards FYROM, and assuming that the Albanian insurgency is checked and a political settlement is reached, it should be understood that the small country's long-term viability will ultimately depend on the processes of enlargement of the Euro-Atlantic structures. As a member of both NATO and the European Union, Greece can play a very useful role in this process. Skopje's path to Brussels passes through Athens, and it will be interesting to view the dynamics of this relationship that could also include the resolution of the "name" issue. ,Theodore Couloumbis is professor of International Relations at the University of Athens and general director of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP). Aristotle Tziampiris is lecturer of International Relations at the University of Piraeus and research fellow at ELIAMEP. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From admin at albstudent.com Thu Jul 12 09:53:50 2001 From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent) Date: Thu, 12 Jul 2001 06:53:50 -0700 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Phone Directory Message-ID: <200107121353.GAA17342@mail13.bigmailbox.com> An embedded and charset-unspecified text was scrubbed... Name: not available URL: From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Thu Jul 12 20:47:00 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Thu, 12 Jul 2001 20:47:00 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Query: Reference Works Message-ID: An embedded message was scrubbed... From: asuter at nec.ro Subject: [balkans] Query: Reference Works Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 13:53:32 +0300 Size: 1898 URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 12 21:24:17 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 12 Jul 2001 18:24:17 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US State Dept. Report on Human Trafficking Message-ID: <20010713012417.61571.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Trafficking in Persons Report -Report Home Page Released by the U.S. Department of State July 2001 V. Country Narratives - Tier 3 Albania (Tier 3) Albania is a source and transit country for trafficking. Trafficking victims are mostly women from Albania, Moldova, and Romania who are trafficked for sexual exploitation to Italy, Greece, Western Europe, Belgium, and the Netherlands. The Government of Albania does not meet the minimum standards, and has not yet made significant efforts to combat trafficking. It has taken steps to do so, but its efforts are limited by a lack of resources and corruption at all levels of government. The Penal Code prohibits trafficking in persons, and penalties are commensurate with those of rape. The Government investigates and prosecutes trafficking, and there were 144 prosecutions in 2000 for violating the trafficking law. The Government is working to establish an anti-trafficking center in Vlora. The Government provides minimal support for small-scale anti-trafficking education, but otherwise supports no prevention or protection programs. Foreign victims who agree to testify are exempt from deportation until the conclusion of criminal proceedings. The Government does not assist repatriated Albanian victims. ........... Greece (Tier 3) Greece is a transit and destination country for trafficking. Most victims are women who are trafficked for sexual exploitation through Greece to Western Europe from Ukraine, Russia, Bulgaria, Albania, and Yugoslavia. The Government of Greece does not meet the minimum standards; and has not yet made significant efforts to combat trafficking. The Government has established an inter-ministerial committee for trafficking in human beings, but has not yet acknowledged publicly that trafficking is a problem. There is no law that addresses all forms of severe trafficking, although the Penal Code prohibits slavery, pandering, and pimping. Trafficking cases rarely are brought to trial, and sentences are light. Corruption among police and border control is a major problem; the police bureau of internal affairs has successfully investigated a number of cases of police misbehavior. The Government signed the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. The Government has not sponsored any significant protection or prevention efforts, other than a hotline for battered women and limited funding for the International Organization for Migration to handle deportation of victims in 2000. Greek officials met with German, Italian, and Albanian ministers in the summer of 2000 to discuss creating a regional center to handle trafficking in persons. Greece maintains tight controls on non-EU citizens' entry. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 12 21:26:54 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 12 Jul 2001 18:26:54 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Law Students Writing Competition Message-ID: <20010713012654.3040.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> http://www.abanet.org/ceeli/writingcomp.html CEELI Alumni/ae Association Student Writing Competition Guidelines A. THEME: The Role of the Rule of Law in Addressing Corruption in the Emerging Democracies of Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union This theme is designed to be broad enough to allow participants considerable breadth in choosing their specific topic. Participants are > encouraged to draw upon experiences in their own country as well as in the > principles addressed in the competition?s selected resources. Issues > currently found in the news media are good sources for potential topics. > > A strong emphasis should be placed upon the author?s own ideas > about the selected topic. Mere reporting of the works of others is > discouraged. Judging will be based primarily upon the quality of the > analysis reflected in the entry. Authors should justify their conclusions > with sound reasoning and pertinent authorities. > > > > B. PRIZES: > > Winners will be announced on the CEELI website at > www.abanet.org/ceeli on August 15, 2001. If the winner has submitted by > post, that person will be notified personally by post as well. > > First Prize: $1,000, plus a trip to the United States, including air fare, > accommodations, and expense allowance based upon the U.S. government per > diem rate, to participate in a conference relating to corruption issues. > The winner will be honored at an award ceremony at Northwestern School of > Law of Lewis & Clark College in Portland, Oregon. > > Second Prize: $500 > > Third Prize: $250 > > Honorable Mention: A copy of Black Law's Dictionary. > > Prizes may be subject to local taxes. > > > > C: ORIGINAL WORK: > > All entries must be the original, unpublished work of a single > person. Original student work may be translated into English. The author > may borrow ideas from the resources, provided appropriate attribution is > given. An article must not parallel its sources too closely in form or > content, and direct quotations must always be shown as such. > > > > D: ELIGIBILITY: > > This competition is open to all law students attending > universities in Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Bosnia-Herzegovina, > Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Georgia, Hungary, Kazakhstan, > Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, > Slovakia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Yugoslavia-Kosovo, > Yugoslavia-Montenegro, and Yugoslavia-Serbia. > > > > E: SCORING: > > Writing should be clear, concise, and easily understood. Long > sentences and lengthy paragraphs should be avoided. The entry?s > organization should be readily apparent, and the use of headings is > encouraged. > > Scoring shall be based upon the following point system: > > 30% Originality of thought > 20% Use of resources > 20% Relevance to contemporary issues > 20% Clarity of thought > 10% Organization > > > > F: FORM: > > Entries must be in English, on letter-size paper, > double-spaced. The first, second, and third place winners must also submit > their paper in the primary language of their country, prior to receipt of > their prize. Entries should be between five and ten pages, including > footnotes, based upon 12-point font. Extensive use of footnotes is > discouraged. A bibliography of resources must be attached. > > Entries should include a cover page that contains the following > information: > > Author?s name > Address > School > Area of Study > Year of Graduation > Telephone & Fax (if available) > E-mail address (if available) > > The cover page and bibliography will not be included in the > number of pages counted in the entry. > > > > G: DEADLINE FOR SUBMISSION: > > All entries must be postmarked, received via email or fax, on > or before June 1, 2001. > > H: WHERE TO SUBMIT ENTRIES: > > Our server back in service. Any e-mails that have been > sent since Thursday, March 29th, need to be resent. Thank your for your > patience during our interruption of e-mail service. As of May 7, 2001 our > e-mail system is back up and running. Any messages sent prior to that date > to the alumni at abaceeli.org address were not delivered to our mailbox. Please > resend. > > Entries may be submitted electronically to: alumni at abaceeli.org > > Entries may be submitted by fax to: (202) 662-1597. > > Written entries should be submitted in triplicate to: > > CEELI Alumni/ae Association Student Writing Competition > ABA/CEELI > 740 15th Street, NW > Washington, DC 20005-1022 > > > > I: QUESTIONS: > > Questions may be submitted until May l, 2001, via the e-mail > address listed above, and thereafter no questions will be answered. All > questions, along with their answers, will be posted at > www.abanet.org/ceeli/writingcompquestions.html . > > In addition, anyone submitting a question who does not have > access to the website will receive a personal answer via the post. These > questions and answers will still be posted on the above-referenced web site. > > PLEASE NOTE: Thank your for your patience during our interruption of > e-mail service. As of May 7, 2001 our e-mail system is back up and running. > Any messages sent prior to that date to the alumni at abaceeli.org address were > not delivered to our mailbox. Please resend. > > J: PUBLICATION OF PAPERS: > > The winning papers may be published by CEELI and Northwestern > School of Law of Lewis & Clark College. Papers become the property of CEELI > and will not be returned. > > The winners may be asked to collaborate with local CEELI staff > to disseminate their papers within their countries. Each winning > participant may also be encouraged, with local CEELI staff's assistance, to > present his or her paper at a public forum. > > > > K: SELECTED RESOURCES: > > There are many resources available through the internet. > Entrants may wish to consult the following resources to begin their > research: > > Anti-Corruption Network for Transition Economies - www.nobribes.org > > Transparency International - www.transparency.de --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 13 23:39:35 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 13 Jul 2001 20:39:35 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US Trafficking Blacklist Message-ID: <20010714033935.63710.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> USA TODAY July 13, 2001, Friday, FINAL EDITION NEWS; Pg. 4A U.S. blacklist fights human trafficking Smita P. Nordwall ; From wire reports The United States blacklisted 23 nations Thursday for not making significant efforts to fight human trafficking. Included are allies Israel, Greece, South Korea and Saudi Arabia. The report said about 700,000 people a year are transported across borders to work in sweatshops, construction, brothels and fields. The report was in response to a law Congress passed in October that calls for economic sanctions in 2003 against countries that fail to take action against traffickers or to protect victims. The president decides whether to stop non-trade, non-humanitarian aid on the basis of the report. Those already barred from such aid would lose educational and cultural exchanges or U.S. backing for international loans. Other countries on the list: Albania, Bahrain, Belarus, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Burma, Congo, Gabon, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Lebanon, Malaysia, Pakistan, Qatar, Romania, Russia, Sudan, Turkey, United Arab Emirates and Yugoslavia. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 13 23:52:11 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 13 Jul 2001 20:52:11 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Goethe Institute and World War II Message-ID: <20010714035211.79700.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> The Times (London) July 13, 2001, Friday Spiting the face The Goethe Institute is an organisation as admirable, wide-ranging and beneficent as the great German poet after whom it is named. The German equivalent of the British Council, it spends millions of marks in foreign countries to encourage the study of German, fund scholarships to German universities and promote the best of German culture. That job may no longer be possible in Greece. Despite the huge sums dispensed over the years to Greeks seeking education and opportunity in Germany, a Greek judge has ordered that the Goethe Institute in Athens be seized, auctioned and the proceeds distributed to a small town in central Greece which is claiming Pounds 20 million in compensation for a Nazi massacre of more than 200 inhabitants in 1944. Restitution for atrocities rightly has no time limit. It took more than 40 years before Germany agreed to compensate the elderly men and women who were forced into slave labour in German factories during the Second World War. Trials of suspected war criminals are still going on, even though most of the accused and witnesses are so old that reliable testimony is almost impossible. The brave decision of President Kwasniewski to apologise for the wartime massacre of Polish Jews in Jedwabne should go a long way to healing a legacy of bitterness. More recent horrors are also now receiving the legal retribution they deserve. This week's decision by the Cambodian Government to allow trials to go ahead of the butchers of the killing fields is essential if that country is to come to terms with its past. General Pinochet and Slobodan Milosevic have found that dark deeds cannot be swept away by political convenience. The Greek judgment, however, raises different issues. The Second World War comprises so many ugly incidents, killings, massacres and atrocities that individual compensation for each deed can only ever be arbitrary and unfair. The victorious allies knew that Germany could never be held to account for everything that happened, as no money could bring back the dead or apology assuage the bitterness. The nascent Bonn democracy accepted blame and moral responsibility. Germany has paid out billions to compensate Jewish survivors of the Holocaust; it has negotiated bilateral treaties of reparation with countries that it occupied; and it has repeatedly sought with human exchanges and political humility to bring about reconciliation and friendship. The people of Distomo may be bitter that they have yet to see much of the money paid out by Bonn in 1961 to atone for Greece's wartime suffering. They may also have been encouraged to pursue their claim by the example of others who have harried the Germans, playing on guilt and political expediency, to raise the level of reparations and share postwar wealth with former victims. If the latest court judgment means that two of postwar Germany's commitments to culture, learning and internationalism -the Goethe Institute and the German Archaeological Society -are closed, then Greece will be the poorer and vendetta politics will be strengthened. Germany today is a political friend, a vital trade partner and a military ally of Greece. No purpose is served by yesterday's short-sighted judgment, one that the Athens Government must now deeply regret. Greece and Germany must find other ways to heal remaining wartime wounds. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Fri Jul 13 23:55:28 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Fri, 13 Jul 2001 20:55:28 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] G. Institute and WWII (more) Message-ID: <20010714035528.28061.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> The Times (London) July 13, 2001, Friday Court win for Nazi massacre families John Carr in Athens The small Greek town of Distomo claimed a breakthrough yesterday in its seven-year legal battle for Pounds 20 million from the German Government for a 1944 Nazi massacre of more than 200 inhabitants. An Athens court ordered that German government property in the Greek capital should be auctioned to raise the amount. The ruling dismissed Berlin's claim that war reparations had been settled in a treaty 40 years ago and challenged Greek Justice Ministry and Supreme Court efforts to thwart Distomo's claims for compensation for one of the worst massacres of the Second World War. The ruling opens the way for other Greek claims for Nazi atrocities, which would strain relations with Berlin. Germany's two chief cultural organisations in Athens, the German Archaeological Institute and the Goethe Institute, would be among the first to be sold if the court order goes ahead. However Germany is likely to challenge this week's ruling and the Greek Supreme Court, which is divided on the issue, will consider the case later this year. The Greek Government yesterday refused to comment.Costas Simitis, the Germaneducated Prime Minister, is reluctant to damage relations with Berlin as Athens relies on German support to maintain its flow of EU funding. "We are enthusiastic here," Loukas Papachristou, the Mayor of Distomo, said. "Justice has risen to its true height at last. I'm sure now that we are on the right road." As a boy of six on June 10, 1944, Mr Papachristou watched as troops of the German Army's 4th SSPanzergrenadier Division roared into the town in the foothills of Mount Parnassus and took 218 local people from their homes. In retaliation for a partisan attack on the German occupation forces, the troops marched their victims up nearby Kanales Hill and shot them. The names of the dead etched on a plaque on the hill include an infant of two months and women in their eighties. Since 1994 Yannis Stamoulis, a lawyer encouraged by the successful actions of Jewish groups in making Germany compensate relatives of Holocaust victims, has been pressing for a Pounds 20 million payment. In this week's ruling Judge Aikaterini Setta threw out a German Government claim that national court decisions cannot bind foreign governments. She also ruled that Greece's Justice Ministry, which has vetoed all attempts to get Germany to pay for its Nazi misdeeds, has no power to halt the process. Mr Stamoulis said yesterday that he would take the Distomo families' case to the European Court of Human Rights if necessary. Meanwhile there was consternation in the German Archaeological Institute. "I can see the logic of the court's decision," admitted Hermann Kienast, the acting director. But he added: "None of us, either here or in the Goethe Institute, is happy with this." Two years ago officials were sent into the institute at Mr Stamoulis's request to draw up an official document of confiscation. The process was halted when both institutes were declared public-interest agencies and immune from seizure. Judge Setta yesterday overruled the public-interest claim. According to diplomatic sources, lawyers for Germany will seek an injunction on the ground that in 1961 West Germany paid Greece Pounds 40 million in final compensation for victims of the occupation. Non-Jewish Greeks, mostly survivors of the Third Reich's slave labour camps, received just one-eighth that sum. After the war German contributions helped to build the Kanales Hill monument, including the plaque with the victims' names and a fallen crucifix. Germans join Greeks each year in a commemoration. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From deti at ont.com Sat Jul 14 01:07:09 2001 From: deti at ont.com (Etel H.) Date: Sat, 14 Jul 2001 00:07:09 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] mbasdite... Message-ID: <3.0.3.32.20010714000709.0068d514@mail.ont.com> Eshte fresket sot. Hedh veshtrimin ndermjet grilave jeshile drejt pallatit perballe. Zakonisht jane dy cifte te lezetshem qe pjekin mish deri vone; sikur ia shtojne gjallerine mbasditeve ketij qyteti te vdekur. Hmm...e kam pushim sot ne mbasdite..e c'te bej? TE shkoj ne ndonje pub e te bej sikur pres ndonje shoqe a shok sa per te genjyer kohen dhe veten? Kjo mbasditja u ndieka paksa ndryshe nga heret e tjera. Do e kete fajin kjo era vjeshtake qe me ndjell deshiren per tu llokocitur neper pellgje mendimesh. Hedh syte nga deget e pemes qe prekin ballkonin e vjeter dhe gjethet verdhacuke qe lekunden ritmikisht nen perkedheljen e eres. Mbeshtes mjekren ne gjunje dhe me sy ndjek diellin qe luan kukafshehti midis gjetheve. Mu kujtua gjyshja kur me terhiqte nga krahet mbasditeve vone kur une luaja me shoqet e shoket e lagjes. "Po hajde moj bije se u err." me thoshte dhe shkulte faqet ndersa mermerinte nen z. "Pupupu, une sa ty isha me burre, moj e uruar." Nuk ja vija veshin mermerimave te gjyshes nen ze atehere. Jetoja ne bote tjeter une nenokja ime. Ne nje bote me perendime te vonta, kapje duarsh dhe rrendje bregut te lagur, emra dhe copa deshirash te shkruara ne rere, dhe endra, endra qe nuk rreshtnin se vallezuari me mua derisa ti vije dhe me ferkoje koken me duart e rregjura. E sot, sot eci neper rruget e ngushta te ketij qyteti duke u munduar te gjej nje porte qe do me ktheje serish ne ate bote..si te Liza ne boten e cudirave. Te kujtohet kur renda me vrap te te thosha se kisha lexuar librin e pare? Ti me more ne preher dhe me dhe nje manderine te qeruar. "Haje te keqen nena, te rritesh edhe te lexosh 100 libra te tjere. Lexo moj bije lexo te mos ngelesh qyqe si une, se im ate, qe nxirofte atje ku ka rene, s'me la as emrin te shkruanja." Une e ngulja veshtrimin te rrudhat e faqeve te bardha, dhe me vete enderroja diten kur do kisha librat e mi qe gjithmone premtoja se do i blija nje nga nje me dhjetelekeshet qe mi fusje nxitimthi ne dore sa here merrja nota te mira. Ti ke rene me kohe te flesh nenoke, dhe une e kam krijuar bibloteken time. Shkallet e oborrit ne vlore do jene bere per tu lyer me gelqere, e Nene Dada do jete e vetmja qe rron nga plakat e lagjes. Duhet te ndihet e vetmuar tani qe nuk e pi me kafene me ty. Sa here uroja te isha ne gjendje te shkoja sa me larg atyre rrugeve monotone, te ecja rrugeve me shkelqim vezullues, te thithja nje ajer tjeter, e te jetoja madheshtine e gradacelave, dhe kenaqesine e te folurit nje gjuhe tjeter. Sot eci neper keto rruge te huaja, nenoke, por syte i fsheh nga vezullimi i dritave, dhe gradacelat me acarojne, ndersa tingujt e gjuhes qe flas me lodhin....ne fund te dites ngelem serish e huaj. Sa shpejt u erresua. Dielli e la lojen e vet, ndersa gjethet me duken pak te lodhura. Ajri eshte i paster, por...jo si ai ne Vlore buze detit. "Ec te keqen nena se do ftohesh." me duket sikur degjoj fjalet e tua mbas vetes. Nuk dua ta kthej koken, se e di qe do jesh zhdukur edhe ti me perendimin e diellit. Ndoshta neser do te luajme serish kukafshehti. Etel.H Massachusetts Etel H. From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Sat Jul 14 21:37:10 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Sat, 14 Jul 2001 21:37:10 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Article on Albania Message-ID: * The South Slav Journal, Vol. 22, n?1-2, Spring-Summer 2001 Willian Blathwayt, "The British Foreign Office and Albanian Frontiers", pp. 3-28. From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Sat Jul 14 21:39:12 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Sat, 14 Jul 2001 21:39:12 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] FW: Query: Stereotypes and Images from the Balkans Message-ID: An embedded message was scrubbed... From: meganblair at yahoo.com Subject: [balkans] Query: Stereotypes and Images from the Balkans Date: Tue, 10 Jul 2001 09:55:30 +0100 Size: 1593 URL: From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 15 17:48:20 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 15 Jul 2001 17:48:20 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia Accuses Albania of Stalling Message-ID: Macedonia Accuses Albania of Stalling By ERMIRA MEHMETI SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) - Key Macedonian politicians threw their support Friday behind a Western-designed plan aimed at ending months of violence, and accused rival ethnic Albanians leaders of stalling the peace talks. Negotiations between representatives of majority Macedonians, who dominate the government, and ethnic Albanian politicians, who represent the country's large and restive minority, began Monday under the auspices of the United States and the European Union. ``We basically agree with the overall text'' of the peace plan, said Radmila Secerinska, a leader of the Social Democratic Alliance, which is involved in the negotiations. The talks focus on changing Macedonia's constitution and laws to meet ethnic Albanian demands for broader rights. Secerinska said her party and other majority Macedonian parties support the concept that would guarantee ``equal rights for all ... without many provisions based on ethnicity.'' ``We want a civic society,'' she said, adding that the peace plan proposed by U.S. envoy James Pardew and EU mediator Francois Leotard ``essentially respects modern principles and values.'' Macedonia's crisis began in February, when militants launched an insurgency they said was intended to win greater rights and recognition for ethnic Albanians, who make up more than a quarter of Macedonia's population of 2 million. Dozens were killed in clashes between the rebels and Macedonian government troops before a NATO-mediated cease-fire took effect last week, paving the way for peace talks. Meeting for the fifth day in a row with the feuding sides, Pardew and Leotard have pressed them to accept a deal that would introduce the Albanian language as a second official tongue, provide for state-funded education in Albanian, and ensure fair representation of the ethnic community in the government, the police and other state bodies. Some Macedonian politicians, however, accused the ethnic Albanian leaders of refusing to bend on key issues. An agreement could be signed as early as Sunday if ethnic Albanians would give up their demand to have their own locally elected police chiefs, said a government source, speaking on condition of anonymity. Ethnic Albanian representative Aziz Polozani said that ``the agreement will become acceptable only when it meets all our demands.'' Albanian parties ``are not softening their stance and ... they refuse to accept that our society is based on individuals rather than ethnic groups,'' said Secerinska, calling that ``unacceptable.'' ``It takes us further away from trends in Europe and it is not a standard that should be accepted,'' she said. Macedonians regard some of the ethnic Albanian demands as a strategy to ultimately carve out their own mini-state. Meanwhile, Macedonia's Defense Ministry said rebels trying to smuggle fighters and weapons across the border from neighboring Kosovo clashed with border guards. Both sides traded fire, but no casualties were reported in the brief shootout near the Janice border crossing about 20 miles northeast of the capital, Skopje. A few other skirmishes were reported in northwestern Macedonia, which has a predominantly ethnic Albanian population and has been a key rebel stronghold. The restive minority has also demanded that an additional - and larger - peace conference be held before a lasting deal is reached. Ethnic Albanian leaders have suggested Brussels, Belgium, for the venue because it is the headquarters of the European Union and NATO and has a multiethnic society. If a peace deal is reached, some 3,000 NATO troops would deploy here to oversee the disarmament of From Gazhebo at aol.com Sun Jul 15 17:49:27 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sun, 15 Jul 2001 17:49:27 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Still no Macedonia peace deal as haggling goes on Message-ID: Still no Macedonia peace deal as haggling goes on By Daniel Simpson SKOPJE, July 15 (Reuters) - Western efforts to end five months of guerrilla warfare in Macedonia showed few signs of success on Sunday despite intense haggling over peace proposals. U.S. envoy James Pardew, whose mediation has helped clear the table of all but the most disputed issues, said it would be "very difficult" to unite the leaders of Macedonia's divided communities behind a political deal before the end of the weekend. Pardew and European envoy Francois Leotard have spent a week leaning heavily on politicians across the tiny Balkan republic's ethnic divide, hoping reforms to grant its ethnic Albanian minority greater civil rights can end an Albanian guerrilla rebellion. But although parties on both sides say a revised U.S.-EU draft on constitutional changes comes close to resolving outstanding problems, debate on sensitive issues continues. "They prefer chatting about principles in this part of the world to signing up to binding deals," one diplomat mused. Ethnic Albanian leaders said their latest meeting with the two envoys had yielded progress on calls for Albanian to be made a fully fledged official language that could be used in parliament -- a demand resisted so far by their Macedonian rivals. "We are getting very close to a solution," said Menduh Thaci, the vice president of Macedonia's leading Albanian party. Although there is broad agreement on plans to strengthen local self-government, there are still other obstacles to a deal designed to persuade the guerrilla National Liberation Army (NLA) to hand over some of its weapons to NATO in exchange for an amnesty. NO GUARANTEES The issue of how to police the arc of western and northern Macedonia where most Albanians live is proving tough to resolve. Macedonians balk at the suggestion that local police chiefs should be elected, fearing this could allow the NLA, which has become widely supported by Albanians for putting their demands for equality on the agenda, to maintain its grip on the region. The question is closely tied to the amnesty terms being finalised by NATO's Balkans troubleshooter Pieter Feith. These are expected to have to cover rebel commanders if they are to be persuaded to surrender weapons to NATO, which will send in 3,000 troops if a political agreement is reached. Even if a deal can be struck, there is no guarantee that the NLA will agree to end an insurrection that has brought Macedonia to the brink of a civil war which could threaten its neighbours. Both the NLA and the Macedonian army have used a 10-day-old NATO-brokered truce, punctured almost daily by sporadic exchanges of fire, to resupply and realign troops in case talks fail. "They've had a few drinks and told their war stories. Now they're getting ready to go back for more," one diplomat said. Although Macedonia's politicians are closer than ever to a deal, diplomats caution that Western powers might have to commit themselves to the long haul if they are to secure lasting peace. This could also apply to NATO, which refuses to countenance an effective partition of Macedonia by policing military lines. "People tend to see each level of agreement as an end in itself yet despite all the optimism little changes on the ground," one diplomat warned. "It just buys us some more time." From kruja at fas.harvard.edu Mon Jul 16 10:59:22 2001 From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja) Date: Mon, 16 Jul 2001 10:59:22 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [Web-design] STARSABER'S AWARD (fwd) Message-ID: in case you haven't received this......... eriola. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sat, 14 Jul 2001 13:21:30 -0700 (PDT) From: George Rowe Reply-To: web-design at alb-net.com To: web-design at alb-net.com Subject: [Web-design] STARSABER'S AWARD ------------------------------------ **** Web Design Discussion List **** ------------------------------------ Dear Members: This is an invitation for webmasters to apply for the Starsaber's Award of Excellence. The Starsaber Award was established in 1997 and is one of the Internet's premier awards. Visit the "Gallery" at Starsabers and view some of the exceptional sites that have won this special award. URL: http://home.mc2k.com/growe/starclass.html Best regards, George Rowe Starsaber's Award Editor From e_dusha at hotmail.com Mon Jul 16 19:29:16 2001 From: e_dusha at hotmail.com (e_dusha at hotmail.com) Date: Mon, 16 Jul 2001 19:29:16 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ekonomisti mbi Meten Message-ID: Fotografine nuk ua percjell dot...Megjithate ju e njihni pak a shume Meten ne pamje te jashtme... Albania?s election On the road to normality Jul 14th 2001 | TIRANA >From The Economist print edition So its re-elected prime minister hopes AP Meta dreams of the EU ROAD-building is a useful vote-winner, especially in countries struggling to shake off poverty. Nowhere more so than in Albania, where pot-holed lanes are the rule, a legacy of Stalinist days when private cars were banned. Just days before the voters went to the polls on June 24th, in the first of a two-round general election, the governing Socialists opened a new four-lane highway from Tirana to Durres, the main port and, almost as important, the nearest stretch of beach to the capital. Ilir Meta, the youthful prime minister, pulled off another coup just in time for the election. His determined effort to keep Albania out of the ethnic conflict in Macedonia was rewarded at the EU?s summit in Gothenburg. Talks are to start later this year on a stabilisation and association pact with the EU, a sort of beginners? agreement for Balkan countries (Macedonia and Croatia have already signed up) that aspire to be admitted in the next intake but one of EU enlargement. The result, unsurprisingly, was a solid victory for Mr Meta and his Socialists; and by the standards of Balkan elections, a fairly clean one. After the second round, on July 8th, the Socialists had won 70 out of 140 seats in parliament. They were also ahead in another four constituencies where irregularities had been judged serious enough to warrant a re-run. The right-of-centre Democratic Party captured 42 seats, the remainder going to four small parties. The Socialists finished with 42% of the vote, to 36% for the Democrats. Observers from the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Council of Europe reported some instances of voter intimidation and ballot-box stuffing, but the violence that made past Albanian elections dangerous for participants and observers alike was noticeably absent. Predictably, Sali Berisha, the mercurial former president who heads the Democrats, refused to accept defeat, alleging fraud had been widespread. But this time, instead of urging his supporters to demonstrate in the streets of Tirana, Mr Berisha said would take his case to the European Court. Indeed, on election night, the capital was oddly subdued. Mr Meta says he wants to team up again with smaller pro-EU parties like the Democratic Alliance and the Social Democrats that were part of the Socialist-led coalition last time. This would give the Socialists the 84 parliamentary votes needed to elect a new president next year. Their party leader, Fatos Nano, a tough ex-communist, is keen to make a come-back after losing the prime minister?s job in a party bust-up. The post carries few powers, but he is still hungry for a chance to lord it over Mr Berisha, an old rival who sent him to jail in the mid-1990s for political offences. Some observers fear that a revival of that feud might undermine Albania?s still fragile stability; memories of the anarchy that followed the collapse of a dozen pyramid finance schemes in 1997 and brought down Mr Berisha are only just starting to fade. Yet the Socialists? second straight election win, a rare event in the Balkans, has strengthened Mr Meta and his young, pro-EU supporters in the party. They may yet make Albania what West Europeans will think of as a normal country. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 16 21:09:16 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 16 Jul 2001 21:09:16 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU gets tough with Macedonia rebels, chides Turkey Message-ID: <114.1bda2b7.2884ea3c@aol.com> EU gets tough with Macedonia rebels, chides Turkey By Gareth Jones BRUSSELS, July 16 (Reuters) - The European Union on Monday signalled a clampdown on ethnic Albanian rebels fighting in Macedonia and moved to bolster democratic changes in neighbouring Serbia by approving a new financial package. EU foreign ministers also slammed NATO member Turkey over its continued refusal to allow the creation of an EU military rapid reaction force that would have automatic access to NATO assets. It said Ankara's stance could harm its bid to join the wealthy 15-nation Union. At their monthly meeting in Brussels, the ministers agreed to impose travel restrictions on 38 ethnic Albanian rebels operating in or around Macedonia, but said the EU would wait to assess progress in peace talks before implementing a ban. EU and U.S. envoys are trying to coax Macedonia's majority Slav and minority Albanian communities into agreeing a package of reforms to help halt five months of guerrilla warfare which threatens to tear the tiny ex-Yugoslav republic apart. Commenting on the plans to crack down on Macedonia's ethnic Albanian rebels, Belgian Foreign Minister Louis Michel said: "This sends a strong signal to the extremists." "This shows that respect for the ceasefire and for the political dialogue are essential," said Michel, whose country holds the EU's rotating six-month presidency. Asked why the EU would delay implementation of the visa ban, EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana said it reflected the delicate state of the negotiations. "We want to give a bit of time (for the negotiations) and to implement (the ban) at a moment we consider right," he said. The EU hopes the rebels will voluntarily lay down their weapons if Macedonia's political parties can reach agreement on a package of political and constitutional reforms. As the ministers met in Brussels, a senior Macedonian government source told Reuters in Skopje that the negotiations with the ethnic Albanian parties were "completely stalled." AID FOR SERBIA The ministers also approved a package of loans and grants to Yugoslavia worth 300 million euros ($257.1 million). Diplomats denied Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindic's suggestions that EU aid was slow in arriving. The EU has taken a leading role in providing financial aid since Belgrade transferred ex-president Slobodan Milosevic to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague. EU Commissioner for External Affairs Chris Patten said the ministers had agreed that the package would consist of 225 million euros in loans and 75 million euros in grants. The Commission had pushed for a bigger share of grants to ease the financial pressure on debt-laden Yugoslavia. Much of this money will go to paying off existing debts to the European Investment Bank (EIB), clearing the way for the bank to commence long-term investments in the Balkan country, he said. Patten said the first tranche of the macrofinancial help would reach Belgrade by September. His spokesman Gunnar Wiegand told reporters an additional 150 million euros -- part of a total 240 million euros earmarked by the Commission for energy, farm and other projects -- would start to flow "very soon." TURKEY STIRS ANNOYANCE EU ministers expressed frustration with Turkey's refusal to cooperate over the planned 60,000-strong EU military force, which is meant to complement NATO in crisis management tasks "The general feeling is that Turkey should not try to slow down the establishment of a European defence policy and that it should use more European methods to defend its position," French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine said. Ankara demands a say in the decision-making of the putative force, fearing that otherwise it could one day be used against Turkish interests in the Aegean and Cyprus, another EU candidate country expected to join the bloc by 2004. The EU ministers issued a statement on the Middle East in which they urged Israel to consider allowing "a third-party monitoring mechanism" as part of confidence-building measures to help revive the battered Middle East peace process. Belgium said it had won the support of its EU partners for the Union to play a more active role in peace efforts in and around its former colony, Democratic Republic of Congo. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 16 21:24:33 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 16 Jul 2001 21:24:33 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Body of Evidence-NEWSWEEK Message-ID: <89.96941fc.2884edd1@aol.com> Body of Evidence In the cover-up at Suva Reka, prosecutors may have a powerful case against Milosevic By Roy Gutman and Rod Nordland NEWSWEEK The cover-up began in the gloom of night, shortly after NATO launched its Kosovo bombing campaign in March 1999. A Serbian manager at the sanitation department in the southern Kosovo town of Prizren barged into the homes of four employees and roused them from sleep. The sanitation workers, all Gypsies (or Roma), were packed into a white van and driven to the Yugoslav military?s rifle range on the outskirts of town. As they emerged from the van into the freezing rain, and saw police and Army officers milling about, the four men wondered if they were about to become the next victims of the Serbian rampage. ? THE RIFLE RANGE was illuminated only by a pile of burning tires that spewed foul, dark smoke. But the Gypsy workers could see the silhouette of a backhoe at work in the distance. As they moved closer, it slowly became clear what the Serbian authorities were up to, and why they had summoned a sanitation crew. The Serbs were exhuming a mass grave. A white refrigerator truck pulled up, and the sanitation workers were ordered to load it. ?Hurry, hurry,? shouted their Serbian taskmaster, nicknamed ?Buda.? It was a nightmarish task: in the dim light, the excavator sliced through bodies, scooping up some without arms or legs, cutting others in half. A massive campaign to erase the evidence of Serbian crimes in Kosovo continued for two months, until the war ended on June 20. Refrigerated trucks made repeated shuttles between Kosovo and Serbia, hauling corpses away from the sites of massacres because the Serbs feared that NATO troops might discover the bodies. Many mass graves were exhumed. At least one truck stuffed with 86 dead civilians was dumped into the Danube northeast of Belgrade. A NEWSWEEK investigation into the cover-up, focusing mainly on the botched disposal of corpses from a massacre at the village of Suva Reka in Kosovo, indicates that it was directed from the highest levels of the Serbian leadership in Belgrade. In fact, it appears that Slobodan Milosevic himself gave the order for the cover-up campaign on March 26, the day of the slaughter in Suva Reka. ? ? ? ? WHERE?S THE EVIDENCE? How important is the evidence of this cover-up, given that the atrocities themselves are so well known? Few people in the NATO countries of the United States and Europe, anyway, can doubt that Milosevic is guilty of orchestrating war crimes in the Balkans. But the legal case before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia at The Hague is less airtight than some might believe. This is a trial, like Nuremberg more than half a century ago, that will reverberate for many decades to come. It is the first war-crimes trial of a former head of state. The trial could set important precedents for international law?or, perhaps somewhat like Nuremberg, it could come to be viewed as legally dubious, mere victor?s justice. Certainly that was what Milosevic had in mind during his first appearance before the court, when he stated in broken English: ?I consider this tribunal false tribunal.? An extraordinary onus is on the judges and prosecutors to conduct a trial that not only brings justice, but is also perceived to be just. As a result, much depends on proving Milosevic?s complicity in a few documented massacres like Suva Reka, prosecutors say. In interviews, they now concede they have not yet been able to directly connect Milosevic to earlier war crimes in Bosnia and Croatia that were often carried out by proxy militias. In the Serbian province of Kosovo, by contrast, there was a formal chain of command between Milosevic and the people carrying out deportations and massacres. As it stands now, Milosevic faces three counts of crimes against humanity, and one count of violation of the laws or customs of war. And the chain of command may be enough, in and of itself, to convict. (Even if Milosevic didn?t directly order the massacres, it may be argued, he should have known about the ethnic-cleansing campaign and stopped it.) But good defense lawyers can cast doubt on even the best-looking cases. So for the trial to be fully convincing, prosecutors will need to establish more than indirect responsibility. That is why fresh evidence of a cover-up could be vital: the details of the campaign to hide corpses include the first apparent evidence?in the public domain, at least?directly implicating Milosevic in the crimes committed under his command. ? ? HIDING THE EVIDENCE The four Gypsies shoveling corpses on that rainy night in late March were part of an orchestrated if badly bungled effort to eliminate evidence from a horrific slaughter in and around the village of Suva Reka in southern Kosovo. The accounts of the killings come directly from survivors (and were first reported in NEWSWEEK in June 1999). In one gruesome incident, the Serbs killed 49 people from one extended family. In the dry, bloodless language of the tribunal indictment, the story of the Berisha family massacre unfolds like this: That night the Serbs loaded the corpses onto a truck headed for the Prizren town dump, according to participants. Three survivors who had played dead dug themselves free of the pile of bodies and rolled off the truck. When the driver of the truck realized that survivors had escaped, he radioed his superiors for instructions; they diverted the truck to the Army rifle range, where the bodies were dumped into several pits. ? ? ? ? WHERE THE BODIES ARE BURIED But in Belgrade that same day, Milosevic met with worried police and Army brass. Deputy Interior Minister Lt. Gen. Vlastimir Djordjevic warned that Yugoslav forces might soon have to surrender Kosovo, according to a Yugoslav source familiar with the meeting. Djordjevic cautioned that NATO forces would find corpses in many places?including victims between 2 days and 2 years old that could be used as evidence of war crimes. (The Suva Reka victims included a woman eight months pregnant, and six children under the age of 5.) ?Take care of it,? Milosevic told the group, according to Dusan Mihajlovic, Serbia?s reformist Interior minister, who learned about the meeting from participants. That account of the meeting was confirmed by a senior Western diplomat in Belgrade, who told NEWSWEEK that the order to remove evidence ?was done from the very top.? He also says that a tape of the meeting was provided to The Hague. (Two participants are certain to be called on to testify on the decision: retired Lt. Gen. Rade Markovic, at the time chief of state security, and retired Lt. Gen. Geza Farkas, then head of Army security. Djordjevic himself has fled to Russia. Another participant is under indictment by the tribunal at The Hague for the war in Kosovo.) Fortunately for investigators, the Serbs were as sloppy in their cleanup as they were in their killing. It was well into the night before the four Gypsies finished the job at the Kroni Popit rifle range, where they loaded what they estimated to be 60 to 80 corpses into the truck. The Gypsies, by their own accounts, were then ordered to the Prizren town dump, where they loaded the remains of an additional 20 to 30 people?presumably victims from the Suva Reka area?into a second refrigerator truck. The bodies then were supposed to be disposed of, and never seen again. But in early April, a fisherman on the Danube spotted one of the two trucks?with markings from the Progres food-processing firm in Prizren?floating in the river. According to later investigations, the driver had brought the truck to the riverbank, placed a rock to the gas pedal, and sent it sputtering into the water. But nobody had thought to shoot holes in the truck or its tires, and it floated away. Local police in the town of Kladovo recovered the truck from the river, expecting to find a load of meat. But when they smashed open one of the doors to the container, out fell a human leg. The police quickly realized that the decomposing bodies in the truck were Kosovo Albanians, and called their superiors in Belgrade for instructions. >From there, Milosevic?s security apparatus again took over. According to Dragan Karleusa, chief investigator for the Serbian Interior Ministry, Deputy Interior Minister Djordjevic instructed local police to treat the incident as a state secret. Eventually, on Djordjevic?s orders, the 86 corpses were transported to Batajnica, north of Belgrade, a base for the Yugoslav military and Milosevic?s elite ?antiterrorism? police, Karleusa told NEWSWEEK. The bodies were then placed on wooden beams, covered with tires, doused with gasoline and burned. The truck itself was blown up at an elite police base in Petrovo Selo, in eastern Serbia. ? ? ? ? NEW EVIDENCE OF MASS GRAVES Mass graves like those at Batajnica, filled with bodies from various Kosovo massacres, are now being unearthed in at least four locations around Serbia. One truckload appears to have been dumped in a NATO bomb crater on the main Belgrade-to-Athens highway and then paved over. Reformist leaders in Belgrade used the new evidence of mass graves to help prepare the public for its decision to hand Milosevic over to the tribunal at The Hague. But since his hasty transfer and his defiant first appearance, sympathy for Milosevic has bounced back to 5o percent. That doesn?t bode well for the trial itself. In the thinking of the war-crimes tribunal, the prosecution of Milosevic may make it possible for ordinary Albanians and Serbs to face up to what happened and once again live together. Yet many Serbs remain defiant, and Albanian Kosovars are deeply dissatisfied. ?I?m not interested in Milosevic,? says Halid Berisha, whose brother Geshar was among the victims in Suva Reka. ?Someone did the actual killing and he should be tried. It?s not Milosevic?s fault; it?s all the Serbs? fault.? Many witnesses know the actual killers in Suva Reka. Hague officials have collected depositions from witnesses accusing Milorad (Misko) Nisavic, Zoran Petkovic, Boban Vuksanovic and Slobodan Krtic of being the key figures and the actual killers. Nisavic is now running a driving school in Kraguljevac in southern Serbia. Petkovic now lives in Pancevo, a suburb of Belgrade. Krtic?s whereabouts are unknown. Vuksanovic was killed in a KLA reprisal ambush only a few weeks after the massacres. Even now one of the survivors, Vjollca Berisha, bursts into tears at any discussion of the massacre. With her 8-year-old son Gramos, Vjollca managed to roll off the truck taking the victims to the mass grave at the rifle range. ?Why didn?t I die? Why am I the one to survive?? she asks. Her children Dafina and Drilon, who were 15 and 13 at the time of the massacre, are among those presumed dead. Vjollca never actually saw them die, and still feels guilty about jumping off with only Gramos. She knows Drilon was on the truck, and that he had been shot, but she doesn?t know if he was dead when she escaped. The body of Vjollca?s husband, Sedat, was found not far from her house. Vjollca doesn?t expect the trial to change anything. ?For me it?s nothing if Milosevic is prosecuted,? she says. ?My life is destroyed whether he is punished, or the individuals who did this are punished. It doesn?t matter. Nothing will bring my children back.? Still, she plans to testify at The Hague tribunal, and has given depositions to investigators. Last week The Hague?s investigators were back in Suva Reka, taking additional testimony. Vjollca is likely to be a key part of the case prosecutors make against Milosevic in the Berisha massacre?and against the actual killers if they ever go to trial. The question is whether for her, as for Milosevic himself, the verdict at The Hague will amount to more than victor?s justice. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 16 21:31:47 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 16 Jul 2001 21:31:47 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Letter From Suva Reka-NEWSWEEK Message-ID: <108.2a7c7f0.2884ef83@aol.com> Letter From Suva Reka The burned-out houses have been rebuilt and the stores have reopened. But for the survivors of one of Kosovo?s most brutal atrocities, the suffering is far from over. By Rod Nordland NEWSWEEK At first glance, it was heartening to see how much things seem to have returned to normal in Suva Reka, the town that experienced Kosovo?s most brutal and concentrated series of massacres more than two years ago. Of the 8,000 persons believed massacred by Serbs during the war in Kosovo, 506 were killed here and in surrounding villages in an orgy of bloodletting coinciding with the beginning of NATO?s bombing campaign. ? ON RESHTAN ROAD, where the Berisha family suffered particularly severely, losing 49 members across three generations, the remaining Berishas have returned and rebuilt most of their burned-out homes. The last time I had been on Reshtan Road, in June of 1999, there were still Serbs prowling the neighborhood and NATO troops had not yet secured it. The evidence of the atrocity was still fresh, coinciding with witness accounts I?d already heard: the charred remains of the men, executed and then burned; the splattered blood and spent shell casings. It started behind one of the Berisha family homes, the one they had rented to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), where the first seven to die were lined up against a wall and gunned down. The house was gutted and partially torched. Now that house, and most of those nearby, has been thoroughly restored. Once again it is rented to the OSCE, earning a tidy income for Xhelal Berisha, a primary school music teacher who by dint of survival is, at age 44, the de facto family head. The bus station across the street is filled with buses coming and going. Stores in the mall have reopened. You have to look hard to find any evidence of a recent war. Only the Calabria Restoran, the coffee shop-cum-pizzeria where the Berisha women and children were massacred, has been left in the same ruined state as after the grenade and machine gun attack that finished most of them off. Some flowers are piled on the debris; nearby a pyramid-shaped monument is being built to commemorate the victims. All is far from normal, though. The massacre left a deep gash in this family where grandchildren and nephews and nieces should have been. It has set one surviving family member against another in bitter disputes that remain unresolved. In a sense, the Berisha massacre continues to claim more victims. Against that backdrop, the news that their particular massacre has been added to the bill of particulars against Slobodan Milosevic is not something that gives anyone in Suva Reka much consolation. They have followed the recent series of revelations about the refrigerator truck Serbs used to take the exhumed bodies of the Berisha women and children in a postmortem odyssey across Serbia, searching for a place to hide them from the world?s view. But mainly the family is focused on how soon they might get the bones back so they can prepare the bodies according to Muslim rites and bury them properly. They have no doubt at all that the bodies in the refrigerator truck, later buried in the Belgrade suburb of Batajnica, were theirs. Among their victims were six children under the age of five (Redon, 2, Eron, 1, Ismet, 2, Doruntina, 2, Genc, 4, and Granit, 2), the same number as reportedly were among the corpses from the truck. Another of their victims is Lirija, 26, who was eight months pregnant, and searchers have found the skeleton of a mother and fetus of about that age among the dead. Among the survivors, most of whom escaped because they happened to be away at the time of the tragedy, the news is mostly not good. In the 13 months after the Berisha massacre on March 26, 1999, the three patriarchs of this closely inter-knit clan all died of heart attacks and other diseases. Those three brothers, Faiq, Vaseli, and Rasim, lost most of their sons and nearly all of their grandchildren. When Xhelal?s father Faiq took to bed, he asked his son to nail up pictures of his three murdered sons where he could see them. ?His last words were, he died calling out the names of his boys,? says Xhelal. ?There?s no doubt at all that my father and his brothers died of broken hearts.? And the two women who survived the actual massacre, their bodies full of shrapnel, still struggle to stay alive, emotionally and physically. ?Why didn?t I die? Why am I the one to survive?? asks Vjollca Berisha, 38, who with her son Gramos, managed to roll off the truck taking the victims to a mass grave. The Berishas are hardly in a forgive-and-forget mood toward their former Serb neighbors. The prosecution of Slobodan Milosevic, in the thinking of the war crimes tribunal, may individualize the guilt to the person most responsible for what happened in Kosovo and make it possible for ordinary Albanians and Serbs to once again live together. But it will be a long time before that makes much of an impression in Suva Reka, which, once comprised of 10 percent Serbs, now has none. ?I?m not interested in Milosevic,? says Halid Berisha, whose brother Geshar was among the victims. ?Someone did the actual killing and he should be tried. It?s not Milosevic?s fault, it?s all the Serbs? fault. If someone ordered me to kill somebody I wouldn?t do that.? Between Vjollca Berisha and Shyrete Berisha (the other woman who jumped off the truck) and non-Berisha neighbors who watched the massacre in their homes, there is no shortage of people who witnessed the killings. But the arrests of those directly responsible would still not be enough for many of the Berishas. ?There were 1,200 Serbs who put uniforms on here, many of them our neighbors, and there were only 2,000 Serbs in the entire district,? says Halid. ?And now the [NATO KFOR] authorities are telling us they all have to come back.? Vjollca?s perspective is less vengeful, and more personal. ?Every time I read in the paper about the bodies in Belgrade, I know they?re not alive but I still have this hope they?ll find them.? The body of her husband, Sedat, was found not far from her house. But her children, Dafina, 15 at the time, and Drilon, who was then 13, are among the missing Berisha women and children. She never actually saw them die, and still feels guilty at jumping off the truck with only Gramos, her youngest, who is now 10. She knows Drilon was on the truck; she saw him shot but doesn?t know if he died. Last week, The Hague?s investigators were back in Suva Reka, rechecking facts and taking additional testimony from witnesses. As one of the survivors who saw the killers up close and knew them personally, Vjollca?s testimony is likely to be a key part of the case prosecutors make against Milosevic in the Berisha massacre, and against the actual killers if they?re ever tried. For such an important witness, her life remains hard. Unable to rebuild the burned-out family home, Vjollca lives with her sister-in-law in a two-room apartment in Suva Reka that shelters nine people. There are still pieces of shrapnel in her body from the grenade blast, and she suffers from severe headaches. Gramos is with her, and doing well after a difficult time initially. While they were in hiding from the Serbs and recovering from their wounds, Vjollca and Gramos stayed with distant cousins hidden in a rural hamlet. She worried that something had happened to his tear ducts because he was unable to cry. Then, after NATO forced the Serbs out and life returned somewhat to normal, he began to cry and could scarcely stop. It went on for months. ?Sometimes he cried so hard that his nose bled,? Vjollca says. Finally it stopped and he went back to school. ?The first day [my son] said, ?It?s such a long way, will you be here when I get back??? she recalled last week. ?He said, ?Mommy when I get home I want you to open that door, I want you to be the first person I see.?? Now she worries because he steadfastly refuses to talk at all about what happened, or about his father and siblings before the massacre. ?My daughter in July will be 18 years old. Every day I?m seeing her friends, they?re going to school, leading normal lives. I see the friends of my son Drilon, of my husband, and on the one hand I?m happy when I see them, I want to hug them, but on the other hand I want to cry.? For her friend Shyrete, the other survivor, it?s even worse. All four of her children and her husband were killed. She has 11 pieces of shrapnel still lodged in her body, and is in and out of hospitals in Italy, where she lives with a sister. She wanted to come back to the home she had lived in with her husband and children before the war, the one that was later?and is still?rented by the OSCE. ?She had nothing left at all, all she wanted was to be in her own home with the memories of her children around her,? says Vjollca. But when Shyrete got there, she discovered that her brother-in-law Xhelal had rented it again. He claimed ownership on the grounds it was his father?s before it was his brother?s. By Albanian Muslim tradition, property passes down the male bloodline?not to wives, he said. Shyrete claimed that under Yugoslav law, it was her home. The dispute is now in Kosovo?s renascent court system, and it has left a bitter legacy of misunderstanding among the family?s survivors. ?I?m very sorry about all this dispute,? says Xhelal. ?We wanted Shyrete to come back and to live with us in our house.? During the war he had vowed that he and his wife would try to have another child and give it to Shyrete to rebuild her family. They weren?t able to, but instead, Xhelal says he told Shyrete he could give her one of his boys. He has three sons, aged 16 to 10. ?Choose whichever one you want and he will be your son,? he told her. But all she wanted was her own house back, and she left Suva Reka in a fury, vowing to return only if she regained the house. ?I said she could have one of my sons and I heard that she said, ?I would rather live with a cat.? I don?t care what she?s said. There?s always a place for her here. We keep telling her, ?Come back here and stay with us, you should be with us.?? It just doesn?t make sense for her to live alone in such a big house, and anyway it was his father?s, not hers, he says. Shyrete?s family has a different version. ?When she came back from Albania, they said to her, ?Your children are all dead, there?s nothing for you here now.? She said, ?But I?m a Berisha now,? and they said ?Go from this place,?? recalled her mother, Sabrie Shala. Other family members said Xhelal?s offer wouldn?t mean much, since both his son and Shyrete would be living under his roof. And, added one, ?that would mean his son would inherit the house.? Meanwhile, he gets the rent from the OSCE. (Xhelal says the agency hasn?t paid him in a year, while the dispute is in the courts.) Xhelal seems as sad as Vjollca when he talks about all of this. The deaths of their brothers and sisters, cousins and nephews and nieces, grandparents and grandchildren, is still, nearly two-and-a-half years later, on everyone?s minds. ?There isn?t a minute that goes by that we don?t think about it,? he said. ?Sometimes we say, ?Why didn?t we die so we don?t have to stay alive and suffer??? But the bitter dispute with his sister-in-law often seems to overshadow everything else, even the trial of Milosevic and the discovery of the truck that carried the Berishas? bodies. ?This too,? says Xhelal, ?is the fault of the Serbs.? That, at least, is one thing the Berisha family can all agree on. From e_dusha at hotmail.com Tue Jul 17 14:41:59 2001 From: e_dusha at hotmail.com (e_dusha at hotmail.com) Date: Tue, 17 Jul 2001 14:41:59 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: Ethnic conflict in Macedonia Waiting Jul 14th 2001 | TETOVO >From The Economist print edition For peace, perhaps. For more fighting, probably HOLED up with a large-calibre American sniper?s rifle in a ruined house on the slopes of the ethnic-Albanian quarter of Tetovo, the rebel sharpshooter could open fire on any target within 1,000 metres across Macedonia?s second-largest city. And, like others, he is ready to. Supposedly, a ceasefire has put Macedonia?s insurgency, now in its seventh month of violence, on hold. But this week the rebel National Liberation Army set up roadblocks in and around Tetovo, in effect taking control of many suburbs and surrounding villages. Some of these heavily manned roadblocks are only a few hundred metres from the sandbags of police positions. The police mostly hold their fire; they are under orders not to break the ceasefire, on whose continuance all hope of successful political negotiations depends. Instead, the rebels claim, the government is sending armed civilians to do the shooting. Certainly, it is using Serbian, Ukrainian and Bulgarian mercenaries. If it is using civilians, that is new. The NLA can afford to wait. It reckons it has the military upper hand. Its forces may be the weaker, but they have shown that they can resist months of everything, artillery bombardment and helicopter strafing included, that the inexperienced government troops can aim at them. There are bigger forces nearby, of course: NATO has warned the rebels that any attack on Skopje, or the capital?s airport, might be taken as an attack on itself. But even then, what happens? NATO has said that it is ready, if the ceasefire holds, and if there is a political peace deal, to send in a force of up to 3,000 men to disarm the rebels. But it worries whether it could even do that, and get out again within the six weeks it talks of, rather than find itself drawn in as a long-term peacekeeping force. Still less does it want to come in shooting from the start. Neither of its two conditions looks likely to be met. Macedonia?s Slav and ethnic-Albanian political parties have before them a draft framework of constitutional reforms, intended to meet Albanian grievances, drawn up by local and western experts. But the Slav side is split. The hawks are led by the prime minister, Ljubco Georgievski, backed by the interior minister, who controls the heavily militarised police force. The doves, under President Boris Trajkovski, believe these hardliners instigated the recent violent protests outside the parliament building in which westerners were attacked and the president?s office shot at. The hawks are also believed to be backing paramilitary organisations ready to attack civilian Albanians if the rebels kill too many policemen or soldiers, or occupy too much more territory. But just suppose the ceasefire holds, and the four Slav and Albanian parties represented in the two-month-old coalition government can agree on and implement a constitutional reform. NATO troops will arrive, set themselves up around the towns of Tetovo, Gostivar and Kumanovo, and start collecting rebel weapons. The ethnic Albanians will see their language officially recognised, and their community given equal political rights with the Slav majority. In their villages, the Slavs manning the local police posts may be replaced by Albanians. Contented, the rebels will hand in their arms to NATO and largely fade away. The European Union, which put Macedonia on the road to full EU membership with a stabilisation and association agreement signed in April, will start deploying the euro50m ($42m) of aid that it has promised. And the government no doubt will replace its helicopters with flying pigs. Yet the alternatives are grim. Suppose, say, that the NLA entices NATO in with a promise to disarm and then attacks the government forces across a line of NATO troops. Imagine a serious outbreak of paramilitary violence, typically the first step to disintegration in a Balkan country. A visiting EU-American delegation said last week, hours before the ceasefire took nominal effect, that Macedonia was as close as it had ever been to erupting into total war. A week later, little has happened to make that prospect seem much farther away. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com From srinivasan at ssrc.org Tue Jul 17 14:43:03 2001 From: srinivasan at ssrc.org (srinivasan at ssrc.org) Date: Tue, 17 Jul 2001 14:43:03 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fellowship announcement Message-ID: FUNDING FOR RESEARCH AND TRAINING ON ISSUES OF GLOBAL SECURITY AND COOPERATION The Global Security and Cooperation Program of the Social Science Research Council is pleased to announce 4 new funding opportunities for research and training on the underlying causes and conditions of conflict and insecurity. There are no citizenship or nationality requirements. Grants for Research Collaboration in Conflict Zones Applications are invited from teams of researchers working or living in a zone of widespread or intractable violent conflict for short research projects of up to 6 months in length. Each team must have a designated team leader with at least 3 years of professional experience. Maximum award:$12,000.Deadline: February 1,2002. Research Fellowships for Professionals Working in International Affairs Applications are invited from practitioners (NGO professionals, activists, journalists, lawyers etc.) to conduct a research and writing project for 8-18 months under the supervision of an academic mentor in a university or research institute. A significant piece of writing is expected as a result. Applicants should have 5-15 years of experience working in issues related to international security and cooperation. Maximum award:$38,000 per year. Deadline: December 1,2001. Postdoctoral Fellowships on Global Security and Cooperation Applications are invited from scholars holding PhDs or the equivalent for 8-18 months of support. The first half of the fellowship is to be spent working in a nongovernmental, international or multilateral organization outside the applicant's country of residence and involved in peace and security issues. The second half should be spent conducting a research project informed by that experience. Maximum award:$38,000 per year. Deadline: December 1,2001. Dissertation Fellowships on Global Security and Cooperation Applications are invited from students working towards the PhD or equivalent for a two-year fellowship. The first year must be spent working at a non-governmental, international or multilateral organization involved in peace and security issues outside the applicant's country of residence. The second year should be spent conducting a research project related to that experience. Maximum award:$19,000 per year. Deadline: December 1,2001. For more information and application forms please contact GSC at: THE SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL GLOBAL SECURITY & COOPERATION 810 SEVENTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, NY 10019 Email: gsc at ssrc.org Web: www.ssrc.org tel: 212.377.2700/ fax: 212.377.2727 From deti at ont.com Thu Jul 19 01:53:49 2001 From: deti at ont.com (Etel H.) Date: Thu, 19 Jul 2001 00:53:49 -0500 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kerkese per perkthyes Message-ID: <3.0.3.32.20010719005349.006925d0@mail.ont.com> Miredita, Para disa ditesh me eshte kerkuar nga dikush nese njihja ndonje perkthyes me eksperience ne fushen e perkthimeve letrare. Behet fjale per nje person qe kerkon perkthime nga shqipja ne anglisht te nje romani dhe poezi gjithashtu. Ju lutem shume, nese keni dijeni per dike qe mund te jete i interesuar per kete lloj nderrmarje, me kontaktoni ne adresen time : deti at ont.com Me te kontaktuar mua do te jem ne gjendje t'ju ve ne kontakt me personin ne fjale dhe ai do te jete ne gjendje te jape detaje te metejshme. Ju falenderoj paraprakisht, Etel Haxhiaj Etel H. From rlukaj at bear.com Thu Jul 19 10:23:49 2001 From: rlukaj at bear.com (Lukaj, Richard (Exchange)) Date: Thu, 19 Jul 2001 10:23:49 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Serbs swapped clothes of murdered Albanians to confuse investigat ors Message-ID: Serbs swapped clothes of murdered Albanians to confuse investigators By Robert Fisk 18 July 2001 Internal links Serb mass grave reveals secret of executed Americans When the Yugoslav army pulled out of Kosovo in June of 1999, they took their equipment with them, undamaged, unscratched by Nato's bombs. The convoys were, for the most part, a Boy's Own paper of Russian weaponry - BMP armoured vehicles, tracked radar-guided anti-aircraft guns and batteries of white-tipped Sam-6 missiles alongside Frog ground-to-ground rockets. Under Nato's agreement - designed, of course, to prevent a single Nato soldier being scratched in conflict - the Serb paramilitaries also left unmolested. So we saw the drunken and hooded gunmen leave with the army, the "White Eagles" swigging beer on the back of their trucks, "Frenkie's Boys" - the principal murderers, along with the "MUP" interior ministry police - and some truckloads of what looked suspiciously like loot. And there, among the columns - diligently watched over by Nato troops - were refrigerated trucks. I remember that a colleague asked me what they contained. I shrugged. All armies carry stores, frozen foods. We frowned at each other and watched several of the white refrigerated lorries passing up the main road east of Luzane in those hot, lazy June days after the war. It occurred to us that if the Yugoslav army had taken serious casualties - which they denied - then the bodies of soldiers might have been in those vehicles. So what was inside? The Independent's revelations of mass reburials and body-transports of Albanian victims of the Serb "ethnic cleansers" of Kosovo added a new dimension to the charges levelled against Slobodan Milosevic at The Hague last week. But our first suspicions - based on real evidence on the ground (or perhaps "under the ground" would be the correct expression) - came only a few months after the Serbian retreat. I had returned to the province of Kosovo to record the search for bodies; and even now, when I go back through my notes of October 1999, I shudder at their implications. It was cold, wet, and the war crimes investigators - Los Angeles police morticians, a Warwickshire policeman, a Dutch cop, a whole range of made-for-television law enforcement officers - were attacking the earth with shovels and picks. At issue then were the statistics. During the war, President Clinton talked of 100,000 "missing". The Foreign Office stuck to 10,000 "possible" dead. That there were thousands of Albanians murdered was not in doubt. When I asked a British investigator what he thought of a Spanish official's estimate of not more than 2,000 dead, he replied, "Bollocks". Then, beside the grave of an Albanian dug up near Mount Golesh, I found a Kosovo Albanian lawyer, Bajram Krasniqi, the graves investigator for the Kosovo Liberation Army leader, Hashem Thaci. He claimed that, in all, perhaps 8,000 Albanians had been murdered. Then he said something quite extraordinary. "At Izbica during the war, the KLA found 147 bodies of civilians killed by the Serbs and they buried them and videotaped the burials. Then the Serbs came back and dug them up, and we don't know where the bodies are." On some occasions, Mr Krasniqi said, Serb police buried the dead in old graveyards, hoping they would remain undiscovered. "They didn't believe the Yugoslav army would leave Kosovo so quickly," he said. "They originally planned to take the bodies with them." On 19 November 1999, I reported his words in The Independent, adding my own gloss. "Is this true?" I wrote. "Could this possibly be true? Were the Serb paramiliary and interior ministry cops really planning to haul thousands of dead Albanians out of Kosovo in trucks and lorries while Nato bombed them from the air?" And I reported how I literally shook my head in disbelief when a war crimes investigator - an inspector from a Midlands constabulary in Britain - motioned me towards his vehicle. "I want to show you something," he said. And we set off for Glogovac and a rain-soaked, muddy hill above a ferro-nickel mine. There were 50 people standing there, amid row after row of graves. Relatives, mothers and fathers, identifying trousers and shirts and belts. "There are 118 bodies here," the policeman said. "We've numbered them all and matched the clothes in the bags to the bodies. But, you know something very strange? Some of the clothes the bodies were dressed in didn't match the wounds. We found men with one bullet wound wearing a shirt with two bullet holes - and men with two bullet wounds in clothes with only one bullet hole." I asked the policeman why their killers would do such a thing. He shrugged. "To make it difficult for us?" he asked. All this I reported in The Independent back in November, 1999. But neither investigators nor journalists could yet grasp the extent of the cover-up, the deliberate, pre-planned attempt to confuse the war crimes men. The Warwickshire cop only suspected the truth. This was long before the corpse-stuffed refrigerated lorry was found in the Danube and the mass grave of Batajnica was opened. And I recall Mr Krasniqi, back in October of 1999, talking about 2,000 Albanian prisoners still "missing" in Serbia. Were they missing. Or were they secretly buried? Looking back on it, there was a logic to the incomprehension which both the first war crimes investigators and the journalists shared. The Serbs treated the Albanians like dogs. A murdered Albanian would be left at the side of the road, surely, or thrown into a mass grave. Refrigerated trucks were supposed to preserve bodies, to take them home to loved ones. A refrigerated truck is something you use to look after those you care for prior to burial, not for your enemies. That this logic was overturned by the Serb interior ministry police shows either the extent of our innocence or their criminality. Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail - only $35 a year! This message is for the named person's use only. It may contain confidential, proprietary or legally privileged information. No confidentiality or privilege is waived or lost by any mistransmission. If you receive this message in error, please immediately delete it and all copies of it from your system, destroy any hard copies of it and notify the sender. You must not, directly or indirectly, use, disclose, distribute, print, or copy any part of this message if you are not the intended recipient. CREDIT SUISSE GROUP and each of its subsidiaries each reserve the right to monitor all e-mail communications through its networks. Any views expressed in this message are those of the individual sender, except where the message states otherwise and the sender is authorised to state them to be the views of any such entity. Unless otherwise stated, any pricing information given in this message is indicative only, is subject to change and does not constitute an offer to deal at any price quoted. Any reference to the terms of executed transactions should be treated as preliminary only and subject to our formal written confirmation. From fdashi at adanet.net Thu Jul 19 17:21:54 2001 From: fdashi at adanet.net (Florian Dashi) Date: Thu, 19 Jul 2001 23:21:54 +0200 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: <001801c11099$048a55a0$ae8ebad1@fdashi> LORD DATTATREYA AND HIS TWENTY-FOUR GURUS Once, while Dattatreya was roaming in a forest happily, he met king Yadu, who on seeing Dattatreya so happy, asked him the secrets of his happiness and also the name of his Guru. Dattatreya said that the Atman alone was his Guru, and yet, he had learned wisdom from twenty-four individuals and that they were, therefore, his Gurus. Dattatreya then mentioned the names of his twenty-four Gurus and spoke of the wisdom that he had learnt from each: "The names of my twenty-four teachers are: 1. Earth, 2. Water, 3. Air, 4. Fire, 5. Sky, 6. Moon, 7. Sun, 8. Pigeon, 9. Python, 10. Ocean, 11. Moth, 12. Bee, 13. Honey-gatherer, 14. Elephant, 15. Deer, 16. Fish, 17. Dancing-girl Pingala, 18. Raven, 19. Child, 20. Maiden, 21. Serpent, 22. An arrow-maker, 23. Spider and 24. Beetle." 1. I learnt patience and doing good to others from the EARTH, for it endures every injury man commits on its surface, and yet it does him good by producing crops, trees, etc. 2. From WATER I have learnt the quality of purity. Just as the pure water cleanses others, so also the sage, who is pure and free from selfishness, lust, egoism, anger, greed, etc., purifies all those who come in contact with him. 3. The AIR is always moving through various objects, but it never gets attached to anyone of them; so I have learnt from the air to be without attachment, though I move with many people in this world. 4. Just as FIRE burns bright, so also the sage should be glowing with the splendour of his knowledge and Tapas. 5. The air, the stars, the clouds, etc., are all contained in the SKY, but the sky does not come in contact with any of them. I have learnt from the sky that the Atman or the Soul is all-pervading, and yet it has no contact with any object. 6. The MOON is in itself always complete, but appears to decrease or increase on account of the varying shadow of the earth upon the moon. I have learnt from this that the Atman is always perfect and changeless, and that it is only the Upadhis or limiting adjuncts that cast shadows upon it. 7. Just as the SUN, reflected in various pots of water, appears as so many different reflections, so also Brahman appears different because of the Upadhis (bodies) caused by the reflection through the mind. This is the lesson I learnt from the sun. 8. I once saw a pair of PIGEONS with their young birds. A fowler spread a net and caught the young birds. The mother pigeon was very much attached to her children. She did not care to live, so she fell into the net and was caught. The male pigeon was attached to the female pigeon, so he also fell into the net and was caught. From this I learnt that attachment is the cause of bondage. 9. The PYTHON does not move about for its food. It remains contented with whatever it gets and lies in one place. From this I learnt to be unmindful of food and to be contented with whatever I get to eat (Ajagara Vritti). 10. Just as the OCEAN remains unmoved even though hundreds of rivers fall into it, so also the wise man should remain unmoved among all sorts of temptations, difficulties and troubles. This is the lesson I learnt from the ocean. 11. Just as the MOTH, being enamoured of the brilliance of the fire, falls into it and is burnt up, so also, a passionate man who falls in love with a beautiful girl comes to grief. To control the sense of sight and to fix the mind on the Self, is the lesson I learnt from the moth. 12. Just as the BLACK BEE sucks the honey from different flowers and does not suck it only from one flower, so also I take only a little food from one house and a little from another house and thus appease my hunger (Madhukari Bhiksha or Madhukari Vritti). I am not a burden on the householder. 13. Bees collect honey with great trouble, but a HONEY-GATHERER comes and takes the honey easily. Even so, people hoard up wealth and other things with great difficulty, but they have to leave them all at once and depart when the Lord of Death takes hold of them. From this I have learnt the lesson that it is useless to hoard things. 14. The male ELEPHANT, blinded by lust, falls into a pit covered over with grass, even at the sight of a paper-made female elephant. It gets caught, enchained and tortured by the goad. Even so, passionate men fall in the traps of women and come to grief. Therefore, one should destroy lust. This is the lesson I have learnt from the elephant. 15. The DEER is enticed and trapped by the hunter through its love of music. Even so, a man is attracted by the music of women of loose character and brought to destruction. One should never listen to lewd songs. This is the lesson I learnt from the deer. 16. Just as a FISH that is covetous of food falls an easy victim to the bait, so also, the man who is greedy of food, who allows his sense of taste to overpower him, loses his independence and easily gets ruined. The greed for food must therefore be destroyed. It is the lesson that I have learnt from the fish. 17. There was a DANCING GIRL named Pingala in the town of Videha. She was tired of looking for customers one night. She became hopeless. Then she was contented with what she had, and then had sound sleep. I have learnt from that fallen woman the lesson that the abandonment of hope leads to contentment. 18. A RAVEN picked up a piece of flesh. It was pursued and beaten by other birds. It dropped the piece of flesh and attained peace and rest. From this I have learnt the lesson that a man in the world undergoes all sorts of troubles and miseries when he runs after sensual pleasures, and that he becomes as happy as the bird when he abandons the sensual pleasures. 19. The CHILD who sucks milk is free from all cares, worries and anxieties, and is always cheerful. I have learnt the virtue of cheerfulness from the child. 20. The parents of a MAIDEN had gone in search of a proper bridegroom for her. The girl was alone in the house. During the absence of the parents, a party of people came to the house to see her on a similar object in reference to an offer of marriage. She received the party herself. She went inside to husk the paddy. While she was husking, the glass bangles on both hands made tremendous jingling noise. The wise girl reflected thus: "The party will detect, by the noise of the bangles, that I am husking the paddy myself, and that my family is too poor to engage others to get the work done. Let me break all my bangles except two on each hand". Accordingly, she broke all the bangles except two on each hand. Even these two bangles created much noise. She broke one more bangle of each hand. There was no further noise though she continued husking. I have learnt from the girl's experience the following: Living among many would create discord, disturbance, dispute and quarrel. Even among two, there might be unnecessary words or strife. The ascetic or the Sannyasin should remain alone in solitude. 21. A SERPENT does not build its hole. It dwells in the holes dug out by others. Even so, an ascetic or a Sannyasin should not build a home for himself. He should live in the caves and temples built by others. This is the lesson that I have learnt from the snake. 22. The mind of an ARROW MAKER was once wholly engrossed in sharpening and straightening an arrow. While he was thus engaged, a king passed before his shop with his whole retinue. After some time, a man came to the artisan and asked him whether the king passed by his shop. The artisan replied that he did not notice anything. The fact is that the artisan's mind was solely absorbed in his work and he did not know what was passing before his shop. I have learnt from the artisan the quality of intense concentration of mind. 23. The SPIDER pours out of its mouth long threads and weaves them into cobwebs. It gets itself entangled in the net of its own making. Even so, man makes a net of his own ideas and gets entangled in it. The wise man should therefore abandon all worldly thoughts and think of Brahman only. This is the lesson I have learnt from the spider. 24. The Bhringi or the BEETLE catches hold of a worm, puts it in its nest, and gives it a sting, the poor worm, always fearing the return of the beetle and sting, and thinking constantly of the beetle, becomes a beetle itself. Whatever form a man constantly thinks of, he attains in course of time that form. As a man thinks, so he becomes. I have learnt from the beetle and the worm to turn myself into Atman by contemplating constantly on It and thus to give up all attachment to the body and attain Moksha or liberation. The king was highly impressed by the teachings of Dattatreya. He abandoned the world and practised constant meditation on the Self. Dattatreya was absolutely free from intolerance or prejudice of any kind. He learnt wisdom from whatever source it came. All seekers after Wisdom should follow the example of Dattatreya. For free Yoga courses make a call at (355) 04 226 825 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- For Domains (www.yourcompany.com), Webhosting, Webdesigning and Internet promotion of your bussiness contact www.alb-future.com. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Fri Jul 20 19:59:15 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Fri, 20 Jul 2001 19:59:15 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Orthodox Church of Albania Rebuilds Lives Message-ID: <20010720.200629.-283355.13.albboschurch@juno.com> PRESS RELEASE ------------- ORTHODOX CHURCH IN ALBANIA PROVIDES $1,438,992 (US) FOR KOSOVO REFUGEES AND ALBANIAN COMMUNITIES IN ALBANIA DURING 2000 & 2001 The Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania, with the continuous concern of His Beatitude Archbishop Anastasios of Tirana, Durres and All Albania, continues responding to the plight of the Kosovo refugees and host Albanian communities in Albania. In response to these suffering people, the Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania's social, development and relief office--Diaconia Agapes (DA)--is successfully implementing a $1,438,992 (US) Emergency Program during the period January 1, 2000 - July 2001. Miss Penny Panayiota Deligiannis of the United States of America serves as the Director of the Diaconia Agapes Emergency Program in Albania. An established 25-person Albanian national team has been implementing the large scale program throughout Albania. Agencies and churches within the worldwide Action by Churches Together (ACT) Network are providing strong financial support in recognition of the Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania's mature and meaningful outreach. To date, under Deligiannis' committed leadership, the Orthodox Church's Diaconia Agapes has implemented $10,510,055 (US) during its five respective emergency programs in 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000 and 2001 benefiting more than 50,000 lives in Albania and Kosovo. Simultaneously under Deligiannis, Diaconia Agapes also implemented more than $2,971,140 (US) through its eleven long-term social and development programs throughout the Republic of Albania focusing on education, health, youth and agriculture. Currently, the United Nations High Commisioner for Refugees (UNHCR) continues to rely on the Orthodox Church's Diaconia Agapes to maintain and manage the only winterised and fully operational refugee Collective Center in Albania located in Tirana's central park. The camp is comprised of 97 pre-fabricated units allowing a potential capacity of 414 persons. Other non-governmental organizations in Albania closed their refugee camps last year due to the lack of funds. UNHCR has asked Diaconia Agapes' assistance in hosting Kosovo refugees at its Collective Center until June 30, 2001. At its Collective Center in Tirana, the Orthodox Church's Diaconia Agapes continues to coordinate seven common service programs for Kosovo refugees focussing on camp management, education, food distribution, health (medical and dental treatments), non-food distribution of hygiene supplies and new winter clothing sets as well as water and sanitation assistance. As winter unfolded during 2000, Diaconia Agapes directly distributed 5,984 new winter clothing sets to 5,984 Kosovo refugee children, women and men in Durres, Fier, Shkodra and Tirana (February 22 - April 2000). Each person received a parcel which consisted of a warm winter jacket, a pair of shoes, T-shirt, sweater, a pair of trousers, two pairs of underwear and two pairs of thermal socks. Diaconia Agapes worked with one local supplier in Albania and one international supplier from Germany to procure the clothing sets. During the Kosovo Crisis, the Albanian society offered extended assistance to the refugees at the expense of the local population. This is true to the extreme with regard to public buildings such as schools and kindergartens which experienced extreme wear and tear. Albanian students even shared their bare minimum of school materials in order to allow the Kosovo children to participate in education. Diaconia Agapes strongly believes that it is a question of fairness and the responsibility of the international community to at least compensate the students for the losses they are sacrificing now. In response to direct pleas by national and local Albanian government officials as well as the Albanian Ministry of Education, Diaconia Agapes fully rehabilitated 2 Schools and 2 Kindergartens in Luz i Vogel and Peqinaj (February - July 2000) which restarted education benefiting 1,000 Albanian children and their teachers. During 1999, Diaconia Agapes worked closely with these communities to assist Kosovo refugees. These efforts have allowed 1,000 children access to a functioning educational system. In addition, Diaconia Agapes provided 45 new classroom kits, 475 new school tables and 1,000 new school chairs. >From July 2000 - March 2001, Diaconia Agapes also fully rehabilitated 2 Schools, 2 Kindergartens and 2 Water Wells in Elbasan, Kombinat, Laprake, Ndroq and Tirana which restarted education benefiting 1,452 Albanian children and their teachers. These efforts have allowed 1,452 children access to a functioning educational system. In addition, Diaconia Agapes provided 62 new classroom kits, 675 new school tables and 1,452 new school chairs as well as 172 cots and mattresses. In accordance with the Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania's policy for social, development and relief work, all aid was given to people regardless of their race, religion or political attitude. THE PRESS OFFICE OF THE ORTHODOX AUTOCEPHALOUS CHURCH OF ALBANIA July 4, 2001 From Gazhebo at aol.com Sat Jul 21 08:34:19 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sat, 21 Jul 2001 08:34:19 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NATO urges Serbia to encourage voters in Kosovo Message-ID: NATO urges Serbia to encourage voters in Kosovo BRUSSELS, July 18 (Reuters) - Serbs in enclaves of Albanian-dominated Kosovo must be encouraged to take part in the general election due in four months if multi-ethnic democracy is to be established there, NATO said on Wednesday. Alliance Secretary-General George Robertson said getting out the Serb vote, and organising the safe return of Serbs who fled Kosovo as Yugoslav forces left two years ago to make way for NATO peacekeepers, were key objectives in building a stable society. He was speaking at NATO headquarters after talks with Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic and Yugoslav Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic, which he described as "constructive and highly professional." The U.N.-administered election for a legislative assembly is due in November. "We do not want to be part of the problem any more," Covic told reporters. "We want to participate constructively." Covic said Serbia was interested in playing a role not only in the northern Serb enclave of Mitrovica but in the southern and western districts of Prizren and Pec, abandoned by almost all Serbs in the chaos of mid-June 1999. He denied suggestions Belgrade was proposing the partition of Kosovo, and acknowledged the time was not right for the return of a limited number of Serbian security personnel, as foreseen in U.N. Resolution 1244 on Kosovo. Robertson said that move was "not for the moment," but added they were working hard on the return of displaced people. Covic said: "We obviously wish that the armed forces and the police go back there. But desire is one thing and reality something else." He was referring to the opposition any such move would be likely to meet from the ethnic Albanian majority. Covic also mentioned the need to trace Serbs still missing and unaccounted for in Kosovo. Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic has suggested he could meet Kosovo Albanian leaders Hashim Thaci and Agim Ceku to discuss this issue. About 180,000 Serbs fled Kosovo after NATO-led troops took control of the province following three months of air strikes in 1999 to halt Belgrade's repression of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority. Some 100,000 Serbs remain in Kosovo, many of them living in enclaves heavily guarded by the NATO-led peacekeeping force. But both Thaci and Ceku issued statements on Wednesday saying the time was not yet right for talks with Djindjic and describing the Serbian premier's initiative as an attempt to distract from atrocities by Serbs against ethnic Albanians. "Neither Djindjic nor his government have yet given any responses concerning the fate of thousands of missing Albanians and hundreds of others who continue to be held in Serbian jails," Ceku said. Covic said he wanted to "make a showcase" of the Presevo Valley region of southern Serbia, where 6,500 out of 12,000 local Albanians were back in their homes following peaceful disbandment of an Albanian rebel force this year, organised in cooperation with NATO. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sat Jul 21 08:35:15 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sat, 21 Jul 2001 08:35:15 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NATO, EU reject Macedonia PM's criticism Message-ID: NATO, EU reject Macedonia PM's criticism BRUSSELS, July 19 (Reuters) - NATO and the European Union responded angrily on Thursday to claims by Macedonia's prime minister that the West was putting "brutal" pressure on him to accept a peace deal with his country's ethnic Albanian minority. "(Ljubco) Georgievski's statement yesterday in reaction to the proposals of EU and U.S. envoys in Skopje was an undignified response to international efforts to assist in the search for a peaceful solution," NATO Secretary-General George Robertson and EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana said in a joint statement. "It is also disappointing, given that the international facilitators are in Skopje at the invitation of the government, which has been informed of every move made," they said. Solana and Robertson postponed a trip to Macedonia planned for Thursday due to the poor state of negotiations. On Wednesday, Georgievski, a nationalist, accused the U.S. and EU envoys of forcing Macedonia to cave in to demands from ethnic Albanian guerrillas whose five-month rebellion has dragged the tiny ex-Yugoslav republic to the brink of civil war. "As much as their text is brutal, more brutal and worrying is the fashion in which they are trying to break up Macedonian state institutions," he said, dismissing a draft that would devolve some power and make Albanian a semi-official language. In their statement, Solana and Robertson rejected any suggestion that they were biased towards the rebels and repeated their view that only continued dialogue between the Macedonian and ethnic Albanian parties could avert a return to bloodshed. "The international community has given no support or comfort to the ethnic Albanian armed groups," they said. "Throughout the current crisis, the international community has clearly stated its commitment to the democratic institutions, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia, and this is reflected in the proposals being presented (by the EU and U.S. envoys)." EU officials also expressed dismay over two explosions which damaged property and injured at least one person in Skopje early on Thursday. "The blasts are a sign of what could happen if the talking stops. We have to make every effort to keep the dialogue going," said one diplomat. NATO has agreed to deploy troops in Macedonia to supervise the disarmament of the ethnic Albanian rebels but only if and when the political parties agree a package of reforms. Both Macedonian forces and the National Liberation Army rebels have used the current NATO-brokered ceasefire to resupply and realign their troops in case the talks collapse. From Gazhebo at aol.com Sat Jul 21 08:39:13 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Sat, 21 Jul 2001 08:39:13 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] G8 Nations To Review Balkans Case Message-ID: <69.182e1169.288ad1f1@aol.com> G8 Nations To Review Balkans Case By DUSAN STOJANOVI BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - With Slobodan Milosevic behind bars, leaders of the world's seven richest countries and Russia can take heart over the future of the Balkans when they review the situation there during their summit in Genoa, Italy. However, the handover of the former Yugoslav president to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in the Netherlands doesn't mean the turbulent region is on its way to imminent peace and prosperity. Here's a look at Balkan troublespots: MACEDONIA Western-mediated talks between Macedonian and ethnic Albanian parties to allow more rights for the restive Albanian minority are likely to produce an agreement soon. But with ethnic Albanian rebels excluded from the talks, the agreement's implementation could be difficult. The insurgents have profited from poorly organized government defense forces and have taken control of large chunks of Macedonian territory - ground they won't give up without a fight. NATO has pledged to help disarm the rebels, but only when a political agreement is in place. YUGOSLAVIA The country is on the verge of disintegrating over the next year. Its two remaining republics - dominant Serbia and much smaller Montenegro - are unlikely to agree on a loose confederation proposed by the secessionist Montenegrin leadership. The new pro-democracy Yugoslav leadership, which replaced Milosevic in October, will not use force to keep the country together as Milosevic had threatened to do. But as the two republics edge toward divorce, tensions are rising in Montenegro, where people are divided between wanting independence and wanting to remain part of Yugoslavia. The likely split will lead to new Serbian elections. President Vojislav Kostunica hopes to have his party assume a leadership role and desert the broad coalition that unseated Milosevic. Kostunica's moderate nationalist party has gained strength as Milosevic's neo-communists and ultranationalists switch sides and join its ranks. His party's election victory could stall pro-Western democratic reforms that the Serbian government - led by Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic - has been trying to carry out since Milosevic's ouster. The return of neo-nationalists to power in Serbia could have grave consequences for the region. Hard-line policies could fuel more trouble, especially in Kosovo, where the ethnic Albanian majority seeks independence. CROATIA Croatia's pro-Western government, which has been in place just 18 months, has been seriously challenged after its agreement to hand over two senior officers to the U.N. war crimes tribunal. The decision, highly sensitive in a country where Croat fighters are widely regarded as heroes of the 1991 war for independence, is fiercely disputed by veterans, opposition parties and even Prime Minister Ivica Racan's key coalition partner in government. Racan's Cabinet handily survived a vote of confidence earlier this week, but still faces veterans' threat of mass protests when the generals are extradited. KOSOVO The province is formally a part of Serbia, even though it has been run by the United Nations and NATO since July 1999, when NATO ended 78 days of airstrikes that punished Milosevic's regime for its crackdown on ethnic Albanians. Kosovo will remain a Balkan flashpoint as long as Serbia's leaders refuse to recognize that it is no longer a historic part of their state. BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA Bosnia remains deeply split among its three ethnic groups - Bosnian Muslims, Serbs and Croats. Although the war ended in 1995, the country is far from stable despite efforts by the international community and NATO-led troops. Because it is so deeply split along ethnic lines and lacks a functioning joint government, Bosnia will continue to depend on Western economic, political and military aid. Despite announced efforts to reduce the U.S. military presence in Bosnia, which numbers roughly 3,800 American troops, the country could not function without a long-term peacekeeping force. From fdashi at albmail.com Sun Jul 22 05:25:56 2001 From: fdashi at albmail.com (Florian Dashi) Date: Sun, 22 Jul 2001 11:25:56 +0200 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Indian Literature Message-ID: <001701c11290$83666140$0100007f@fdashi> Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Rabindranath Tagore was born on 7 May 1861 in Calcutta. He was India's greatest modern poet and the most creative genius of the Indian Renaissance. Besides poetry, Tagore wrote songs (both the words and the melodies), short stories, novels, plays (in both prose and verse), essays on a wide range of topics including literary criticism, polemical writing, travelogues, memoirs and books for children. Apart from a few books containing lectures given abroad and personal letters to friends who did not read Bengali, the bulk of his voluminous literary output is in Bengali. Gitanjali(1912), Tagore's own transalation of the poetic prose from the Bengali Gitanjali(1910) won him the Nobel prize for Literature in 1913. Tagore died on 7 August 1941 in the family house in Calcutta where he was born. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On the Nature of Love >From Chaitali (1896) The night is black and the forest has no end; a million people thread it in a million ways. We have trysts to keep in the darkness, but where or with whom- of that we are unaware. But we have this faith- that a lifetime's bliss will appear any minute, with a smile upon its lips. Scents, touches, sounds, snatches of songs brush us, pass us, give us delightful shocks. Then peradventure there's a flash of lightning: whomever I see that instant I fall in love with. I call that person and cry: `This life is blest! For your sake such miles have I traversed!' All those others who come close and moved off in the darkness- I dont know if they exist or not. Translated from Bengali by Ketaki Kushari Dyson "Tantra Yoga is the saving wisdom. It is the marvellous boat which takes man safely to the other shore of fearlessness, immortality, freedom, and perfection." -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- For Domains (www.yourbussiness.com), Webhosting, Webdesigning and Internet promotion of your site to the most popular search engines contact www.alb-future.com. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: logo.jpg Type: image/jpeg Size: 1972 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: bgline1.jpg Type: image/jpeg Size: 2416 bytes Desc: not available URL: From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 23 21:41:59 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 23 Jul 2001 21:41:59 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Bush to rally U.S. troops in Kosovo, cite exit goal Message-ID: Bush to rally U.S. troops in Kosovo, cite exit goal By Randall Mikkelsen ROME, July 24 (Reuters) - U.S. President George W. Bush travels to Kosovo on Tuesday to give a pep talk to U.S. peacekeeping troops and urge NATO partners to help ensure conditions for a timely exit for all peacekeepers. "The president wants to thank our troops for their service there," U.S. national security adviser spokeswoman Condoleezza Rice told reporters on Monday. Bush, at a news conference on Monday, reiterated his vow not to pull U.S. forces out of the Balkans unilaterally, a vow which has reassured European leaders concerned about campaign statements questioning U.S. peacekeeping involvement. "Americans came into the Balkans with our friends and we will leave with our friends," he said. But a senior U.S. official later said that Bush would also deliver a reminder of the eventual goal of withdrawing the forces when the Balkans are stable. "We will go out together, but the other part of that point, which sometimes gets forgotten here in Europe, is that we want to hasten the day when we'll go out together by building democratic institutions by deploying civil police and so forth," the aide said. Bush is to visit Camp Bondsteel, headquarters of U.S. peacekeeping operations in the southern Serbian province. American soldiers make up about 6,000 of the 42,000 troops from 30 countries serving in the NATO-led Kosovo peacekeeping operations. Another 20,000 peacekeepers were serving in the NATO-led SFOR peacekeeping mission in Bosnia at the beginning of 2001, of which 4,300 were American. The number of U.S. troops has since been cut to 3,350. Kosovo has been under United Nations administration since the 1999 bombing campaign against Yugoslavia to halt oppression of ethnic Albanians by Serb forces. Former President Bill Clinton made a similar visit to the troops in November 1999, when he also spoke to Kosovo residents in the town of Urosevac. Bush is to meet U.N. special representative Hans Haekkerup -- a former Danish defence minister -- and the commander of the Kosovo peacekeeping forces, Lieutenant-General Thorstein Skiaker, of Norway. The two will brief Bush on efforts by the peacekeepers to counter prevent insurgent violence in neighboring Macedonia. Bush will also meet Brigadier Gen. Bill David, commander of the U.S. Task Force Falcon based at Camp Bondsteel. He will eat lunch with enlisted soldiers. "General David will also report that morale is very high amidst the young soldiers there," the U.S. official said. Bush is to return to Rome from Kosovo then fly home to Washington aboard Air Force One, after a seven-day trip to Europe. Bush visited Britain, participated in the annual summit of the Group of Eight major nations in Genoa, and met Pope John Paul II and Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 23 21:48:00 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 23 Jul 2001 21:48:00 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece-Migrants: Fear, ignorance and lack of proof hound legalisation Message-ID: Fear, ignorance and lack of proof hound legalisation Fewer than half of the estimated 500,000 undocumented migrants living inGreece have so far registered with their municipality. Undocumented migrants have until August 2 to apply for a residence permit BY KATHY TZILIVAKIS TIME is fast running out for undocumented foreigners applying for residency in Greece. They have until August 2 by which to submit applications to their local authority in the ongoing legalisation procedure. Between June 2, when the legalisation process began, and July 17, an estimated 205,000 foreigners handed in applications to municipalities around the country. The government expected a much bigger turnout. Interior Minister Vasso Papandreou had expressed confidence that this second mass legalisation drive would open the door to some half a million undocumented migrants in Greece. As the deadline approaches, it remains uncertain whether an estimated 300,000 foreigners who have still not submitted their papers will be able to do so in time. For this reason, migrant community representatives are calling for an extension of the deadline. In the municipality of Athens, where more than 150,000 undocumented migrants live and work, only some 35,000 foreigners had submitted their applications for permits by July 17. "We expect to receive another 20,000 applications by August 2," Evangelos Tsibos, an Athens municipal official overseeing the legalisation procedure, told the Athens News. "We really do not know why so few foreigners have applied since initial figures indicated there were over 100,000 migrants here [in the Athens municipality]." According to migrant group representatives and human rights advocates, many foreigners have hit obstacles in their race to secure residency. They say that the chief application requirement - proof of having lived in Greece since at least June 2, 2000 - has proven to be the most difficult to meet. Many foreigners say that their applications have been rejected by municipal employees who tell them that they do not possess the necessary proof (such as a stamp of entry on their passport, at least nine electricity, telephone or water bills, their children's school records or at least nine monthly public transport passes). Fearing that they will lose their chance to gain legal status, many of them have chosen the last-resort option, namely purchasing 250 days' worth of social insurance stamps (ensima) to retroactively cover the 12-month period between June 2, 2000 and June 2, 2001. This costs between 100,000 and almost a half a million drachmas. There are others, however, who cannot afford this, rather costly, alternative and are now frantically trying to find other ways to convince municipal staff that they have been living here for more than a year. "We are still trying to grapple with different problems," Joe Valencia, president of Kasapi-Hellas (Unity of Filipino Migrant Workers in Greece), told the Athens News. "There are many who have not been allowed to apply for silly reasons. One member of Kasapi had a White Card [a temporary residence permit issued by the Organisation for the Employment of Human Resources in 1998 and valid for 12 months], but a municipal employee would not accept it. Can you believe they asked her if she had bus passes! Another Filipino has proof that he has been here since 1999 but one employee told him he had to submit proof that he was in Greece on June 2, 2000. It is obvious that they [municipal employees] are not well informed about the legalisation procedure. This makes migrants feel helpless." Meanwhile, the interior ministry's citizens' service helpline (telephone 1464, which operates 24 hours a day, seven days a week), that offers information concerning the legalisation in nine different languages (Albanian, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Polish, Turkish, English, French and Serbian), has been flooded with calls from foreigners. More than 250,000 people have called since June requesting information about the legalisation procedure. The majority of questions concern the requirement of proof of having lived in Greece for at least 12 months. A 15-member team of troubleshooters whose purpose is to provide undocumented migrants with one-on-one assistance to overcome problems in the application procedure, has been working overtime. Over 200 foreigners have sought advice and help from the group since the interior ministry set it up on July 5. According to ministry officials, the majority of cases dealt with by this new team concern documents proving the duration of the applicants' residence in Greece. There have also been a number of instances where migrants had their applications for a permit rejected because their passports had expired, even though immigration law does not specifically state that this document must be valid when applying for a permit. There is also a significant number of undocumented migrants who cannot afford to take time off work to submit their application and instead hire a lawyer to hand in their papers. Staff at many municipalities, however, do not accept power of attorney and say that the migrant must apply in person. Again, the law does not specify that a migrant must personally hand in his application. "The new team was created by the interior ministry because we found that employees at many municipalities were not doing their job properly," the manager of the citizens' helpline, Tassos Georgiadis, told the Athens News. "Now, foreigners who are facing difficulties can contact this team for assistance. It will work to solve the problem. If necessary they will even take the case directly to the mayor in the migrant's locality." Migrant group representatives have welcomed the establishment of the problem-solving team, but some argue that it is too little, too late. Many say there are thousands who will miss out on the opportunity for legality because ill-informed municipal employees have refused applications. "It is the interior ministry's responsibility to examine the reasons why only 200,000 people have applied for residence permits," leading human rights activist Costas Argaliotis, from the Social Support Network for Migrants and Refugees, told the Athens News. "It could be that there are not as many migrants as some would like the public to believe, or that many have been deported, or even that migrants have not been well informed on the process or do not trust the government and are too scared to come forward. There are also other reasons, such as the fact that some employers will not give them time off work to submit their applications. The ministry must look into this. And it should extend the deadline so that as many migrants as possible are able to apply." Papandreou, however, told a packed migrant conference in early July that there will be no extension of the deadline. From Gazhebo at aol.com Mon Jul 23 21:53:44 2001 From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com) Date: Mon, 23 Jul 2001 21:53:44 EDT Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Yugoslav Army Reveals War Details Message-ID: <122.215e1ec.288e2f28@aol.com> Yugoslav Army Reveals War Details BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - The Yugoslav army released grisly details Monday from its own investigations of soldiers it said tortured, raped and killed ethnic Albanians during the 1999 Kosovo war, the state-run Tanjug news agency reported. A statement by military prosecutor Col. Stanimir Radosavljevic said the army has handed over nine cases of major atrocities to the country's civilian courts because the suspects were demobilized after the conflict. Radosavljevic said the nine suspects ``committed crimes against civilian populations'' during the last and deadliest stage of the Kosovo war, when NATO intervened militarily against the government troops battling separatist Kosovo Albanians. Stevan Jekic, a suspect from the southern Serbian town of Raska, allegedly captured an unidentified ethnic Albanian civilian in Kosovo and used him as a target while adjusting the sight on his rifle, fatally shooting the man, the report said. Four other soldiers allegedly took eight unidentified civilians from their homes in April 1999 in northern Kosovo, lined them against the wall and mowed them down with gunfire. The bodies were then thrown into a well and some allegedly doused with gasoline and set on fire. Tomislav Milenkovic, a volunteer who joined the troops when the Kosovo conflict escalated, took a young woman out of a refugee convoy in Kosovo and ``raped her several times in a military camp,'' Radosavljevic said. The woman later escaped. Three other former servicemen are under investigation for killing civilians during the war. Hostilities erupted when former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic sent government troops into action against ethnic Albanian guerrillas fighting for independence for the province in southern Serbia. Milosevic is awaiting trial by the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, which indicted him for crimes against humanity in Kosovo. Radosavljevic said many of the army's investigations began during Milosevic's rule, but as the military's own classified proceedings. From arenc at att.net Tue Jul 24 10:47:11 2001 From: arenc at att.net (Arenc Leka) Date: Tue, 24 Jul 2001 10:47:11 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Forcat e Ndersjella teTranzicionit Shqiptar Message-ID: Tranzicioni Shqiptar Me shume bashkeveprim me njeri tjetrin, brenda dhe jashte vendit. Eshte e vertete se koha ben te veten. Ne dhjetevjecarin e kaluar njerezit ishin ne kerkim te realitetit pertej mureve rrethuese. Shume nga ajka e vendit nuk mundi ti rezistonte kalimeve nga njeri sistem ne tjetrin brenda vendit, dhe zgjodhen te perdorin energjite e tyre jashte tij. Sot shume gjera kane marre pamjen e ?emigrantit me pervoje? te cilet pas nje vuajtje dhjetevjecare jashte vendit kane filluar te marrin paksa fryme ne realitetin ku jetojne. Ishte me te vertete e veshtire per te arritur aty ku e lame ne vendin tone. Nderkohe qe pozicioni shoqeror ne vendin tone ishte pak a shume i programuar nder vite. Pas daljes ne Perendim, njerezit e shkaterruan kete program duke menduar se do te kishte zgjidhje me te reja se sa programi i ?vjeter? ne vendin e tyre. Natyrisht kush eshte ai i verber qe nuk do sy?! Sidoqofte Shqiptareve i kishte munguar kontakti me boten dhe kjo beri qe shume prej tyre te marrin rrugen e mergimit dhe eksperimentimit. Pas dhjete vetesh po keta njerez Punetore, Profesore, Shkrimtare, Artiste, Zanatcinj duan dhe kerkojne te kene ate afrimitet e dashuri qe iu mungon ?Dasmen Shqiptare? Ditelindjen e shokut te klases, Ritet e tyre. Por kjo nuk eshte me ashtu sic ishte atehere Pikerisht kjo mungon. Shpeshhere nje rikthim ne atdhe eshte i domosdoshem per mbajtjen e kontakteve me pikerisht ato qe thame me lart, me Boten e Vertete Shqiptare. Nje nga pikat kryesore te konfliktit sot ndermjet Shqiptareve qe jetojne ne atdhe dhe atyre qe jetojne jashte atdheut eshte pikerisht vertetesia e informacionit qe marrin te dyja palet per realitetin ne te cilin jetojne. Nese per nje Shqiptar ne Shqiperi informacioni eshte i sakte per ato qe ndodhin ne Itali, France, Amerike apo gjetke, atehere ketu nuk ka asgje gabim, por nese ky informacion eshte irreal dmth i manipuluar nga media apo vete njerezit, atehere ketu krijohet konflikti artificial ndermjet dy grupeve brenda dhe jashte vendit. E njejta gje eshte edhe per ato qe jetojne jashte vendit. Shpeshhere degjojme te thuhet se Ju atje jashte jetoni me mire se sa ne ketu ne vend. Ndoshta ne pamje te pare kjo do te ishte e drejte te pranohesh se ne kemi ca privilegje me shume se sa njerezit ne Shqiperi..por kurre nuk do te ishte e drejte te thuhej se njerezit ne Shqiperi nuk kane mundesira te bejne dicka per veten e tyre, per te drejtat e tyre, per permiresimin e jetes se tyre ne pergjithesi. Ka ardhur koha qe cdo njeri te filloje te krijoje ate qe mendon se eshte mire per vetveten dhe me pas per shoqerine ne te cilen jeton. Ne te gjithe kemi nevoje per njeri tjetrin dhe se pa kete ne nuk mund te funksionojme si shoqeri. Me shume se kushdo tjeter Shqiptaret qe banojne jashte atdheut duhet ta ndjene me shume ndjenjen e pergjegjesise se krijimit te nje bashkepunimi konstruktiv me token Ame. Eksperiencat e tyre mund te ndihmojne shume ne arritjen e menjehershme te zgjidhjes se problemeve akute te Shqiptareve qe jetojne ne Atdhe. Pershpejtimi i ketyre hapave vendimtare do te rriste me shume interesin e te dyja paleve ne bashkepunim te ndersjelle. Jo gjithmone duhet neglizhuar veshtiresia qe perben momentin. Asnje nga shtetet e medha nuk e ka fitur pa gjak ate cka gezojne sot. Per ne tranzicioni erdhi me vonese por kjo nuk do te thote qe ne te mos kerkojme te drejtat legjitime jetesore. Te gjithe Ne, brenda dhe jashte Shtetit duhet te krijojme hapesira te reja per mbarvajten e nje Shoqerie te Re Shqiptare. Shpresoj se koha ne te cilen jetojme, ti beje Shqiptaret me te vetedijshem se pa ballancimin e realitetit Shqiptar me ate Nderkombetar asnjehere nuk do te arrijme ate cka enderruan te paret tane. Arenc Leka http://www.ArencPro.com 212-675-9466 Concerts and Entertainments. Recording Studio and Graphic Design. -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From iliri at hotmail.com Tue Jul 24 18:21:08 2001 From: iliri at hotmail.com (F_L_I _R_I) Date: Tue, 24 Jul 2001 22:21:08 +0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NAAC Creates First State Chapter in Massachusetts Message-ID: ----Original Message Follows---- From: Marthavedder at aol.com To: Marthavedder at aol.com CC: ebwnyc at interport.net, kosova at jps.net (Naida Dukaj), SSilber at bethisraelny.org (Sharon Silber), iliri at hotmail.com (FLIR MOSHO), BUJARS at aol.com Subject: NAAC Creates First State Chapter in Massachusetts Date: Tue, 24 Jul 2001 18:17:40 EDT National Albanian American Council 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC 20006 (202) 466-6900 Fax: (202) 466-5593 Email: NAACDC at aol.com ______________________________________________________________________ Press Release July 24, 2001 NAAC Creates First State Chapter in Massachusetts Washington DC - The National Albanian American Council issued the following statement regarding the creation of NAAC's chapter in the state of Massachusetts. Members of the Albanian-American community in Massachusetts recently formed the chapter of the National Albanian American Council in that state. The creation of this chapter will increase NAAC's presence in Massachusetts, a state that has one of the oldest Albanian communities in the United States. The Massachusetts Chapter of NAAC will be led by a Board of Directors that includes prominent Albanian-Americans who are actively involved with the community. Among them are listed financial investors, entrepreneurs, academics, educators, students, researchers, engineers, and activists. Under their dedicated leadership, the NAAC Massachusetts Chapter will become an active part of the organization promoting Albanian issues throughout the United States, building on the historic tradition of some of the oldest Albanian-American organizations in the United States "The Massachusetts Chapter will guarantee NAAC's active presence in New England and will allow the organization to grow and prosper among our large Albanian-American community," said Anthony Athanas, one of the most distinguished Albanian-Americans, a founder of NAAC and member of its Honorary Board. "Through our Massachusetts Chapter, more members of our community will be able to participate in our efforts to make a real difference in the lives of people in the Balkans and members of our community here in America," said Richard Lukaj, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of NAAC. "Furthermore, the Massachusetts Chapter attests to the fact that NAAC is a growing organization with wide community support." "The tradition of the Albanian-American community working together has deep roots in Massachusetts," said Stefan Kochi, Secretary of the Board of Trustees of NAAC and one of the leaders of the Massachusetts Chapter. "Many Albanian-American organizations and institutions have been formed in Massachusetts over the years and have grown among the community under the leadership of such distinguished Albanians as Fan Noli, Anthony Athanas, and others. NAAC follows that tradition with its Chapter in the state." The following is the State Board of Directors for the NAAC Massachusetts Chapter: Agron Afezolli Peter R. Christopher Adnan Derti Migen Hasanaj Ted Joseph Iliriane Kepuska Stefan Kochi Mark Kosmo Eriola Kruja John Lito Eva Millona Ron Nasson Greg Steffon Tom Vangell For additional information on the Massachusetts Chapter contact: Stefan Kochi Mark Kosmo Email: SKochi at naac.org Email: MKosmo at naac.org The National Albanian American Council is a nonprofit organization dedicated to fostering in the United States a greater understanding of Albanian issues, and to promoting peace, prosperity, and democracy in the Balkans. For more information, please contact Sokol Shtylla at (202) 466-6900. ### _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp From liridonlatifi at yahoo.co.uk Wed Jul 25 10:19:05 2001 From: liridonlatifi at yahoo.co.uk (=?iso-8859-1?q?Liridon=20Latifi?=) Date: Wed, 25 Jul 2001 15:19:05 +0100 (BST) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Beni me shume per Kosoven! Message-ID: <20010725141905.7193.qmail@web11006.mail.yahoo.com> Shqiptare, Ju lutem shume, vizitoni faqen kryesore te CNN-it, http://www.cnn.com; Aktualisht eshte duke u zhvilluar nje QUICK VOTE (vote e shpejte), ne lidhje me prezencen e trupave amerikane ne Kosove. Falemnderit ===== DoNi ____________________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Get your free @yahoo.co.uk address at http://mail.yahoo.co.uk or your free @yahoo.ie address at http://mail.yahoo.ie From efoley at mathlab.sunysb.edu Wed Jul 25 14:28:21 2001 From: efoley at mathlab.sunysb.edu (Edmund Foley) Date: Wed, 25 Jul 2001 14:28:21 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: [Prishtina-E] Statement From Atlantic Association In-Reply-To: Message-ID: While I agree with the need of the American government to investigate the deaths of American citizens in Serbia I have reservations when such urgings come under the auspices of an organization like the Atlantic Association. The American public is more likely to be wary of involving itself if it thinks they were trouble-seeking young Americans. It is more likely to do damage to the chances of having the US government write these 3 brothers deaths off as liabilites, who brought their deaths upon themselves by leaving the US and involving themselves with another nation's internal poiltics. The Atlantic brigade would do better to cease claiming them as their own (however honorable their intentions) and yet seeking their to use their US nationals status to involve impartial US attention. In most cases, the voluntrary joining of a foreign army or government by a US citizen is automatic grounds for loss of citizenship, as might be the case for these brothers. Those against further Kosova involvement could use that to further limit US involement in the the area. Thus highlighting their involvement in the UCK lessens the chance of a serious US inquiry. It allow pro-Milovsevic elements to cloud the fact that they entered Serbia simply as civilians and were held only as such when they were executed. This should be the main point stressed to the world at this time. The goal of honoring these brothers is admirable but highlighting their freedom-fighting exploits might serve to detract from an opportunity to highlight Serbian abuses that their deaths provided. Edmund Foley On Sat, 14 Jul 2001, Atlantic Shoqata wrote: > --- Prishtina-E Discussion Forum --- Archives: > www.alb-net.com/pipermail/prishtina-e Atlantic Association Urges Quick > Resolution of Idenity of Bodies Found in Serb Mass Grave > > July 14, 2001:? The Atlantic Association issued the following statement > in > response to the discovery of three bodies believed to be Americans in a > Serbian > mass grave. > > The bodies of three men believed to be American citizens of Albanian > heritage were recently discovered in a mass grave in Petrovo Selo, > Serbia. > Although unconfirmed, documents on the bodies identify them as Agron, > Mehmet > and Ylli Bytyqi, three brothers from Chicago, IL. > ? > These three brothers were members of the "Atlantic Brigade".? They fought > side by side with > us in the American-led?war of Kosova?to secure the liberty of our people > in Kosova.? Their families deserve to know their fate and the three > brothers deserve to be buried like heroes. > > If these reports are confirmed, this deliberate killing of American > citizens > provides further evidence of Serbian war crimes.? The Atlantic > Association > urges the US government to take all action necessary to swiftly and > correctly > identify the bodies and to ensure that the individuals responsible are > held > accountable in the Hague.? Furthermore, the Atlantic Association calls on > the > US government to conduct a thorough investigation to determine the > circumstances surrounding the?execution of the Bytyqi brothers.? We also > urge the > United States to investigate why it took the new regime in Belgrade so > long > to expose these grave sites! , and ask that aid to Serbia be suspended > until > that investigation is concluded. > > We also offer a prayer first and foremost to the family?of Bytyqi > brothers and?to all those people who are still missing family members and > friends that one day soon their loved ones will be found as well. > ? > ? > Atlantic Association, Inc. is a not-for-profit organisation. The purposes > for which the corporation is formed are:(a) to foster and develop > cultural understanding between Americans? and Albanians in the Balkans; > (b) to support efforts in furthering the development and exchange of > education and cultural programs; (c) a charitable corporation to help > individuals and families in need of assistance after the devasting > effects of conflict and war; (d) provide assistance and information by > providing some non-legal counseling and referral services which are open > to people of all origins. > ? > ? > ? > The Atlantic Association, Inc. > ? > phone:? (718)- 863-4080 > fax:?????? (718)-863-3890 > > > > ________________________________________________________________________________ > > Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com > > _______________________________________________________ Prishtina-E > discussion forum: Prishtina-E at alb-net.com > http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/prishtina-e > From wplarre at bndlg.de Wed Jul 25 15:31:05 2001 From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre) Date: Wed, 25 Jul 2001 21:31:05 +0200 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: [Prishtina-E] Statement From Atlantic Association References: Message-ID: <3B5F1E79.D0E24349@bndlg.de> Edmund Foley wrote: > > While I agree with the need of the American government to investigate > the deaths of American citizens in Serbia I have reservations when > such urgings come under the auspices of an organization like the > Atlantic Association. The American public is more likely to be wary > of involving itself if it thinks they were trouble-seeking young > Americans. > It is more likely to do damage to the chances of having the US > government write these 3 brothers deaths off as liabilites, who > brought their deaths upon themselves by leaving the US and involving > themselves with another nation's internal poiltics. The Atlantic > brigade would do better to cease claiming them as their own > (however honorable their intentions) and yet seeking their to use > their US nationals status to involve impartial US attention. In most > cases, the voluntrary joining of a foreign army or government by a > US citizen is automatic grounds for loss of citizenship, as might be > the case for these brothers. Those against further Kosova involvement > could use that to further limit US involement in the the area. Thus > highlighting their involvement in the UCK lessens the chance of a > serious US inquiry. > It allow pro-Milovsevic elements to cloud the fact that they > entered Serbia simply as civilians and were held only as such when > they were executed. This should be the main point stressed to the > world at this time. > The goal of honoring these brothers is admirable but > highlighting their freedom-fighting exploits might serve to detract > from an opportunity to highlight Serbian abuses that their deaths > provided. > > Edmund Foley Dear Edmund Foley, I thank your for your remark and advice. May be heared the message: Human rights and not 'war heroes' are the future for Kosov@ (and Macedonia too). Sincerly Wolfgang Plarre P.S. I would appreciate you would allow me to put your address on my mail-list "concerning prisoners". ******************************************************************** +++ NEU ?BERARBEITET - NEW UPDATE +++ Wiederaufbau Kosov@ - Reconstruction Kosov@ Rind?rtimi i Kosov at s - OBNOVA KOSOVA http://www.bndlg.de/~wplarre/Wiederaufbau/ http://www.kosova-info-line.de ******************************************************************** +---------------------------------------------------+ | Wolfgang Plarre | | Dillinger Str. 41, D-86637 Wertingen, Germany | | E-mail: wplarre at bndlg.de w.plarre at kosova.nu | | Tel: +49-8272-98974 Fax: +49-8272-98975 | | Internet: http://www.bndlg.de/~wplarre | +---------------------------------------------------+ _________________________________________________________ Ein Zeichen setzen: @ ! KosovO + KosovA = Kosov@ ! _________________________________________________________ From mentor at alb-net.com Wed Jul 25 17:10:10 2001 From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana) Date: Wed, 25 Jul 2001 17:10:10 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CNN's Quick Vote: 53% Say US should stay in Kosova Until the Region is Stabilized Message-ID: Question: Do you think U.S. should remain in Kosovo until the region is stabilized? Yes: 53% 22774 votes No: 47% 20144 votes Total: 42918 votes Source: http://www.cnn.com/POLL/results/1607171.html From aalibali at yahoo.com Wed Jul 25 23:16:16 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Wed, 25 Jul 2001 20:16:16 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CSM on "Greater Albania" Message-ID: <20010726031616.86218.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> The Christian Science Monitor July 26, 2001, Thursday WORLD; Pg. 9 Beyond escalation of war - unification? Justin Brown Special to The Christian Science Monitor Less than two years after the end of the war in Kosovo, ethnic Albanians are involved in another armed struggle, this time in Macedonia. Although the Macedonian conflict is relatively small in scale, it is sliding closer and closer toward all-out war. Yesterday, Macedonian officials threatened to launch a new military offensive if ethnic Albanian rebels don't pull back from recently gained positions around the city of Tetovo. The intensified fighting and inability of the two sides to reach a political agreement points to a larger issue: the latent desire of some ethnic Albanians to form a "Greater" or "Unified" Albania. Some 6 million ethnic Albanians live in a relatively homogenous swath of southeast Europe, ranging from the Albanian coast on the Adriatic Sea, through the southern tip of Yugoslavia, and into western Macedonia. They share the same language, history, culture, and ethnic identity, yet are split into three countries. Logic would dictate that, if Kosovo and western Macedonia were both highly autonomous, a tendency toward unification with Albania would emerge. To be sure, ethnic Albanians are careful when approaching the topic of a Greater Albania. Just about every public figure will renounce the idea as politically unacceptable, especially in today's volatile Balkan climate. Yet, most Albanians, as with the Serbs and Croats, also will acknowledge that, in their hearts, unification is a dream that will not soon be forgotten. "There is a strong emotional aspect to it," says Nicholas Pano, a professor of Albanian history at Western Illinois University. "Albanians feel that their brothers and sisters have been left outside their borders.... They believe Albanians should be unified." The Significance The question of "Greater Albania" is incredibly sensitive, and for that reason the international community has gone to great lengths to make sure it doesn't become anything more than an abstraction. First, under the 1975 Helsinki Accords, European borders are not meant to change, for the reason that new borders would encourage the opening of more territorial conquests. This is particularly relevant to the Balkans, where borders did change with the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. In addition to Albanians, ethnic Serbs and ethnic Croats have large pockets of their people living outside their borders. Diplomats fear that if one group made a push for unification, the others would be encouraged to do the same. If that were to happen, Bosnia and Macedonia, two fragile multiethnic countries, would be in great jeopardy. Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, in fact, is accused of trying to create a "Greater Serbia." His efforts led to four wars and, in effect, the shrinking of his country. Today, Mr. Milosevic is awaiting trial on Kosovo war-crimes charges at the international war-crimes tribunal in The Hague. One way that rival Balkan ethnic groups try to undermine each other is by accusing them of seeking a "greater" nation. Therefore, Serbs commonly warn of the dangers of a "Greater Albania," and vice versa. The Players Mainstream ethnic-Albanian leaders, including Albanian Prime Minister Ilir Meta, Kosovar Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova, and Arben Xhaferi of Macedonia, publicly denounce any efforts aimed at achieving a "Greater Albania." More radical ethnic Albanians, such as former Kosovo Liberation Army leader Hashim Thaci and National Liberation Army (of Macedonia) political leader Ali Ahmeti, have also steered clear of calling for a unified state. In fact, when a relatively obscure Albanian politician, Arben Imami, recently called for "unification," comparing Albania to Germany and Korea, he was immediately condemned both inside and outside his country. Why Now? The Kosovo conflict and the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia had several unforeseen consequences. One of them was that it emboldened the ethnic Albanians, perhaps sending them a signal that violence is a way to achieve their political goals. In Kosovo, the ethnic Albanians, under the yoke of Serbian repression for more than a decade, preached nonviolent resistance, and were largely ignored by the international community. When their frustration was transformed into an armed uprising, however, the world began to listen. Now the same thing is happening in Macedonia. If the ethnic Albanians, who number from 500,000 to 800,000, making up about one-third of Macedonia's population, were to fight for and win some kind of greater autonomy, the blueprint for a Greater Albania could slowly come into focus. What to Look For It seems unlikely that the ethnic Albanians will ever get a unified country through violence. In fact, their best chances may be in just the opposite scenario. If the Balkans become stable, democratic and more integrated with Europe, borders would become less important. Then, it may be possible for the Albanians to negotiate a new international arrangement that would bring their people closer together, peacefully. The same can be said for the Serbs and Croats. The desire to unify "is coming, so the international community should try to manage it rather than oppose it," says a government source, who requested anonymity. *** History The Albanian people were ruled for some 500 years by the Ottoman Turks, during which time large numbers were forcibly converted to Islam. The Ottoman Empire, which stretched as far north and west as Croatia and Bosnia, began to crumble at the start of the 20th Century. In 1912, the first independent state of Albania was proclaimed, and the next year it was recognized by the Great Powers at the London conference. That state, however, excluded about 45 percent of the ethnic-Albanian population - a figure that still roughly applies today. Since the birth of the state, Albanians inside and outside the country have maintained a common identity, which they call Trojet Shkiptare, or "Albanian Domain." When Zog solidified power and proclaimed himself king in 1928, he significantly called himself "King of the Albanians," not "King of Albania." Communist dictator Enver Hoxha, who ruled for 40 years until 1985, was a deeply paranoid isolationist who tried to wipe out Albanian nationalism, but failed. The more ethnic Albanians were persecuted outside Albanian borders (such as in Yugoslavia), the more their sense of solidarity grew. Those feelings mushroomed during the war in Kosovo - and are on display today in Macedonia. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From juniku at hotmail.com Thu Jul 26 04:35:21 2001 From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 08:35:21 +0000 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject) Message-ID: HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: Foley.doc Type: application/msword Size: 33792 bytes Desc: not available URL: From kbejko at hotmail.com Thu Jul 26 09:26:49 2001 From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 09:26:49 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ludicrous forecasts Message-ID: Jane's Information Group Limited, July 26, 2001 The prospects for a ?Greater Albania? ALBANIAN nationalism has overtaken that of the Serbs to become the principal destabilising factor in the Balkans. Ethnic Albanians belonging to the self-styled National Liberation Army (NLA) are occupying ethnic Albanian villages in northern Macedonia and threatening two Macedonian towns, Tetovo and Kumanovo. Their purpose: to extract concessions from the moderate, non-violent coalition of Slavs and ethnic Albanians in the Macedonian parliament. What do the ethnic Albanians want? More power in Macedonia, where they comprise more than a third of the population? An independent Kosovo ruled by Albanians? Or a ?Greater Albania? made up of Albania proper, Kosovo, the Presevo valley in southern Serbia, which has an ethnic Albanian majority, and western Macedonia? FOREIGN REPORT makes a prediction. Worried Western Albania-watchers can easily imagine a plot by clan leaders in northern Albania led by Sali Berisha, the controversial former head of government and physician to the former dictator, Enver Hoxha. The plot they fear is a bid to take power in a new and enlarged Muslim state for ethnic Albanians, Shared blood, language and customs between northern Albanians and Kosovars are, up to a point, the main reason for such speculation. It is not so simple, however. The overall Albanian population is divided between Ghegs and Tosks. Northern Albanians and Kosovars are Ghegs, with clan-based social systems including the blood feud, unique notions of a man?s honour and a quite different way of life to that of the Tosks of south and central Albania who currently head the government in Tirana. Nevertheless, cultural differences do not appear to have inhibited the fighters, at least not yet. Will they or won?t they? Sali Berisha and other northern Albanian leaders have openly embraced the pan-Albanian idea. We have heard reports of deliveries of arms from northern Albania to the rebels in Macedonia. Nato military sources say an arms stockpile of several hundred tons is held in north Albanian strongholds ready for use. In April, an authoritative Nato source reported sightings of heavy mortar rounds being trucked from northern Albania for use in Macedonia. Western suspicion about plans for a Greater Albania has been intensified by the high degree of co-operation between Albanians and their brothers in Macedonia and Kosovo. During the Kosovo war against the Serbs, Macedonian Albanians joined the Kosovar fighters. Currently, more than half of the 800 or so ?Macedonian? rebels come from Kosovo. There is, however, no tangible sign of the political framework among Albanians, which would indicate a budding Greater Albania. Power among Albanians is diffuse, with decisions taken within clans in northern Albania or within powerful family groups inside Kosovo where members of different clans have intermingled, eroding clan loyalties. Moreover, Albanian military commanders usually lead men from specific areas and consider themselves equal to other area commanders. No single leader is allowed to stand above the others. Nor are these military men subordinate to Albanian politicians. Kosovar Albanians, fed up with their fighters? violence and criminality, gave them only 27% of the vote in the October 2000 municipal elections. In Macedonia, the main ethnic Albanian political figure, Arben Khaferi, firmly resists calls for pan-Albanian unification. Albanians from the Albanian-populated towns of Gostivar and Kicevo do not seem to have joined the NLA in any numbers. And the Albanian government in Tirana does not seem to want to add Kosovo and western Macedonia to its list of nightmares. Add to that the universal opposition in the Balkans to a Greater Albania and you have an easy short-term prediction: give or take some shelling here and there, ethnic Albanian territory will be stable. Our long-range prediction? Look no further than one simple statistic: The Albanian birth rate is five times greater than that of the Slavs. Is it any surprise that Albanians are spilling over into Slav lands? _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp From albboschurch at juno.com Thu Jul 26 10:00:37 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 10:00:37 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Demise of Prof Nicholas Costa Message-ID: <20010726.100107.-517421.26.albboschurch@juno.com> To: Friends and Colleagues of +Prof Nicholas Costa This to inform you of the unfortunate and untimely demise of Prof Nicholas Costa from cancer on July 24, 2001 in Port Charlotte, Florida. He leaves his wife, Mildred (George) Costa, two children and three grandchildren. Professor Costa authored several books and numerous monographs on the history of Albania and Kosova, including: "Albania: A European Enigma" (Columbia University Press.) Funeral services will be held at 11 a.m.on Monday, July 30 at Saint Nicholas Albanian Orthodox Church, 126 Morris Street in Southbridge, Massachusetts. Expressions of sympathy may be sent to his beloved wife, Milli Costa at their home: 176 Torrington Street, Port Charlotte, FL 33954. ________________________________________________________________ GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO! Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less! Join Juno today! For your FREE software, visit: http://dl.www.juno.com/get/tagj. From albboschurch at juno.com Thu Jul 26 12:58:37 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 12:58:37 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] TFF on CNN tonight: Macedonia Message-ID: <20010726.130109.-374317.10.albboschurch@juno.com> --------- Forwarded message ---------- From: TFF Sweden To: TFF Media Advice Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 17:31:24 +0200 Subject: TFF on CNN tonight: Macedonia Media advice Thursday July 26, 2001 Lund, Sweden 17:30 Tonight's CNN Q & A will focus on Macedonia. The program will be kicked off by CNN's Chris Burns in Skopje, covering today's negotiations between the parties and visiting Javier Solana (EU) and Lord Robertson (NATO). Among the program's participants will be OSCE's CIO, representatives of the Macedonian government, Albanian politicians, military experts as well as TFF director Jan Oberg who has just returned from a two-week mission to Kosovo and Macedonia. It's tonight, at CNN International, 21:30 European time (30 minutes). TFF -- _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/__// Dr. JAN OBERG Director TFF Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research Vegagatan 25 S - 224 57 Lund Sweden Phone +46 46 14 59 09 Fax + 46 46 14 45 12 Email TFF at transnational.org Internet http://www.transnational.org Public not-for-profit charity 845001-4637 Postal giro 4 94 94 84 - 2 Bank giro 5350-3314 Make a donation to TFF at http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Thu Jul 26 14:21:11 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 14:21:11 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conf. Rep.: Voice or Exit: Comparative Perspectives on Ethnic Minorities in 20th Century Europe, Humboldt University, Berlin, 14-16.6.2001 Message-ID: An embedded message was scrubbed... From: fbieber at yahoo.com Subject: [balkans] Conf. Rep.: Voice or Exit: Comparative Perspectives on Ethnic Minorities in 20th Century Europe, Humboldt University, Berlin, 14-16.6.2001 Date: Tue, 24 Jul 2001 23:09:35 +0200 Size: 16839 URL: From aalibali at law.harvard.edu Thu Jul 26 14:25:00 2001 From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 14:25:00 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] SARA/Journal of Southern Europe & the Balkans Message-ID: An embedded message was scrubbed... From: JaneD at tandf.co.uk Subject: [balkans] SARA/Journal of Southern Europe & the Balkans Date: Mon, 23 Jul 2001 10:06:59 +0100 Size: 3101 URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 26 14:53:03 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 11:53:03 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conference on Past and Present in Germany Message-ID: <20010726185303.22989.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com> --------------------------------- Institut fur Geschichte und Biographie Dr. Alexander v. Plato Tel. 02351-24580 / Fax: 39973 E-mail: Alexander.vonPlato at Fernuni-Hagen.de Call for Papers The Presence of the Past Transformation and Dealing with the Past in Eastern and Central Europe Conference May 23 - 25, 2002 in Berlin The Institute for History and Biography at the Open University in Hagen, as the German representative of the "International Oral History Association", supported by the "Stiftung Aufarbeitung der SED Diktatur" in Berlin, will hold a conference on the transformation process in Central and EasternEurope. Subjects of the conference will be: individual and collective remembrances of the time before, during and after the transformation process, subjective dealing with the "new time", the investigation and archival and judicial treatment of the past. The conference aims to compare several countries in this region. Two scholars of each country are invited to present papers. One of them should give an overview of the historical, political and judicial developments in his or her country, and the other paper should focus on a concrete example of the experience of this process, and of dealing with the past, within different social groups - elites, parties, public service, churches, intellectuals etc. The main theme of the conference is thus the "Ungleichzeitigkeit" (non-simultaneity) of political structures andmental orientations at times of system transformation. Beside a keynote speech and the mentioned overviews to historical and political developments the preliminary program includes the following sections: life story and personal continuities, problems of new orientations, changes in family and every-day-life, oppression and opposition. The conference will be closed by a panel discussion. The conference also offers some social events in its program. If you are interested, please send us a single-page proposal including an outline of your paper, also mentioning the empirical or theoretical basis and the following details: name, affiliation, postal address, e-mail address, phone and fax numbers. Proposals must be received by mail, fax or email by September 30, 2001. For those participants whose papers will be accepted, travel and accommodation expenses will be paid by the organisers. The conference will take place in Berlin, May 23 - 25, 2002. For further information please contact: Dr. Alexander von Plato Institut fur Geschichte und Biographie der Fernuniversitaet Hagen alexander.vonplato at fernuni-hagen.de --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From ef333 at columbia.edu Thu Jul 26 17:32:54 2001 From: ef333 at columbia.edu (Edmund Foley) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 17:32:54 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: [Prishtina-E] Statement From Atlantic Association In-Reply-To: Message-ID: As collary to my previous statement, I should point out that I believe I misstated my argument in my earlier posting. I should clarify that I have only admiration for the Atlantic association and other pro-Albanian organizations. I do think in retrospect I misrepresented such groups as somehow negative, in trying to make my point. My initial thought was rather that urgings for an American review of the deaths of Americans in Serbia such as the Bytyqi brothers might be acted upon more quickly if such calls were to come from more diverse groups such as perhaps Amnesty International and the like. It is unrealistic however to believe that any attention would have been drawn to these brothers' deaths if organizations like the Atlantic Association had not first drawn alarm at their disappearance. I have reservations about certain approaches to the effort to get an American investigation of these deaths as opposed to others. I do believe the aims are the same though. It would also seem that my initial email overflowed to other lists which I do not participate in as several replies have made clear to me . My comments were intended for the alb-net list only and should be taken as relevant only to threads ongoing in that list. Edmund Foley > While I agree with the need of the American government to investigate the > deaths of American citizens in Serbia I have reservations when such > urgings come under the auspices of an organization like the Atlantic > Association. The American public is more likely to be wary of involving > itself if it thinks they were trouble-seeking young Americans. > It is more likely to do damage to the chances of having the US > government write these 3 brothers deaths off as liabilites, who brought > their deaths upon themselves by leaving the US and involving themselves > with another nation's internal poiltics. The Atlantic brigade would do > better to cease claiming them as their own (however honorable their > intentions) and yet seeking their to use their US nationals status to > involve impartial US attention. In most cases, the voluntrary joining of a > foreign army or government by a US citizen is automatic grounds for loss > of citizenship, as might be the case for these brothers. Those against > further Kosova involvement could use that to further limit US > involement in the the area. Thus highlighting their involvement in the UCK > lessens the chance of a serious US inquiry. > It allow pro-Milovsevic elements to cloud the fact that they > entered Serbia simply as civilians and were held only as such when they > were executed. This should be the main point stressed to the world at > this time. > The goal of honoring these brothers is admirable but > highlighting their freedom-fighting exploits might serve to detract from > an opportunity to highlight Serbian abuses that their deaths provided. > > > Edmund Foley > > > > On Sat, 14 Jul 2001, Atlantic Shoqata wrote: > > > --- Prishtina-E Discussion Forum --- Archives: > > www.alb-net.com/pipermail/prishtina-e Atlantic Association Urges Quick > > Resolution of Idenity of Bodies Found in Serb Mass Grave > > > > July 14, 2001:? The Atlantic Association issued the following statement > > in > > response to the discovery of three bodies believed to be Americans in a > > Serbian > > mass grave. > > > > The bodies of three men believed to be American citizens of Albanian > > heritage were recently discovered in a mass grave in Petrovo Selo, > > Serbia. > > Although unconfirmed, documents on the bodies identify them as Agron, > > Mehmet > > and Ylli Bytyqi, three brothers from Chicago, IL. > > ? > > These three brothers were members of the "Atlantic Brigade".? They fought > > side by side with > > us in the American-led?war of Kosova?to secure the liberty of our people > > in Kosova.? Their families deserve to know their fate and the three > > brothers deserve to be buried like heroes. > > > > If these reports are confirmed, this deliberate killing of American > > citizens > > provides further evidence of Serbian war crimes.? The Atlantic > > Association > > urges the US government to take all action necessary to swiftly and > > correctly > > identify the bodies and to ensure that the individuals responsible are > > held > > accountable in the Hague.? Furthermore, the Atlantic Association calls on > > the > > US government to conduct a thorough investigation to determine the > > circumstances surrounding the?execution of the Bytyqi brothers.? We also > > urge the > > United States to investigate why it took the new regime in Belgrade so > > long > > to expose these grave sites! , and ask that aid to Serbia be suspended > > until > > that investigation is concluded. > > > > We also offer a prayer first and foremost to the family?of Bytyqi > > brothers and?to all those people who are still missing family members and > > friends that one day soon their loved ones will be found as well. > > ? > > ? > > Atlantic Association, Inc. is a not-for-profit organisation. The purposes > > for which the corporation is formed are:(a) to foster and develop > > cultural understanding between Americans? and Albanians in the Balkans; > > (b) to support efforts in furthering the development and exchange of > > education and cultural programs; (c) a charitable corporation to help > > individuals and families in need of assistance after the devasting > > effects of conflict and war; (d) provide assistance and information by > > providing some non-legal counseling and referral services which are open > > to people of all origins. > > ? > > ? > > ? > > The Atlantic Association, Inc. > > ? > > phone:? (718)- 863-4080 > > fax:?????? (718)-863-3890 > > > > > > > > ________________________________________________________________________________ > > > > Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com > > > > _______________________________________________________ Prishtina-E > > discussion forum: Prishtina-E at alb-net.com > > http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/prishtina-e > > > > From fdashi at adanet.net Fri Jul 27 10:02:23 2001 From: fdashi at adanet.net (Florian Dashi) Date: Fri, 27 Jul 2001 16:02:23 +0200 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The science of TANTRA YOGA Message-ID: <008c01c116a4$e204d660$0100007f@fdashi> THE EIGHTEEN "ITIES" By SRI SWAMI SIVANANDA For everyone's success in life and especially for an aspirant's success in spiritual life, it is essential that he should develop certain cardinal virtues. Virtue is strength, power and the key to peace. A virtuous man is ever happy, peaceful and prosperous. People ask me for the specific mention of the virtues that one should develop. The Song of Eighteen "Ities" enumerates the virtues that one should cultivate. Take up any one virtue and develop it to a very high degree of perfection; eradicate in toto its opposite evil quality even in its most subtle form. Meditate on these virtues, on their benefits and the methods of cultivating them. Here is the Song of Eighteen "Ities": Serenity, regularity, absence of vanity, Sincerity, simplicity, veracity, Equanimity, fixity, non-irritability, Adaptability, humility, tenacity, Integrity, nobility, magnanimity, Charity, generosity, purity. Practice daily these eighteen 'ities', You will soon attain immortality. Brahman is the only real entity, Mr. So and so is a false non-entity. You will abide in eternity and infinity; You will behold unity in diversity; You cannot attain this in the university. You can attain this in the Forest University. 1. SERENITY Be tranquil within. Let that inner peace and joy radiate through a serene countenance. A serene countenance is peaceful, smiling and serious and does not betray any violent emotions. It is like the surface of a still lake. 2. REGULARITY Be regular in your daily habits, and in your work and spiritual practices. Get up at a particular time. Be clock-like in your daily activities. You will be free from worry, fear, anxiety, haphazard and shabby work. You will do the right thing at the right moment. 3. ABSENCE OF VANITY Do not boast of your birth, position, qualifications and spiritual attainments. Praise others. See good in all. Treat even the lowliest creatures as your equal and with respect. 4. SINCERITY Let your words agree with the thoughts; let your actions agree with your words. Let there be harmony among your thoughts, words and actions. 5. SIMPLICITY Be artless. Be simple in your speech. Do not twist words and topics. Be plain; avoid diplomacy, cunningness and crookedness. Be simple in your dress. Be simple in your food. 6. VERACITY Be truthful. Stick to your promises. Do not exaggerate. Do not twist facts. Think twice before you speak. Speak truthfully. Speak sweetly. Be precise in what you say. 7. EQUANIMITY Be calm. Bear insult patiently. Bear injury, suffering, failures and disrespect calmly. Do not be elated by praise, pleasure, success and honour. Look upon both with equal vision. Behave alike towards friends and foes. Never let anything disturb your inner peace. 8. FIXITY Remember that you cannot achieve anything if you are fickle-minded. Choose your goal or ideal and remember it always. Never let it go out of mind even for a moment. 9. NON-IRRITABILITY Irritability is the precursor of violent outbursts of anger. Watch carefully for the disturbance in the mental equilibrium. Watch for the ripples of anger that might rise in the lake of the mind. Quell them then and there. Do not allow them to assume greater proportions. Then you will attain peace. 10. ADAPTABILITY Understand well the nature of people with whom you come into contact. Adjust your mode of approach to them. Adjust yourself in such a way as to be pleasing to them. Joyfully bear with the eccentricities of others. Always react in a harmonious manner. Serve all and love all. Have the feeling that the Lord dwells in the hearts of all as the Self of all. 11. HUMILITY Respect everybody. Bow with folded hands before all. Do not talk in a loud voice before elders and venerable persons. Look at the toes while you walk. See the Lord in all and feel that you are His servant and so the servant of all. Consider none as inferior to you. 12. TENACITY This is the natural friend of fixity. Once you have fixed your aim and chosen your path, stick to it. Do not waver. Be steadfast. Never compromise on your fundamental principles. Have the attitude: "I may give up my life but I will not swerve from the path; I will not break my vows." 13. INTEGRITY Develop an integral personality. Tie all the loose ends of your character. Become a man of high moral principles. Lead a life of righteousness. Let righteousness waft its sweet fragrance from you. Everyone will trust you, obey you, respect you and revere you. 14. NOBILITY Shun mean-mindedness as dung and poison. Never look into the defects of others. Always appreciate the good qualities of everyone. Be dignified in bearing. Never stoop to ignoble thoughts, words and actions. 15. MAGNANIMITY Take a broad view of things. Ignore the faults of others: Be great and noble-minded in whatever you do. Avoid silly talk and childish prattle. Let not the mind dwell on little things and insignificant things. 16. CHARITY Give, give and give. This is the secret of abundance. Radiate thoughts of goodness and love. Forgive the faults of others. Bless the man who injures you. Share what you have with others. Disseminate spiritual knowledge to one and all. Use the material wealth, knowledge and spiritual wisdom that you possess as a divine trust. 17. GENEROSITY In whatever you give be liberal. Have a large heart. Do not be miserly. Take delight in the joy of others, in making them happy. Generosity is a sister-virtue of charity. It is the fulfilment of charity, magnanimity and nobility. 18. PURITY Be pure at heart. Eradicate lust, anger and greed. Be pure in your thoughts. Think of God always. Think of the well-being of all. Be pure in your words; never utter harsh, unkind words. Be pure in body. Keep it clean and healthy. Let the dress and surroundings be clean. Observe the rules of physical, moral and spiritual hygiene. These eighteen "Ities" will pave the way for you to march into the kingdom of God. They will open for you the gates of immortality. You will achieve great success in this life itself. A man who possesses these qualities in a very large measure is a saint indeed, who will be respected, adored and worshipped by one and all. click "Tantra Yoga is the saving wisdom. It is the marvellous boat which takes man safely to the other shore of fearlessness, immortality, freedom, and perfection." -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- For Domains (www.yourbussiness.com), Webhosting, Webdesigning and Internet promotion of your site to the most popular search engines contact www.alb-future.com. Per regjistrimin, hosting, dizenjimin e faqeve web dhe promovimin e biznesit tuaj ne Internet na kontaktoni ne faqen tone www.alb-future.com -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: logo.gif Type: image/gif Size: 1309 bytes Desc: not available URL: -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: Alb future.jpg Type: image/jpeg Size: 2416 bytes Desc: not available URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Sat Jul 28 21:58:24 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sat, 28 Jul 2001 18:58:24 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Various articles Message-ID: <20010729015824.9242.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Ventura County Star July 28, 2001 Saturday Editorials; Pg. B08 Editorial: A mess in Macedonia As the Clinton administration learned, Murphy's Law was never more applicable than in the Balkans: What can go wrong will, and it will get worse. The Bush administration may find itself confronting the workings of that law in Macedonia. A shaky cease-fire, brokered by NATO and the European Union, is in place -- at least momentarily. Ethnic Albanian guerrillas operating from neighboring Kosovo have shown a tendency to violate truces and then try to consolidate those gains in negotiations for the next cease-fire. The situation, in brief, is not good. While most local Albanians, who account for a third of Macedonia's 2 million people, only want to ensure their rights, language and culture within Macedonia, some of the groups have a darker agenda: dismembering Macedonia into ethnic enclaves, the Albanian part of which could be incorporated into some sort of greater Albania. The first ugly signs of ethnic cleansing show how that is to be accomplished. The Slavs see themselves trapped between a resentful Greece and expansionist-minded Albanian nationalists. It has all the makings of a nasty civil war, which, if NATO, the EU and United Nations don't act now, they'll only have to settle at great cost in blood and enmity later. The Europeans won't act if they don't think we're going to be there with them. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has promised logistical support for any peacekeeping operations, but to the Europeans that sounds a lot like the United States is planning to sit it out on the sidelines. A broader commitment is needed before Murphy's Law takes over. ======The New York Times July 28, 2001, Saturday, Late Edition - Final Macedonia Village Is Center Of Europe Web in Sex Trade By CARLOTTA GALL VELESTA, Macedonia This village, tucked down in the southwestern corner of the country near the border with Albania, is one of the strangest places in this part of the Balkans. It has the high-walled brick homes and rutted lanes typical of villages here, but amid the hay barns there are more than a dozen neon-lit nightclubs and sex bars with names like Madonna and Paradiso. And beneath the strange combination of rural quiet and nighttime glitz, the place has a very sinister reputation. The first bar on the main street is the Expresso. A group of young men and several young women in skimpy clothes stood by their cars outside the club on a recent night. Nearby, in a black Mercedes, a thickset man with a shaved head and half a dozen gold chains around his neck sat next to his driver. It was Dilaver Leku, the richest man in Velesta. Hundreds of foreign women, mostly from former Communist bloc countries, have passed through Velesta and Mr. Leku's bar and restaurants in the last few years, according to townspeople, the police, foreign civil rights workers and some of the women themselves. A large proportion of them, these people say, are women who are tricked into the job, forced into prostitution and held against their will. The women are bought by bar owners and sold when the customers tire of them. They are moved along by a network of traffickers across borders and ethnic communities, part of a web that spreads across the Balkans and into Western Europe. A decade of conflict in this region, and the grinding poverty of post-Communist Eastern Europe, have helped breed this network. Across the Balkans, tens of thousands of women have been caught up by the traffickers and have suffered rape, extreme violence and slavery at the hands of criminal groups renowned for their brutality and greed. A recent United States government report cited all of Macedonia's neighbors -- Greece, Bosnia, Yugoslavia, Albania, Romania and Bulgaria, along with Lebanon -- as the countries with the worst records in the trafficking in women. Macedonia at least has tried to take action: the government has gained international praise for opening a refuge for the women and moving to close bars and send some of the women home. But its situation as a transit country for trafficking, and its growing home market for prostitutes -- boosted in part by United Nations personnel and NATO-led peacekeepers on leave from nearby Kosovo -- illustrate the regionwide problem. And as Macedonia grapples with a spreading insurgency and a growing likelihood of civil war, organized crime and smuggling are likely to increase, and the young women caught up in it all may be at more risk than ever. When two journalists turned up at his bar after midnight recently, Mr. Leku divested himself of all but one of his gold chains and entertained his guests into the morning. He ordered the bar girls out of sight, and when the bartender served some questionable whiskey, he called for a new bottle and opened it himself. Mr. Leku complained that business had been hurt by the five-month-old conflict between ethnic Albanian rebels and the government, and he said that most of his customers, Macedonian Slavs and foreigners, no longer dared to come to Velesta, since the population is largely Albanian. The police also no longer staged their sporadic raids, but that was small consolation, he said. He no longer leaves the village, he said, for fear of government hit men. He denied that he was involved in trafficking in women and said that the women who worked in his new restaurant in the nearby town of Struga all had work visas and were there of their own will. "You can talk to them," he said, "you will see they have work papers and visas, everything is legal." But this month, a 22-year-old Ukrainian woman escaped from the Expresso bar and managed to get to her embassy in the capital, Skopje. Several days later, the woman, who refused to be identified further for fear of being recognized, chatted with four other women in the sunlit dormitory of a government refuge for women brought to Macedonia by the traffickers. In Velesta, the woman said, the women were trapped; they worked for no pay and were unable to leave. Some like her were forced into prostitution, she said, and some were working prostitutes, but all of them -- there were up to 35 at times -- were unable to leave for fear of beatings and worse. "He would say, 'I bought you and you can say nothing,' " she said of her former boss. "Girls did run away but when they got caught, then they really got it." The Ukrainian woman said she was from the Black Sea port of Odessa and was lured to Macedonia by a group of Serbs who offered unspecified work abroad. They drove her from Ukraine to Yugoslavia, and then they illegally crossed the border on foot into Macedonia. She said she was taken to an apartment in the town of Kumanovo, in northern Macedonia, where she said she was sold to Mr. Leku, who took her to his bar in Velesta. Held under guard, frequently beaten, she became a prostitute. "They are criminals, they are deceiving, cunning people," she said of the traffickers. As she spoke, she veered unpredictably between tears and the snarling hard-edged attitude of a street prostitute. Her hair, dyed blond, is long, the skin of her face is rough and her dark eyes are opaque. She drew hard on her cigarette and tapped her fingers irritably on the table. Asked what she would do when she got home, she responded without hesitation, "Get some psychiatric help." Human rights workers are often horrified at some of the cases they encounter and the callousness of the traffickers. "They take the most noble thing, the desire for a better life, especially among girls who are ready to take a risk and go abroad, and they destroy them," said Eileen Simpson, an American lawyer working in Macedonia as a human rights monitor for the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. As many as 2,400 to 2,600 of the women may be in Macedonia at any given time, according to one police estimate. But it is impossible to calculate the real number, since only a small percentage are rescued or caught by the police, and the women are often quickly moved. The International Organization for Migration has helped repatriate 300 women in the last 10 months, and the government has expelled about 500 more, Martin Wyss, the head of the organization's office in Skopje, said. Blagoja Stojkovski, the police officer in charge of asylum and immigration in Skopje, said Macedonia had mainly been a transit country for the traffickers moving women from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet bloc to Western Europe over the last 10 years. More recently, he said, traffickers in Macedonia have realized there is a home market to exploit. "They learn they can make money here too," he said. There is no one group or network, but numerous traffickers in Macedonia who have links with others in Bulgaria, Romania and Yugoslavia, Mr. Stojkovski said. Ethnic differences never obstruct criminal dealings, and Albanians deal readily with Serbs and Macedonian Slavs despite the conflicts around them, he added. A false passport costs 500 German marks, about $250, Mr. Stojkovski said. Guides across Macedonia's porous hilly border with Kosovo charge about 100 marks, or $50, and the women themselves are sold for 1,000 or 2,000 marks, or $500 to $1,000. "They are promised they are going to Italy and some really do go -- after two to three months working here they are sold in Albania and taken to Italy," Mr. Stojkovski said. "This is a small town. A lady is interesting for just one month." An 18-year-old from Belarus, who like the young woman from Odessa refused to be identified, said she answered a newspaper advertisement in her hometown, Minsk, and was offered work in a bar in Italy. An only child, she has a round face and uncertain brown eyes, and she said she has not yet been able to tell her parents what happened. "I called them a few weeks after getting here and told them I had a great job in a bar, well paid," she said. In fact, she said, she and two other women were kept by a Macedonian man in an apartment in Skopje and forced to have sex with clients. The pimp was a former policeman, a family man who was always talking about how much he loved his three children, she said. But on the first day when she refused to strip for a client, he beat her and told her he would continue until she complied. These women's stories are typical, Mr. Stojkovski said. Most of the women who have been rescued and repatriated in recent months have come from the poorest countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The International Office of Migration said about 70 percent of the 300 women it had sent home recently were from Moldova. Others came from Romania, Bulgaria, Ukraine and Belarus. Of those interviewed by the migration office, about 80 percent said they had accepted the offer of a job abroad, but 90 percent said they were unaware that it involved sex. Most described being forced into prostitution; they were denied free movement and received little or no pay. After six weeks in the apartment where she was forced to submit to clients, the 18-year-old from Belarus said she was given a key and allowed to go out to buy cigarettes. Instead, she took a taxi to the Russian Embassy. Now she is going home, but she has not worked out how to tell her parents what happened. The woman who escaped from Velesta, where she said she spent a year, fled after persuading a client to help her get away in the middle of the night. She does not know what she will do now. "Just get home and have a holiday," she said. The police know only that the problem will persist. As Mr. Stojkovski was about to end his shift on a recent Friday afternoon, a call came to report that fighting in western Macedonia had revealed seven more women brought here to work, apparently as sex slaves. Five were found walking on a road after their bar was set on fire by Albanian rebels; two more had approached international monitors. The police were sending the women to Skopje. "I'll be working all evening," Mr. Stojkovski said with a sigh. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From sneber2000 at yahoo.ca Sat Jul 28 23:14:20 2001 From: sneber2000 at yahoo.ca (Snjezana Beronja) Date: Sat, 28 Jul 2001 23:14:20 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ethnic cleansing? Message-ID: <20010729031420.31778.qmail@web20204.mail.yahoo.com> DISSAPEARANCES OF SERBS IN THE PERIOD BETWEEN JAN 15 - JULY 30 1998 "The information gathered by the HLC indicates that KLA members are responsible for the disappearance of several tens of Serbs, Montenegrins and Roma whose whereabouts and fate remain unknown, and the deaths of several of these abducted persons. KLA members are responsible also for the disappearance of a number of ethnic Albanians, described as "collaborators of the Serbian regime" and "loyal citizens of the Republic of Serbia" by the ethnic Albanian public and Serbian authorities, respectively. " FROM KOSOVO - DISSAPEARANCES IN TIME OF ARMED CONFLICT Humanitarian Law Center ************** II DISAPPEARANCES OF SERBS ATTRIBUTABLE TO THE KOSOVO LIBERATION ARMY 2.1 Unknown fate of Dara and Vukosava Vujosevic, and Milovan and Milka Vlahovic of Gornji Ratis The Serb inhabitants of Gornji Ratis fled on 21 April when the KLA took control of the area, and found refuge at the Youth Center in the town of Decani, close to the medieval Visoki Decani monastery. Only four remained in the village: the sisters Dara (69) and Vukosava (65) Vujosevic, and Milovan Vlahovic (60) and his wife Milka (62). No Serb has managed to enter Gornji Ratis since 21 April to find out how these four elderly people are faring. The Vlahovics' daughter, who left the village with her brother on 21 April, told the HLC they tried to return the next day for their parents but were stopped and turned back by KLA members. Source: HLC 2.2. Unknown fate of Slobodan Radosevic, and Milica and Milos Radunovic of Dasinovac The KLA took control of Dasinovac on 22 April. Most Serbs fled the village the day before; only Slobodan Radosevic (64), Milica Radunovic (59), her husband Milos (60), and the Markovic family remained. Radosevic's wife Rosa and their son Stanisa tried to return for Slobodan the next day. They were able to reach Pozar village where they were stopped at an KLA checkpoint and taken to the KLA headquarters in Glodjane, where, they told the HLC, Stanisa was physically abused. They were released later that day but were not allowed to go to Dasinovac for Slobodan. Milos and Milica Radunovic were last seen by their son and daughter-in-law on 22 April when they came from Decani to take the elderly couple back with them. They were, however, unable to persuade Milos and Milica to leave and returned home thesame day. They have had no news since then. Albanian friends of the family went to Dasinovac to look for MIlos and Milica but with no success. According to several sources, including the Albanian-language daily Koha Ditore, Slobodan Radosevic and Milos Radunovic were killed. Relatives have heard that they were buried by the roadside in Glodjane but no one has seen the graves. Source: HLC 2.3. Arbitrary detention of Vladan, Igor and Slobodan Mikic of Klina Vladan (31), Igor (21), and Slobodan Mikic (17) were released on 30 April after being held for four days. They said they were accosted by a group of armed Albanians on Popova Glavica hill, blindfolded, taken to Ozrim and, later, to Vocnjak village. They were not ill-treated. Source: Belgrade media 2.4. Arbitrary detention of Krsta and Dejan Jeftic, and Stanko Stankovic of Recane Krsta Jeftic (19) and his twin brother Dejan, and Stanko Stankovic (48) of Recane, Suva Reka Township, were released on 5 July. They were taken the day before while pasturing their livestock. Source: Belgrade media 2.5. Arbitrary detention of Vojko and Ivan Bakrac, refugees from Croatia A group of armed Albanians stopped a Djakovica Ekspres bus near Crnaljevo on the Prizren-Stimlje road on 29 June. Four passengers, of whom three Serb refugees from Croatia, were taken off the bus and to an unknown destination. Two of the abducted, Vojko Bakrac and his 18-year-old son Ivan, were released on 8 or 9 July through the efforts of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). There has been no news of the other two passengers. Source: Belgrade media 2.6. Arbitrary detention of three women from Veliki Djurdjevak Four Serb families left Veliki Djurdjevak in the afternoon of 20 June. An HLC witness said they were evacuated swiftly by police because of an expected attack, and had no time to take any belongings. On 23 June, three women, including the HLC witness, returned to feed their livestock. They had just entered their homes when three armed Albanians appeared, one in uniform and two in civilian clothes. One of the latter was from the neighboring village. The women did not know the other two. At gunpoint, the women were put into a Mercedes car with Ivangrad license plates and two of the men drove them to Likovac. Likovac had its own police station up to 1987. As in many other all-Albanian villages, the police were withdrawn by 1990, after which the building served as the village community center. This is how the HLC witness describes the place where she was held for 36 hours: There were some trees, big ones, in front of the building. As you go in, there were beds and a doctor's office. There were tidy beds, a bathroom, a table in the middle and chairs. They took the three of us into a small room and gave us three chairs to sit on. There were uniforms in the room, and car license plates with UCK 1/11, 1/12, 1/13 on them, standing for Drenica. The uniforms were complete, black and dark blue, almost like police uniforms. There were boots and shoes also. They offered us food but we couldn't eat. I heard the voice of Drago Vostic in the next room; the connecting door was a thin one. Then I also heard Radomir talking in that room (HLC note: Drago and Radomir Vostic from Jelovac went missing on 20 June while they were making hay outside the village.) The Vostic brothers speak very good Albanian. I heard them talking but couldn't make out the words. They asked Drago Vostic about his son. They questioned us too, asked where we were from, where our husbands, our brothers-in-law work. Nothing else. Then they let us go; it was Wednesday (HLC note: 24 June), about three or four in the afternoon, and they said: "Don't you even think about going back home; we won't let you go next time." According to the witness, a senior officer drove them to Dusevica village in a white van, from where they walked to the police station in Josanica. Source: HLC 2.7. Arbitrary detention of Milosav and Vojislav Smigic of Leocina On 18 May, 25 Serbs left their homes in Leocina, Srbica Township. Five, all with the last name Smigic, of whom four over the age of 70 - Milosav and his wife Sultana, Aleksandra "Lenka" and her son Radomir, and Krstiva Smigic - stayed in the village. On 9 June, a group of armed Albanians in military uniforms forced their way into their houses. The incident was described by Krstiva Smigic, who reached the police station in Rudnik village early in the morning of 13 June, and told the police she feared something had happened to her relatives Milosav, Sultana, Radomir and Lenka. That same day, she joined seven Serb families who moved out of Rudnik for Zubin Potok, a small town with a majority Serb population near the boundary with Serbia proper. The Leocina Serbs said they were forced to leave their homes. In April, their Albanians neighbors stopped speaking to them although relations between the two communities had been normal until then. Earlier that month, Milosav and Vojislav Smigic were walking home to Leocina from Kosovska Mitrovica. They were stopped by three armed Albanians, put in a car and taken to the KLA headquarters in Turicevac village. Milosav Smigic's relatives saidhe did not realize immediately that he had been abducted, believing he and Vojislav were being given a lift. They were taken to a store in Trnava and, as they got out, Milosav said," Thanks children, you've saved us a long walk." In front of the store, one of the Albanians used a walkie-talkie to ask what should be done with two Serbs they had captured. Milosav realized then that he and Vojislav had been abducted. He heard an elderly Albanian who came by tell the three uniformed men, "Don't you hurt them now; they've done nobody no harm." A van with dark windows arrived and drove the two Smigics to the KLA headquarters in Turicevac, where an officer was expecting them. Milosav recounted to his relatives that guns were pressed to his and Vojislav's necks but that they were not otherwise mistreated. They were each given 10 aspirin "so their heads wouldn't hurt" and ten cigarettes. Milosav wished the KLA men a happy Bayram holiday. Vojislav said to his relatives that the men at the KLA headquarters told them, "This isn't your country," and warned them that they could no longer stay in their village. On 9 May, the teenage brothers Bojan and Goran Smigic were harrassed by unidentified Albanians while bussing to school in Rudnik, and told that there was no more school for them. After this incident, the Leocina children transferred to a school in the small town of Istok, where there is a police station. Source: HLC 2.8. Arbitrary detention of Jovan Lukic of Brnjaca At about 6 p.m. on 17 July, when he was driving past Seljazin Breg at the crossroads outside Orahovac, Jovan Lukic was stopped by a group of armed Albanians. Some were in civilian clothes, others in uniform, and Lukic said later he knew most of them by sight. He was taken to Crvenica on a mountain near Orahovac, where he saw two Serbs, Srdjan and Srecko Vitosevic, who had been taken before him. Ceda Cabarkapa and Dusko Dzinovic were brought in somewhat later. The abductors tied the hands of the Serbs, pulled caps over their eyes, and used Lukic's and their own car to drive them to the former police station in Malisevo. Among the prisoners there, Lukic recognized a Roma man by the first name of Azem, his wife and 12-year-old daughter, a Dusko from Orahovac, a Toma and his son, and a man and his son from Mlecane whose names he did not know. They were separated into groups and led into different rooms. Lukic was in a room with two doctors from the Orahovac Medical Center, one of whom from Serbia proper and other from Velika Hoca, and the two Vitosevics. They were held in the building for two days and two nights. Five or six Albanians came into the rooms at intervals of 10-15 minutes and beat the prisoners. During the second night, Lukic noticed that groups of men were being taken out and driven away in a van, which later returned empty. He and the others in his room were the last group to be taken out. Their hands were tied, they were bundled into the van and four soldiers took them into the woods. As they were coming out of the van, Lukic managed to break his bonds and attempted to seize a gun from one of the soldiers. The soldier struck him and broke his arm. Lukic started running, shouting to the others to follow suit. The soldiers fired after him and chased him for a while. Lukic went cross country to Suva Reka, from where the police took him to the Prizren hospital. He does not know what happened to the other prisoners. Source: HLC 2.9. Arbitrary detention of seven monks, a nun, and villagers from Orahovac vicinity Serbs from Zociste recounted that the village was attacked on 19 July by around 1,000 armed Albanians - local inhabitants and "some strangers." About 200 armed Serbs tried unsuccessfully to repulse the attack. Younger people fled to neighboring Velika Hoca, a village with some 400 Serb homes; others, mostly elderly, sought refugee at the Serbian Orthodox monastery of Saints Cosmas and Damian. Early next morning, the monastery came under fire and its guest house was hit by two shells. Local Serbs said the Albanians did not target the church, aiming at the other monastery buildings, and that the attack lasted about two hours. The monks tried to resist with the four rifles they had but, realizing it was in vain, decided to surrender. The Albanians searched the monastery, led out the people hiding inside, and demanded that all Serbs leave "because we don't want to see you in the village any more." In a bus belonging to the Termomont company of Orahovac, the Serbs were taken to the Albanian-language elementary school in Semetiste near Suva Reka. They were held there under guard until 22 July when they were handed over to the ICRC. They told news reporters they were not mistreated but that a visiting priest from Serbia was whipped. The following Serbs were released to the ICRC: Stanoje Misic (25), Mitra Misic (25), Darinka Misic (70), Borka Trpkovic (18), Zagorka Stojanovic (33), Vukadin Krstic (83); Father Jovan from the monastery; Dragomir Prodanovic, Radmilo Jelic (25), Vladimir Rancic (25), Andjelka Djordjevic (49), Branko Preradovic (22), Ivan Trajkovic (48), Goran Djordjevic (36), Radomir Krstic (67), Olga Simic (53), Slavica Bandzic (42), Ljubica Krstic (88), Branko Krstic (50), Dobrila Bozanic (26), Dragica Bozanic (42), Duska Bozanic (59), Milutin Djurdjic (85), Desanka Bandzic (80), Stanoje Kostic (66), Momirka Kostic (53), Slavka Djurdjic (57), Kosara Kostic (62), Danica Kostic (54), Lazarka Kostic (62), Petra Kostic (60), Danica Kostic (54), Mirjana Nikolic (38), Leposava Misic (84), and Desanka Cucurevic (72). Source: Belgrade media, Kosovo Red Cross 2.10. Unknown fate of Milosav, Sultana, Radomir and Aleksandra Smigic Krstiva Smigic told HLC researchers that all Serbs moved out of Leocina apart from herself, Milosav, Sultana, Aleksandra "Lenka" and Radomir Smigic. Milosav flatly refused to leave his home and his wife Sultana did not want to leave without him. Aleksandra decided to stay because she was very close with Sultana, and her son Radomir was unwilling to leave her. On 8 July, an Albanian neighbor came to warn them that they would be attacked. Krstiva said neither she nor the others believed him. At about 10 a.m. the next day, four men in camouflage fatigues and caps came into her yard. She describes what happened next: As soon as I saw them, I ran over to Milosav and Sultana's. The soldiers beckoned to me but I was afraid to let them get close up. The four of them came after me and asked us, "What are you doing here? This is Albania; there's nothing here for you." To which Milosav replied, "It's been Serbia up to now. And even if it's Albania, we can find a way to live together in peace." Then they hit Milosav with their gun butts and kicked me and Sultana. They ransacked the house, broke the furniture. They put us in one room, set fire to the bedding and said they'd be back in an hour. The quilts were burning and we tried to put them out. We opened the window and climbed out. Milosav told me and Sultana to flee. Radomir and Lenka saw what was happening from their yard and called to us. We left Milosav in his yard. We talked about where we could hide. Radomir told me, Sultana and Lenka to go into the wheat fields and said he would hide upstairs. Us three women left the house and went into the fields. After a while, Sultana and Lenka said they wanted to go back. Sultana went to her husband, and me and Lenka went back to her house, to Radomir. But about 30 of them were going into the yard and, when they saw us, then came toward us. They were armed, some in uniform and some in civvies. Ten of them went into Radomir's house. They found him upstairs. We heard screams and Lenka rushed upstairs. I stayed below. I heard terrible screams and moaning from above. I couldn't bear it any more and went out again. I heard three rifle shots before I got into some high grass. I didn't see them drag Radomir or Lenka downstairs. >From her hiding place, Krstiva saw the Smigic houses in flames. The next day, she cautiously approached Milosav's house, called Sultana, and then went to Radomir's house and called him and Lenka. There was no response. Krstiva spent the next two nights near the fire-gutted remains. On the fourth night, she set out for Rudnik, knowing there were Serbs and police in the village. 2.11. The abduction of Dostana Smigic of Srbica Hearing that her mother Krstiva had stayed in Leocina although almost all the other Serb inhabitants had left, Dostana Smigic went to get her on 19 May. She left Srbica, where she lived, in her Yugo car (license plates KM 316 06). According to information gathered by the HLC, Dostana Smigic was seen as she passed through Rudnik and several other villages near Leocina. She was reportedly stopped in Ozrim and taken to Likovac village, also in the Drenica area. According to many Serbs, the former police station in Likovac has been turned into a detention facility for Serbs and for Albanians who fail to comply with KLA orders. 2.12. The abduction of Cedomir Kandic of Kotor Cedomir "Cedo" Kandic (55), an employee of the Belgrade-based Termoelektro company, was taken from his home in Kotor, Srbica Township, on 13 June. His brother, a police officer with the Kosovska Mitrovica Police Department, said Cedo was in poor health: he was convalescing following an ulcer operation, and suffers also from rheumatism and a vascular disorder. Cedo, his brother says, "never hurt a fly in his whole life." Seven armed Albanians came to the Kandic house, in which Cedomir lived with his step-mother Angelina "Draginja", took a pistol for which he had a permit, and a knife used to slaughter pigs. They took Cedomir away, telling Draginja he would be back in half an hour, after he made a statement. The other five Serb families in Kotor fled as soon as they heard Cedomir had been taken. Only Draginja and Mileva Vukovic (73) stayed. Cedomir's relatives told the HLC that ICRC delegates managed to take Draginja Kandic and Mileva Vukovic out of the village on 29 June, when they visited Kotor for the second time. After the first visit, the ICRC delivered to Cedomir's brother a note someone had written on behalf of the illiterate Draginja: "I am in good health. But I can't live alone and I can't get out of here either." 2.13. The abduction of Miroslav Sulinic of Vidanje Miroslav Sulinic (29) of Vidanje disappeared on 21 May on his way home from Dobri Dol near Kursumlija (Serbia proper) where he worked at a lumber mill. He was last seen passing through the police checkpoint at Komorane in his Toyota Corolla car. At some point after the checkpoint, he was reportedly stopped by a group of armed Albanians. Sulinic was carrying a pistol for which he had a permit. His relatives have heard that he is being held in Likovac and that, as a civilian, he is not ill-treated and is put to work with other prisoners on digging trenches. Source: HLC 2.14. The abduction of Branko Staletic of Mlecane On 20 June, armed Albanians in camouflage fatigues appeared in Mlecane and forced the Serb families to move out to Kijevo. They retained one villager, Branko Staletic, and took him away. Source: Belgrade media 2.15. The abduction of Ratko and Cedomirka Miljkovic of Pantina Thirteen Serb families fled Pantina amidst gunfire in the early morning of 26 June. Ratko Miljkovic (55) and his wife Cedomirka (52) remained in the village. Cveta Simic (65), was the only person to stay in Hercegovo, about one kilometer from Pantina. The Miljkovics' daughter, Snezana, last saw her parents on 25 June, when her father went to negotiate with their Albanian neighbors. My father went over to our neighbor Bajram, to ask him to go with him to Dr Ismet Saciri, the most respected Albanian in the village, and negotiate our moving out peacefully. So they went together. But they came back soon because they were told the doctor wasn't there and would send for them when he returned.. And, at about 7.30 a.m., some children came for my father. He went and never came back. At around 9 o'clock, I heard my mother's voice from the front of the house, crying out to us to take care, that we were surrounded. With her uncle and other Serbs families - the Vasics, Milenkovics, Zivkovics and Spirics - Snezana fled through the fields to Svinjarevo. On 14 July, the HLC learned that Cveta Simic was found beside the road between Pantina and Vucitrn and subsequently hospitalized in Belgrade. When they visited her in the hospital on 18 July, HLC researchers observed serious injuries on her body. Cveta Simic was unable to say how she was hurt or how she got to the spot where she was found, and mentioned only an elderly Albanian giving her a glass of water. Source: HLC 2.16. The abduction of Zarko Spasic of Sibovac Zarko Spasic (35), employed as a driver at the Belacevac strip mine, was abducted at 9.30 p.m. on 14 May near the bus station at Grabovac village. People who were waiting at the station told his father, Milorad Spasic, that Zarko was stopped by armed and uniformed Albanians and taken in the direction of Dobrosevac, Glogovac Township. Source: HLC, Belgrade media 2.17. The abduction of Bozidar Lempic and 10 employees of the Belacavac mine After taking control of the Belacevac strip mine on 22 July, KLA members abducted nine mine workers: Zoran Andjancic, Pero Andjancic, Dusan Andjancic, Filip Gojkovic, Dragan Vukmirovic, Mirko Buha, Mirko Trifunovic, Srboljub Savic, and Bozidar Lempic. Investigating the incident, the HLC found that six KLA members stopped a bus taking 40 employees of the mine from Obilic to Belacevac. Twelve were reportedly taken off the bus. Two Albanian mine engineers were released immediately while 10 Serbs were taken away. Among them was Bozidar Lempic from Gojbulja near Vucitrn, who is not a mine employee. The HLC also established that Mirko Buha, a manager at the mine, was not among those taken off the bus. He went missing the same day while on his way to Belacevac from Obilic via Crkvene Vodice and Ade in his Lada automobile (license plates BR 657 67). Source: HLC, Belgrade media 2.18. The abduction of Zvonko Marinkovic and Jefta Petkovic of Musutiste According to Aleksandar Naspalic, the parish priest in Musutiste, two villagers, Zvonko Marinkovic and Jefta Petkovic, and another four Serbs from Racan were abducted. The priest refuted a report in the Belgrade daily Blic that "the terrorists castrated three of the men and killed another." Source: Politika, Blic, 2.19. The abduction of Stamen Genov and Djordje Cuk, a refugee Stamen Genov, an ethnic Bulgarian from Bosilegrad (eastern Serbia), employed as a medical technician at a military medical facility in Djakovica, took a bus to Belgrade on 29 June to enroll in college. He, Djordje Cuk, and a man identified only by his last name, Bakrac, both Serb refugees from Croatia, were taken off the bus. Bakrac was subsequently released. There is no information on the fate of Genov and Cuk. Source: HLC, Belgrade media 2.20. The abduction of Djordje Djoric of Orahovac Djordje Djoric (28), was taken from the Orahovac Medical Center early in the morning of 18 July. Djoric was driving a neighbor, a woman who had started her labor pains, and her husband, to the Medical Center. They were stopped by armed Albanians who ordered Djoric out of his Yugo car and said they knew his two brothers were police officers. After some 20 minutes, the KLA members brought the three to the Medical Center, went inside with them and took them up to the fourth floor. There were no patients on the floor. A midwife told them that several KLA groups had come into the Medical Center on 17 July, that some doctors had fled, and that a Dr Dusko from Velika Hoca, and Drs Stojanovic and Isuf had been taken by the KLA. Djoric was interrogated by the KLA members who had stopped his car and others who came during the night. He was taken into the hallway, asked questions about his brothers, and beaten. A KLA group appeared at about 3 a.m on 18 July and said they were members of the Drenica KLA. They asked who the Yugo outside the Center belonged to, took the keys from Djoric and drove him away. Source: HLC 2.21. The abduction of Sinisa Lukic and Veselin Lazic of Gornje Nerodimlje Sinisa Lukic and Veselin Lazic were abducted at about 7.30 p.m. on 20 July while on their way from Gornje Nerodimlje to the nearby town of Urosevac. According to the Politika newspaper, they were taken to Jezerac village where the KLA has a headquarters and runs a detention camp for Serbs from this area of Kosovo. Source: Politika 2.22. The abduction of police officer Dejan Stamenkovic Dejan Stamenkovic, a police officer from Ropotovo, Vitina Township, was taken off a bus running between Kosovska Mitrovica and Pec. The bus was stopped at Cubrelj village in the Drenica area on 19 May. There has been no information on his whereabouts since then. The official Serbian media reported that Stamenkovic was off duty, in civilian clothes and traveling on personal business. Source: Belgrade media 2.23. The abduction of police officer Ivan Bulatovic Police officer Ivan Bulatovic was taken off a Pec-Kosovo Polje train when it stopped at the Banjica station on 23 May. His wife has heard that he is being held at a KLA detention center in Likovac. Quoting as its source the Albanian-language Gazeta Shqiptare, Politika reported that Bulatovic was at the KLA camp in Izbica, also in the Drenica area. 2.24. The abduction of police officers Nikola Jovanovic and Rade Popadic Two Serbian police officers, Rade Popadic of Sabac and Nikola Jovanovic of Loznica, went missing at Babaloc village on 25 May. On 29 May, the Belgrade daily Danas quoted senior police sources in Kosovo as saying the two police officers had been taken prisoner and were believed to be well-treated by the KLA. The paper further reported that there had been contacts between the police authorities and the KLA on exchanging captured police officers in return for food supplies. On 10 July, Danas said the District Court in Pec had been asked to institute a judicial investigation against Dem Ramosaj and another four Albanians on charges of involvement in the abduction of Popadic and Jovanovic. The paper added that the investigations until then had indicated that the suspects had no knowledge of what happened to the two police officers after their abduction. It noted also the increasing talk in police circles in Kosovo about the possibility of exchanging abducted Serbs for arrested Albanians. Besa Arlati, member of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo organization in Djakovica, was questioned at the Djakovica Police Department several times in connection with the abduction of officers Popadic and Jovanovic. The first time was on 26 May when Police Chief Sreten Camovic demanded that she tell them everything she knew about the alleged abduction. Besa Arlati said the police inspectors cursed her "Albanian mother" and called her a whore, and Chief Camovic punched her in the face. She was held all night in a cellar, flooded with sewage some 10-15 centimeters deep. On 28 May, she was questioned continuously for nine hours. She was then allowed to go on condition she returned the next day, dressed in track suit and sport shoes, ostensibly to accompany police on a search for the abducted officers. When she reported on 29 May, police took off her jewelry and again took her down to the same cellar, where she remained until 11 p.m. on 1 June when she was released. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- IV DISAPPEARANCES OF SERBS AND ROMA IN UNCLEAR CIRCUMSTANCES 4.1 Radomir Ivanovic of Maznik Radomir Ivanovic went missing on the night of 23/24 April on the road to Maznik. He had fled the village two days earlier and, with other Serbs families from Gornje Ratiste and Maznik, was placed at the Youth Center in Decani. Source: Politika 4.2. Branko Stamatovic At the end of April, HLC researchers learned from displaced Serbs at the Decani Youth Center that Branko Stamatovic had been missing since 25 April. On 27 April, Politika quoted an unidentified Albanian family as saying Branko Stamatovic of Prilep had been taken "to the notorious village Glodjane." In mid-June, HLC researchers were told by a displaced Albanian in Montenegro that he saw Stamatovic come to Prilep with police at about 3 p.m. on 28 May and set fire to the house of his Albanian neighbor, Avdilj Lokaj. Source: Politika, HLC 4.3. Gurim Bejta, Agron Berisa and Ivan Zaric of Dolac Gurim Bejta and Agron Berisa (16), both Roma, and Ivan Zaric (24), a Serb, left Dolac on 20 May with a cart-load of corn for milling in the neighboring village of Grabanica. They never returned. They were last seen by Gurim's father, Ramadan Bejta, when he saw them off. Source: HLC 4.4. Ragip Gutic and Vucic Vukovic of Krusevac, and Novica Vujisic of Dubovik Ragip Gutic, Vucic Vukovic (35) and Novica Vujisic (17) disappeared on 18 June at Krusevac, a village in Suva Reka Township. Source: Politika 4.5. Radomir and Dragutin Vostic of Jelovac The Vostic brothers from Jelovac, Radomir (67) and Dragutin (69), disappeared on 20 June. Radomir's wife told the HLC they left home early in the morning to make hay between Josanica and Dusevici villages. When they did not return, she went to look for them. All she found were their scythes and their jackets hanging from a bush. Source: HLC 4.6. Djuro Latas of Rakovica Disappeared on 4 July on the Pristina-Suva Reka road. Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Belgrade daily Glas 4.7. Jugoslav Kostic of Retimlje Disappeared on 11 July at Brestovacke Padine. Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Glas, 4.8. Slobodan Mitrovic and Milovan Krstic of Recane Disappeared on 24 June at Krusevac, Suva Reka Township. Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Glas 4.9. Zeljko Kovacic of Javoran Disappeared on 24 June on the Pristina-Suva Reka road. Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Glas 4.10. Svetomir Bisevac of Ostrog Disappeared on 4 July on the Pristina-Prizren road Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Glas 4.11. Srboljub Miladinovic of Recane Disappeared on 24 June on the Pristina-Suva Reka road. Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Glas 4.12. Srdjan Perovic of Pec Disappeared on 6 July at Lodj. Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Glas 4.13. Alija Nasret of Dolovo Disappeared on 20 May at Grabanica. Source: Kosovo Red Cross, Glas 4.14. Resad and Suhad Hadza of Kosovoska Mitrovica Resad and Suhad Hadza were last seen while on their way to the bus station in Kosovska Mitrovica in a van belonging to Resad Hodza (licence plates BR 369 74). They had been at the house of the Hodza family to buy plastic products and asked them for a lift to the bus station. Source: HLC 4.15. 52 persons from Orahovac, Velika Hoca, Opterusa, Djakovica and Retimlja The following persons disappeared during fighting between the police-military forces and the KLA in the period from 17-22 July: Dusko Dolasevic and Dusko Patrnogic of Velika Hoca; Djordje Baljosevic, Tomislav Baljosevic, Slavka Baljosevic, Srdjan Vitosevic, Srecko Vitosevic, Cedo Cabarkapa, Dusko Djinovic, Krsta Stanojevic, Azem Isaku, Visar Isaku, Aleksandar Stojanovic, Ivica Simic, Svetozar Tomic, and Milorad Filjdjokic of Orahovac; Mladen Bozanic, Nemanja Bozanic, Duska Bozanic, Spasa Banzic, Slavica Banzic, Desanka Banzic, Srecko Banzic, Olga Simic, Spasa Djurdjic, Pedja Djurdjic and Jova Vasic of Opterusa; Lazar Kostic, Todor Kostic, Sasko Kostic, Zivko Kostic, Srecko Kostic, Miroljub Kostic, Veroslav Kostic, Svetomir Kostic, Nebojsa Kostic, Miodrag Kostic, Zvonko Kostic, Rajko Nikolic and Cvetko Nikolic of Retimlje; Nenad Tomic of Djakovica. The names of Vitko Kostic and five members of the family of Jovan Lukic of Orahovac, Olga Simic, Milutin Djurdjic, Stanojka Djurdjic and Slavka Djurdjic were also on this list. The HLC has learned in the meantime that Vitko Kostic was released, and that the five Lukics were not abducted. The Kosovo Red Cross and local Serbian authorities reported that Olga Simic, Milutin, Stanojka and Slavka Djurdjic were also released. Source: Belgrade media, HLC -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- UPDATE 1. 10 Orahovac Serbs released Ten Serbs captured by the KLA during the fighting in Orahovac were released on the night of 29/30 July. Only the released members of the Baljosevic family have been identified by name: Slavka, her daughter-in-law Snezana, and her 13-month-old grandson Ninoslav. 2. Ratko and Branko Staletic killed On 30 July, police found the bodies of the Mlecane villagers Ratko Staletic and his son Branko near the village of Orlate, on the Pristina-Pec road. The Staletics were taken from Mlecane on 20 June by a group of armed Albanians in camouflage fatigues. _______________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Get your free @yahoo.ca address at http://mail.yahoo.ca From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Jul 29 10:29:47 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 29 Jul 2001 07:29:47 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Program for Regional Academic Cooperation of Students in Southeast Europe - Message-ID: <20010729142947.50918.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> From: "Craig Zelizer" Subject: HESP SEE Academic Grants Program for Regional Academic Cooperation of Students in Southeast Europe - PRACS back to PRACS description back to Programs CALL FOR PROPOSALS The International Higher Education Support Program (HESP) of the Open Society Institute (OSI) invites applications for regional student-centered initiatives in academic cooperation in the humanities and social sciences >from and within the following Southeast European academic communities: Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia. The International Higher Education Support Program is committed to the advancement of higher education in the humanities and social sciences throughout the region of Central and Eastern Europe, Southeast Europe, the former Soviet Union and Mongolia. HESP operates as part of the Open Society Institute (OSI), a non-profit organization established by philanthropist George Soros. The mission of HESP is the promotion of an open and tolerant society through support for higher education. The aim of the Program for Regional Academic Cooperation of Students in Southeast Europe (PRACS) is to influence systemic changes in higher education by involving students in the democratization of their educational systems and by enhancing cross-border co-operation in the Southeast European region. Successful projects must meet the following requirements: be in the field of humanities and social sciences; be initiated and managed by students; target primarily undergraduate students; be innovative with a strong academic component; involve regional cooperation of students; be from the following academic communities of Southeast Europe: Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia. Preference will be given to projects: with a regional impact; involving minorities; of longer-term activities rather than single events; utilizing existing educational structures; >from outside the capital cities. Projects may involve any educational forms or any combination of educational forms (e.g. workshops, lecture series, summer schools). The Program will not support conferences or initiatives that are non-academic, or are in disciplines outside of the humanities and social sciences. Funding: International HESP will consider funding of short or long-term projects. Short-term projects may be funded up to 100%. In the case of longer-term projects, HESP will consider full funding for the first year but will not act as a sole funder beyond the first year. Therefore, such applicants are requested to submit a 3-year sustainability plan. Any western partnership project would require at least 50% co-funding for the whole project from a western institution. Applications must include: Completed Information Sheet with short description /summary of the project (up to 350 words); A detailed project proposal in English including the general mission of the project, a detailed description of project activities, description of the managing structure envisaged, a short resume or CV of project leaders, possible partnerships and co-operations with confirmation letters from the partner organizations, expected outcomes of the project; Detailed budget in US Dollars in the standard HESP format. HESP budget forms are available from the HESP web page or directly from the HESP office. Please, list possible other funding sources for future reference; Deadline for submitting applications: 15th October 2001. Applications should be submitted to: OSI-HESP, N?dor utca 11., 1051 Budapest, HUNGARY Program Manager: Zorana Gajic Telephone: (36-1) 327 31 47 Fax: (36-1) 327 38 64 e-mail: zorana at osi.hu HESP WebSite: http://www.osi.hu/hesp --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Sun Jul 29 11:26:50 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Sun, 29 Jul 2001 08:26:50 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Washington Post Message-ID: <20010729152650.5222.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> Rule of Law Is Elusive in Kosovo U.N., NATO Criticized For Inaction on Violence _____Camera Works Gallery_____ ? Violence Spreads in Macedonia _____Graphics_____ ? Map of Kosovo Buffer Zone E-Mail This Article Printer-Friendly Version Subscribe to The Post By R. Jeffrey Smith Washington Post Foreign Service Sunday, July 29, 2001; Page A01 PRISTINA, Yugoslavia -- The aisles and seats on the five bright red buses leaving the Serbian city of Nis overflowed with 250 nervously excited Serbs -- students, parents, pensioners and children. Escorted by seven NATO armored vehicles, the travelers were making a rare journey across the border into Kosovo to visit friends and relatives on a religious holiday, the Serbian Orthodox Church's annual Day of the Dead. Ahead, a small group of ethnic Albanians lay in wait. In a drainpipe buried under the main highway about half a mile inside Kosovo, near the village of Merdare, they had deposited 200 pounds of TNT. They then strung a detonation wire across nearby farmland to a hilltop a mile away where, sitting on a tree stump, they smoked cigarettes and waited for the convoy. At a signal, one of the Albanians touched the wire's strands to a car battery, setting off the bomb just as the first bus drove over the pipe. Eleven people died, including four women and a 2-year-old boy; 18 other people were injured, some critically. The vehicle was blown high in the air, landing 45 feet away; some passengers were rocketed through the roof. Investigators for the United Nations, who reconstructed this account of the Feb. 16 bus bombing, have called it perhaps the most heinous atrocity committed by ethnic Albanians against ethnic Serbs in Kosovo since NATO peacekeepers entered the province after the alliance's 1999 bombing campaign. But efforts by U.N. police and courts to bring the perpetrators to justice have languished. One reason is that NATO intelligence has key information it has not shared with police investigators, a frequent occurrence in Kosovo's struggling law enforcement system, police say. NATO and the United Nations are often unwilling to disclose what they know, some officials contend, because they want to protect intelligence sources. But sometimes, according to current and former U.N. officials, they also fear provoking ethnic Albanian militants, including some political leaders, who might turn on the 36,200 troops in the NATO-led peacekeeping force. The bus incident has become a signal example of a failure by NATO and the United Nations to impose the rule of law in Kosovo and make all its citizens safe. Bombings, grenade attacks, house-burnings and other forms of intimidation remain daily events in Kosovo, most of them aimed at driving out the estimated 60,000 to 100,000 remaining members of the minority Serb population -- a reversal of the Serb repression of Albanians that preceded NATO's arrival. Kosovo today is technically a province of the Yugoslav republic of Serbia but in fact is an international protectorate. U.N. officials administer the province; the peacekeeping force provides military muscle. Law enforcement is complicated by the frequently conflicting and overlapping jurisdiction of the peacekeeping troops and the 4,386 U.N. police. The police mandate is to solve crimes without fear or favor; top U.N. administrators and NATO commanders, on the other hand, openly worry first about keeping their troops safe. British air force squadron leader Roy Brown, chief spokesman for the NATO-led peacekeeping force known as KFOR, said in response to questions about the bus case that the peacekeeping force is willing to "act against high-profile individuals" and frequently shares information with police. But it also must follow "constraints imposed by the national security considerations of the 39 nations that contribute to KFOR." He did not detail those constraints. The challenge to police in the bus case is not determining who likely did it. NATO intelligence officers, privy to powerful eavesdropping systems and information from hundreds of paid informers, concluded months ago that a "Kosovar Albanian terrorist cell, approximately nine in number, had been responsible for the attack," according to a confidential U.N. report. The bombing was carried out by three people to create "personal insecurity in the Serb population," the report said. Intelligence reports state that the group's leader and some of its members belong to the Kosovo Protection Corps, successor to the Kosovo Liberation Army, the ethnic Albanian rebel group that fought for Kosovo's independence from Serb-run Yugoslavia before the arrival of NATO troops. NATO shared this general information with U.N. police, leading them to arrest four suspects in March with the help of several hundred NATO special forces troops in well-coordinated raids. But NATO has refused to provide more detailed information that would help in prosecutions. U.N. police and officials of the court system complain that NATO and top U.N. administrators have been slow to obtain critical support from abroad: They want the suspects' cell phone calling records but are still waiting for the information to arrive from Monaco, which maintains a clearinghouse for cellular calls in Kosovo. Similarly, complete results of DNA lab tests on bomb fragments and other evidence recovered at the scene have not yet been returned by German forensic experts. What was once a highly publicized international task force of 18 investigators on the case has dwindled to just two or three overworked people who give it part-time attention. The police also complain that they are hamstrung by U.N. rules that prohibit the use of paid informers and by U.N. court rules that bar the use of wiretapping evidence. Today a conviction in the bus bombing looks increasingly unlikely, according to six people involved in the case who spoke in recent interviews. The man against whom police had developed the best case, Florim Ejupi, escaped in May from a U.S. military prison in Kosovo, using a wire cutter allegedly passed to him in a spinach pie baked by his family. And charges against the three other suspects will be dropped if new evidence is not produced within the next month, U.N. officials say. A three-judge international panel has already called for their release on grounds of insufficient evidence. Ties to Organized Crime Alleged Officials say the bus case underlines one of the fundamental problems of building a stable, law-abiding society in Kosovo: frequent criminal activity by members of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC). The group, made up of former fighters in the Kosovo Liberation Army, is officially a civil emergency service, but is widely seen among people here as the nucleus for the future army of an independent Kosovo. According to classified NATO reports, informers claim that KPC members not only attack Serbs but are also involved in illegal trade in prostitutes, cigarettes, fuel, weapons and appliances. "Many KPC members, in some cases high-ranking KPC officials, have ties with criminal organizations," said one classified NATO report prepared late last year. The informants have alleged that commanders in the 5,000-member KPC have profited personally, for example, by forcibly seizing vacant apartments and reselling them or by extorting money from private companies, according to Western intelligence officials. Muharrem Mahmutaj, a spokesman for the KPC, said the group was unaware of wrongdoing but welcomed investigation. He noted, moreover, that the KPC itself "is not being accused." The United States has become the protection corps' most important foreign patron, providing at least $13 million in State Department and Pentagon aid in the past two years, covering more than a third of the group's total expenses. In May, when three officials of the KPC were arrested on charges of killing another KPC official -- who was allegedly cooperating with NATO to fight corruption -- the U.S. mission in Kosovo released a statement saying that "these arrests do not in any way reflect badly on the KPC and its important role in Kosovo." President Bush, who visited Kosovo on Tuesday, took the first step in June toward distancing Washington from the group. He signed an order banning five of its leaders from entering the United States on grounds that they had "undermined peace and stability." The five included two top commanders of the KPC's six zones in Kosovo and the corps' chief of staff. Exactly what they did has not been disclosed to U.N. police or prosecutors. NATO officials have searched some of the men's homes and turned over "a large quantity of documents," according to Brown, the spokesman for KFOR. Christer Karphammar, a Swedish jurist who was first a prosecutor and then Kosovo's first Western judge, said he directly knows of several cases in which U.N. and KFOR senior officials opposed or blocked prosecution of former Kosovo Liberation Army members, including some now in the KPC. "That means some of the former [KLA] had an immunity. The investigations were stopped on a high level," he said. Karphammar, who left the United Nations in April, said that throughout his 18-month tenure there, "the judiciary was not allowed to work independently." The reason, he said, was that NATO and U.N. officials feared they "would put their lives at risk" by acting against former members of the rebel group. Several sources cited the example of an alleged assault in the fall by Sami Lushtaku, a former KLA commander who became a regional commander of the KPC. According to police reports, Lushtaku and his bodyguard pistol-whipped an ethnic Albanian doctor sitting near them at a soccer game, fracturing the man's skull. NATO forces, including helicopters, were mobilized to arrest Lushtaku after a witness came forward, but at the last moment the arrest was halted at the insistence of high-ranking U.N. and NATO officials, according to three sources with knowledge of the incident. Jock Covey, a U.S. diplomat serving as deputy head of the U.N. mission in Kosovo, was instrumental in blocking Lushtaku's arrest on at least two occasions, the sources said. He told colleagues that if Lushtaku, who is popular in Kosovo, were jailed, it could destabilize the province on the eve of municipal elections and bolster hard-liners in Serbian parliamentary elections in December. Covey, who has left the United Nations for private industry, declined to comment. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe cited the example in a report last month -- without identifying Lushtaku -- alleging "unequal treatment" of those accused of criminal activity. Karphammar, the former U.N. judge, said NATO and U.N. officials also intervened in February 2000 to force the release of more than a dozen former members of the rebel army, including a man who was wanted by Interpol. The ethnic Albanians had been detained by French forces for organizing a riot in the northern city of Mitrovica. But French intelligence officers refused to give a local court information they collected in interviews. All the suspects were released "before the real court investigation started, because of a threat by rebel leaders that if they were not released, KFOR soldiers would come under threat," Karphammar said. Tensions between police and NATO often surface in criminal investigations, sources say. Several police officers have reported being shooed away from crime scenes by NATO intelligence officers who insist on conducting the first interviews with key witnesses and then withhold the results. After the bus bombing, NATO paved over the crater on the Nis highway within hours, an act that several police officers said destroyed potential evidence. 'Smoke and Blood Everywhere' Sometime before the blast, NATO officials received intelligence information about a threat to movements of Serbs, two sources said. The day the buses set out, soldiers were assigned to check the road for explosives, but they were distracted by the presence of two men on a nearby hilltop and did not complete the task; their radio malfunctioned when they tried to ask the convoy to wait. Gorica Scepanovic, a passenger that day, still finds it difficult to talk about what followed. "It all happened within a few seconds -- panic, shock, and when we opened our eyes, smoke and blood everywhere. It was dripping from all over the bus, and at that moment, you were not sure if it is yours or someone else's. . . . The first thing I saw on my way to the door was someone's leg hanging from the ceiling." Two of the four men who were later arrested worked at the Pristina headquarters of the KPC. Family members of Jusuf Veliu, a KPC captain, deny the charges but say that he was traumatized by Serb atrocities against Albanians during the war. "He saw bad things during the war, including dead kids," a relative said. The families of the others arrested, KPC Col. Cele Gashi and shopkeeper Avdi Behluli, also asserted that they are innocent. Behluli's family said he was arrested and beaten by Serbs before the war, and display pictures showing he is now friendly with top KPC officials and Pristina's Albanian police chief. All three men in custody have denied knowing Ejupi, the 23-year-old who escaped from the U.S. military prison. Ejupi had been arrested twice in Germany, once for stealing gasoline and once for beating another ethnic Albanian. But police say that Ejupi's cell phone, seized during his arrest, indicates he spoke to one of the other men around the time of the bombing. When he was arrested, Ejupi told police, "I don't want to say anything and I don't know what to say," according to documents provided by his lawyer. But even without his testimony, police found interesting evidence. On a cigarette butt discarded at the tree stump, they found DNA that matched the sample in his German arrest file. U.S. Army officials say Ejupi's escape on May 14 from Camp Bondsteel involved about 10 minutes' work of cutting through two wire fences. The breakout was hardly a novel event in Kosovo. More than 30 defendants, including many indicted for ethnic crimes, freed themselves from other prisons last year. Since then, the Bondsteel prison has added more guard towers and lights; no one has been disciplined for the escape. Baton Haxhiu, editor of the ethnic Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore, called the bombing "the worst crime of postwar Kosovo" and said it has aroused widespread disgust. Albanians and Serbs alike want rule of law, he said. In an editorial, he said the police had been "castrated" and blamed ethnic Albanian political leaders for imposing a "code of silence" about the crime. But there are no signs that violence is waning. A month after the bus was destroyed, NATO troops found a similar device along a road south of Pristina, near an area inhabited by Ashkalis, another ethnic group that Albanian nationalists would like to expel. That the bomb was not aimed at Serbs gave little comfort to that community. Bishop Artemije, head of the Serb National Council in Kosovo, said recently that his people still have "neither the right to life, nor to work, and freedom of movement." --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From albboschurch at juno.com Sun Jul 29 19:27:47 2001 From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com) Date: Sun, 29 Jul 2001 19:27:47 -0400 Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Anthony Athanas: Marathon Man Message-ID: <20010729.192850.-193057.0.albboschurch@juno.com> Anthony Athanas: Marathon Man A 90th Birthday Tribute Some say, he is quintessential Massachusetts, because he's been a culinary host in the Commonwealth for most of a century; Some say, he is quintessential Bostonian, because he had visions for the harbor when most today were in knee pants; Some say, he's quintessential Albanian-American, because he's ever ready to meld the proud aspirations of his ancestral birthplace with the noblest ideals of his adopted land. Fact is: he's a quintessential human being because he's an avid proponent of the ecumenical precept that: if you respect your own faith and heritage it enables one to understand and honor others and elevates societal harmony everywhere. His philanthropy is always principled, because he never forgets his village origins, has honestly followed the tugs of his heart and the value he fervently holds for decency and dedication. Like the amateur boxer he once aspired to be as a youth, he never shies from a good intellectual tussle - believe me it's a hard bout to win! For him, this translates into a sense of justice matched only by an admirable and energetic drive to accomplish everything with excellence and style. Most of all, he is quintessentially and uniquely just himself! In a way, he is a type of Marathon Man: an independent loner whose heroic effort fulfills and stretches individual capacity, inspires the many and thus serves the group. True to his own conscience, passionate in his beliefs, indefatigueable in work, fully free and energetic, he is a natural-born perfectionist. He relentlessly combines both reason and emotion together with a vision for the long distance run. Yet who among us has not been witness to his poet's sense for parable and legendary tale, together with a moisty tear in his eye for a memory he holds dear. He is enamored of books owing to an unquenchable thirst for knowledge and he loves people - broad varieties of them - for the experience of adventure they bring to life. Successes have been the byproduct of this indomitable spirit. Yet, he has even found adversity to be occasion to rally for a philosophical perspective on life, since I've known him to bend his knee and bow his head quietly in prayer through all life's vicissitudes. For this reason and more, his deep devotion to Esther, his stalwart sons and their entire family is an oasis of love and loyalty for him, for them, and for all who know him. Popes and Presidents, prima donnas and superstars have seen this breadth in the man, as have the countless others he has mentored along the way. If ever there was a legendary "Marathon Man," then surely Anthony Athanas is quintessentially such a figure. He doesn't know how to quit; and why should he? It all began: four score and ten years ago, today. God bless you, Anthony. On to 100! A Birthday Tribute to Anthony Athanas Very Rev. Arthur E. Liolin 27 July 2001 Anthony's Pier 4 Boston ________________________________________________________________ GET INTERNET ACCESS FROM JUNO! Juno offers FREE or PREMIUM Internet access for less! Join Juno today! For your FREE software, visit: http://dl.www.juno.com/get/tagj. From eqerem at gis.net Sun Jul 29 20:56:56 2001 From: eqerem at gis.net (Eqerem Mete) Date: Sun, 29 Jul 2001 20:56:56 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Info: Qendrimi i Greqisë ndaj Pakicave Kombëtare* (nga Eqerem Mete**) Message-ID: <200107300056.f6U0uu603862@alb-net.com> Qendrimi i Greqis? ndaj Pakicave Komb?tare* nga Eqerem Mete** * Artikulli ?sht? botuar n? gazet?n shqiptare ?Albania? n? dhjetor 2000 Nga fillimi i vitit 2001, sipas agjencis? Rojter, Bashkimi Evropian do t? d?rgoj? n? Shqip?ri ?nj? komision p?r t? diskutuar rreth nj? marreveshjeje bashk?punimi.? Sekretari i p?rgjithsh?m i ministris? s? jashtme greke i deklaroi kryeministrit shqiptar gjat? vizit?s s? tij koh?t e fundit n? Shqip?ri se ?legjislacioni p?r pakicat duhet t? rishikohet ?n? qoft? se Tirana d?shiron t?i afrohet Bashkimit Evropian,? kurse kyeministri shqiptar paska shprehur bindjen se ?Shqip?ria do t? p?rpiloj? nj? legjislacion t? avancuar, nje nga m? t? p?rparuarit n? Evrop?n Juglindore.? Nisma e BE-s? p?r t?iu m?suar autoriteteve shqiptare se si t? sillen me t? ashtuquajtur?n pakic? greke, q? num?ron rreth 30 - 40 mij? frym?, ultimatumi i t? d?rguarit t? kryeministrit grek, si dhe deklarata e kryeministrit shqiptar t? krijojn? p?rshtypjen se n? legjislacionin shqiptar p?r pakicat komb?tare paska t? meta serioze. P?r t? sqaruar k?t? ??shtje, p?r t? par? se ku jan? dhe p?r hir t? argumenteve, autoritetet p?rkat?se shqiptare e kan? obligim t? studiojn? ligjet dhe praktikat e vendeve t? tjera, natyrisht edhe t? Greqis?, madje edhe t? vendeve, q? mbahen si m? t? p?rparuarit n? k?t? drejtim. A ka legjislacion m? t? avancuar dhe praktik? kaq absurde n? vendet e tjera sesa ?ka v?rehet n? vendin ton? p?r t? ashtuquajturat pakica komb?tare? N? vend q? nx?n?si ta k?rkoj? e t? vej? atje ku ?sht? shkolla, n? Shqip?ri shkolla (greke) i ndjek nga mbrapa nx?n?sit e diaspor?s greke, kudo ata ndodhen edhe kur ky num?r bie n? kund?rshtim flagrant me ligjin. Nga ana e tyre, autoritetet greke nuk e kan? marr? mundimin deri m? sot t? lejojn? zyrtarisht hapjen edhe t? nj? shkoll? t? vetme fillore p?r f?mij?t e qindra mij? emigrant?ve shqiptar?. Greqis? as nuk i shkon nd?rmend t? nd?rmarr? nj? veprim t? till? zyrtar, q? do t? kishte sadopak nuanc?n e njohjes s? t? drejtave t? nj? elementi nacional q? nuk ?sht? e nuk e quan veten grek. N? mentalitetin grek, nj? hap i till? do t? ishte precedent i rreziksh?m q? do t? minonte teorit? rreth t? ashtuquajturit homogjenitet t? shtetit grek dhe do t?u shtonte oreksin pakicave nacionale p?r arsimim n? gjuh?t e veta komb?tare. Ky hap do t? rriste edhe presionin nga brenda e jasht? ndaj Greqis?. Ai do t? b?nte gjithashtu t? shkonin kot mundimet e autoriteteve greke gjat? shum? dekadave p?r t? asimiluar shqiptar?t e vjet?r, qoft? autokton? apo t? vajtur gjat? shekujve, n? Greqi. P?rpjekjet p?r t?i ?komb?tarizuar emigrant?t e rinj shqiptar? n?p?rmjet shkollimit n? greqisht dhe me ndihm?n e kish?s ortodokse greke duke u nd?rruar fen?, si dhe diktati i autoriteteve greke, duke shfryt?zuar pranin? e tyre n? Greqi, ndaj shtetit shqiptar, do t? b?heshin gjithmon? e m? t? paefektsh?m. Nj? politik? e till? e brendshme e shtetit grek ndikon fuqish?m edhe politik?n e tij t? jashtme ndaj fqinj?ve pavar?sisht nga mballomat e garniturat evopiane q? e shoq?rojn? at?. Ndaj Shqip?ris?, n? vend t? reciprocitet t? pakt?n p?r hir t? q?ndrimit t? qeveris? s? sotme shqiptare, Greqia e ka rritur intensitetin dhe diapazonin e presionit. Greqia nuk ka hequr dor? nga pretendimet territoriale ndaj Shqip?ris?. P?r t? shmangur nj? akuz? t? till?, por edhe p?r ta mbajtur situat?n n? tension, tani p?r tani, qeveria greke ua ka len? t? ashtuquajtur?ve qarqe ultranacionaliste detyr?n p?r t? ngritur hapur k?rkesa territoriale, kurse n? cil?sin? si qeveri po k?to k?rkesa ajo i kamuflon me parull?n p?r respektimin e t? drejtave t? njeriut dhe t? normave demokratike. N? takime zyrtare t? nivelit t? lart? midis t? dyja pal?ve, pala greke i b?n pal?s shqiptare k?rkesa ultimatum, q? flasin p?r imponim t? raporteve pronar-vasal. N? parlamentin grek b?hen debate lidhur me ?rritjen e nacionalizmit shqiptar, zgjerimin e rolit destabilizues t? grupeve t? armatosura shqiptare n? Kosov?, Maqedoni dhe Serbin? jugore? pavar?sisht se lufta e shqiptar?ve kunder nacionalizmit agresiv serb u mb?shtet dhe mb?shtetet, natyrisht me p?rjashtim t? grek?ve, nga gjith? bota demokratike. Nj? gj? ?sht? m? se e qart? n? k?t? kontekst. Sa m? af?r i afrohet zgjidhjes ??shtja e Kosov?s, aq m? shum? irritohen autoritetet greke dhe aq m? shum? i m?shojn? paralelizmit absurd q? ata b?jn? me k?t? ??shtje. Eurodeputet?t grek?, t? Demokracis? s? Re dhe t? PASOK-ut, k?rkojn? q? Shqip?ris? t?i nd?rpritet ndihma makrofinanciare dhe ajo t? p?rjashtohet nga tratativat p?r fillimin e bisedimeve p?r n?nshkrimin e marr?veshjes s? asosacionit e stabilitetit. Edhe ministri i Jasht?m Xhorxh Papandreu ka hipur n? sken? p?r t? atakuar Shqip?rin?. Ai i shkruan Komisionerit Evropian p?r Marr?dh?nie me Jasht? Kris Patten duke e b?r? problem ?munges?n e t? drejtave t? ?pakic?s greke.?? Edhe pse midis t? dy vendeve ?sht? n?nshkruar Traktati i Miq?sis? dhe i Bashk?punimit, Ligji i Gjendjes s? Luft?s me Shqip?rin? ende nuk ?sht? hequr nga Greqia n? nj? koh? kur me Italin? ajo e ka abroguar nj? ligj t? till? pavar?sisht se ishte Italia fashiste ajo q? kreu agresion ndaj saj n? vitin 1940 dhe jo Shqip?ria. Pasurit? e shqiptar?ve n? Greqi jan? bllokuar n?n pretekstin e k?tij ligji absurd, kurse p?r pasurit? e popullsis? shqiptrare q? u masakrua dhe u detyrua me forc?n e arm?ve t? largohej nga ?am?ria, jepen argumente nga m? absurdet p?r t? mos ua kthyer ato pronar?ve t? ligjsh?m. Duke par? nj? politik? e veprimtari t? till? greke kund?r Shqip?ris?, kushdo mund t? nxjerr? konkluzionin se Greqia akoma jeton n? t? kaluar?n. Q? t? jetoj? n? t? tashmen, asaj i duhet t? zbatoj? proverbin e vjet?r, q? thot? se ?t? njoh?sh t? tjer?t ?sht? dituri, t? njoh?sh vetveten do t? thot? t? pastrosh mendjen.? Pik?risht k?t? t? fundit nuk kan? b?r? fqinj?t tan?. Megjithat?, pik?risht n? k?t? sfond aktiviteti politik nga ana e Greqis? kund?r Shqip?ris?, qeveria e sotme shqiptare marr?dh?niet me fqinj?n jugore i trajton n? kuadrin e ?partneritetit strategjik midis dy partive, dy qeverive e dy vendeve? me shpres? se rruga p?r Evrop? do t? shkoj? nga Athina ashtu si dikur rruga p?r Mosk? shkonte nga Beogradi. Me p?rjashtim t? atyre q? ia kan? lidhur k?mb?t e duart vetes, zor se ka nga ata t? cil?t kan? mend n? kok? e sy n? ball?, q? nuk kuptojn? e nuk shikojn? se ku e ka hallin pala greke. Po t? kthehemi p?rs?ri n? tem?n e fillimit, at? t? pakicave komb?tare, do t? thosha se kushdo do t? b?hej kurreshtar t? m?sonte se ?far? thon? vet? personalitetet greke p?r k?t? ??shtje. Materiali i m?posht?m, i bazuar n? burime nga Greqia dhe Komuniteti Evropian, i botuar me shkurtime n? gazet?n Illyria (Nju Jork, SHBA) mund t? hedh? pak drit? mbi p?rvoj?n e shtetit helen n? k?t? drejtim. x x x Apeli drejtuar kryetarit t? parlamentit grek dhe drejtuesve t? partive n? vigjilje t? 25 vjetorit t? rivendosjes s? demokracis? n? Greqi m? solli nd?rmend nj? raport mbi shqiptar?t e Greqis?, p?rpiluar nga nj? grup hulumtues t? Komunitetit Evropian n? vitin 1987. I n?nshkruar nga tre deputet? turq t? pakic?s turke, shtat? organizata turke dhe tri organizata maqedone per minoritetet p?rfshir? edhe Grupin grek t? Helsinkit p?r Monitorizimin dhe t? Drejtat e Pakicave n? Greqi, Apeli thekson se republika e Greqis? ka nj? dobesi t? theksuar: Ajo nuk njeh pranin? e pakicave komb?tare n? territorin e vet. N?nshkruesit i b?jn? thirrje shtetit grek q? t? njoh? ekzistenc?n e pakicave maqedone dhe turke, t? ratifikoj? Konvent?n Kuad?r p?r Mbrojtjen e Pakicave Komb?tare t? K?shillit t? Evrop?s pa kushte p?r zbatimin e saj dhe t? zbatoj? parimet e Konvent?s si dhe t? dokumenteve p?rkat?se t? OSBE-s? me q?llim nd?rprerjen e gjith? formave t? diskriminimit apo persekutimit t? pjesemarr?s?ve t? k?tyre pakicave dhe respektimin e t? drejtave t? tyre. Esht? e v?rtet? se autoritetet greke, q? gjithmon? kan? luajtur rolin e strucit, si dhe publiku grek, i cili ?sht? indoktrinuar si duhet dekada me radh?, refuzojn? n? m?nyr? kategorike t? njohin pranin? e pakicave komb?tare n? territorin grek. Parimi te cilit grek?t gjithmon? i jan? p?rmbajtur ?sht? se kushdo q? jeton n? Greqi ?sht? grek. Gjith? ata q? nuk jan? grek? duhet t? largohen. Ky ?sht? mentaliteti mbizot?rues n? Greqi, an?tare e Kombeve t? Bashkuara, e Bashkimit Evropian, e NATO-s, e OSBE-s? dhe organizatave t? tjera nd?rkomb?tare. Nuk u shkon nd?r mend grek?ve se n? qoft? se vendet fqinj? do t? kishin zbatuar t? nj?jtin parim, tashm? nuk do t? kishte m? grek? jasht? kufijve t? shtetit grek. T? citojm? shkurtimisht p?rgjigjet e disa autoriteteve greke ndaj Apelit sipas burimeve greke. Kryetari i parlamentit Apostolos Kaklamanis: ?N? Greqi nuk ka as pakic? turke, as maqedone. Ekziston vet?m nj? pakic? fetare myslimane. ?do sajes?, sidomos n? k?t? moment, u sh?rben q?llimeve t? tjera dhe me t? do t? merremi n? m?nyr?n e duhur.? Ministri p?r Shtypin Dimitris Reppas: ?Sajesat antihistorike dhe jorealiste do t? d?shtojn?.? Ministri i Jasht?m grek Xhorxh Papandreu: ?Greqia, q? ndodhet n? nj? rajon t? v?shtir?, ndjek nj? politik? sh?mbullore n? drejtim t? pakicave.? Kurse ish ministri i Maqedonis? dhe Thrak?s Stelios Papathemelis deklaroi: ?Me duhet t?ua them n? gjuh?n e tyre ?Ai sihtir? [P...!].? Udh?heq?si i KKE i shtoi nj? version tjet?r motivit t? Apelit. Ai theksoi: ?Besojm? se publikimii nj? deklarate t? till? ka m? pak lidhje me p?rvjetorin e rivendosjes s? demokracis? sesa me dialogun q? po zhvillohet midis Greqis? dhe Turqis?. Ajo i krijon mund?sin? Amerik?s t? imponoj? kushtet e veta p?r dialog. Ata q? guxuan t? nd?rmarrin nj? veprim t? till? mund t? gjenden jo vet?m n? Greqi.? Gazeta Eleftherotypia botoi nj? artikull shkruar nga profesor Nikolas Stavru, grekoamerikan n? lidhje me Shtetet e Bashkuara q? q?ndrojn? mbrapa peripecive ballkanike. Stavru shkruan se mbrapa Apelit fshihen Ankaraja dhe padron?t e vet n? Uashington me mb?shtetjen e ?industris?? s? t? drejtave t? njeriut n? Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe filialet e saj n? Greqi. Kjo deklarat?, e cila ua hedh fajin Shteteve t? Bashkuara i ngjan deklarimit t? kryetarit t? parlamentit Kaklamanis rreth sulmeve ajrore t? NATO-s kund?r S?rbis?. ?Sulmet e drejtuara nga Shtetet e Bashkuara e kthejn? Evrop?n n? koh?n e Luft?s s? Ftoht?,? deklamoi ai. ?Duhet t?i japim fund q?nies son? pre e nj? fuqie [SHBA] e cila nuk do q? Evropa t? q?ndroj? me k?mb?t e veta.? ?ka t?rheq n? ve?anti v?mendjen ?sht? ngjashm?ria e madhe e reagimeve t? autoriteteve dhe p?rfq?suesve t? partive politike ndaj Apelit dhe deklaratrave q? p?rmban raporti p?r shqiptar?t e Greqis?. P?rfundimi q? mund t? nxirret nga p?rmbajtja e Apelit ?sht? se politika e pushtetar?ve grek? sot p?r t? nj?jt?n ??shtje ?sht? e nj?jt? me at? t? vitit 1987, kur u p?rpilua raporti i sip?rp?rmendur, p?rmbledhja e t? cilit vijon. Raport rreth Shqiptar?ve t? Greqis? nga Komisioni i Komunitetit Evropian Nje grup hulumtues i Komunitetit Evropian vizitoi Greqin? nga 4 deri 10 tetor 1987 p?r t? kryer nj? studim rreth pranis? s? elementit shqiptar dhe ruajtjes s? prejardhjes etnike e gjuh?s. Udh?timi u organizua nga Buroja Evropiane p?r Studimin e Gjuh?ve pak t? p?rdorura, n?n mbikqyrjen e Komisionit t? Komunitetit Evropian. P?rb?rja e Grupit: Antonio Belushi Itali Ricardo Alvares Spanj? E. Angel Franc? Kolom Anget Spanj? Havier Boski Spanj? Onom Falkona Holland? Volfgang Jeniges Belgjik? Robert Marti Franc? Stefan Moal Franc? Kol O?Cinseala Irland? Joseph San Sokasao Spanj? Objekti i udh?timit: Hulumtime n? 300 komunitete shqiptare n? Greqi. Synimi: Tu mund?sohet p?rfaq?suesve evropian? gjat? vizit?s s? tyre t? bien n? kontakt me popullin shqiptar n? Greqi, ku aktualisht flet gjuh?n shqipe, e cila nuk m?sohet n? shkollat greke. P?r t? vler?suar reagimin e partive dhe institucioneve t? ndryshme ndaj ??shtjes s? mbrojtjes s? pakicave linguistike q? ekzistojn? n? Greqi, t? cilat aktualisht nuk njihen madje edhe n?n kriterin minimal si? ?sht? rasti i shqiptar?eve e i t? tjer?ve. Pik?pamjet e partive kryesore: Partia ?Demokracia e Re?: Biseduam me Mihal Papakonstantinu, Efstakios Paguhos, Nikola Martis, Joanis Vulfefis dhe Kaeti Papannastision. Vijojn? disa nga p?rgjgjet e tyre: ?Problemi i gjuh?s shqipe ne Greqi nuk ekziston. Po t? hedhim probleme gjuh?sh n? tavolin?, do t? krijonim probleme shum? t? m?dha p?r shtetin grek. N? qoft? se gjuha shqipe flitet, ajo flitet vet?m n? familje. Nuk mund t? jepet opinion i plot? p?r k?t? ??shtje. Kurr? nuk ka pasur vend p?r shqiptar?t n? problemet tona. Misioni juaj ?sht? shum? delikat. Mos i komplikoni pun?t. Kujdes! ??shtjet e pakicave do t? ?ojn? n? luft? n? Evrop?. Nuk mund t?ju ndohmojm? n? asnj? m?nyr? n? k?to momente. Gjithashtu, nuk duam t? krijojm? p?rshtypjen se ka prani shqiptare n? Greqi. Ky problem p?r ne nuk ekziston.? Partia ?PASOK?: Pyetjet iu b?n? Dr. Jorgos Sklavunas dhe Manolis Azimakis. P?rgjigjet e tyre: ?Nuk e konsiderojm? t? domosdoshme q? shqiptar?t dhe pakicat e tjera t? m?sojn? gjuh?t e tyre amtare sepse gjuha q? ata flasin nuk ?sht? gjuh?. Nuk ka tok? shqiptare ne Greqi. Ka vet?m territore greke ku mund t? flitet edhe shqip. Kushdo q? nuk e flet gjuh?n ton?, nuk i p?rket rac?s dhe vendit ton?. Ministria e Kultures Mbasi d?gjoi pyetjet, Doc. Athina Sipirianti u p?rgjigh: P?r t? zgjidhur nj? problem duhet gjithmon? t? ngrihet nj? komision. Ne nuk kemi mund?si t? merremi me problemin q? ngreni ju. P?rvoja tuaj do t? nda duhet p?r ?ka do t? b?jm? n? t? ardhmen. Vizita juaj ?sht? nj? stimul i madh p?r ne. Departamenti Pedagogjik P?rgjigja e Dr. Trinnidafilotis ishte shum? e ftoht?: Nuk ka m?sim t? shqipes. Kjo q? thoni ju ?sht? m? shum? problem politik sesa kulturor. Nuk kam asgj? tjet?r p?r t? shtuar. Komisioni i revist?s s? pavarur Anti u p?rgjigj: ?Kufijt? midis shteteve nuk jan? t? drejta. Ky interesim p?r minoritetet n? Greqi mund t? fsheh? interesa dominimi nga shtete t? tjer?. Pakicat linguistike, pra, pakica shqiptare, nuk ka fare t? drejta. N? Greqi ka vetem grek?.? Deklaratat e m?sip?rme dhe Apeli drejtuar kryetarit t? parlamentit dhe drejtuesve t? partive greke jan? prov? e qart? e pranis? s? shqiptar?ve, turq?ve dhe sllav?ve maqedon? n? Greqi, t? cil?t vazhdojn? t? flasin gjuh?t e tyre amtare. Sipas studimeve t? kryera nga dijetar?, ne Greqi ndodhen rreth 700 fshatra shqiptare, komb?sin? shqiptare t? t? cil?ve grek?t e mohojn?. Esht? fakt i njohur se gjith? pjes?marr?sit e pakicave komb?tare n? Greqi i jan? n?nshtruar nj? asimilimi intensiv dhe t? organizuar, t? cilin grek?t, nd?rsa mohojn? komb?sin? e tyre t? ndryshme, e justifikojn? duke iu referruar fes? s? tyre ortodokse, sikur feja t? ishte kriteri p?r t? p?rcaktuar komb?sin?. Megjithat?, pretendimeve absurde t? autoriteteve greke iu jan? kund?rv?n? edhe vet? grek?t. N? nj? studim p?r t? nj?jt?n ??shtje, profesori i s? Drejt?s Nd?rkomb?tare dhe z?vend?s president i Gjykat?s Evropiane p?r t? Drejtat e Njeriut Kristos Rozakis e pranon karakterin etnik t? pakicave n? Greqi. P?r sa i p?rket politik?s s? brendshme greke ndaj pakicave komb?tare, ?sht? p?r t? ardhur keq t? konstatosh q? nj? an?tare e Bashkimit Evropian si? ?sht? Greqia nuk ka mundur t? b?het model p?r vendet e tjera ballkanike n? kuadrin e ??shtjes s? pakicave komb?tare, q? shembulli i saj n? k?t? fush? i shtohet imazhit tashm? t? njollosur t? Ballkanit p?r shkak t? politik?s s? S?rbis?, q? megjith?se an?tare e NATO-s, pavar?sisht nga ?p?rpjekjet? e qeveris? p?r t? mbajtur nj? t? ashtuquajtur ekuilib?r, Greqia iu kund?rvu sulmeve ajrore t? NATOs kund?r S?rbis? n?n pretekstin fallco t? lidhjeve tradicionale historike dhe fetare me Serb?t dhe heshtazi mb?shteti politik?n e Miloshevi?it p?r spastrimin etnik t? Kosov?s prej shqiptar?ve. N? k?t? fushat? solidariteti me Miloshevi?in kur filluan bombardimet ajrore t? NATO-s, kryepeshkopi i Athin?s Kristodulos nxitoi t? mb?shtes? patriarkun e Mosk?s Aleksi, kreu i Kish?s Ortodokse Ruse duke b?r? thirrje p?r t? p?rkrahur Serbin?. Esht? gjithashtu p?r t? ardhur keq se asgj? nuk ka ndryshuar deri sot n? politik?n nacionaliste dhe teokratike t? Greqis? q? nga periudha 1944-1945 kur grek?t ishin t? par?t n? Evrop?n Juglindore mbas Luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore q? kryen vrasje masive n? ?am?ri, rajon i banuar nga shqiptar?, n? veri-per?ndim t? shtetit t? sot?m grek, dhe q? e spastruan at? etnikisht nga shqiptar?t, q? nuk kishin fen? e grek?ve. Esht? e logjikshme q? v?llez?rit e tyre t? fes?, Serb?t, t? p?rfitonin natyrsh?m nga p?rvoja greke e viteve 1944-1945 n? spastrimin etnik t? shqiptar?ve dhe ta p?rdornin at? n? shkall? t? gjer? kund?r shqiptar?ve t? Kosov?s n? vitin 1999. M?nyra si reagojn? grek?t ndaj ??shtjes s? pakicave komb?tare flet p?r nj? tendenc? t? fort? nacionaliste, t? s?mur?, e ngritur n? nivelin e politik?s shtet?rore dhe q? bie ndesh me tendenc?n e p?rgjithshme n? vendet e Bashkimit Evropian. Sipas regjistrimit zyrtar t? vitit 1951 n? Greqi pakicat etnike n? vend p?rb?nin 2.6 deri 3.8 t? numrit t? p?rgjithsh?m t? popullsis?. Si edhe n? rastin e jogrek?ve t? tjer?, edhe numri i shqiptar?ve ishte mjaft i zvog?luar n? regjistrim. Sipas burimeve t? tjera, n? at? koh? t? pakt?n kan? qen? 350, 000 shqiptar?. Fol?s sllav? n? Greqi sot num?rohen deri n? 300 mij? megjith?se shumica e tyre u detyrua t? largohej gjat? dhe mbas luft?s s? dyt? bot?rore e luft?s civile. Megjith?se fakti mbetet, edhe k?to t? dh?na t? zvog?luara tej mase jan? mohuar nga autoritetet greke sa her? q? dikush iu ?sht? referuar. Vet? dy fakte, q? jan? prova t? padiskutueshme t? munges?s s? toleranc?s greke ndaj pakicave komb?tare: Pak vite m? par?, Anastasia Karakasidou, e diplomuar n? Universitetin e Harvardit, iu b?n? k?rc?nime p?r ta vrar? s? pari nga komuniteti grek n? Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe m? von? n? Greqi p?r shkak se ajo kishte folur p?r pranin? e nj? komuniteti maqedon slllavofol?s n? Greqi n? librin e vet ?Fusha me Grur?, Kodra me Shkurre...? Pothuajse n? t? nj?jt?n koh?, Kristo Sideropulos, drejtues i ?L?vizjes s? t? Drejtave t? Njeriut n? Maqedoni? u hodh n? gjyq me akuz?n se ?kishte p?rhapur t? dh?na jo t? v?rteta q? mund t? sillnim shqet?sime n? marr?dh?niet e Greqis? me jasht?.? Faji i tij ishte nj? deklarat? q? ai kishte b?r? p?r maqedonasit q? shteti, i cili u mohonte ekzistenc?n, u krijonte pengesa n? ushtrimin e gjuh?s dhe kultur?s s? tyre. Megjith?se nuk mund t? mohohet fakti se Greqia ?sht? an?tare me t? drejta t? plota e Bashkimit Evropian, sjellja e saj, n? t? kaluar?n dhe sot, q? shum? pak ka t? b?j? me vlerat per?ndimore, po ndihmon gjithmon? e m? shum? njer?z t? kuptojn? se ky vend ?sht? shum? larg nga an?tar?t e tjer? t? Bashkimit Evropian p?r sa u p?rket mentalitetit, kultur?s, si dhe toleranc?s fetare dhe nacionale. Greqia dallohet nga vendet e tjera an?tare t? BE-s? edhe p?r sa i p?rket legjislacionit t? brendsh?m. P?r shembull, shtet?sia, komb?sia dhe feja ngat?rrohen me q?llim n? Greqi. Kushtetuta greke e ndalon proselitizmin. Ka dispozita, sidomos Neni 20 i Ligjit p?r Shtet?sin? n? Greqi, sipas t? cilit imponohen sanksione, denime me burg dhe mohim t? shtet?sis? greke ndaj pjesemarr?sve t? pakicave fetare, q? akuzohen p?r pjes?marrje n? t? ashtuquajtura veprimtari kund?r helenizmit. Pavar?sisht nga fakti se Neni 19 t? i Ligjit p?r Shtet?sin? Greke ?sht? abroguar si rezultat i presionit nd?rkomb?tar, n? baz? t? t? cilit qeveria kishte t? drejt? tu hiqte shtet?sin? greke personave t? quajtur alogjen? [banor? vendas me origjin? jogreke], Greqia nuk e ka b?r? heqjen e Nenit prapaveprues p?r t?ua kthyer shtet?sin? personave q? me pa t? drejt? e kan? humbur at?. Gazeta britanike Financial Times citon Takis Michas, specialist p?r ??shtjet sociale n? gazeten e Athin?s Eleftherotypia, t? ket? th?n? se ?Greqia p?rfaq?son nj? shoq?ri t? mbyllur n? vetvete. Vlerat e ortodoksis? e p?rforcojn? k?t? mentalitet. Ortodoksia e shikon Per?ndimin si rrezik, si vend ku kurdisen komplote kund?r saj,? mentalitet i grek?ve dhe serb?ve ky, i cili e ka origjin?n n? sizm?n e hershme midis kristianizmit per?ndimor dhe lindor. Kurse historiani britanik Norman Davies shkruan n? librin e tij ?Evropa, nje Histori?: Q? nga koha e kryq?zatave, ortodoksia e ka konsideruar Per?ndimin si burim i nj? shtypjeje m? t? keqe se ajo e t? pafeve.? Ky mentalitet shfaqet edhe ne radhet e klerik?ve greke n? Shtetet e Bashkuara t? Amerik?s. Sipas shtypit amerikan, kryepeshkopi Spiridon, kreu i Kish?s Ortodokse greke n? Shtetet e Bashkuara ?sht? akuzuar se ?sht? p?rpjekur q? frekuentimin e kish?s tua ndaloj? ortodoks?ve q? ndjehen m? shum? amerikan? se grek?. Spiridon, i pari udh?heq?s i lindur n? SHBA i kish?s ortodokse greke, deklaron se veprimtaria e tij synon t? mbroj? traditat bizantine t? kish?s, duke provuar k?shtu se ?sht? nj? nga grek?t qe kujtojn? se akoma jetojn? n? perandorin? bizantine. Jeane Karthner i gazet?s Liberacion shkruan: ?Para pak vitesh, grek?t ishin n? armiq?si me shqiptar?t, maqedon?t dhe bullgar?t. Ata jan? armiq t? p?rhersh?m t? turq?ve, kurse tani jan? b?r? armiq t? amerikan?ve, britanik?ve, francez?ve, gjerman?ve dhe pjes?s tjet?r t? bot?s.? ?Per?ndimi ?sht? plot me armiq?, ?sht? cituar t? ket? th?n? presidenti i Greqis?, Kostis Stefanopolus. Analist?t theksojn? se k?to deklarata t? kujtojn? ?nj? gjendje t? brendshme emotive, q? ende ka rrenj? t? thella n? Ballkanin Lindor, dhe se nyja e p?rbashk?t ?sht? tradita fetare. Kjo nyje e ?imenton aleanc?n me Serbin?...? Ky mentalitet q? ka ?uar n? fanatiz?m nacionalist dhe fetar i ka shtyr? gjithashtu analist?t t? nxjerrin konkluzionin e logjiksh?m se prania greke n? Bashkimin Evropian dhe NATO dhe organizata t? tjera ?sht? anomali dhe paradoks. Greqia vazhdon t? jet? jet? partner i v?shtir?, bile edhe sot e k?saj dite ?sht? delja e zez? n? Bashkimin Evropian, q? her? pas here i nxjerr probleme t? sajuara Evrop?s p?r shkak t? q?ndrimit t? saj kapri?ioz ndaj fqinj?ve. Ky konkluzion nuk ?sht? di?ka q? i takon s? kaluar?s, apo fillimit t? viteve 1990, si? thot? nj? tjet?r grek, Lukas Cukalis, i Institutit Evropian t? Shkoll?s Ekonomike t? Londr?s. Pra, ?sht? e gabuar, t? pakt?n p?r t? ardhmen e af?rt, ta konsiderosh Greqin? si ur? q? do t? lidh? vendet fqinj me Evrop?n. Kjo an?tare e Bashkimit Evropian q? e konsideron ?do kritik? ndaj m?nyr?s se si ajo i trajton ??shtjet e saj t? brendshme, sidomos ??shtjen e pakicave komb?tare, si veprim armiq?sor t? frym?zuar nga Per?ndimi p?r t? destabilizuar vendin, nuk mund ta luaj? nj? rol t? till? pa p?rmir?suar imazhin e vet ende n? nivel t? ul?t n? krahasim me standartet evropiane, dhe pa hequr dor? nga mbjellja e farr?s s? intoleranc?s fetare dhe komb?tare. Greqia duhet t? m?soj? si t? sillet brenda kufijve t? saj dhe jo ta k?rkoj? fajtorin jasht?. ------------------- * Artikulli ?sht? botuar n? gazet?n shqiptare ?Albania? n? dhjetor 2000 ** Shkruesi i k?tij artikulli ka qen? drejtor politik p?r Ballkanin dhe Lindjen e Mesme n? Ministrin? e Pun?ve t? Jashtme t? Shqip?ris? n? vitet 1992-1996 From eqerem at gis.net Sun Jul 29 20:57:01 2001 From: eqerem at gis.net (Eqerem Mete) Date: Sun, 29 Jul 2001 20:57:01 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greeces Stand on National Minorities* (by Eqerem Mete**) Message-ID: <200107300057.f6U0v1d03878@alb-net.com> Greece?s Stand on National Minorities* by Eqerem Mete** * The article was published in the Albanian newspaper ?Albania? in December 2000 In early 2001, the EU is expected to send a committee to discuss a cooperation agreement with Albania. Greece?s Foreign Ministry General Secretary on a recent visit to Tirana told the Albanian Prime Minister that ?Tirana had to review its legislation on minorities if it wanted to get closer to the European Union,? whereas the Albanian prime minister expressed his conviction that ?Albania will compile and apply an advanced legislation, one of the most progressive in Southeastern Europe.'' The EU initiative to teach the Albanian authorities how to behave themselves towards the so-called 35 to 40 thousand-strong Greek minority, the ultimatum of the envoy of the Greek Prime Minister and the statement of the Albanian Prime Minister seem to imply that there are serious defects in the Albanian legislation on national minorities. To clear up this issue, to see where they stand and for the sake of arguments, the relevant Albanian authorities are in duty bound to study the legislation and practice of other countries including Greece, as well as those of other countries who pose as the most advanced in this regard. Are there more advanced legislation and more absurd practice in other countries than what is observed in our country as concerns national minorities? In stead of pupils going where the school is, in Albania [Greek] schools follow the children of the Greek diaspora wherever they are, despite their numbers, even though these numbers are in flagrant violation of the law. For their part, the Greek authorities have not deigned so far to give official permission to open even a single elementary school for the children of hundreds of thousands of Albanian immigrants. It never occurs to Greece to take such an official step that would have even the remotest semblance of recognition to the rights of a national element, who is not and does not call itself Greek. In the Greek opinion, such a step would be a dangerous precedent that would undermine the theories about the so-called homogeneity of the Greek state and whet the appetite of the national minorities for education in their own mother tongues. This step would also lead to increased pressure at home and abroad on Greece. It would also nullify the endeavors of the Greek authorities over many decades to assimilate the Albanians, those who are native to the land and those who have immigrated during the centuries to Greece. The attempts to change the nationality of the recent Albanian immigrants through schooling in Greek and with the help of the Greek Orthodox churches by changing their religion, and the dictate of the Greek authorities by exploiting their presence in Greece to the Albanian state would be ever less ineffectual. Such a domestic policy of the Greek state has a powerful impact on its foreign policy towards its neighbors despite its European patchwork and ornaments. In stead of reciprocity towards Albania at least for the sake of the position of the present-day Albanian government, Greece has increased the intensity and range of its pressure. Greece has not given up its territorial claims on Albania. To avoid such an accusation and to keep up the pressure, the Greek government lets the so-called ultra nationalistic circles raise territorial claims, whereas for the moment in its official capacity, it covers them up with the slogan about respect for human rights and democratic rules. At high level official meetings between the two sides, the Greek side makes ultimatum-like demands, which signify the imposition of a master-apprentice relationship. At the Greek parliament debates are held on ?growing Albanian nationalism, increasing disruptive role of Albanian armed groups in Kosova, Macedonia and southern Serbia? though the struggle of the Albanians against aggressive Serbian nationalism has been supported by the entire democratic world, with the exception of the Greeks. One thing is more than clear in this context. The closer the Kosova issue edges to a settlement, the greater their irritation and emphasis on the absurd parallel they draw to this issue. Greek Eurodeputies, of the New Democracy and PASSOK, demand that the macro-financial aid to Albania be stopped and that the latter denied the right to start negotiations on signing an association and stability agreement with the European Union. Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou has also mounted the stage. He has written to European Commissioner for External Relations Chris Patten making an issue of ?the lack of respect for the rights of ?the Greek minority.?? Though the two countries have signed a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, the Law of the State of War with Albania is still in force. Greece has abrogated such a law with Italy despite the stark truth that it was fascist Italy and not Albania, which committed aggression against it in 1940. The property of the Albanians in Greece have been frozen on the pretext of such an absurd law, while as to the property of the Albanian population, massacred and compelled at gunpoint to flee Chameria, most absurd arguments are put forward not to return it to its legal owners. In view of such Greek policies and activity against Albania, one might as well say that Greece is still living in the past. To live in the present, it should abide by the old Chinese wise saying: ?To know others is knowledge, to know yourself is enlightenment.? It is precisely the latter that our neighbors have missed. It is against this backdrop of Greek political activity against Albania that the present Albanian government approaches relations with its southern neighbor in the context of ?the strategic partnership between the two parties, two governments and two countries? hoping that the road to Europe will pass through Athens the same as in the past when the road to Moscow passed through Belgrade. With the exception of those who have their hands and feet bound, nobody in their right mind can fail to see through what the Greek side is aiming at. To return to the topic of the beginning about national minorities, I would say that people would be really curious to learn what Greek authorities have to say about this issue. The following material based on Greek and European Community sources, published in an abbreviated form in the Albanian-American newspaper Illyria (New York, the USA), can shed some light on the experience of the Hellenic state in this direction. x x x The July 23, 1999 appeal to the Speaker of the Greek Parliament and the Party leaders on the eve of the 25th anniversary of the restoration of democracy in Greece reminded me of a document entitled Report on the Albanians of Greece a group of researchers of the European Community compiled in 1987. The appeal, signed by all three Turkish minority deputies, seven Turkish and three Macedonian minority organizations, as well as three human rights non-governmental organizations, including Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group Greece, emphasizes that the Republic of Greece has an important weakness: it does not recognize the existence of national minorities on its territory. The undersigned call upon the Greek state to recognize the existence of Macedonian and Turkish minorities, to ratify the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities of the Council of Europe without any conditions for its implementation and to implement the principles of the Convention, as well as of the related OSCE documents, so that all forms of discrimination or persecution against members of these minorities cease and their rights be respected. It is true that the Greek authorities, who have always been playing the ostrich, and the Greek public, which has been duly indoctrinated for decades on end, refuse in no uncertain terms the existence of national minorities on Greek territory. The principle that the Greeks have always stuck to runs as follows: ?Those who live in Greece are Greeks. All those who are not Greeks should quit?. That is the prevailing frame of mind in Greece, a member of the United Nations, the European Union, NATO, OSCE, and other international organizations. It does not cross their Greek mind that if the neighboring countries had applied the same principle, there would have been no Greeks outside the borders of the Greek state. Let us cite in brief the responses of some Greek authorities to the appeal according to Greek sources: The Speaker of the Parliament, Apostolos Kaklamanis: ?In Greece there is no Turkish or Macedonian minority. There is a Muslim religious minority. Whatever constructs, especially at this moment, serve other purposes and will be handled in the appropriate way.? The minister for the Press Dimitris Reppas: ?Unhistorical and unrealistic constructs will fall by the wayside.? The Greek foreign minister Papanadreou: ?Greece, in a difficult region, is carrying out an exemplary policy in the area of minorities?? Whereas the former Minister of Macedonia and Thrace Stelios Papathemelis declared: ?I should tell them in their language ?Ai sihtir? (Screw off!). The KKE leader added another version to the motivation of the appeal. He said: ?We believe that the issuing of such a statement is less related to the anniversary of the restoration of democracy than with whichever dialogue is being carried out between Greece and Turkey? it gives the United States of America the opportunity to impose their conditions on this dialogue. The perpetrators of this action can be found not only in Greece.? While the newspaper Eleftherotypia ran an article by Professor Nicholas Stavrou, a Greek-American, on the US being behind the travails of the Balkans. Mr. Stavrou writes that ?Ankara and its patrons in Washington with the support of the human rights industry in the US and its affiliates in Greece are behind the appeal?? This statement, which shifts the blame onto the United States, bears resemblance to what the Speaker of the Greek parliament Apostolos Kaklamanis has said about the NATO air strikes against Serbia. ?The US-led attacks revert ?Europe back to Cold War Times,? he has declared. ?We must stop being prey to a power [read USA] that does not want to see Europe stand on its own.?? What draws one?s attention in particular is the striking similarity of the responses of the Greek authorities and of representatives of the political parties to the appeal and the statements contained in the Report on the Albanians of Greece. The conclusion that can be drawn from the content of the appeal is that the policies of the Greek authorities on the issue at present are the same as they were in 1987, when the above-mentioned report, a summary of which follows, was compiled. REPORT ON THE ALBANIANS OF GREECE by the Commission of the European Community A group of researchers of the European Community visited Greece from the 4th to the 10th of October 1987 to study the existence of the Albanian element and the preservation of its ethnicity and language. The trip was organized by the ?European Bureau? to study the lesser-used languages, observed by the Commission of the European Community. Composition of the Group: Antonio Belushi Italy Ricardo Alvares Spain E. Angel France Kolom Anget Spain Havier Boski Spain Onom Falkona Holland Volfgang Jeniges Belgium Robert Marti France Stefan Moal France Kol O?Cinseala Ireland Joseph San Sokasao Spain Object of the trip: Research in 300 Albanian communities in Greece. Aim: 1. To help European representatives on their visit to get in touch with the Albanian people in Greece, who are currently speaking Albanian, which is not taught in Greek schools. 2. To assess the reaction of various parties and other institutions to the issue of protection of linguistic minorities existing in Greece, which are not recognized at present even below a minimum criterion as is the case with the Albanians, etc. Views of the main parties: The ?New Democracy? Party: We talked with Michael Papakonstantinu, Efstakios Paguhos, Nikola Martis, Joanis Vulfefis and Kaeti Papannastasion. Here are some of their answers: ?There is no problem of Albanian language in Greece. If we put linguistic problems on the table, we would create very great problems for the Greek state. If the Albanian language is spoken, it is spoken only in families. No opinion can be fully expressed on this issue. There has never been room for the Albanians in our problems. Your mission is very delicate. Do not complicate things. Watch out! Minority issues will lead to war in Europe. We can in no way help at these moments. Likewise, we do not want to give the impression of Albanian presence in Greece. This problem does not exist for us.? The ?PASOK? Party: Questions were addressed to Dr. Jorgos Sklavunas and Manolis Azimakis. Their answers: ?We do not deem it necessary for the Albanian and other minorities to learn their mother tongues because the language they speak is not a language. There are no Albanian territories in Greece. There are only Greek territories where Albanian may also be spoken. He who does not speak our language does not belong to our race and our country.? The Ministry of Culture: Having listened to the questions, Doc. Athina Sipirianti said: ?To solve a problem, you have always to set up a commission. We do not have the possibility of dealing with the problem you are raising. Your experience will be necessary for what we shall do in the future. Your visit is a great stimulus to us.? The Pedagogical Department: Dr. Trinnidafilotis? answer was very cold: ?There is no teaching of Albanian. What you are saying is a political rather than a cultural problem. I have nothing else to add.? The Commission of the Independent Magazine Anti: Answers: ?Borders between states are not fair. This interest in minorities in Greece can hide interests of domination by other states. Linguistic minorities, namely, the Albanian minority, have no right whatsoever. In Greece, there are only Greeks.? The above statements and the appeal to the Speaker of the Greek Parliament and the party leaders are clear evidence of the presence of Albanians, Turks and Macedonian Slavs in Greece, who still speak their mother tongues. According to research done by scholars, there are about 700 Albanian villages in Greece, whose Albanian ethnicity the Greeks deny. It is a well-known fact that national minority members in Greece have all been subject to intense, organized assimilation, which the Greeks, while ignoring their distinct ethnicity, justify by pointing to their Orthodox religion, as though religion were the criterion to determine one?s nationality. However, there are also Greeks who contradict the absurd claims of the Greek authorities. In a study on the subject, Professor of International Law and current Vice-President of the European Court of Human Rights, Christos Rozakis, acknowledges the ethnic character of minorities in Greece. In view of Greek domestic policies on national minorities, it is regrettable to observe that an EU member like Greece has so far failed to be a role model for the other Balkan countries, that its example in this area adds to the Balkans? already tarnished image as a result of Serbia?s policies, that though a NATO member, despite the government?s ?efforts? to keep a so-called balance, Greece opposed NATO?s air war against Serbia under the threadbare pretext of its religious and traditional historical ties with the Serbs and tacitly supported Milosevic?s policy of genocide and ethnic cleansing in Kosova. In this campaign of solidarity with Milosevic when the NATO bombing began, even Archbishop Christodoulos of Athens hastened to join Patriarch Alexii of Moscow, head of the Russian Orthodox Church, to call for support for Serbia. It is also a pity that nothing has so far changed in Greece?s nationalistic and theocratic policies since the 1944-1945 period when the Greeks were the first in southeastern Europe after World War II to perpetrate genocide. They massacred and ethnically cleansed Albanians from Chamouria, an Albanian-inhabited region in the northwest of today?s Greek state. It stands to reason that their religious brethren, the Serbs, would naturally draw on the Greek experience of the ethnic cleansing of Albanians and extensively use it against the Kosova Albanians in the year 1999. The way the Greeks respond to the national minority issue signifies the existence of a strong, unhealthy nationalistic trend, raised to state policy level, which runs counter to the general tendency in the other countries of the European Union. The official 1951 census in Greece indicated that ethnic minorities in the country constituted 2.6 to 3.8 per cent of the total population. Just as in the case of other non-Greeks, the number of Albanians, too had radically been reduced in the census. According to other sources, there were at least as many as 350,000 Albanians at that time. Slavic speakers in Greece today number up to 300,000 though the majority of them had to flee during and after World War and the Civil War. Facts are stubborn. Nevertheless, these figures that have been drastically reduced, have always been suppressed whenever they have been brought up. Worth mentioning are also the following facts, symptomatic of Greek intolerance in the area of national minorities: A few years ago, death threats against Anastasia Karakasidou, a Guggenheim Fellowship scholar at Harvard University, first came from the Greek community in the United States and then in Greece because she had described the presence of a Slavic speaking Macedonian community in Greece in her book ?Fields of Wheat, Hills of Shrubs?? Almost at the same time, Christos Sideropulos, leader of ?the Human Rights movement in Macedonia? faced trial on charges of ?spreading false information that might cause disturbance in the international relations of Greece.? His guilt had been a statement to the effect that the ethnic Macedonians faced curbs on their language and culture by a state, which denies their existence. Though there is no denying the fact that Greece is a full-fledged member of the European Union, its behavior, past and present, which has little to do with Western values, is helping an increasing number of people realize that the country is a far cry from the rest of the EU members as far as mentality, culture, as well as religious and national tolerance are concerned. Greece is also distinct from the other EU member countries as far as its domestic legislation is concerned. For instance, citizenship, ethnicity and religion are deliberately confused in Greece. The Greek Constitution outlaws proselytism. There are also provisions, especially Article 20 of the Greek Citizenship Law in Greece, under which sanctions, prison terms and denial of Greek citizenship are imposed on religious minority members, accused of involvement in so-called activities against Hellenism. Irrespective of the fact that Greece has repealed Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Law under international pressure, which entitled the government to deprive those regarded as allogenes [Greece?s natives of non-Greek origin] of Greek citizenship, it has not made the Article retroactive in order to restore citizenship to those who have unjustly lost it. Financial Times quotes Takis Michas, social affairs specialist at the Athens daily Eleftherotypia, as saying: ?Greece is an inward-looking society. Orthodox values reinforce that mentality. Orthodoxy sees the West as a threat, a place where conspiracies are hatched against it,? a mind frame of both Greeks and Serbs, which draws its source from the ancient split between western and eastern Christendom. Whereas British historian Norman Davies writes in his book ?Europe A History?: ?From the time of the Crusades, the Orthodox looked on the west as the source of subjugation worse than the infidel.? This mindset is made manifest in the United States, too. According to recent news reports, Archbishop Spyridon, the head of the Greek Orthodox Church in the United States, who has spent most of his life in Europe, has been accused of trying to keep the church inaccessible to members who feel more American than Greek. Spyridon, who is the first American-born leader of the Greek Orthodox church in this country, says he works to protect the church?s Byzantine traditions, proving to be one of those Greeks who are still living in the Byzantine empire. As Jeane Carthner of the newspaper Liberacion points out: ?A few years ago, the Greeks were enemies of the Albanians, Macedonians and Bulgarians. They are constant enemies of the Turks, while now they have become enemies of the Americans, the British, the French, the Germans and the rest of the world.? ?The West is full of enemies,? the president of Greece, Costis Stephanopolous, has been quoted as saying. Scholars consider such statements ?a reminder of emotions that are deeply felt in the eastern Balkans. The common link is the Orthodox religious tradition. It is a tie that cements the alliance with Serbia ?? Such a mentality that has been conducive to national and religious bigotry has prompted analysts to draw the logical conclusion that Greek presence in the EU and NATO, etc. is an anomaly and a paradox. Greece continues to be an awkward partner or indeed a black sheep in the European Union even today. Time and again, it creates false problems for Europe with its whimsical behavior towards its neighbors. This conclusion is not a thing of the past, of the early 1990s, as another Greek, Loukas Tsoukalis, of the European Institute of the London School of Economics, says. Such being the case, it is wrong, at least in the foreseeable future, to regard Greece as the bridge that will link the neighboring countries to Europe. This EU member country, which regards every criticism of its handling of domestic affairs, the minority and religious issues in particular, as a West-inspired, hostile step to destabilize the country, cannot play such a role unless it improves its image, which is still low by European standards, and gives up sowing the seeds of religious and national intolerance. Far from trying to find the culprit abroad, Greece should mend its ways at home. ------------- * The article was published in the Albanian newspaper ?Albania? in December 2000 ** The article writer was political director for the Balkans and the Middle East in the Foreign Affairs Ministry of Albania from 1992 to 1996 From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jul 30 08:56:38 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 05:56:38 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Human Rights and Minorities in Greece Message-ID: <20010730125638.82929.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR (GHM) MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP - GREECE Address: P.O. Box 60820, 15304 Glyka Nera Telephone: (+30-1) 347.22.59. Fax: (+30-1) 601.87.60. e-mail: office at greekhelsinki.gr website: http://www.greekhelsinki.gr ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ PRESS RELEASE 23 July 2001 TOPIC: BARRAGE OF CRITICISM IN 2001 FROM INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS ON DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT IN GREECE On the occasion of tomorrow's 27th anniversary of the restoration of democracy in Greece (the Metapolitevsi period), our collaborating organizations, Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM) and Minority Rights Group - Greece (MRG-G), wish to draw attention to Greece's democratic deficit. Numerous intergovernmental organizations of the UN, the OSCE, the Council of Europe and the European Union have repeatedly cited Greece for serious human rights violations. Below are the main points of the eight pertinent texts published in the year 2001. Greece is certainly not the only country with similar problems. But it may be the only country that stubbornly refuses to admit the existence of such problems - meaning, therefore, that it refuses to deal with them effectively. Justice Minister Mihalis Stathopoulos accurately observed that: "Only nationalists can claim that our country does not face the problems [of racism and oppression of minorities] that are plaguing every other country today. Societies are made up of human beings, not angels. And Greece is no exception to that rule. At some point we must rid ourselves of this Hellenocentric attitude that, in the end, is detrimental to our nation's interests." The National Commission for Human Rights has noted the tendency of the authorities to view international reports as "undermining the nation" and to treat them with either "secrecy or scorn." Therefore, on this anniversary of democracy, we call upon all the actors in public life (government, parliamentary parties, as well as intellectuals and the media) to take a sincere and constructive stand towards the sizable democratic deficit that is discrediting Greece in the international arena. Otherwise, this "public secret" will simply be perpetuated. "THE BARRAGE IN 2001" 1. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (on 22-3-01) called upon Greece to respect minority self-identification, pointing out that the recognition of one minority and the non-recognition of others constitutes discriminatory treatment. It proposed introducing the teaching of Romani, Pomak, Albanian and other languages in the educational system. 2. The UN Committee Against Torture (on 8-5-01) cited the presence of excessive or unjustified police violence especially against minorities and foreigners, harsh detention conditions in general, as well as the inhuman long-term detention of undocumented migrants and/or asylum-seekers awaiting deportation. 3. The European Court of Human Rights convicted Greece twice for inhuman detention conditions in police stations (Dougoz vs. Greece, 6-3-01) and in prisons (Peers vs. Greece, 19-4-01). 4. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe called upon Greece to sign and/or ratify the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Recommendation 1492/23-1-01). It also denounced the continuing practice of issuing prison sentences for defamation (Recommendation 1506/24-4-01). 5. Josephine Verspaget, Chair of the Specialist Group on Roma/Gypsies of the Council of Europe, denounced (on 12-6-01) the policy of "institutionalized apartheid" against many Roma in Greece. "A shame on Greece" was how she described the squalid living conditions in numerous Roma settlements, which she likened only to those of the worst refugee camps in Africa and Asia. 6. The European Parliament (on 4-7-01) also made mention of the abusive treatment of Roma, the consequent police impunity in such cases, and the violent evictions of Roma from Athens in advance of the 2004 Olympic Games. In addition, it cited restrictions on freedom of expression and on the administration of minority schools in Thrace, as well as the public administration's disregard for judicial decisions. Sources: "Eleftherotypia" (15-7-01) http://www.enet.gr/online/online_p1_text.jsp?dt=15/07/2001&c=110&id=37362 http://www.ananeotiki.gr/dikaiwmata/ekthesi2000.htm http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/MasterFrameView/d3fcc3818953c1c0c1256a18005a1218?Opendocument (English) and http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/greek/articles/pr02_18_07_01.rtf (Greek) http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/CAT.C.XXVI.Concl.2.Rev.1.En?OpenDocument (English) and http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/greek/articles/pr01_18_07_01.rtf (Greek) http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/Hudoc2doc2/HEJUD/200103/dougoz%20-%2040907jv.chb3%2006032001e.doc http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/Hudoc2doc2/HEJUD/200104/peers%20-%2028524jv.chb2%2019042001e.doc http://stars.coe.int/ta/ta01/EREC1492.HTM http://stars.coe.int/ta/ta01/EREC1506.HTM http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/greek/articles/pr_13_06_01.rtf (Greek) and http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/english/organizations/ghm/ghm_13_06_01.doc (English) http://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/438240en.pdf (English) and http://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/438240el.pdf (Greek) ____________________________________________________ GHM Board: Panayote Dimitras, Orestis Georgiadis, Dimitrina Petrova, Alan Phillips, Gregory Vallianatos. MRG-G Spokesperson: Nafsika Papanikolatos International Advisory Committee: Savvas Agouridis, Teuta Arifi, Ivo Banac, Vladimir Bilandzic, Marcel Courthiade, Loring Danforth, Fernand de Varennes, Eran Fraenkel, Victor-Yves Ghebali, Henri Giordan, Krassimir Kanev, Will Kymlicka, Remzi Lani, Theodore S. Orlin, Magda Opalski, Dimitrina Petrova, Alan Phillips, Aaron Rhodes, Vladimir Solonari, Patrick Thornberry, Stefan Troebst, Boris Tsilevich, Tibor Varady, Marc Weller. Affiliation to International Organizations: Consortium of Minority Resources (COMIR), Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN), European Roma Rights Center (ERRC), International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHF), Minority Rights Group International (MRGI), OneWorld.Net, South East Europe Media Organization (SEEMO). --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jul 30 08:57:06 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 05:57:06 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Human Rights and Minorities in Greece Message-ID: <20010730125706.83083.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR (GHM) MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP - GREECE Address: P.O. Box 60820, 15304 Glyka Nera Telephone: (+30-1) 347.22.59. Fax: (+30-1) 601.87.60. e-mail: office at greekhelsinki.gr website: http://www.greekhelsinki.gr ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ PRESS RELEASE 23 July 2001 TOPIC: BARRAGE OF CRITICISM IN 2001 FROM INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS ON DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT IN GREECE On the occasion of tomorrow's 27th anniversary of the restoration of democracy in Greece (the Metapolitevsi period), our collaborating organizations, Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM) and Minority Rights Group - Greece (MRG-G), wish to draw attention to Greece's democratic deficit. Numerous intergovernmental organizations of the UN, the OSCE, the Council of Europe and the European Union have repeatedly cited Greece for serious human rights violations. Below are the main points of the eight pertinent texts published in the year 2001. Greece is certainly not the only country with similar problems. But it may be the only country that stubbornly refuses to admit the existence of such problems - meaning, therefore, that it refuses to deal with them effectively. Justice Minister Mihalis Stathopoulos accurately observed that: "Only nationalists can claim that our country does not face the problems [of racism and oppression of minorities] that are plaguing every other country today. Societies are made up of human beings, not angels. And Greece is no exception to that rule. At some point we must rid ourselves of this Hellenocentric attitude that, in the end, is detrimental to our nation's interests." The National Commission for Human Rights has noted the tendency of the authorities to view international reports as "undermining the nation" and to treat them with either "secrecy or scorn." Therefore, on this anniversary of democracy, we call upon all the actors in public life (government, parliamentary parties, as well as intellectuals and the media) to take a sincere and constructive stand towards the sizable democratic deficit that is discrediting Greece in the international arena. Otherwise, this "public secret" will simply be perpetuated. "THE BARRAGE IN 2001" 1. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (on 22-3-01) called upon Greece to respect minority self-identification, pointing out that the recognition of one minority and the non-recognition of others constitutes discriminatory treatment. It proposed introducing the teaching of Romani, Pomak, Albanian and other languages in the educational system. 2. The UN Committee Against Torture (on 8-5-01) cited the presence of excessive or unjustified police violence especially against minorities and foreigners, harsh detention conditions in general, as well as the inhuman long-term detention of undocumented migrants and/or asylum-seekers awaiting deportation. 3. The European Court of Human Rights convicted Greece twice for inhuman detention conditions in police stations (Dougoz vs. Greece, 6-3-01) and in prisons (Peers vs. Greece, 19-4-01). 4. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe called upon Greece to sign and/or ratify the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Recommendation 1492/23-1-01). It also denounced the continuing practice of issuing prison sentences for defamation (Recommendation 1506/24-4-01). 5. Josephine Verspaget, Chair of the Specialist Group on Roma/Gypsies of the Council of Europe, denounced (on 12-6-01) the policy of "institutionalized apartheid" against many Roma in Greece. "A shame on Greece" was how she described the squalid living conditions in numerous Roma settlements, which she likened only to those of the worst refugee camps in Africa and Asia. 6. The European Parliament (on 4-7-01) also made mention of the abusive treatment of Roma, the consequent police impunity in such cases, and the violent evictions of Roma from Athens in advance of the 2004 Olympic Games. In addition, it cited restrictions on freedom of expression and on the administration of minority schools in Thrace, as well as the public administration's disregard for judicial decisions. Sources: "Eleftherotypia" (15-7-01) http://www.enet.gr/online/online_p1_text.jsp?dt=15/07/2001&c=110&id=37362 http://www.ananeotiki.gr/dikaiwmata/ekthesi2000.htm http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/MasterFrameView/d3fcc3818953c1c0c1256a18005a1218?Opendocument (English) and http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/greek/articles/pr02_18_07_01.rtf (Greek) http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/CAT.C.XXVI.Concl.2.Rev.1.En?OpenDocument (English) and http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/greek/articles/pr01_18_07_01.rtf (Greek) http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/Hudoc2doc2/HEJUD/200103/dougoz%20-%2040907jv.chb3%2006032001e.doc http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/Hudoc2doc2/HEJUD/200104/peers%20-%2028524jv.chb2%2019042001e.doc http://stars.coe.int/ta/ta01/EREC1492.HTM http://stars.coe.int/ta/ta01/EREC1506.HTM http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/greek/articles/pr_13_06_01.rtf (Greek) and http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/bhr/english/organizations/ghm/ghm_13_06_01.doc (English) http://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/438240en.pdf (English) and http://www.europarl.eu.int/meetdocs/committees/libe/20010619/438240el.pdf (Greek) ____________________________________________________ GHM Board: Panayote Dimitras, Orestis Georgiadis, Dimitrina Petrova, Alan Phillips, Gregory Vallianatos. MRG-G Spokesperson: Nafsika Papanikolatos International Advisory Committee: Savvas Agouridis, Teuta Arifi, Ivo Banac, Vladimir Bilandzic, Marcel Courthiade, Loring Danforth, Fernand de Varennes, Eran Fraenkel, Victor-Yves Ghebali, Henri Giordan, Krassimir Kanev, Will Kymlicka, Remzi Lani, Theodore S. Orlin, Magda Opalski, Dimitrina Petrova, Alan Phillips, Aaron Rhodes, Vladimir Solonari, Patrick Thornberry, Stefan Troebst, Boris Tsilevich, Tibor Varady, Marc Weller. Affiliation to International Organizations: Consortium of Minority Resources (COMIR), Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN), European Roma Rights Center (ERRC), International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHF), Minority Rights Group International (MRGI), OneWorld.Net, South East Europe Media Organization (SEEMO). --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jul 30 09:00:13 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 06:00:13 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Yugoslav Law Minorities (Draft) Message-ID: <20010730130013.15742.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA Federal Ministry for National and Ethnic CommunitiesBELGRADE(June 29, 2001)vs DRAFT OF THE LAW Federal Assembly of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, upon the Articles10, 11, 15 par.2, 16, 45-50, 77 point 1, and 124 p.2. and 6. of theConstitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia enacts:THE LAW ON THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIESPREAMBLE Claiming that multi-culturalism and traditional diversities based on thedifferences in language, material and spiritual cultures, origin, customs,religions, history and traditions of citizens, and the preservation ofnational minorities are social values that need to be protected and promoted, bearing in mind that the harmonic co-habitation and cooperation ofnational minorities and the majority nations is a factor of democracy,development, internal and international security and stability, wishing in the framework of the rule of law, with due respect andprotection of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the State, toguarantee the protection of the rights and freedoms of persons belonging tonational minorities, in order to promote mutual respect and understanding, tolerance, dialogue,cooperation and solidarity between various national groups of the population, with the intention to stimulate mutual understanding and friendlycooperation between nations and states, for the purpose of the expression, preservation, promotion and protectionof the national identity of national minorities, recognizing the duty of the FRY to guarantee the rights of nationalminorities and their protection declares that the right to national identity and the participation of minorities inthe government and in the management of public affairs, according to theConstitution and law, are part of the basic human rights and freedoms,defined in Articles 19-69 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic ofYugoslavia and guaranteed or derived from international conventions towhich the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a party, or from provisions ofthe international law. For that purpose, set out from:- the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as the basis ofthe rights and obligations of all citizens, and specially from theprovisions of Article 16, rights of the national minorities are based onthe following international acts:- Charter of the United Nations- Universal Declaration of Human Rights- International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights- International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights - International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of RacialDiscrimination- UNESCO Convention against Discrimination in Education- ILO Convention [against] Employment and Occupation Discrimination- Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (1994)For the purpose of the implementation, promotion and protection of therights and freedoms of all citizens, and the rights of national minoritiesto their specificity, we are also guided with the following principles andprovisions- [European] Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Freedoms (1950)- Final Act of the CSCE from Helsinki (1975)- Point 11. of the Final document of the Madrid Conference of the CSCE (1983)- Points 18-19, 31, 59. and 68. of the Final Document of the ViennaConference of the CSCE (1989)- Points 30-45 of the Copenhagen Conference on the Human Dimension of theCSCE (1990)- Paris Charter for New Europe of the CSCE (1990)- Protocol of the Geneva Conference of the CSCE on National Minorities (1991)- UN Declaration on the Rights of the Persons Belonging to the National orEthnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (1992)- Obligations that rise from the Helsinki Document of the CSCE (1992),especially the principles and provisions from points 23-34.- European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages [of the Council ofEurope, 1992]- Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities [theCouncil of Europe, 1995]- European Charter on Local Self-Government - Decisions of the Budapest Conference of the CSCE (1994), especiallypoints 21-24, and parts on the Roma population- Final Act of OSCE from Istambul (2000)- PART ONEGENERAL PROVIONSThesis 1THE SUBJECT OF THE LAWLaw on the protection of national minorities regulates the special rightsand freedoms of persons belonging to national minorities in the FederalRepublic of Yugoslavia, protection of the rights of such minorities toexistence, preservation and promotion of the cultural, linguistic and otherelements of their identity. This Law regulates also the protection of national minorities from allforms of discrimination in the process of the implementation of their civilrights and freedoms, creates instruments that guarantee and protect specialrights of minorities for minority self-governance, and guaranteesinstitutions for promoting participation of national minorities ingovernment and in the management of public affairs. Citizens belonging to national minorities, besides rights that belong toall citizens enjoy special rights, freedoms and protection guaranteed bythe Constitution of FRY and this Law for the purpose of full equality,preservation, promotion and protection of their linguistic, cultural,traditional and religious differences, and protection of their economic andcultural rights.Thesis 2NATIONAL MINORITY AND PERSON BELONGING TO NATIONAL MINORITYNational minority under the terms of this Law is a group of citizens of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia, numerically in minority position on theterritory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia or member Republic,belonging to an autochthonous group of the population residing at theterritory of the FRY or member Republic and possess a group of distinctivefeatures, such as language, national or ethnic belonging or origin,religion or similar, upon which they differ from other groups of thepopulation, and whose members take care and show consciousness concerningthose specificities, and readiness to preserve them. Under the terms of this Law, in regard to rights, freedoms and duties, asnational minorities will be treated all groups of citizens that consider ordefine themselves as people, national or ethnic communities, national orethnic groups, nations or nationalities, which fulfill conditions of thesection 1 of this thesis, have equal such. All national minorities in the sense of preceding provision, are equalin their position and enjoy all rights, freedoms and protection, whichaccording to the FRY Constitution, international law and conventions towhich FRY is a party belong to national minorities.The implementation of some rights of persons belonging to nationalminorities and enjoyment of those rights with other members of the groupmight be conditioned by the size of the group or territorial concentrationof its members. Thesis 2AAlternative 1: [open list, enumerates only those reaching 1% of the totalpopulation]National minorities in FRY are Albanians, Bosniaks, Croats, Hungarians,Roma, and all other, less numerous national minorities fitting into thedefinition of national minorities provided by this Law.Alternative 2: [first alternative broadened with former SFRY Nations andnational minorities institutionally recognised in the history of SFRY)National minorities in FRY are Albanians, Bosniaks, Bulgarians, Croats,Hungarians, Macedonians, Roma, Romanians, Ruthenians, Slovaks, Slovenes,Turks, and all other national minorities fitting into the definition ofnational minorities provided by this Law.Alternative 3: (wide enumeration)According to this Law, the national minorities are: Albanians, Askhalies, Bosniaks, Bulgarians, Bunjevci, Croats, Checks,Germans, Goranci, Hungarians, Jews, Macedonians, Muslims, Roma, Romanians,Russians, Ruthenians, Slovaks, Slovenes, Turks, Ukrainians, Vlachs, andother national minorities fulfilling conditions from par.1 thesis 2.In case that upon the periodical general census of population new groupsemerge, which fulfill the conditions from par.1 thesis 2, and they arenumerically equal to a group enumerated in the Law, Federal Ministry forNational and Ethnic Communities will initiate the amendment of this Law inorder to include those groups. Alternative 4: (Thesis 2A is to be canceled, there is no enumeration, buteventually in the explanation accompanying the Law) PART TWO: BASIC PRINCIPLES Thesis 3 EQUALITY AND NON-DISCRIMINATIONPersons belonging to national minorities have equal right to enjoy allrights and freedoms belonging to the citizens of FRY without differences ordiscrimination. All forms of discrimination toward persons belonging to nationalminorities based on the national, ethnic, religious, linguistic or racialbasis are prohibited and punishable. Authorities of the federation, republic, autonomous province, town andmunicipality have no right to pass any law or other legal normative act, ormeasures which violate the principle of non-discrimination. Laws, decisions and measures of affirmative action (positivediscrimination), enacted for the promotion of the position of personsbelonging to national minorities which were discriminated against, ordeprived of some rights, or of the possibilities for development - as itis the case with Roma national minority - will not be treated asdiscrimination in terms of this Law. Federal government will establish the Interministerial Commission whichwill take care about the improvement of situation of Roma as nationalminority. Laws, decisions and measures from section 4 and 5 of this thesis will beabolished when the reasons for their enactment disappear. Thesis 4THE FREEDOM OF NATIONAL AFFILIATION AND EXPRESSION This Law guarantees the freedom of national affiliation and the freedom ofthe expression of national affiliation and national culture. Every person belonging to a national minority can freely decide whether tobe treated as a member of a national minority. No one is obliged to declare on his/her national affiliation.Mandatory registration of national minorities is prohibited. No disadvantage can result for person from declaring or not declaringbelonging to a national minority.Acts and measures of forceful assimilation of persons belonging to nationalminorities are unlawful and prohibited.Thesis 5 THE FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to form, inaccordance with law, political, educational, cultural and professionalorganizations, associations or institutions. The State will subsidize the activities of organizations from par.1 ofthis thesis.Thesis 6RIGHT OF CO-OPERATION WITH CO-NATIONALS IN THE COUNTRY AND ABROAD Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to establish andmaintain free and peaceful contacts within the FRY and abroad with personslawfully residing in other states, especially with persons to whom theyshare common ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity or commoncultural heritage. Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to participate inthe activities of non-governmental organisations in FRY, as well as abroad. State may establish preferential conditions in order to implement therights from par. 1 and 2 of this thesis.Thesis 7RESPECT FOR THE PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, PUBLIC MORALS ANDCONSTITUTIONAL ORDER Rights and freedoms guaranteed by this Law must not be used for purposeswhich are contrary to aims of the United Nations Organization andprinciples of international law; against public security, public morals,public health and public order; for violations of basic human rights andfreedoms guaranteed by the FRY Constitution and international law; forpropagating national, ethnic, religious or racial hatred and intolerance;for committing criminal acts.Guaranteed rights must not be used for violent change of constitutionalorder or violations of territorial integrity or sovereignty of the FederalRepublic of Yugoslavia or member republics.The realization of rights and freedoms envisaged in this Law can not limitthe obligations and responsibilities linked with the citizenship of the state.Thesis 7a In undeveloped areas in which national minorities live, for the purpose ofpromoting economic, cultural, social and political life State will takeactions like: constructing infrastructure, communication facilities, taxreductions and other preferences by which it will foster the economicdevelopment, especially investments of foreign capital and capital fromdeveloped parts of the country to those areas.Thesis 7bPROTECTION OF THE ACQUIRED RIGHTSThis Law does not change or derogate the rights of persons belonging tonational minorities acquired upon legal norms that were in force till theadaptation of this Law, or rights acquired by international conventions towhich FRY is a party.PART THREE:RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF IDENTITYThesis 8THE CHOICE AND USE OF PERSONAL NAMEPersons belonging to national minorities have the right to free choice anduse of their personal names and names of their children, and to enter thesepersonal names to all public documents, official registers and registers ofpersonal data in accordance with the rules of the language and orthographyof the national minority.The right from section 1 of this thesis does not exclude the parallel entryof names also in Serbian orthography and script.Thesis 9THE FREEDOM OF MOTHER LANGUAGE USE Persons belonging to national minorities can freely use their language andscript in private and public.Thesis 9A [???] Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to be informedpromptly, in the language they understand, of the reasons for their arrestand/or detention and of the nature and cause of any accusation againstthem, and to defend themselves in this language, if necessary with freeassistance of an interpreter, before trial, during trial and on appeal.Thesis 10OFFICIAL LANGUAGE USE OF NATIONAL MINORITIESOn the territory of the unit of local self-government, where the members ofnational minorities live traditionally, their language and script can be inequal official use.The unit of local self-government is obliged to enter the language andscript of national minority in official use always if the percentage ofthat national minority in the total population on their territory reaches 20%.Alternative for par. 2:The unit of local self-government is obliged to enter the language andscript of national minority in official use always if the percentage ofthat national minority in the total population on their territory reaches20%, or if the number of persons belonging to respective minority reaches5000 persons according to the last census.In the unit of local self-government, where the language of a nationalminority is in official use in the moment of the enactment of this Law itshall remain in the official use always if the percentage of that nationalminority in the total population on their territory is above 5%. The official use of the language of national minorities from section 1 ofthis thesis covers particularly: the use of the minority language in theadministrative and court procedure; conducting administrative and courtprocedure on the language of national minorities; the use of the languageof national minority in the communication of the authorities withcitizens; issuance of public documents, and keeping official registers andregisters of personal data also in the language of national minorities, andthe acceptance of those public documents as legally valid; the use of thelanguage of national minorities on ballot papers and electoral materials;the use of language of national minority in the work of representativebodies. On the territories from section 2, names of public authorities, names ofunits of local self-government, of settlements, squares and streets shallbe displayed also in the language of the respective national minorityaccording to respective orthography and grammar rules and tradition. Federal laws and other legal rules are published also in the languages ofnational minorities in accordance with special legal rules. Persons belonging to national minorities whose percentage in the totalpopulation of FRY reaches 2% may address federal authorities in mothertongue, and they have a right to receive answer at that language. Deputy in the Federal Assembly who belongs to a national minority whosepercentage in the total population of FRY reaches 2% has the right toaddress the Assembly in his/her own language. In territories from paragraph 1 of this thesis in the units of the YugoslavArmy the use of the respective minority language shall be regulated byspecial regulation.Thesis 10a THE RIGHT TO PRESERVE CULTURE AND TRADITIONS The expression, preservation, cultivation, promotion and inheritance ofthe national, ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic specificity as thepart of the tradition of citizens, national minorities and personsbelonging to national minorities is their inalienable individual andcollective right. Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to publiclyexpress their traditions in accordance to national culture and customs. National minorities and persons belonging to national minorities have theright to preserve, express and promote their cultural specificities in allforms and substance. With special law in accordance with international obligations stateprotects the cultural heritage and cultural monuments of the nationalminority. For the purpose of protection and promotion of cultural specificitypersons belonging to national minorities have the right to establishspecific cultural, artistic and scientific institutions, societies andassociations in all areas of cultural and artistic life. Institutions, societies and associations from the preceding paragraph areindependent in their activities. State will participate in financialsupport of the society and association founded or co-founded by the state. For the purpose of supporting institutions, societies and associationsfrom par. 5 of this thesis separate foundations can be established Thesis 11MOTHER TONGUE INSTRUCTION IN THE PRESCHOOL, ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLEDUCATION Persons belonging to national minorities, whose language is not Serbian- within the unified system of public education - have the right toinstruction in their own language in pre-school, elementary school andsecondary school education. If in the moment of enactment of this Law, there is no instruction in thelanguage of national minority in the unified system of public education forthe members of a respective national minority from section 1 of thisthesis, state is obliged to create conditions for the organisation ofinstruction in mother tongue, and until then to guarantee the bilingualinstruction or the instruction of the minority language with the elementsof national culture for the persons belonging to the respective nationalminority. In the implementation of the rights from the section 1 and 2 of thisthesis, law may prescribe a specific minimal number of pupils necessary forthe realisation of these rights. This number for persons belonging tonational minorities must not be larger than the determined general minimumthat is required for the number of pupils who attend classes in Serbian insettlements where individuals belonging to Serbian or Montenegrin peopleare in minority. Instruction in the language of national minorities does not exclude theobligatory learning of the Serbian language. Depending from the claim of the respective national minority theinstruction in the language of national minorities could be conducted inseparate educational facilities and schools or in mixed languageeducational facilities and schools with separate organisational units orclasses. The formation of separate educational facilities and schools mightbe conditioned with sufficient minimal number of students, but this minimalnumber can not be larger than the minimal required number of students inschools with instruction in Serbian language.Thesis 12HIGH AND UNIVERSITY EDUCATION To satisfy the requirements of the instruction in the language of nationalminorities in accordance with the thesis 11, within the high and universityeducation the State shall provide departments and faculties where thekinder-garden nurses, elementary and secondary school teachers will beeducated in the language of national minorities or bilingual. Besides the high and university education from section 1 of this thesis,faculty shall organise language departments on the languages of nationalminorities, where the students belonging to national minorities can learnthe technical terms also in the language of national minorities. Beside the obligations from par. 1 and 2 of this thesis the State shallsupport professional education and terminological specialization ofteachers for the purpose of education from the thesis 11 of this Law.The State shall favor the international cooperation with the purpose tofacilitate to persons belonging to national minorities studying abroad atthe language of respective minority, and recognition of so acquireddiplomas. Thesis 13CURRICULA Curricula for the instruction in the language of national minorities fromthesis 11, from social science subjects, in the part dealing with nationaltopics, shall contain not less than half the history, art and culture ofthe respective national minority. In the preparation of the curricula for education on the language ofnational minorities, bilingual and teaching of national minoritieslanguages with elements of national minorities cultures from the thesis 11of this Law, the national councils of national minorities shallparticipate, and without their consent the program cannot be adopted. If the public bodies of national minorities from section 2 of this thesisdeny the consent on the curricula, their opposition has the character ofsuspense veto, while the competent court shall resolve the dispute. If there is no national council of national minority, professionalorganizations of the respective national minority will be consulted. The curricula in educational institutions and schools in Serbian language,in order to foster tolerance in regard to national minorities, have tocontain a subject containing knowledge of history, culture and position ofnational minorities, and other contents fostering mutual tolerance andco-habitation. On territory where the language of national minority isalso official, the curricula in educational institutions and schools inSerbian language should also contain the learning of the language ofnational minorities. Thesis 14PRIVATE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to establishprivate educational institutions, schools and universities, with theinstruction in the language of national minorities or bilingual. Law prescribes the conditions for the establishment and work of theinstitutions from the section 1 of this thesis. If the educational institutions and schools from the section 1 of thisthesis provide instruction in or of the language of national minoritiesfrom thesis in units of local self-government where there is no suchinstruction for national minorities within the unified system of publiceducation, state is obliged to financially support the activity of sucheducational institutions.Thesis 15THE FINANCING OF THE MOTHER TONGUE INSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES For the financing of the instruction in the language of nationalminorities counted per student, state shall regularly set aside largerfinancial resources compared with the instruction in Serbian languagebecause of the objectively higher costs of this instruction. In the financing of the instruction in the languages of nationalminorities domestic and foreign organizations, foundations and privatepersons can also take part. In the case of financial and other donations from the section 2, statewill ensure some concessions or discharge from duties. In cases of less numerous national minorities, national minorities to whomthe par 4. of thesis 3 refers, and in the case of units of localself-government which have several national minorities, the state shall, inaccordance with financial possibilities, provide more substantial support. To units of local self-government from preceding paragraph state mayreduce their contribution to the state budget under the condition that theyare obliged to use those resources for purposes of the education ofnational minorities. Thesis 16THE USE OF NATIONAL SYMBOLS The freedom of using national symbols is guaranteed to persons belongingto national minorities, and that includes the freedom to decide upon theirnational symbols. In areas where the language of a national minority is in official use orthe percentage of the minority population reaches 20% according to the lastcensus, upon the decision of the local self-government the national symbolsof the respective national minority can, on buildings and premises oflocal self-government and public services and institutions established bythe local self-government, be used during the state holidays and theholidays of the respective national minority. In areas defined in par 2 of this thesis, on the buildings and premises offederal authorities national symbols of national minorities can be usedupon the decision of the authorised official during the state holidays andholidays of the respective national minority. If the national symbols of national minorities are used in places definedin paragraph 2 and 3 of this thesis, the symbols of the FRY and memberrepublic shall be used simultaneously. Thesis 17MEDIA IN NATIONAL MINORITY LANGUAGE AND CULTURAL INSTITUTIONSPersons belonging to national minorities have the right for complete andunbiased information in their own language, including the right toexpress, receive, send and exchange information and ideas through printedmedia and other media of public information. The state founded media areobliged to ensure informative programs in the language of nationalminorities, and it can also establish separate radio and TV stationsbroadcasting programs in language of national minorities. The quantity and quality of time reserved for broadcasting in the languageof respective national minority in state, regional and local levelcommensurate to its numerical strength and concentration.Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to establish andmaintain media in their own language. Law on electronic media shall bebased on objective and non-discriminatory criteria. The independence of the programming of public and private media in thelanguages of national minorities is guaranteed. Public media editorialboards should include persons belonging to national minorities. If multinational unit of local self-government finances public informationof residents, such public information should be provided also in thelanguage of national minority in proportion that commensurate to the theirproportion in the population of that unit. PART FOUR:EFFECTIVE PARTICIPATION IN DECISION-MAKING ON ISSUES RELATED TO MINORITIESSPECIFICITIES, IN REPRESENTATIVE BODIES AND ADMINISTRATIONThesis 18FEDERAL COUNCIL FOR NATIONAL MINORITIESFor the sake of preserving, promoting and protecting national, ethnic,religious, linguistic and cultural specificity and features of personsbelonging to national minorities, and for the sake of implementing theirrights provided by the Constitution and by this Law, the Federal Councilfor the Protection of persons belonging to national minorities isestablished (Further on " Council").Members of the Council are elected by the Federal Assembly.Candidates for the members of the Council are nominated by the nationalcouncils of national minorities. Each national minority has onerepresentative in the Council. If a national minority has no established national council or the nationalcouncil has not nominated candidates for the council, the Federal Assemblyshall elect the member of the Council from the candidates proposed bypolitical parties, organisations or associations of the respective nationalminority.Permanent members of the Council, ex officio are the president of theRepublic, Ombudsman for national minorities, minister of justice, ministerof foreign affairs, minister of internal affairs, and federal secretary forinformation.Depending upon the decision of the Council other government representativesand experts will also take part in the work of the Council.The Council shall meet at least once a year. The Council will meet alwaysif 1/3 of its members call for. The president of the FR of Yugoslavia presides in the Council.The competencies of the Council include:- Consideration of proposals of normative acts which influence the positionand rights of national minorities- Consideration of reports on the implementation of the rights of nationalminorities - Consideration and discussion of actual issues related to the situationof the national minorities - Consideration of the implementation and enforcement of legal regulationson the rights of national minorities- Proposing measures and actions aimed to promote the position of nationalminorities- Proposing measures and actions aimed to ease eventual inter-ethnictensions. Thesis 19 NATIONAL COUNCILS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES Persons belonging to national minorities can elect national councils aspublic bodies of minority self-governance. The national council is the legal person. The national council enacts its statute in accordance with theConstitution and law. The Register of elected national councils is managed by the competentfederal authority. Public bodies from paragraph 1 of this thesis, in fields of the officialuse of the language, education and information in the minority language andthe culture represent the interests of the respective national minority,participate in decision-taking or take decisions in mentioned issues, andthey also can be founders and co-founders of institutions in the mentionedfields. Authorities of the state, territorial autonomy or unit of localself-government are obliged to consult the public bodies from par.1 of thisthesis when deciding issues mentioned in par.6 of this thesis. Public bodies form par.1 of this thesis may address the authorities frompar. 7 of this thesis in all issues that directly affect the rights andposition of the respective national minority, and those authorities areobliged to put the issue to their agenda and reply in 3 months term. Some competencies from fields mentioned in paragraph 6 of this thesisshall be directly delegated to these public bodies, and State should setaside finances for the realization of those competencies. The scope and nature of competencies from paragraph 9 of this thesis willdepend among others from the claim of the respective national council. THE RULES CONCERNING ELECTIONS OF NATIONAL COUNCILSThesis 19 ANational councils of national minorities will be elected for the 4 yearsterm, primarily on the basis of special voters registration lists ofpersons belonging to national minorities.Special voters registration lists for the elections of national minoritiescouncils will be prepared if that would be requested from competent federalauthority by organizations and associations of national minorities, andsuch a request has to be supported in writing by adult citizens who makeat least 10% of persons belonging to respective national minorities on thebasis of last census, and this has to be done in the course of 3 monthsafter this Law comes into force. Elections for members of national councils on the ground of special votersregistration lists will be organized on the ground of proportionalelectoral system.Elections for national councils should be held at the latest in the courseof one year after the valid request for special voters registration isplaced, and if at least one third of all persons with voting rightsbelonging to respective national minority is enlisted.At the special voters registration list of the national minority everyadult citizen of the FRY who belongs to respective national minority can beenlisted if he requires in writing and declares as belonging to respectivenational minority.If in the course of one year at the special voters registration list atleast one third of all persons belonging to respective national minoritiesand with electoral rights would not enlist themselves, then nationalcouncil will be elected by electors in terms of this Law.More detailed rules and provisions related to conduct of voters registers,rules and the organization of elections on the basis of special votersregistration lists will be regulated by the Federal Governnment decree inthe course of 3 months after this Law comes into force.Thesis 19 BIf under the term stated in the thesis 19A Federal Ministry would notreceive a valid request for preparation of special voters register listsof a national minority, or in a case covered by par. 5 of the thesis 19A,national council will be elected by the assembly of electors of thenational minority.The right to be elector has every deputy in the Assembly of the FRY, memberrepublic, autonomous province and alderman (deputy in local assemblies)elected as a candidate of a political party of respective national minority.Besides the persons from the par. 3 of this thesis, the elector can beevery deputy in the assembly of the unit of local self-government electedas a candidate of a group of citizens, but he or she declares as a personbelonging to national minority and belongs to any political party,organization or association of national minority at least from the momentof his election as the deputy.National council can be elected only if at the meeting of electors at least10 electors are present.Thesis 19CIf a national council can not be formed because of insufficient number ofelectors, electors for the election of the national council will be electedin the following way:The right to be elector has every citizen who declares as person belongingto respective national minority, and his candidacy is supported by at least200 persons with electoral right, belonging to respective nationalminority, or is candidated by a national organization or an association ofrespective national minorityThesis 19DElectors assemblies work on the basis of statute that will enacted bycompetent ministry, which also organizes the electoral meeting. Assemblies of electors take decisions by majority votes of electors present.Thesis 19EEvery elector has the right to propose 2 candidates for members of thenational council, and all candidates are on one electoral list.Candidate for the member of the national council can be a citizen of theFRY who has electoral right.Election of members of national council is carried out by secret ballot, bycircling three names on the list of candidates.Candidates are put on rank order on the ground of number of received votes,and elected is that who gets more votes, and it goes until required numberof members of respective national council is elected.Thesis 20THE FEDERAL FOND FOR NATIONAL MINORITIES The Federal Fond for the promotion of the social, economic, cultural andoverall development of national minorities is established (further on the"Fond").The Fond shall take part in the financing from budgetary resources ofactivities and projects related to the promotion of the position andpromotion of cultural creativity of national minorities.The Federal Government shall enact closer legal regulations by which itwill regulate the composition and activities of the Fond. Thesis 21 REPRESENTATION AND PARTICIPATION IN PUBLIC LIFEPersons belonging to national minorities have the right to take part inpublic life, and access to all public authorities and services without anydiscrimination and limitation Persons belonging to national minorities have the right to form politicalorganizations and parties.No electoral law or decision of state organs will contain provisionsdiscriminating national minorities in determining criteria for entering ofminority representatives in government representative body.Alternative par. 4:Electoral laws will ensure the representation of national minorities in theAssembly of FRY, member republic and autonomous province.In order to achieve full equality of persons belonging to nationalminorities they have the right for corresponding representation in publicservices, state and local authorities including police forces. In the course of employment in state and local authorities, publicservices and local self-government, it is obligatory to take care about thenational composition of the population, and also about the needs for theknowledge of the languages spoken in the territory of the authority orservice. PART FIVE:PROTECTION OF MINORITY RIGHTS AND FREEDOMSThesis 22THE VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS OF MINORITIES IS UNLAWFUL ANDPUNISHABLE All acts are punishable which violate the rights and freedoms of nationalminorities guaranteed by the Constitution of FRY, provisions of theinternational law, this Law and other laws that regulate issues importantfor the life of minorities. The types of crimes, offences and penalties for the violation areestablished by law.Thesis 23OMBUDSMAN FOR NATIONAL MINORITIESWith an aim to observe the implementation of laws and policy concerning therights and freedoms of national minorities, and to protect their rights,the Ombudsman for national minorities is established (further on Ombudsman). Ombudsman is appointed by the Federal Assembly on the proposal of theFederal Government for the term of four years from most outstanding lawyers.Ombudsman is ex officio member of the Federal Council for nationalminotrities.Ombudsman can not conduct other public function nor professional vocation.Ombudsman has the same material and procedural immunity as the deputy inFederal Assembly. The Federal Constitutional Court decides on the immunityof the Ombudsman.Ombudsman is authorized to receive complaints concerning the rights ofpersons belonging to national minorities, and to collect data concerningthe complaints and issues related to the rights of national minorities.All state authorities and public institutions are obliged to co-operatewith the Ombudsman and to provide information and data required by theOmbudsman.In the case of the violation of minority rights Ombudsman is authorized toinitiate a court procedure for the protection of the rights of nationalminorities before the (Federal) court.Ombudsman can initiate actions and measures of state authorities to protectof the rights of national minorities. Ombudsman shall submit to the Federal Assembly annual reports on theposition of minorities, on his/her activities and on the implementation andviolations of minority rights. On issues not regulated by this Law concerning the status, immunities,salary and privileges of the Ombudsman legal regulations on the position ofjudges of the Federal Court will be applied. Thesis 24PROHIBITION OF THE ARTIFICIAL CHANGES OF THE NATIONAL COMPOSITION In areas where persons belonging to national minorities live all acts andmeasures, which can result artificial change of the national composition ofthe population, are prohibited. It is forbiden to determin administrative borders of territorial units ina way which makes it impossible or more difficult to enjoy and realize therights of persons belonging to national minorities.Thesis 25 THE PROTECTION OF RIGHTS BY COURTSFor the purpose of the protection of their rights guaranteed by this Law,persons belonging to national minorities and bodies from thesis 19 and 23can launch a lawsuit to the competent court determined by the law of therepublic.Depending on the nature of the violation of rights, in the procedure forthe protection of rights the rules of procedural law will apply (criminal,civil, administrative or other.) The violation of the rights of national minorities constitutes legalground for claiming non-material damages in the procedure before competentcivil court.PART SIX:TRANSITIONAL AND CONCLUDING PROVISIONSThesis 26Paragraph 1 of thesis 22 shall be implemented gradually in the period offive years. Thesis 27The Federal Ministry of national and ethnic communities shall be in chargeof supervising the implementation of this Law.Belgrade, 29th of June, 2001 vs --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jul 30 09:02:43 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 06:02:43 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Judicial system in Kosova (Report) Message-ID: <20010730130243.12927.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com> Report on the Judicial System, Freedom of the Media and the Situation of Minorities in Kosovo co-financed by the European Community European Initiative for Democracy & Human Rights in cooperation with theCouncil of Europeco-financed by the Government of Austria I. THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 1. Some General Aspects of the Judicial System The mandate to administer the judicial system in Kosovo belongs to the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) . OSCE, as a part of UNMIK, shares the responsibility to ensure that all human rights concerns are addressed through the over-all activities of the mission. The Administrative Department of Justice is responsible for the overall management of the judicial system and the correctional service. In accordance with Section 1 of Regulation 1999/24 of the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), the applicable law in Kosovo is formed of the regulations promulgated by the SRSG and the law in force in Kosovo on March 22, 1989. SRSG's regulations takes precedent in case of legislative conflict. Where a matter is not covered by the laws set out in Section 1 of the Regulation but it is covered by a law in force after March 22, 1989 which is not discriminatory, the respective law shall be applied (such application having an exceptional character). In addition, all those holding public office in Kosovo must observe the internationally recognized human rights standards, in particular the European Convention of Human Rights. Another applicable international human rights standard is the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a party; therefore, all entities governing in the territory are bound to ensure people in Kosovo the rights set forth in this treaty. The emergency judicial system established at the beginning of the mission was replaced by a regular judicial system. At present there are five district courts, one in each of the five regions of Kosovo. District courts hear cases that carry a sentence of more than five years imprisonment. The jurisdiction to hear cases that carry sentences of up to five years imprisonment belongs to the municipal courts. There are twenty-four municipal courts. Offenses carrying imprisonment up to two months are heard by minor offences courts. Twenty-three such minor offences courts were set up in Kosovo. On the top of the judicial system is the Kosovo Supreme Court, the highest appellate court. Courts still lack material resources and the infrastructure of some courts is poor. Judges and prosecutors were appointed and sworn into the regular judicial system from January 2000 onwards. Currently, approximately 400 judges and prosecutors are serving. Although some Turks, Bosniaks and Roma judges and/or prosecutors were appointed, the judiciary is still mono-ethnic. Despite the efforts to recruit minorities, in particular Serbs, into the judicial system, few of them applied, fewer sworn in and even fewer began to work. One could fairly say that Serbian judges and prosecutors do not participate in the Kosovo judicial system. The 1 February- 31 July 2000 report issued by the Legal Systems Monitoring Section (LSMS) of UNMIK Pilar III (OSCE) gives two reasons in this respect: their security could not be guaranteed and Belgrade had instructed the Serbian judges not to participate in the judicial system in Kosovo. Reportedly, Serbian judges and prosecutors work in unofficial parallel courts in places such as Mitrovica, Leposaviq/Leposavic, Vushtrri/Vucitrn, Lipjan/Lipljan, Gracanica and use Serbian laws . A general assessment of the functioning of the courts proves different in the view of UNMIK Pilar III (OSCE) exercising independent monitoring and the Kosovo/Albanian members of the judiciary. While the OSCE found that a significant number of courts failed to ensure fairness and effectiveness of the proceedings, failed to act fully independent in cases involving individuals belonging to ethnic minorities, lacked knowledge of international human rights standards as well as professional legal experience, the Kosovo/Albanian judicial actors seemed to be satisfied with the courts functioning and have disapproved the OSCE findings and concerns. For instance, the Kosovo/Albanian co-head of the Department of Justice expressed her dissatisfaction with the allegations of lack of independence and impartiality in the 2000 (second) report issued by the LSMS - OSCE. The Albanian official said that despite the Albanians' sufferance going back as far as 1945, the Kosovo/Albanian judges are impartial and objective where adjudicating cases involving Serbs . Judges in Prishtina and Mitrovica courts were satisfied that the judicial system is functioning properly . However, judges and prosecutors in Prishtina criticized the requirement of applying international law (as part of the applicable law in Kosovo) and the current redrafting process, stating that they used to have good laws and a good judicial system and do not see the need for changes . On the other hand, one Kosovo/Albanian politician claimed that the judicial system is not well established due to three major grounds: courts have to enforce legislation adopted during the Yugoslav federation; few former Kosovo police officers are serving while more of them should be included in the current police forces, and; non-existence of public authorities formed of Kosovars and established by the Kosovars . Clearly enough, this was a political message arguing for political independence/autonomy of the region. When asked to identify obstacles against independence of the judiciary and well functioning of the judicial system, Kosovo/Albanians referred to low salaries , physical insecurity, and poor infrastructure, and did not point out to areas such as procedural rules, lack of an effective defense, lack of legal experience and insufficient training in both domestic and international law, or possibility of bias . International judges and prosecutors were assigned to serve in Kosovo for the purpose of eliminating the concerns of biased proceedings and decisions. As far as March 2001, four international prosecutors and eleven international judges were assigned. One first concern raised the issue that the limited and sporadic allocation of international judges to cases leads to the unequal treatment of defendants, as cases of similar nature involving parties from ethnic minority groups had been tried by panels of various composition - with and without international judges. Another concern related to the limited role played by international judges who usually sit in panels where Kosovo/Albanian judges form the majority. However, international judges could sit in majority panels if requested by a party and approved by the SRSG following recommendation of ADoJ. Many of the Kosovo/Albanians did not receive well the international presence in the judicial system. Outlining the shortcomings of the judicial system in Kosovo, the OSCE Department of Human Rights and Rule of Law issued on April 19, 2001 a report on criminal justice system in Kosovo. The most critical matters highlighted by the report were: the absence of a habeas corpus type procedure by which a detainee may challenge the lawfulness of the detention; the continued executive detention; the lack of procedure to ensure effective access to defence counsel by detainees; concerns of bias in criminal proceedings; lack of alternatives to detention for juvenile offenders; lack of a mechanism to ensure appropriate treatment and fair trial for the mentally ill; lack of victim and witness support, of assistance and protection services. Progress was also noted ("many cases are being solved in a just fashion" and "more international judges and prosecutors are involved in the system") as well as the still lack of resources. In parallel, the OSCE prepared a Strategy for Justice, published in June 2001. In its introductory part, the Strategy argued that "Developing a community in which the rule of law and human rights is respected, requires that legislation, judicial and law enforcement practice and criminal justice policy are not arbitrary but predictable, transparent, consistent and principled" and asked for increased co-ordination of all the authorities involved in the creation of a fair and effective justice system in Kosovo. The Strategy recommended in particular: the review of the criminal justice policy and legal developments by a Criminal Justice Advisory Group with consultation of local judges and prosecutors; the review of all laws and regulations concerning the criminal justice for bringing them in accordance with the human rights standards; set up of a pre-trial review procedure to ensure speedier trials and standards of the law enforcement techniques; set up subcommittees to advise on specific issues of criminal justice policy; effective investigation of judicial misconduct. The main extra-judicial body aimed at protecting human rights and ensuring the functioning of the judicial system in accordance with the fair trial rules is the Ombudsperson Institution, established in 2000 and based in capital Prishtina. In its first report , the Ombudsperson highlighted the main obstacles to the independence and consequent credibility of the institution: the SRSG was given potentially conflicting roles by the regulation; alleged abuses by KFOR fall outside the Ombudsperson jurisdiction and although the regulation permit an agreement with the Commander of KFOR in order to allow the Ombudsperson to investigate cases where KFOR acts as de facto police or run detention centers, such an agreement has not yet been reached, leaving such KFOR related complaints uninvestigated; the OSCE Mission in Kosovo exercises full control over the funds spending by the Institution; severe restrictions have been imposed on the salaries of the local staff members. A major obstacle to the effectiveness of the institution was identified as the lack of access of many individuals to the institution and the very limited channels of communication. The nature of the complaints registered with the Ombudsperson Institution raise legitimate concerns with regard to the failure of the judicial system in Kosovo to ensure - at least on a regular basis- the basic standards on deprivation of liberty, fair trail, freedom from inhuman or degrading treatment and the corresponding duty to investigate, right to free enjoyment of property. Out of 184 issues raised before the institution during its first three months of existence 88 were related to the above mentioned matters. Moreover, in its Special Report no. 3 , the Ombudsperson found the practice of detention under executive orders as contrary to Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The Ombudsperson recommended the SRSG to immediately cease this practice, to order the review of the lawfulness of such detention by panels of international judges and to promulgate a regulation providing for the legal basis for compensation following unlawful deprivation of liberty. 2. Identified General Obstacles to the Good Functioning of the Judicial System a) Impartiality of the Courts The applicable law in Kosovo includes the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) as well as other international human rights standards, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The right to a fair hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law is guaranteed in Article 6 para.1 of the ECHR and Article 14 para. 1 of the ICCPR. It is unanimously recognized that independence and impartiality of courts are prior conditions to the fairness of the judicial proceedings. In accordance with the European Court jurisprudence, the requirement of impartiality is subjected to both a subjective and an objective tests. A judge shown as acting based on personal bias following his/her personal convictions and beliefs would fall the subjective test. The objective test imposes the principle that "justice must not only be done, but be seen to be done", and therefore any element supporting a legitimate fear of lack of impartiality would break this requirement. On a general basis, one could fairly state that Kosovo/Albanians have suffered in a way or another the repression of the Belgrade regime. Many of those currently serving as judges and prosecutors left their positions in 1989-90 and joined the parallel governing structures. In addition, during the present UNMIK governing, some have expressed security concerns. Under these circumstances, concerns on the impartiality of judges and prosecutors in Kosovo could seen as legitimate, in particular when Kosovo/Albanian mono-ethnic courts hear cases where one of the party (defendant or victim) is a member of the ethnic communities (such as Kosovo/Serbs, Bosnian-Muslims or Roma) seen and held by Kosovo/Albanians as responsible for their ten years of severe sufferance. In addition, such concerns proved real in a number of individual cases related to war and ethnically motivated crimes instrumented by Kosovo/Albanian prosecutors and heard by Kosovo/Albanian mono-ethnic courts or courts where Kosovo/Albanian formed the majority. The independent monitoring proved that where Kosovo/Albanians were victims of alleged crimes perpetrated by Kosovo/Serbs, the verdict was of guilt even if the evidence was weak and contradictory. On the contrary, where the victims were Kosovo/Serbs and charges were filed against Kosovo/Albanians, either prosecutors dropped the case or the courts found that there was not enough evidence to convict. In addition, violation of the procedural rules, such as the extension of the pre-trail detention beyond the one year limit provided by law followed the same ethnicity patterns. Far from making an overall statement on the lack of impartiality of the local judges and prosecutors in Kosovo -which, moreover, would not be justified- the organization believes that the impartiality is such a basic and essential pre-condition for the fairness of the proceedings and of the judicial outcome that any possible concern, slight sign or mere possibility of lack of impartiality in any individual case should be avoided. This is why the presence of international judges and prosecutors looks as a legitimate need, at least for the time being. Unfortunately, the presence of the international judges and prosecutors in the judicial system was not well received by many Kosovo/Albanians. Although not explicitly denying the need of international judicial actors, Kosovo/Albanian judges and prosecutors in the Prishtina municipal court stated that well prepared local judges and prosecutors existed. Their main complaints focused on the lack of experience of some of the international judges and prosecutors they have met, on the lack of co-operation with the local judges and prosecutors and on the high discrepancy between the salaries received by the international judges and prosecutors and those received by the local ones. By contrary, the president of the municipal court in Mitrovica welcomed the presence of international judges and prosecutors, arguing that he knew and liked them. It seems that personal experience matters significantly in such evaluations. However, Kosovo/Albanian politicians proved agreement in expressing disapproval with regard to the assignment of international judges and prosecutors in Kosovo. Representatives of LDK and Alliance for Kosovo pointed out to the lack of guarantees with respect to the impartiality of the international judges and prosecutors, who, in their view, could also be biased. Both used the example of Sava Matic (a Serbian man), indicted in September 2000 for war crimes against Kosovo/Albanian victims. The panel, composed of two international judges and one Kosovo/Albanian judge did not find Matic guilty of war crimes -for lack of evidence- but of light bodily injury during an assault in April 1999 and convicted him to two years imprisonment under the last charge. The decision was taken by the two international judges in the panel while the Kosovo/Albanian judge dissented. Both politicians argued that the judicial finding proved biased on behalf of the international judges, who ignored that the defendant had killed a large number of Albanians, and suggested that panels should be composed of a majority of Kosovo/Albanian judges. By contrary, the judicial finding in Matic case was welcome by a Serbian defending lawyer who argued that the court proved impartial as evidence for the war crimes charge was weak. Expressing doubts with regard to the qualification and skills of those assigned as international judges and prosecutors, the two politicians suggested that candidates be subjected to a prior-examination on international law. Kosovo/Albanian co-head of the Department of Justice has also been critical of international presence in the judicial system, defining this as an interference of the international administration with the courts. The International Helsinki Federation believes that the number of international judges and prosecutors should be rapidly increased such as to allow allocation of internationals to all cases involving war and ethnically motivated crimes, for eliminating the risk of unequal treatment of defendants or victims who are parties in such cases. In addition, it is recommended that international judges should sit in majority panels and that their allocation to war and ethnically motivated cases should be ex officio rather than on request. The authorities assigning international judges and prosecutors in Kosovo should make sure, prior to the assignment, that the candidates have a very good knowledge of the international law applicable in Kosovo. Moreover, lawyers with professional experience in post conflict areas should be preferred. The current situation in Kosovo is difficult and sensitive enough to require highly competent and experienced international staff in the judicial system for effectively and rapidly achieving the goal of ensuring fair and speedy trials. In parallel, local judges and prosecutors should be intensively trained on the international standards of fairness and should stay close to the international judicial actors for a better understanding of the judicial rules as well as for avoiding breaches of Kosovars' sensibility. Co-operation between international and local members of the judiciary is essential as well as a public campaign explaining the need, the benefits and the limited duration of the international presence in the judicial system. b) Independence of the Courts In accordance to the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence, judges must be independent of the Government and of the parties. The organization identified some issues giving raise to concerns regarding the full independence of judges. Similar to most of the Central Eastern European countries which experienced judicial systems where the prosecutorial power overcame the judiciary, the relationships between judges and prosecutors in Kosovo seem quite close and friendly, leading to overlapping roles during the judicial proceedings and to an unacceptable influence exercised by prosecutors upon judges. The distinction between the executive -where prosecutors belong- and the judiciary - formed in theory exclusively of judges- is not clear for many local judges and prosecutors. The latter are seen as equal to judges, and judges often discuss the pending cases with the prosecutors. This feeling of "equality" on the judicial arena is probably maintained, among others, by the equality between the salaries paid by UNMIK (out of the Kosovo budget) to judges and prosecutors. As such a situation could hamper judges' decisional independence, the International Helsinki Federation recommends that both categories should be made clear the distinction between the role of the judges and that of the prosecutors in the judicial proceedings, and should be trained to the result of avoiding joint discussions and evaluations of the pending cases. Another matter of concern is the on-going examination and discussion of the pending cases among judges and by judges with the courts' presidents. Judges' decisional independence could also be hampered by such joint evaluation of the facts, in particular where the courts' presidents are involved. Judges' training should consider this issue in order to help and maintain the decisional independence. Another ground which could lead to corruption -affecting the judicial independence- is the level of salaries received by judges. The members of the judiciary interviewed have complained against the low level of their salaries, having also in view that the life costs in Kosovo increased significantly following the international presence. Well aware of the UN policy aimed at ensuring the sustainability of a country/region after the withdrawal of the international mission, the IHF believes that judges' salaries in Kosovo should be increased in order to avoid corruption within the judiciary as this is an essential component of the judicial independence which, in its turn, is a basic component of any democratic society. Allegations of interference of the UNMIK officials with the judicial process were also made by the Kosovo/Albanian co-head of the Department of Justice. Such allegations, however, were not sustained by the interviewed judges. Nevertheless, the mere possibility of such interference should be eliminated, and both local judges and international staff should be make aware of the highly negative impact of such interventions upon the decisional independence. Where such attempts become known, the international authorities should adopt a clear and public attitude of condemnation. c) Applicable Law, Knowledge of International Law A continuing confusion exists among the judiciary and the lawyers on the applicable law in Kosovo, in particular with regard to the human rights standards. While regulation 1999/24 provides for the applicability of the international human rights legal standards, there is a lack of clarity with regard to which law takes precedence over which law, as well as a lack of knowledge of the international human rights standards and of how such standards should be implemented. All judges interviewed said they are not familiar with the European Court's jurisprudence or other international human rights standards. In addition, the international co-legal director of the Kosovo Law Center stated that the interpretation of the law is not part of the legal culture in Kosovo, and therefore interpreting the domestic law in accordance with the international human rights standards is a difficult process. If the legal actors lack the knowledge of the international law, this is even more true with regard to the parties involved in judicial cases. Although the supremacy of the international law is implicit, it is not clearly stated by the regulation mentioned above, and many judicial actors are confused over the priority in case of legislative conflict. In addition, it is not clear that international and local staff holding public offices in Kosovo is aware of the international human rights standards by which they are bound. Domestic law as well as all regulation issued by the authorities in Kosovo must be fully and urgently reviewed and/or redrafted as to ensure that the enforceable provisions are in accordance with the international standards on human rights. It is hard to expect the local judges and other lawyers to apply the international law without clear indications and without an experience of doing so. As the training aimed at giving this knowledge to the Kosovo judicial actors has long term results, the only appropriate solution for the time being is the amendment, by experts, of the current applicable law in order to give the locals clear legal instruments. II THE SITUATION OF THE MEDIA - FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION The media situation following the end of the war and throughout the year 2000 was characterized by a mushrooming number of the Albanian-language media - particularly printed media - and difficulties experienced by Serbian-language media, as well as those of other minorities, despite the attempts of UNMIK and the OSCE to re-establish a print and broadcast media system representing all ethnic groups in Kosova. Thus there were 7 dailies being published in Albanian on Kosova providing for considerable diversity with a total circulation of some 35.000 copies. The largest one among them is Bota Sot with an estimated 18.000 circulation that is believed to be very close to the largest Kosvoa Albanian party the LDK. International media observers however consider it to be biased and resorting often to hate speech despite the LDK and its activists claiming to be themselves victims of politically motivated violence. Koha Ditore (second largest with some 9.000 circulation) and Zeri are considered to be dailies with an independent orientation. Epoka e Re and Gazeta e Re, newspaper with smaller circulation are believed to be closer to PDK circles. Two newspapers have ceased being published during the year, Dita and Kosova Sot. There are currently no Serbian printed media outside Serbian enclaves in Kosova. Belgrade press, such as Politika and Express as well as Blic and Danas is distributed for free in enclaves. Recently a Kosovo Serb newspaper called Novo Jedinstvo has started being published in Kosovo enclave of Grachanica. Their overall circulations is believed to range up to ten thousand copies according to international sources. The Bosniak community publishes in Prizren its weekly Kosovski Avaz which is distributed in Prishtina and Peja. The Turkish community publishes its weekly Yeni Donem. No Roma language publication are available yet. Media in Kosova are overseen by the OSCE Temporary Media Commissioner . the Commissioner may impose fines and sanctions on media that do not observe the applicable laws or decrees of the interim adminstration. The Media Commissions is expected to be replaced soon with an Independent Media Commission. Two fines have been mandates so far and the cases are being appealed at the Media Appeals Board. One of the related newspapers, the daily Dita, has in the mean time been closed due to the process. It was related to an Unmik Serbian employee called Petar Tucholski, who had been accused in Dita of being a war criminal, publishing also his adress and picture in its article of April 28. On may 15 Tucholski body was found dumped in near a village in the suburb of Prishtina stabbed to death in the chest. Another similar reporting that was taken as a case of incitemnt was published again in Dita on July 4 named 12 Kosovo Serbs in Gjilane as alleged war criminals and also attacked openly Serbian orthodox priests. A week later three priests in the region were objects of a shooting incident. In practice, the media situation reflected the political realities exiting in Kosova. The security vacuum and deep social divisions caused by the recent past also affected the work of journalists in Kosova. Thus despite the premises for fully free media in Albanian especially, the issue of self-censorship of journalists and publishers is present. Thus domestic and international organizations maintain that self-censorship on Albanian media, with reporters and editors actively ignoring some of the most pressing issues and problems facing Kosova. This phenomen curtails the full freedom of expression is due to implicit and/or explicit harrasment and potentially dangerous intimidation by certain segments in Kosova such as various political or criminal extremist groups. The self-imposed silence has damaged the media's credibility as a reliable source of information. >From May to December 2000 the OSCE journalists protection programme has registered 33 cases of incidents of intimidation of journalists such as anonymous and personal threats, assaults, bombing incidents. etc. related to their work. Among them the gravest one has been that of the journalist Shefki Popova that was found killed during last summer. The case however has not yet been clarified. A bomb was reported to have been hurled into the home of the journalists Rexhep Kastrati of Bota Sot. When accepting the objection about caving in to intimidation Albanian journalistsfeel that the UNMIK has failed to combat the general climate of insecurity in Kosovo. The way the minorities were potrayed in the media affected the development of a climate of inter-ethnic tolerance. The former Kosova Public RTV renamed RTK (Kosova), operated under the control of the OSCE, which was trying to establish a media control board to uphold professional standards and guard against media bias in this influential medium. RTV broadcasts now three hours per day, one hour longer than early last year. Prior to the collapse of the former Yugoslavia, it had broadcast all day on two channels. RTK TV broadcasts five to eight minutes of Serb language programin daily and occassionaly also in Turkish. It does broadcast aslo ten minutes of day of Bosnian language news produced by Unmik TV. There is no Kosovo Serbian tv station. Kosovo Serbs receive however the Belgrade Serbian State Radio and TV as well as few local radios that broadcast in Serbian such as Radio Contact and Radio Mir as well as foreign broadcasts in Serbian. Radio Blue Sky, Unmik's radio channes also broadcasts some of its contents in Serbian, as well as on Radio Kosovo second channel. III ABOUT THE SITUATION OF MINORITIES Kosovo with an estimated total population of 2 millions, and an estimate of 10 % minorities before the war (8% Serbs, 2 % others) , had at the beginning of the year 2000 an estimated number of around 100,000 remaining Kosovo Serbs, around 30,000 Roma, up to 35,000 Muslim Slavs, over 20,000 Turks, up to 12,000 Gorani, and some 500 Croats. Rahovec/Orahovac, in the centre of Kosovo, was chosen for our visit, because its Serbian (and Roma) enclave is not only relatively big, but also totally separated from the rest of the town, and in an area in Kosovo, where there had been one of the highest rates of killings of Albanians before and during the war. Janjevo, around 50 km southeast of Prishtina, was chosen, because it inhabits also a Croatian minority and we originally had wanted to visit both the Roma and the Croat minority there. In the shortness of the time it was not possible to visit all the minorities, so we wanted at least to cover the two biggest. a) Social Security - Economic Situation Example 1: the Roma minority in Janjevo: In the village of Janjevo used to live 570 Roma. Now there are only 220 Roma left. Besides, there is a Croat minority about 350 persons. The Albanians number 3.500 persons. The Roma live a very poor life, mostly of humanitarian aid. That means, that they get per month 12 kg flour, 1 litre oil and 1 kg beans. Traditionally Roma were tradesmen, selling things at the markets. Since the war started, the situation changed drastically. With the exception of one person - who is working for a project of UNMIK - all Roma from Janjevo are without a job. There was a perception that Roma would be discriminated against in the delivery of social welfare. We were told that it was handed over a list of 11 persons to the responsible person, who should get this social welfare, but only 4 of them received it. Though being blind and without parents, Elvis Gradina (22) was cut off this social welfare. The same happened to the social welfare of Gjerajiva Gashi (70), paralysed already for 10 years and having only one jobless son. In another case, in Dana Gushterica, where the lists for the decisions had been prepared by an ethnic Serb, a blind Roma with children, who are as well blind, got only 65 DEM/month, although the maximum for such cases is 180 DEM/month. At he recent meeting, the Roma representative were told by the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General (SRSG), and head of UNMIK, Paul Haekkerup, that the humanitarian aid would stop in March. No alternatives were given to them. Example 2: the Serbian minority in Rahoves/Orahovac: 4.000 Serbs had been living in the enclave of Rahoves/Orahovac immediately after the war, incl. refugees from downtown and outside the town. When we visited it there were only around 600 Serbs and around 100-200 Roma left. We were told that 60-70 % of the people are hardship cases with nothing to live from, but some humanitarian assistance and this only if one has a child less than 5 years, or is an elderly person. The help amount is 80-90 DEM/month for the whole family, plus some food and sometimes hygienic articles. The chief of the "Centre for Social Service" is Albanian and it is up to him, who is getting assistance. People who have employment work in school (paid by UNMIK), as interpreters or in the one restaurant in the enclave. b) Cultural Rights - Schools Example 1: the Roma minority in Janjevo: The schools are mixed: at one floor are taught Albanian kids and in the other the Croat and Roma kids. There is one Roma teacher and he gives, once a week, lectures in Roma language. Due to the lack of appropriate teachers, there are working persons just with a secondary school education. >From 49 Roma children, who should go to school, only 17 are attending it. It is, because those children have nothing to dress to go to school. Example 2: the Serbian minority in Rahoves/Orahovac: The Serb enclave has, as well, a lack of teachers. There are 50 children going to school in Orahovac. One teacher has, usually, two classes. Like in Janjevo, many teachers are not professionals. c) Freedom of movement & The security situation The freedom of movement is severely restricted due to the sole existence of the enclaves. People from the enclaves simply cannot leave these very small territories without a KFOR escort. But the enclaves only exist, because of the assessment of the respective minorities (mainly Serbs and Roma) as well as by UNMIK and KFOR, that their security of the can only be secured in the enclaves. Example 1: the Roma minority in Janjevo: In the phase immediately after the war (June-August 1999) there occurred several physical attacks by ethnic Albanians against members of the Roma minority. In one case, a bomb was thrown on the house of a citizen, and in another the bomb was thrown between two cars owned by Roma. There occurred also some smaller incidents, like the breaking of windows by throwing stones or the fixing of leaflets with texts like "Roma, leave to Italy. Otherwise we kill you". We were told that the attackers came from neighbouring villages, and that none of the perpetrators was found by the police. The Roma leave Janjevo only when picked up by KFOR to go for meetings in Prishtina. Example 2: the Serbian minority in Rahoves/Orahovac: There are predominantly elderly people in this enclave. For the youth there was a new youth centre adapted by a German NGO, being not ready yet. There are cafes, where they drink and spend all the money they have. After the freedom of movement, the lack of financial assistance is the second biggest problem in the enclave. Many of the IDPs would be willing to come back from Montenegro and Serbia because of their houses in Rahovec/Orahovac, but they don't have enough means. Private houses and the Serbian Orthodox church were destroyed, flats were taken over and the property of expelled people was robbed. The houses in downtown of Orahovac, belonging to Serbs, were mostly burnt down. Albanians, who live in Serb owned flats, do not pay any rents. Some Serbs (guarded by KFOR) tried to visit their flats, but the Albanians, now living there, did not let them in. Only some 30 meters outside the enclave and only three days before our visit, a house was burnt down, where a 70 years old man had lived. Before that several bombs had been thrown at this house, until finally KFOR had offered to rebuild it, and had evacuated the man in order to do that. There is only one ambulance in the enclave and it has hardly more than painkillers. If somebody gets sick, KFOR takes this person to Mitrovica or Kosovo Polje. KFOR was, in many cases, willing to buy medicine on their behalf, but the medicine is expensive. We were told that the last 6 months have been more or less calm and it got only worse in the last month. Until 4 weeks ago, there have been once a week an UNHCR convoy from Rahovec/Orahovac to Zvecan, escorted by KFOR, that was stopped in the meantime due to security reasons. And we were told that the best solution would be, if the Serbs would be transferred as refugees to third countries. All the 1.500 people in Orahovac and Velika Kloca would accept that, even though people have an inclination to stay, where they belong. "What/s the point to live in a place, where all the time houses are burnt down, grenades are thrown? People here live like criminals, who were sentenced to prison". d) Minorities and the Penal System We were told by a Serb ex-officio-lawyer in Mitrovica, that by the Serbs the courts are perceived as biased, especially with war crimes and genocide cases. Courts decide "guilty" even with a lack of evidence. As a general problem we were told, that the police files are in English while the simultaneous translation in courts is mostly in Albanian and Serbian. An additional problem is that there are only three Serbian ex-officio defence lawyers available inside Kosovo at the moment. e) What the Kosovo Albanian politicians say We were told by Mr. Kole M. Berisha, the Vice-President of LDK, that he sees the way for improvement through general elections and central authorities. The judiciary needs to be fully established, and the Kosovar police KPS needs more authorization, to the conjunction with the international authorities. There should be a selection and re-qualification process of former policepersons in a much higher number than is done at the moment, and the police should have all the police segments that are usual (incl. a civil police). All this, as well as a more rigorous control of the Kosovar borders, would contribute to an improvement of the general security. Mr. Berisha assessed that the security situation is being much better now than before. There were still ethnically motivated killings, but there were also continuously public declarations from all the political parties against the violence. Mr. Berisha saw a need for the experience of international judges and prosecutors and acknowledged that Albanian and Serbian judges could be potentially one-sided and biased. He though also expressed that by principle he is in favour of a fully impartial judicial system dealing with crimes as crimes, as crimes should not dealt with through an ethnic bias. In his opinion, the Serbs are still subject to the influence from Belgrade and don't recognize the new reality. For example they boycotted the municipal elections. Their integration into the municipal assemblies could be a first step for their integration into the Kosovar society. The Vice President of Alliance for the Future of Kosova (AAK), Bajram Kosumi, stressed that the security situation was satisfactory, but that he was discontent with the quality of some UNMIK regulations, lacking sufficient analysis. Kosumi suggested general elections. Afterwards better laws could be made, than at the moment. The number of local policepersons should be much higher; and the international police should come from EU-countries only. His opinion is, that UNMIK didn't do much to integrate the population. In the enclaves there would be security, but their whole existence would be the absolute opposition to integration. f) What the minorities say about the future of interethnic relations: the Serbian minority in Rahoves/Orahovac: They don/t see any signals from the Albanians for the opening of a dialogue. The cooperation is restricted to situations, where Albanians (guarded by KFOR) bring in goods, get paid and then drive back. Or when an Albanian wants to buy the house, or some land, from a Serb, he has to contact him to negotiate about the price --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jul 30 09:11:55 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 06:11:55 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] On Vlach minority in Greece Message-ID: <20010730131155.20299.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com> : Letters of protest for Bletsa conviction Mr. Romano PRODIPresident of EU CommissionYour Excellency,We express our worries on the conviction of Mr. Sotiris Bletsas, member ofthe Society for Vlach/Aromanian Culture, to 15 months imprisonment and500,000 drs. fine, on February 2, 2001. His distribution of European Bureaufor Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL) leaflets, comprising a map with what wasconsidered to be minority languages in Greece, was deemed to be thecriminal offence of "dissemination of false information ", according toGreek Penal Code.We respectfully ask you to consider undertaking efforts for dropping thecharges against Mr. Bletsas, especially considering the fact thatprosecution against him has been commenced at the request of a Greekdeputy, member of the New Democracy Party. Such actions as those takenagainst Mr. Bletsas are banned by a series of international instruments.The most important of these instruments are Article 10 of the EuropeanConvention of Human Rights Safeguard (the freedom of expression) and theFramework Convention for Protection of National Minorities. Even if Greece is one of the few EU members along with France and Belgiumthat did not ratify the Framework Convention for Protection of NationalMinorities which it signed in 1997, it is still bound to respect its objectby virtue of Article 18 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treatiesthat stipulates: " A State shall refrain from completing any acts that maydeprive a treaty of its object and purpose?after the State has signed therespective treaty?".Nevertheless, the Bletsas case is one of a number of cases ofdiscrimination against the largest Vlach minority in Balkans, cases ofpeople being persecuted for expressing or disseminating opinions whichought to be respected in any democracy, regardless whether they areaccurate or acceptable by the large majority of population and theauthorities.Even though the public opinion of Greece views the issues involvingminorities with great suspicion, a human liberties and minority rightspolicy should not be limited to signing international conventions, that arethen not applied because this policy is not prepared to challenge thetraditionalist political culture. The human rights and minority rights issues should concern the Greekgovernment not only in relation with their internal public opinion, butalso with the latest European Union enhanced developments.We also refer to the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence,following which the essential character of the freedom of expression in ademocratic society still applies for the information that may shock orproduce inquiries to the large majority of the population, as proved by theLingens v. Austria case.It is a pity that the victim of discrimination is a member of the"Vlach-speaking" population, this population being no political threat tothe Greek National State and one of the oldest communities that lives onGreek soil.Perhaps no country in Europe knows more than Greece about fight forpreservation of Europe's cultural heritage.That is why special attention should be given to the Vlach-speakingminority, due to its particularly threatened language.That is the reason for which we respectfully ask you to analyze thissituation and to initiate all the measures you consider optimal for apositive solution of the case in accord with the European standards ofhuman rights.Sincerely yours, Bogdan Grabowski - LawyerThe Human Rights ObserverResidency:Bucuresti, RomaniaBd. Stirbei-Voda, nr.71, ap.3Bucharest, February 2001Mr. George PAPANDREUForeign MinisterAthens, GreeceYour Excellency,We express our worries on the conviction of Mr. Sotiris Bletsas, member ofthe Society for Vlach/Aromanian Culture, to 15 months imprisonment and500,000 drs. fine, on February 2, 2001. His distribution of European Bureaufor Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL) leaflets, comprising a map with what wasconsidered to be minority languages in Greece, was deemed to be thecriminal offence of "dissemination of false information ", according toGreek Penal Code.We respectfully ask you to consider undertaking efforts for dropping thecharges against Mr. Bletsas, especially considering the fact thatprosecution against him has been commenced at the request of a Greekdeputy, member of the New Democracy Party. Such actions as those takenagainst Mr. Bletsas are banned by a series of international instruments.The most important of these instruments are Article 10 of the EuropeanConvention of Human Rights Safeguard (the freedom of expression) and theFramework Convention for Protection of National Minorities. Even if Greece is one of the few EU members along with France and Belgiumthat did not ratify the Framework Convention for Protection of NationalMinorities which it signed in 1997, it is still bound to respect its objectby virtue of Article 18 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treatiesthat stipulates: " A State shall refrain from completing any acts that maydeprive a treaty of its object and purpose?after the State has signed therespective treaty?".Nevertheless, the Bletsas case is one of a number of cases ofdiscrimination against the largest Vlach minority in Balkans, cases ofpeople being persecuted for expressing or disseminating opinions whichought to be respected in any democracy, regardless whether they areaccurate or acceptable by the large majority of population and theauthorities.Even though the public opinion of Greece views the issues involvingminorities with great suspicion, a human liberties and minority rightspolicy should not be limited to signing international conventions, that arethen not applied because this policy is not prepared to challenge thetraditionalist political culture. The human rights and minority rights issues should concern the Greekgovernment not only in relation with their internal public opinion, butalso with the latest European Union enhanced developments.We also refer to the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence,following which the essential character of the freedom of expression in ademocratic society still applies for the information that may shock orproduce inquiries to the large majority of the population, as proved by theLingens v. Austria case.It is a pity that the victim of discrimination is a member of the"Vlach-speaking" population, this population being no political threat tothe Greek National State and one of the oldest communities that lives onGreek soil.Perhaps no country in Europe knows more than Greece about fight forpreservation of Europe's cultural heritage.That is why special attention should be given to the Vlach-speakingminority, due to its particularly threatened language.That is the reason for which we respectfully ask you to analyse thissituation and to initiate all the measures you consider optimal for apositive solution of the case in accord with the European standards ofhuman rights.Sincerely yours, Bogdan Grabowski - Lawyer The Human Rights ObserverResidency:Bucharest, RomaniaBd. Stirbei-Voda, nr.71, ap.3Bucharest, February 2001Mr. Dimitris ReppasMinister of Press and InformationAthens, GreeceYour Excellency,We express our worries on the conviction of Mr. Sotiris Bletsas, member ofthe Society for Vlach/Aromanian Culture, to 15 months imprisonment and500,000 drs. fine, on February 2, 2001. His distribution of European Bureaufor Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL) leaflets, comprising a map with what wasconsidered to be minority languages in Greece, was deemed to be thecriminal offence of "dissemination of false information ", according toGreek Penal Code.We respectfully ask you to consider undertaking efforts for dropping thecharges against Mr. Bletsas, especially considering the fact thatprosecution against him has been commenced at the request of a Greekdeputy, member of the New Democracy Party. Such actions as those takenagainst Mr. Bletsas are banned by a series of international instruments.The most important of these instruments are Article 10 of the EuropeanConvention of Human Rights Safeguard (the freedom of expression) and theFramework Convention for Protection of National Minorities. Even if Greece is one of the few EU members along with France and Belgiumthat did not ratify the Framework Convention for Protection of NationalMinorities which it signed in 1997, it is still bound to respect its objectby virtue of Article 18 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treatiesthat stipulates: " A State shall refrain from completing any acts that maydeprive a treaty of its object and purpose?after the State has signed therespective treaty?".Nevertheless, the Bletsas case is one of a number of cases ofdiscrimination against the largest Vlach minority in Balkans, cases ofpeople being persecuted for expressing or disseminating opinions whichought to be respected in any democracy, regardless whether they areaccurate or acceptable by the large majority of population and theauthorities.Even though the public opinion of Greece views the issues involvingminorities with great suspicion, a human liberties and minority rightspolicy should not be limited to signing international conventions, that arethen not applied because this policy is not prepared to challenge thetraditionalist political culture. The human rights and minority rights issues should concern the Greekgovernment not only in relation with their internal public opinion, butalso with the latest European Union enhanced developments.We also refer to the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence,following which the essential character of the freedom of expression in ademocratic society still applies for the information that may shock orproduce inquiries to the large majority of the population, as proved by theLingens v. Austria case.It is a pity that the victim of discrimination is a member of the"Vlach-speaking" population, this population being no political threat tothe Greek National State and one of the oldest communities that lives onGreek soil.Perhaps no country in Europe knows more than Greece about fight forpreservation of Europe's cultural heritage.That is why special attention should be given to the Vlach-speakingminority, due to its particularly threatened language.That is the reason for which we respectfully ask you to analyse thissituation and to initiate all the measures you consider optimal for apositive solution of the case in accord with the European standards ofhuman rights.Sincerely yours, Bogdan Grabowski - Lawyer The Human Rights ObserverResidency:Bucuresti, RomaniaBd. Stirbei-Voda, nr.71, ap.3Bucharest, February 2001Mr. Professor Mihalis StathopoulosMinister of JusticeAthens, GreeceYour Excellency,We express our worries on the conviction of Mr. Sotiris Bletsas, member ofthe Society for Vlach/Aromanian Culture, to 15 months imprisonment and500,000 drs. fine, on February 2, 2001. His distribution of European Bureaufor Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL) leaflets, comprising a map with what wasconsidered to be minority languages in Greece, was deemed to be thecriminal offence of "dissemination of false information ", according toGreek Penal Code.We respectfully ask you to consider undertaking efforts for dropping thecharges against Mr. Bletsas, especially considering the fact thatprosecution against him has been commenced at the request of a Greekdeputy, member of the New Democracy Party. Such actions as those takenagainst Mr. Bletsas are banned by a series of international instruments.The most important of these instruments are Article 10 of the EuropeanConvention of Human Rights Safeguard (the freedom of expression) and theFramework Convention for Protection of National Minorities. Even if Greece is one of the few EU members along with France and Belgiumthat did not ratify the Framework Convention for Protection of NationalMinorities which it signed in 1997, it is still bound to respect its objectby virtue of Article 18 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treatiesthat stipulates: " A State shall refrain from completing any acts that maydeprive a treaty of its object and purpose?after the State has signed therespective treaty?".Nevertheless, the Bletsas case is one of a number of cases ofdiscrimination against the largest Vlach minority in Balkans, cases ofpeople being persecuted for expressing or disseminating opinions whichought to be respected in any democracy, regardless whether they areaccurate or acceptable by the large majority of population and theauthorities.Even though the public opinion of Greece views the issues involvingminorities with great suspicion, a human liberties and minority rightspolicy should not be limited to signing international conventions, that arethen not applied because this policy is not prepared to challenge thetraditionalist political culture. The human rights and minority rights issues should concern the Greekgovernment not only in relation with their internal public opinion, butalso with the latest European Union enhanced developments.We also refer to the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence,following which the essential character of the freedom of expression in ademocratic society still applies for the information that may shock orproduce inquiries to the large majority of the population, as proved by theLingens v. Austria case.It is a pity that the victim of discrimination is a member of the"Vlach-speaking" population, this population being no political threat tothe Greek National State and one of the oldest communities that lives onGreek soil.Perhaps no country in Europe knows more than Greece about fight forpreservation of Europe's cultural heritage.That is why special attention should be given to the Vlach-speakingminority, due to its particularly threatened language.That is the reason for which we respectfully ask you to analyze thissituation and to initiate all the measures you consider optimal for apositive solution of the case in accord with the European standards ofhuman rights.Sincerely yours, Bogdan Grabowski - LawyerThe Human Rights ObserverResidency:Bucuresti, RomaniaBd. Stirbei-Voda, nr.71, ap.3Bucharest, February 2001Mr. Max Van der StoelHigh Commissioner for National MinoritiesExcellency,We express our worries on the conviction of Mr. Sotiris Bletsas, member ofthe Society for Vlach/Aromanian Culture, to 15 months imprisonment and500,000 drs. fine, on February 2, 2001. His distribution of European Bureaufor Lesser Used Languages (EBLUL) leaflets, comprising a map with what wasconsidered to be minority languages in Greece, was deemed to be thecriminal offence of "dissemination of false information ", according toGreek Penal Code.We respectfully ask you to consider undertaking efforts for dropping thecharges against Mr. Bletsas, especially considering the fact thatprosecution against him has been commenced at the request of a Greekdeputy, member of the New Democracy Party. Such actions as those takenagainst Mr. Bletsas are banned by a series of international instruments.The most important of these instruments are Article 10 of the EuropeanConvention of Human Rights Safeguard (the freedom of expression) and theFramework Convention for Protection of National Minorities. Even if Greece is one of the few EU members along with France and Belgiumthat did not ratify the Framework Convention for Protection of NationalMinorities which it signed in 1997, it is still bound to respect its objectby virtue of Article 18 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treatiesthat stipulates: " A State shall refrain from completing any acts that maydeprive a treaty of its object and purpose?after the State has signed therespective treaty?".Nevertheless, the Bletsas case is one of a number of cases ofdiscrimination against the largest Vlach minority in Balkans, cases ofpeople being persecuted for expressing or disseminating opinions whichought to be respected in any democracy, regardless whether they areaccurate or acceptable by the large majority of population and theauthorities.Even though the public opinion of Greece views the issues involvingminorities with great suspicion, a human liberties and minority rightspolicy should not be limited to signing international conventions, that arethen not applied because this policy is not prepared to challenge thetraditionalist political culture. The human rights and minority rights issues should concern the Greekgovernment not only in relation with their internal public opinion, butalso with the latest European Union enhanced developments.We also refer to the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence,following which the essential character of the freedom of expression in ademocratic society still applies for the information that may shock orproduce inquiries to the large majority of the population, as proved by theLingens v. Austria case.It is a pity that the victim of discrimination is a member of the"Vlach-speaking" population, this population being no political threat tothe Greek National State and one of the oldest communities that lives onGreek soil.Perhaps no country in Europe knows more than Greece about fight forpreservation of Europe's cultural heritage.That is why special attention should be given to the Vlach-speakingminority, due to its particularly threatened language.That is the reason for which we respectfully ask you to analyse thissituation and to initiate all the measures you consider optimal for apositive solution of the case in accord with the European standards ofhuman rights.Sincerely yours, Bogdan Grabowski - LawyerThe Human Rights ObserverResidency:Bucuresti, RomaniaBd. Stirbei-Voda, nr.71, ap.3Bucharest, February 2001 --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed From aalibali at yahoo.com Mon Jul 30 09:27:32 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 06:27:32 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [balkans] CfA: South-eastern Europe: Internal Dynamics and External Intervention, Andalo (Italy), 20-27.1.2002 Message-ID: <20010730132732.88865.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com> Note: forwarded message attached. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- An embedded message was scrubbed... From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu Subject: [balkans] CfA: South-eastern Europe: Internal Dynamics and External Intervention, Andalo (Italy), 20-27.1.2002 Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 09:17:18 -0400 Size: 16531 URL: From murati_kled at yahoo.com Mon Jul 30 13:44:59 2001 From: murati_kled at yahoo.com (klediol murati) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 10:44:59 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: [shqiperia] No Comment Albania- Our Mother Country!!! In-Reply-To: Message-ID: <20010730174459.8084.qmail@web10404.mail.yahoo.com> Pershendetje!!! Ne rradhe te pare me vjen shume keq per nje ngjarje te tille! Eshte turpi yne por jo vetem Shqiptaret qe jetojne ne Shqiperi por edhe ta qe jetojne jashte duhet te ndiejne shqetesim per ngjarje te tilla ndaj vellezerve tane Shqiptare ne Kosove (apo MAqedoni e Mal te Zi) ! Gjithashtu u kujtoj Kosovareve se te tille persona nuk njojin vllazeri...cu ka ndodhur atyre mund ti ndodhe cdo Shqiptari jashte apo brenda kufijve Shqiptare ! Keshtu qe te mos ndryshojne mendimin per vellezerit Shqiptare ne Shqiperi pasi persona te tille ekzistojne kudo! Por ajo qe duhet kritikuar e rregulluar eshte Qeveria ende e pafuqishme per te ndaluar krimet, plackitjet...per te vene rendin! Jo vetem Qeveria por edhe ne duhet te bejme punen tone ne ndihme te Qeverise vellezerve jashte Shqiperise e vetes sone duke bashkepunuar me Policine, duke edukuar femijet tane pasi neser mund te jene nje nga keta "maskarenj", duke kritikuar e paralajmeruar te afermit tane nese kemi te tille! Pershendetje KMhacker!!! --- Uk Lushi wrote:

Gjat? kthimit t? tyre nga Per?ndimi e verimet n? Shqip?ri dhjetra kosovar? u rrah?n e pla?kiten n? af?rsi t? Kuk?sit

30 korrik 2001 3:30 PM

V?RMIC?/PRISHTIN? (Kosovalive) - Gjat? ardhjes nga shtetet e Per?ndimit dhe gjat? kthimit nga verimet n? Shqip?ri, dhjetra m?rgimtar? e turist? kosovar? jan? rrahur, pla?kitur dhe iu jan? thyer veturat n? af?rsi t? Kuk?sit t? dielen. P?r incidentin nuk ka njohuri as Misioni i Shqip?ris? n? Kosov? e as policia e UNMIK-ut.

Prej or?s 20 e deri 24 t? s? diel?s, dhjet?ra kosovar? kan? kaluar kufirin Kosov?-Shqip?ri n? V?rmic? me l?ndime n? trup, t? p?rgjakur, t? pla?kitur e me vetura luksoze t? d?mtuara, nga persona t? paidentifikuar q? i kishin sulmuar n? af?rsi t? Kuk?sit.
Me t? kaluar kufirin ata i than? KosovaLive se gjat? rrug?timit t? kolon?s 2 kilomet?rshe n? af?rsi t? Kuk?sit, nga mali kishin dalur shum? persona t? cil?t kan? filluar t'i rrahin, t'i k?rc?nojn? me arm? dhe t'u hedhin gur? n? vetura. Shumat e pla?kitura dhe gj?sendet e vlefshme, sipas tyre, arrinin n? 2-3 e m? shum? mij? marka.

Z?vend?s-komandanti i policis? kufitare n? V?rmic?, nj? epror amerikan rreth t? dyzetave, nuk pranoi t? identifikohej n? munges? t? komandantit t? tij, por tha se vet?m mund t? konfirmonte se njer?zit vijn? n? pik?n kufitare t? p?rgjakur dhe me vetura t? d?mtuara. Ai shtoi se territori i Shqip?ris? nuk ?sht? n? kompetenc? t? policis? s? UNMIK-ut.

Misioni i Shqip?ris? n? Kosov? nuk kishte informata p?r incidentin e t? diel?s n? af?rsi t? Kuk?sit. Shefi i saj Vladimir Prela i tha t? h?n?n agjencis? KosovaLive se "ky ?sht? fakt tep?r i dhimbsh?m dhe element negativ jo vet?m komercial", pasi q? krijon p?rshtypjen se Shqip?ria nuk ?sht? vend i sigurt. "Krimi nuk ka ngjyr?," tha Prela, p?rderisa shprehte indinjat?n e tij p?r incidentin.

Z?dh?n?si i policis? s? UNMIK-ut, Andreas Graf, tha se nuk ka informata p?r incidentin pasi q? ai ka ndodhur n? territorin e Shqip?ris? dhe ?sht? jasht? kompetenc?s s? tyre. "Ne kemi nj? bashk?punim me policin? e Kuk?sit", tha Graf dhe shtoi "por jo edhe aq shum? kontakte t? tjera".

"Nuk kam ?'t? them, ne kemi p?rjetuar nj? katastrof?", thot? me t? kaluar kufirin Kosov? -Shqip?ri, Naxhije Isufi nga Sk?nderaj, p?rderisa mundohej t'i qet?sonte tre f?mij?t e saj t? mitur. F?mij?t ishin t? traumatizuat dhe qanin p?r fatin e keq t? babait t? tyre, pasi q? ai ishte pla?kitur e rrahur dhe kishte mbetur duke pritur n? kufi me vetur?n e thyer. F?mij?t nuk p?rgjigjeshin n? asnj? pyetje pasi q? ende ndjeheshin t? pasigurt?, nd?rkoh? q? me z? t? ul?t komunikonin mes vete n? gjuh?n gjermane.

"K?t? nuk e kemi pritur nga v?llez?rit tan?. P?rve? q? na pla?kit?n, na rrah?n dhe na e thyen vetur?n e 20 mij? markave," tha Barton Shaqiri nga Ferizaj, p?rderisa u mundonte t'ia pastroj? plag?n t? atit t? tij.

"Rebel?t kan? zbritur nga mali si kandrrat dhe nuk kan? kursyer asgj? p?r t? na detyruar q? t'iu japim gjith?ka q? d?shiruan", tha Shaqiri pran? vetur?s s? tij "Merzedes Benz" me regjistrim t? Mynihut t? Gjermanis?, tani me vet?m dy xhama n? an?n e majt?.

Kolona e automjeteve q? prisnin p?r t'i kryer procedurat e kalimit kufitar n? an?n shqiptare t? kufirit me Kosov?n t? diel?n n? mbr?mje ishte e gjat? rreth 3 kilometra. M?rgimtar?t kosovar? i akuzonin doganier?t shqiptar? se q?llimisht sabotojn? pun?n p?r t? krijuar tollovi dhe p?r t'i detyruar ata t? japin mito p?r t? kaluar kufirin m? shpejt?. (naim gashi)


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Mos harroni se Shqiperia eshte nje Liste Informative Kombetare Shqiptare, synon ne nxitjen e atedhedashurise, tek te gjithe shqipetaret pa dallim Krahine, besmi dhe seksi. Me parimin : Me i nderuari nga ne eshte nacionalisti dhe ai qe  i sherben me shume ceshtjes kombetare... Per kete jane te ftuar te gjithe shqiptaret kudo qe ndodhen qe te kontribojne ne rritjen e atedhedashurise nder shqiptar...
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===== ***kmhacker*** http://go.to/bigAlbania http://groups.yahoo.com/group/albaniaweb Rrofte Shqiperia e lire !!! KMHACKER __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ From mentor at alb-net.com Mon Jul 30 14:55:18 2001 From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana) Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 14:55:18 -0400 (EDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] (1) Macedonia peace talks continue amid fragile truce; (2) Macedonia seeks to arrest ethnic Albanian leaders; (3) Macedonian rebels say they want peace but are ready to fight Message-ID: >>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ & DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< --------------------------------------------------------------------- Human Rights Violations in Macedonia http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm --------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. Macedonia peace talks continue amid fragile truce 2. Macedonia seeks to arrest ethnic Albanian leaders 3. Macedonian rebels say they want peace but are ready to fight ### /// (1) \\\ http://sg.news.yahoo.com/010729/3/19up3.html Sunday July 29, 9:35 PM Macedonia peace talks continue amid fragile truce By Philippa Fletcher OHRID, Macedonia (Reuters) - Macedonian and ethnic Albanian politicians held a second day of talks on Sunday to end an Albanian guerrilla revolt while diplomats and monitors worked to maintain a shaky truce. Two Western envoys are mediating in the closed-door talks, chaired by President Boris Trajkovski at the lake resort of Ohrid, on a draft plan to end five months of clashes between ethnic Albanian guerrillas and the security forces. A breakthrough in the negotiations, deadlocked over the use of the Albanian language in Macedonia, where one third of the two million population is ethnic Albanian, is seen as crucial if a ragged ceasefire is to hold. A source on the Albanian side said an agreement could be reached later on Sunday between the four mainstream parties -- two Macedonian and two Albanian -- that make up a fragile emergency government coalition. But another source, close to the Macedonian side, suggested it may take longer. U.S. envoy James Pardew and his European Union counterpart Francois Leotard have made clear the talks are difficult but have given no further comment. Around two thousand Albanians returned to the shattered village of Aracinovo near Skopje in the latest of a series of confidence-building measures diplomats hope will hold off a resumption of fighting that has so far killed dozens of people. The return of the Albanians, allowed by Macedonian police who took over the village last month after a rebel withdrawal, followed a visit on Saturday by displaced Macedonians to homes they had fled near Tetovo to the west. HOMES RUINED In each case some people found their homes destroyed. "Fifteen years of work gone in two minutes. It doesn't make a person feel nice inside," said a member of the Asani family returning to their home in Aracinovo badly damaged by fierce fighting between the rebels and the army. In a village near Tetovo from where Macedonians say they were driven out by the guerrillas, burned out houses greeted some of the Macedonians returning on Saturday. Few stayed, fearing attacks from rebels still in the area. A diplomatic source said that even if temporary and painful, the two returns were crucial to allow the talks to take place in a constructive atmosphere rather than one of mutual recrimination. So far dozens of people have been killed since the guerrillas first appeared in February, but much larger casualties are feared if the clashes spark a civil war. The basis of a peace deal is all but agreed, but the issue of language is a major sticking point. The Macedonian majority sees proposals to make Albanian an official language in some areas as the thin end of a wedge leading to the division of the country. "They have not made any progress yet," said a source from the second biggest ethnic Albanian party, the PDP. "They are still working on the latest version of the draft, but it is not clear whether it will be signed." The negotiations have frequently been interrupted by bouts of heavy fighting between government troops and fighters of the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Army who now hold large swathes of northern and western Macedonia along the border with ethnic Albanian-dominated Kosovo. Macedonian officials have accused the West of siding with the rebels and pressure for a military crackdown is growing. Thousands of angry Macedonians protested in the capital Skopje on Saturday, calling the peace plan a betrayal of national interests. A crowd of about 3,000 gathered in front of parliament carrying placards saying "NATO out!" and "NATO wants to completely Albanise the country!" and comparing the peace talks with the appeasement of Nazi Germany before World War Two. (Additional reporting by Leon Malherbe in Aracinovo and Shaban Buza in Kosovo) ### /// (2) \\\ http://sg.news.yahoo.com/010730/3/19we1.html Tuesday July 31, 12:02 AM Macedonia seeks to arrest ethnic Albanian leaders By Philippa Fletcher OHRID, Macedonia (Reuters) - Macedonian prosecutors asked local courts on Monday to issue arrest warrants for 11 ethnic Albanian guerrilla leaders, overshadowing last-ditch peace talks that Western envoys are trying to mediate. The guerrillas are not involved in the negotiations, which participants said had edged forward, but a draft peace plan under discussion is designed to persuade them to end their five-month-old rebellion and disarm. This would also require an amnesty. President Boris Trajkovski is chairing the closed-door talks, at a villa in the lake resort of Ohrid, between the leaders of four mainstream parties -- two Macedonian and two Albanian -- in a fragile emergency government coalition. The move against the guerrilla leaders was initiated last week by the Interior Ministry headed by hardline Macedonian nationalist Ljube Boskovski. Police said the minister and his convoy came under fire from the guerrilla National Liberation Army (NLA) on Sunday on a road outside Skopje, although no one was injured. "The aim of the so-called NLA is to unite all territories populated by Albanians by organising armed rebellion, committing acts of terrorism...forceful eviction of the population followed by military crimes against civilians," said a document from the prosecutors carried by state news agency MIA. The talks, begun in May, have frequently been interrupted by bouts of fighting between security troops and the rebels, who now hold swathes of northern and western Macedonia along the border with ethnic Albanian dominated Kosovo. There are widespread fears that if they fail, Macedonia -- the only republic to break away from the old Yugoslavia in 1991 without a shot fired -- will collapse into civil war. ALBANIAN OPTIMISM ON TALKS There was no immediate reaction from Albanian officials or the guerrillas to the call for arrest warrants. After two days of negotiations, which one source said had come close to breakdown, sources on the Albanian side expressed optimism that the main issue as they see it -- the use of the Albanian language -- was close to resolution. The use of Albanian and ethnic make-up of police are the main remaining sticking points in a draft peace plan prepared by European Union envoy Francois Leotard and his U.S. counterpart, James Pardew. A Western source said the Albanian side had made "significant concessions" on Sunday over their two objections to the draft -- which he did not specify. But the Macedonian majority has balked at endorsing reforms it fears could lead to the division of the country and the source said Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski, in particular, was being "extremely inflexible". Georgievski's ally Boskovski called on Sunday for "determined action" to prevent the guerrillas seizing more territory, implying he felt force was a better tactic. A source close to the Macedonian negotiators said Pardew was pressuring them to accept the latest version by warning that Western financial support could be at stake. But the source expressed fear that if they did sign up, the agreement would not get the required parliamentary approval. "An agreement might be signed but that still leaves open the question of parliament," the source said. A source on the Albanian side said later that the Macedonians had come up with a counter-proposal that was "totally unacceptable." Leotard, speaking to France Inter radio, was cautious. "We're trying to push things forward but I acknowledge it is very difficult. I'm not certain of success and it has to be said frankly. But we do not have the right to abandon this and leave things in a logic of war," he said. Tens of thousands of people have fled the fighting, mostly ethnic Albanians but also some Macedonians. The European Commission said it would send emergency humanitarian aid to the more than 60,000 refugees who have fled from Macedonia to Kosovo and support for some 10,000 Kosovo families who are hosting them. A government spokesman said a government session scheduled for Tuesday had been postponed, indicating that the negotiations might go into a fourth day at least. (Additional reporting by Shaban Buza in Kosovo) ### /// (3) \\\ http://sg.news.yahoo.com/010729/1/19urf.html Sunday July 29, 11:30 PM Macedonian rebels say they want peace but are ready to fight. NIKUSTAK, Macedonia, July 29 (AFP) - Ethnic Albanian guerrillas in Macedonia say they want peace talks between the Skopje government and Albanian politicians to succeed so they can end their five-month insurgency which has brought the Balkan country to the brink of civil war. But they say they are ready to resume fighting if their demands are not met at the negotiating table. "I really hope that the political process will succeed and in this case we will be ready to lay down our arms immediately. But if they (the Macedonians) want war, they will have it," a rebel, Commander Hoxha, told AFP on Sunday. "Nobody wants war here," said another, Commander Sokoli, from the "113 Ismet Jashari-Kumanova" brigade's base in Lipkovo. "We have our political representatives and if there is a political solution, we will obey orders," said Sokoli, who has been involved in the insurgency since the first shots were fired in February. All six brigades the self-styled National Liberation Army (NLA) claims it has operating in Macedonia, say they want to leave space for the peace process to work. Internationally-brokered peace talks between Skopje and ethnic Albanian political leaders in the former Yugoslav republic resumed on Saturday, after the rebels withdrew from key positions in the northwest of the country under an accord with the NATO transatlantic military alliance on Thursday. The rebels say they are fighting for greater rights for Macedonia's Albanian minority. The talks, in the southern Macedonian town of Ohrid, far from the fighting, are focusing on demands that Albanian be made into an official language, alongside Macedonian, and also the establishment of an independent ethnic Albanian police force in certain areas. Sokoli said that rebels would be vigilant to ensure that any deal would be respected, saying a previous agreement, which had prompted rebels to pull out of Aracinovo near Skopje, had not been respected by the Macedonian side. On Friday another commander, Gjini, told AFP the ethnic Albanian rebels had so far used only 50 to 60 percent of their military potential. The ongoing peace talks had been postponed for a day to relocate them to the south of the country because of security fears and concerns that the rebel withdrawal from key positions had not been completed. However, the rebels also claim that they are ready to attack the capital Skopje and are present in the southwest towns of Ohrid, where the peace talks are being held, Bitola, Struga and Debar. ________________________________________________ To unsubscribe from this list visit: http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 31 13:28:30 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 31 Jul 2001 10:28:30 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfP: British Association of Slavonic and East European Studies, Cambridge, 6-8.4.2002 Message-ID: <20010731172830.65532.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com> Note: forwarded message attached. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- An embedded message was scrubbed... From: Florian Bieber Subject: [balkans] CfP: British Association of Slavonic and East European Studies, Cambridge, 6-8.4.2002 Date: Sun, 29 Jul 2001 15:52:33 +0200 Size: 5972 URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Tue Jul 31 13:29:41 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Tue, 31 Jul 2001 10:29:41 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfA: 2 Teacher/Fellowships in Albanian Studies, SSEES, London Message-ID: <20010731172941.93018.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com> Note: forwarded message attached. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? Make international calls for as low as $.04/minute with Yahoo! Messenger http://phonecard.yahoo.com/ -------------- next part -------------- HTML attachment scrubbed and removed -------------- next part -------------- An embedded message was scrubbed... From: Florian Bieber Subject: [balkans] CfA: 2 Teacher/Fellowships in Albanian Studies, SSEES, London Date: Mon, 30 Jul 2001 15:33:27 +0200 Size: 9700 URL: From aalibali at yahoo.com Thu Jul 26 14:34:06 2001 From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali) Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 11:34:06 -0700 (PDT) Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CEU opportunity Message-ID: <20010726183406.4781.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com> --------------------------------- Nationalism Studies Program Maria M. Kovacs Program Director H-1051 Budapest, N?dor u 11. Hungary Tel: (36-1) 327-3081 Fax: (36-1) 235-6102 E-mail: kovacsma at ceu.hu THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY BUDAPEST COLLEGE 13 July, 2001 The Nationalism Studies Program of the Central European University is announcing a call for applications for MA and PhD studies at the Central European University in Budapest. The deadline for application is January 7, 2002. For information on the program please visit our homepage (http://www.ceu.hu/nation/). For information about financial aid, the offered grants and other admission related issues please visit http://www.ceu.hu/prospective_students.html Central European University Central European University (CEU) is an internationally recognized institution of post-graduate education in the social sciences. It seeks to contribute to the development of open societies in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union by promoting a system of education in which ideas are creatively, critically, and comparatively examined. CEU serves as an advanced center of research and policy analysis and facilitates academic dialogue while preparing its graduates to serve as the region's next generation of leaders and scholars. Central European University was established in 1991 as a pan-regional university committed to promoting educational development throughout Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union (CEE/fSU). CEU is a unitary institution, under a common Board of Trustees and Senate, with teaching sites in Hungary and Poland. Its primary administrative offices are in Budapest. CEU has an absolute charter from the Board of Regents of the State of New York (US). The Nationalism Studies Program The Nationalism Studies Program was established by Central European University with the aim of promoting the study of nationalism in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The program is a successor to CEU's Center for the Study of Nationalism in Prague directed by the late Professor Ernst Gellner. Situated at CEU's Budapest teaching site, the program offers students an MA degree accredited by the Board of Regents of the State of New York. The program also offers a PhD degree in the framework of a joint History-Nationalism PhD track in collaboration with CEU's History Department. In addition the program?s MA graduates may apply to the PhD program in Political Science based on a special agreement between the two units. Graduate students enrolled in PhD programs at universities outside CEU and who wish to utilize CEU's innovative programs and resources to assist the development of their dissertations can apply for the Doctoral Support Program. The Nationalism Studies Program is intended to respond to the growing demand for new knowledge and teaching in the field. Drawing upon the uniquely supranational milieu of the Central European University, it encourages a critical and non-sectarian study of nationalism with special emphasis on problems created by the new configuration of states, nations and minorities in the region. Students are encouraged to engage in an interdisciplinary study of nationalism, a subject that is inherently and fundamentally interdisciplinary. For this reason, the international teaching staff has been assembled to represent a wide range of relevant disciplinary expertise including history, social theory, economics, legal studies, sociology, anthropology, international relations and political science. The program offers a wide selection of courses that provide a complex theoretical grounding in problems associated with nationhood and nationalism combined with advanced training in the methodology of applied social science. Another group of courses place problems of nationalism in the context of economic and political transition as well as constitution building in post-1989 East-Central Europe with a comparative outlook on regime transitions outside the region. Entry requirements Applicants to the MA track must complete general CEU admissions requirements and submit a 500 word outline of their proposed research topic and one writing sample, e.g. a term paper of minimum 10 pages. A minimum of 550 TOEFL score is required. Graduates of CEU MA programs may apply for the joint History-Nationalism PhD track. Applicants from outside must complete general CEU admissions requirements and submit a 500 word outline of their proposed research topic and one writing sample, e.g. a term paper of minimum 10 pages. Applicants for the Doctoral Support Program must complete general CEU admissions requirements and submit an outline of their dissertation. For additional information on entry requirements, please see the CEU Admissions Bulletin or visit the web site of the CEU Admissions Office at http://www.ceu.hu/misc/admissions/ Program Structure and Academic Requirements The academic year is divided into a three-week pre-session introductory period, two semesters and a spring session. In the pre-session students will be given information about the resources available at the university and in Budapest, will pass a course on academic English and basic computer skills. Semester I and II includes courses and seminars. In the spring session students write MA thesis that reflect the overall academic development of the participants in terms of topic selection, accumulation of professional reading, and application of methods and skills acquired during the year. All students are required to maintain a minimum grade point average (GPA), earn a standard number of credits per semester and attend classes as required by the program. The department offers a list of core courses. Students are required to earn the majority of credits (24) from these courses. Courses from other departments can be selected for up to 4 credits per semester. Most courses are in seminar format; active participation of the student is required. Courses are designed to provide a multiple perspective on the study of nationalism. Historical, sociological, anthropological, legal and economical approaches will be applied, as well as methods of international relations, social theory, and political science. The coursework generally includes one or more written assignments based on the topics and literature discussed during the semester. The writing of academic essays and term papers is a good training for students for the more consistent MA thesis. Selected List of Courses Debates About Self-Determination and External Minority Protection in the 20th Century M?ria Kov?cs M?ria Kov?cs is a professor of history at the Central European University and Director of he Nationalism Studies Program at CEU. Her main research interests are in the history self-determination and international minority protection throughout the twentieth century up to the latest developments in the 199Os. Her previous book entitled Liberal Professions, Illiberal Politics, focused on the collapse of liberal institutions in Central Europe and more specifically, Hungary after the first world war and on the institutional expressions of interwar xenophobia and anti-Semitism. She has also published in the problem area of the conjunction of gender and ethnicity, focusing on the problem of ethnic leavages within feminism in the interwar era. Professor Kov?cs is also a member of the Institute of History of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. This course will concentrate on problems of self-determination and minority protection. We will examine various theories of self-determination, the extent and actual content of self-determination rights, the extent to which self-determination is regarded as a legal right, and current initiatives to extend and redefine self-determination rights as benefiting minorities, too. This course will examine issues that remain hotly debated to our day. The course will not attempt to provide "answers" to the debated issues, but will look at the polemical arguments advanced on opposite sides. Where possible, readings are selected to introduce students to the debates. The readings are selected to provide a historical account of experiments with self-determination and international minority protection as well as a cross section of the relevant literature on contemporary debates within various disciplines. Course Syllabus 1. Introduction 2. Self-determination, the current debate 3. Guest Lecture, Professor John Lampe, University of Maryland 4. "Self-determination and American Foreign Policy: from Woodrow Wilson to Bill Clinton" 5. External Minority Protection, The current debate 6. Self-Determination in History: developments during and after the First World War 7. External Minority Protection in History: developments after the First World War 8. Self determination in History: developments after the Second World War 9. Why did the Allies decide not to resurrect the Minority Treaties after the Second World War? 10. The conceptual shift: from colonial self-determination to self-determination in post-Soviet Central and Eastern Europe. 11. Accommodating conflicting rights: the 'limited' self-determination of minorities? 12. Papers Classical Debates in the Historiography of Nationalism M?ria Kov?cs This course concentrates on the controversies surrounding the evolution of ideas related to the nation state, national sovereignty, self-determination and nationalist secession and the emergence of national minorities as modern political entities. The origins of these key concepts will be traced back to the time of their original appearance in history. We will look at a sample of classical arguments and theories of nationalism developed in various stages, various regions and various ages, and examine how the experience of 19th century nationalist movements, the two world wars, decolonialization and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc influenced arguments about, and scholarship on, nationalism. Readings are selected to provide a variety of classical and more recent, often contradictory interpretations of nationalism. Course Syllabus 1. Introduction 2. Myths and Misconceptions in the Study of Nationalism 3. Concepts, Definitions, Approaches 4. The French Understanding of Nationhood (1) 5. The French Understanding of Nationhood (2) 6. The American Understanding of Nationhood and Self-Determination 7. The German Understanding of Nationhood (1) 8. The German Understanding of Nationhood (2) 9. Self-Determination in Central and Eastern Europe: 10. The Making of Majorities and Minorities 11. Self-Determination in Theory and Practice 12. Nationalism and the Historians National Minorities: Debates on the Problem of Internal and External Minority Protection M?ria Kov?cs This course will concentrate on the evolution of the concept of national minorities as legal-political entities and the development of the idea of internal and external minority protection from their first appearance in history to our days. Readings will examine the problem of minorities in the history of political thought with special emphasis on the question of how the liberal tradition regarded the problem of minorities. Topics will include the problem of older and contemporary liberal standards of dealing with minority issues. Experiences with minority politics will be examined in countries that have introduced minority protection legislation with those that refuse to extend special protection to minorities. Finally we will look at the problem of how the issue of minority protection appears in post-1989 East-Central Europe. Course Syllabus Section I.: The Contemporary Debate 1. Introduction 2. The contemporary political context East and West: debates over the ?new tribalism? 3. The contemporary political context in the East: ?nations? and ?minorities? in post-Soviet East Central Europe Section II.: Minorities in History 4. Minorities in the history of political thought 5. The first experiment in international minority protection: the Minority Treaties and their failure 6. Why did the Allies refuse to resurrect the Minority Treaties System after the Second World War? 7. Political limits of international solutions during the Cold War Section III.: Contemporary Policies 8. Minorities in the New Nation-States of Eastern Europe 9. Minority Rights in Contemporary Eastern Europe, the lessons of Yugoslavia Interpretations of modern antisemitism Andr?s Kov?cs Andr?s Kov?cs studied philosophy and history and completed his Ph.D. in sociology at E?tv?s Lor?nd University, Budapest. In the early seventies he worked as editor at a publishing company and as lecturer in social philosophy at the E?tv?s Lor?nd University. Between 1977 and 1990 he was banned from professional activity in Hungary because of clandestine ("samisdat") publications. He has taught at various universities in Germany and participated in various research projects in Germany, France, the US, and the Netherlands. In 1990 he became senior research fellow at the Institute of Sociology at the E?tv?s Lor?nd University. Since 1997 he has taught several courses on sociology of nationalism and prejudice in the CEU Nationalism Studies Program and he is the academic director of the Jewish Studies Project at the CEU. His research interests include minority identities, prejudice, antisemitism, and sociology of post-Holocaust Jewry. In the last years Professor Kov?cs has carried out empirical research on antisemitism in post-Communist Hungary, on Jewish identity in Hungary and on national identity and European integration. He has published over 60 scholarly works, most recently a book on antisemitism in post-Communist Hungary. The course is to provide students with an overview of psychological, sociological, political and historical theories of modern antisemitism. After considering key concepts such as antijudaism, antisemitism, modern antisemitism it will give an introduction into the most influential scholarly explanations of the investigated subject. The course will concentrate on the theological explanations of the persistence of antisemitic prejudices, the psychoanalytically oriented personality theory, the projective theories of prejudice, the group conflict theories, and the political explanations of antisemitic movements and ideologies. Special attention will be given to the methods of empirical sociological investigation of the subject. Course Syllabus 1) Orientation, introduction 2) What is antisemitism? 3-4) Theological antijudaism, religious antisemitism 5) Psychological theories on antisemitic personality 6) Social-psychological theories on antisemitism 7) Group conflict theories 8) Interpretations of antisemitism as political ideology 9) Antisemitic crises in the history 10-11) Empirical research on antisemitism 11-12) Term papers? discussion Nationalism, national identity, national feeling: the economic and sociological approach Andr?s Kov?cs and Ugo Pagano The course will concentrate on the most influential economic, sociological and social-psychological theories of nationalism, national identity, national feeling and national conflict. After a general introduction in the sociology and social-psychology of attitudes stereotyping, prejudice and identity, Professor Kov?cs?s lectures will deal with the theories of ethnic and national stereotypes, identities and conflicts as group conflicts. The seminars will introduce the students into the methods of empirical investigation of the subject. The lectures of Professor Pagano will give an insight into the theories of evolutionary economics, neo-institutionalism, rational choice. Course Syllabus 1) Introduction 2) Attitudes, stereotypes, stereotyping, social cognition 3) Ethnic stereotypes 4) National character, national stereotypes 5) Social identity, national identity 6) Nationalism as a subject of empirical investigations 7) Social groups, group conflicts, acculturation, assimilation 8-12) Economic theories and nationalism Nationalism and Contemporary Politics Petr Lom Petr Lom is Assistant Professor in the Nationalism Studies Program at the CEU. Born in Prague, he grew up in Canada and studied at the University of Toronto before receiving his Ph.D. in political theory from Harvard University in 1997. He taught at the EUI in Florence, Italy before coming to the CEU. He is the author of The Limits of Doubt: An Essay on the Moral and Political Implications of Scepticism (SUNY, spring 2001) and the translator of Jan Patocka?s Plato and Europe (Stanford, spring 2001). His interests encompass ancient, modern and contemporary political theory, contemporary theories of nationalism and European identity. The purpose of this course is to serve as an introduction to the study of nationalism surveying the main political science approaches in contemporary scholarship on the subject. The course will be divided into two parts: first an overview of the main explanations of nationalism in current scholarship (primordialist/constructivist debates, modernization theories, economic explanations, rational choice theories). Then, as the study of nationalism should also be a matter of praxis, of not only understanding the phenomena but also to provide policy prescription we will survey theories of managing ethnic/nationalist conflict (e.g. consociationalism, theories of mediation). Course Syllabus Part I: Understanding Nationalism: Explanatory Models. 1. Concepts and Typologies: definitions, causes, consequences 2. Definitions II: Nationalism vs. Patriotism 3. Ethnicity and Nationalism: The Contructivist/Primordialist Debate 4. Modernization Theories I: Deutsch and Gellner 5. Modernization Theories II: Tradition and Post-Modernism 6. Economic Explanations 7. Rational Choice Explanations Part II: Managing Ethnic/National Conflict: 8. Ethnic Violence and the State 9. Consociation and its alternatives 10. Averting Ethnonational Conflicts Can Western Models of Minority Rights Be Applied in Eastern Europe? Will Kymlicka Will Kymlicka received his B.A. in philosophy and politics from Queen's University in 1984, and his D.Phil in philosophy from Oxford University in 1987. Since then, he has been a research fellow or visiting professor at various universities in the United States (Princeton), Canada (Queen's; Toronto; Ottawa; Carleton), and overseas (European University Institute; Central European University). He is the author of four books published by Oxford University Press: Liberalism, Community, and Culture (1989), Contemporary Political Philosophy (1990), Multicultural Citizenship (1995), which was awarded the Macpherson Prize by the Canadian Political Science Association, and the Bunche Award by the American Political Science Association, and Finding Our Way: Rethinking Ethnocultural Relations in Canada (1998). He is also the editor of Justice in Political Philosophy (Elgar, 1992), The Rights of Minority Cultures (Oxford 1995), Ethnicity and Group Rights (NYU 1997), and Citizenship in Diverse Societies (OUP, 2000). He is currently a Queen's National Scholar at Queen's University, and a recurrent visiting professor in the Nationalism Studies program at the Central European University in Budapest. Several countries in Eastern and Central Europe are under significant pressure from the West to improve their minority rights record. Indeed, both the European Union and NATO have declared that respect for minority rights will be one of the criteria used in deciding whether to admit countries from Eastern and Central Europe. Various declarations and conventions have recently been adopted which seek to codify minimum standards and/or `best practices? regarding minority rights. These declarations and conventions are often implicitly based on Western models or assumptions about how to manage ethnic relations. Many critics argue that these models and assumptions will not work in the Eastern European context. Indeed, some critics argue that they do not always work well in the West, and that there is a double-standard involved in imposing standards on Eastern Europe that are not always respected in the West. In this course, we will examine these debates about exporting Western models of minority rights to post-communist Europe. We will begin by considering the actual practices of Western democracies, including various forms of language rights, territorial autonomy and multiculturalism. We will then consider a range of objections which have been raised to the adoption of these Western-style practices in post-Communist Europe. We will conclude with an examination of the strategies adopted by Western organizations, particularly the OSCE, in promoting minority rights in the region. Anthropological Approaches to Ethnicity, Racism and Nationalism Michael Stewart Dr. Michael Stewart is a Senior Lecturer in Anthropology and Co-ordinator of the Centre for Democracy and Society which links social scientists working in the post-communist world working at universities in the UK. In his 1998 publication, "The Time of the Gypsies", Dr. Stewart reflects on the survival of the gypsies through the socialist period in Hungary and their refusal to assimilate into the majority population. A second book "Lilies of the Field" (a volume co-edited with Sophie Day of Goldsmiths College and Akis Papataxiarchis of the University of the Aegean) focuses on marginal people who live for the moment. Lilies presents an ambitious theoretical comparison of peoples across the globe who share some of the Gypsies' attitudes to time and history. Currently Dr. Stewart is working on a study of Romany historical memory in relation to the Holocaust. This study links oral and archival as well as participant observation research. His other current projects include a scheme supported by the British Council in Romania encouraging the fledgling Romanian Farmers' Association. As the project director of an ESRC Transnational Communities' Programme he is also orchestrating research on languages of identity among the Hungarian diaspora in Romania, Serbia and Slovakia. Dr. Stewart is also a recurrent visiting professor on the CEU Nationalism Studies Program and runs Summer Schools for both CEU-SUN and HESP. He is also a member of the HESP working group on educational needs of Romany students. The aim of this course is to explore how anthropological methods have been applied and with what success in the study of ethnic, racial and national conflicts or movements. The course will both introduce you to methodologically outstanding attempts to operationalise the theoretical models you meet elsewhere in this degree (Gellner, Anderson, Smith et al.) and make you familiar with a specifically anthropological discussion of notions of ?culture?, ?identity? and ?society?. The course is regionally eclectic, though there is a recurring interest in the experience of eastern Europe and one whole section of the course deals with the experience of Roms and Gypsies across our continent. As befits an anthropological course, the perspective is systematically comparative and insights from both Pacific and South Asian history are considered at some length. The first days of the course examine the usefulness of certain key ideas drawn from the sociology of nationalism. Through a series of ethnographic examples we consider problems of political relativism vis a vis the ?invention of tradition? literature and then the particular form nationalist movements and conflicts take focussing particularly on the nature of religious nationalism in South Asia, and considering the fit or lack of fit of received theoretical models. Concluding this section of the course, ethnographies of violence are considered as a field in which empirical, field research profoundly alters a priori wisdom. In the second part of the course we turn to questions of race, class and ethnicity in advanced industrial systems, focussing on the Roms in particular. The course concludes first with a general discussion of the fashionable notion of ?politics of identity? asking what has been achieved when politics is reduced to the struggle for ?identity? and secondly with a consideration of the role of the holocaust in shaping Romany social life in the past half century. Course Syllabus Class 1. Inventing Traditions in the post-colonial world Lecture 1. Operationalising Anderson and Gellner: Sri Lanka and the Pacific compared Class 2. Inventing Traditions in South Eastern Europe Lecture 2. Folklore, ethnography and nation in South Eastern Europe Class 3. Religious nationalism Lecture 3. Religion and nation the cases of India and Sri Lanka Class 4. Interpreting Ethnic Violence Lecture 4. Political violence: myths and realities Class 5. How relevant is the American experience of ?Race? in Europe today? Lecture 5. Race and class: The USA and Europe Compared Class 6. What is the Roma/Gypsy niche in capitalist societies? Lecture 6. How have ethnographers approached Roma/Gypsies? Class 7. How did communist assimilationist policies define ?the Gypsy Question?? Lecture 7. Scapegoating the Gypsies from socialism to post-socialism Class 8. What forms may Romany politics take in postcommunist Eastern Europe? Lecture 8. Poverty and Politics Class 9. Is politics primarily about Identity and Recognition? Lecture 9. Language, Culture, Identity and Politics: theoretical problems of classical anthropological approaches Class 10. Memory, Commemoration and Forgetting Lecture 10. The Persecution of the Roma, Sinti and Gypsies in Nazi dominated Europe Theory and Research on Nationalism in the New Europe Rogers Brubaker Rogers Brubaker is Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Los Angeles. His work has addressed European nationalism in historical, comparative, and, more recently, ethnographic perspective. He has also written widely on social theory, international migration, and the politics of citizenship. His book Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (1992) sought to explain the sharply differing ways in which citizenship has been defined vis-?-vis immigrants in France and Germany; Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (1996) compared contemporary East European nationalisms with those of the interwar period, both emerging after the breakup of multinational states into would-be nation-states. He is currently working on an ethnographic study of ethnicity and nationalism in everyday life among minority Hungarians and majority Romanians in the ethnically mixed Transylvanian city of Cluj/Kolozsv?r. Brubaker was educated at Harvard University, the University of Sussex, and Columbia University. He has been teaching at UCLA since 1991. This course is designed as a workshop rather than as a conventional lecture course or seminar. The workshop will meet jointly for ten days to discuss selected readings. In addition, I will be available for individual conversations with students about their research interests and projects. Course Syllabus 1. Introductory meeting 2. Post-multinational nationalism 3. Thinking critically about ethnicity and nationalism 4. Groups, categories, boundaries 5. An application: ethnicity, politics, and everyday life in Cluj 6. Anthropological perspectives on ethnicity and nationalism in East Central Europe 7. Three rich domains of study: Language, Memory, Violence 8. Microanalytic perspectives 9. Strategy and identity among Russian-speakers outside Russia 11. Conclusion Nationalist Doctrines and Political Thought Dr. Erica Benner (London School of Economics) Erica Benner is Lecturer in International relations at the London School of Economics. Her work deals with the history of thought on nationalism and the ethics of nationality. Her book Really Existing Nationalism (1995) placed Marx and Engels' thought on national issues in historical perspective, and reappraised the view that they misunderstood nationalism in their own time. Several articles including 'Nationalism Within Reason' (1997), 'Nationality Without Nationalism (1997), and 'National Myths and Political responsibility' (1998) critically assess recent attempts to reconcile liberal and national values, and argue that judgements about acceptable and unacceptable nationalism should be grounded in norms of political reason. She is currently completing a book, Nationalism, Insecurity and Political Judgement (Oxford University Press) that develops these arguments. Here and in a forthcoming article, 'Is there a Core National Doctrine?' (2001), concerns about geopolitical insecurity are seen as underlying many of the ethical problems of nationalism. Benner received M.Phil and D.Phil degrees from Oxford. She taught at Warsaw University (1993-5), the Skola Nauk Spolecznych in Warsaw (1994-5), and Oxford University (1995-7) before moving to the LSE in 1998. This is a 4-credit course for MA students. It offers an introduction to various national doctrines that have been advanced since the early modern era. Throughout the course we will ask: (1) is there a ?core? national doctrine shared by apparently different versions? (2) How are the basic ideas of nationality related to other political theories such as republicanism, liberalism, conservatism, and socialism? Does nationalism have any ?elective affinity? to some of these theories, but not to others? Readings and discussions will be based mainly on the work of classical authors of national doctrines. Each author?s thought on nationality will be placed in historical context, and considered in relation to his writings on other subjects. We will also consider how each author?s ideas have been developed and used in politics and recent political theories. Course Syllabus 1. Introduction : some basic concepts and distinctions 2. Is there a core national doctrine? 3. Machiavelli: the grandfather of nationalism? 4. Rousseau: republican liberty and the liberty of republics 5. Herder: cultural nationality 6. Fichte and Hegel: two German reactions to the French Revolution 7. Socialism, nation-states, and internationalism 8. Liberalism and Nationalism 9. Ethnicity, Race, and the Nation-State 10. Anti-Semitism and Zionism 11. Historicist doctrines and political judgement Nationalism and Political Judgement - PhD Course Erica Benner This course critically examines some of the main arguments in recent political theories of nationalism and nationhood. We will be asking throughout: (1) How far is nationalism subject to ethical and moral judgements, and how far to judgements of realpolitik? (2) Do political theories of nationality have universal relevance, or do they reflect the limited (mainly Anglo-Saxon) concerns of their authors? Readings will include classical and contemporary texts, though the emphasis is on more recent writings. Discussions will be organised around major themes or concepts. Course Syllabus 1. Introduction: nationalism and patriotism 2. Identity and recognition 3. Culture and liberalism 4. Cultural, political, and geopolitical insecurity 5. Reason and the non-rational 6. Democracy and citizenship 7. Multiculturalism 8. Individual and group rights 9. Self-determination 10. National vs. multinational states 11. National partiality and international justice Law and Ethnicity Tibor V?rady The course is divided into two parts: Law and Ethnicity I, and Law and Ethnicity II. The first part will take 14 class hours, and this will enable students whose credit unit is 14 class hours to take it as a 1-credit course. The second part will be taught in 10 class hours. Parts I and II may be taken as a two credit course by all CEU students except Legal Studies students (whose credit unit is 14 class hours). Part I is offered to Legal Studies students as a 1 credit course. Course Syllabus Part I will concentrate on the following topics: Introduction 1.a Group-neutral and group-sensitive regulation 1.b The issue of collective rights 1.c Legal structuring of equality and, or balance Rights of groups ?who came first? Law and Ethnicity in the former Yugoslavia 3.a Group rights and denial of group rights 3.b Ethnicity and property rights 4. Administrative structuring of territories in spite of (or the sake of) ethnic concentration 5. Language issues Law and Ethnicity II - Attempts to Chart Interethnic Justice - Part II is a sequence of related case studies devoted to chart interethnic justice in the former Yugoslavia. Students will be expected to present and to discuss various plans drafted during the Yugoslav crisis (1991-1999). Art and Nation: The Rise of the National Idiom in Central European Music, Literature, and the Visual Arts Tibor Frank Art and artforms contribute to, and reflect on, nationbuilding in most European countries. The study and understanding of national poetry, music, painting, sculpture, architecture and a host of other artistic genres may help us understand the various national forms of statement which have impacted the philosophy and politics of national and nationalist movements throughout Europe. The delicate nature of artistic statement gives us special tools to investigate the very fabric of national and nationalist thinking and establish the differences among various European countries, ethnic, national and religious groups. Special emphasis will be given to what we may identify as the ?national idiom? and the ?national genres,? which have both created and expressed national cultures. Course Syllabus 1. Introduction I: The Age of Nationalism 2. Introduction II: From Romantic to Modern: The Making of National Art 3. National Idioms I: The Rise of the National Language(s) 4. National Idioms II: Folksong and Poetry 5. National Idioms III: National Symbol, National Design 6. National Genres I: The Opera 7. National Genres II: Historical Painting 8. National Genres III: The (Historical) Novel 9. Theories of National Art I: The National Canon 10. Theories of National Art II: Art, Ideology, and Politics 11. Art and Nation: The Contemporary Scene 12. Presentations and discussions. Review Session The Enigma of Nationalism Yael Tamir The purpose of this course is to unveil the motivating power(s) of nationalism. We will begin to examining the concept ?nation?, tying it to the notion of identity and identity politics. The following issues will then be discussed: Is nationalism motivated by the desire to preserve one?s cultural identity; Is it an aspect of the struggle to secure political rights; Is nationalism the outcome of a psychological need to affiliate with a group (any group), an outcome of a struggle to pursue interests related to identity or culture or class. The above questions will be discussed with an emphasis on the last issue that of class politics. Unfortunately in recent discussions of nationalism the economic aspects have been over-shadowed by cultural issues. This course intends to rethink the economic aspects of nationalism and argue that we are witnessing a shift in the motivating powers of nationalism. The shift will influence the nature of nationalism and might, unfortunately, reinforce the more belligerent and xenophobic types of nationalism. Ethnic and Religious Dimensions of Modernization in Central Europe. Problem Areas, Survey Techniques and Empirical Approaches Victor Karady The course offers an overview of much neglected ethnic, religious and regional aspects of a number of economic, political, intellectual, infrastructural and demographic processes observable in post-feudal Central Europe in the wake of the introduction of free market capitalism, representative parliamentary rule as well as other State-run or privately managed programs of development in fields as various as health care, education, social services, policies concerning the family, etc. The stress is laid on the social transformations whereby ethnic, religious and regional identities generate specific types of inequalities in terms of social stratification, social reproduction or chances of access to elite positions in the framework of historically changing political systems from the early 19th century till the Second World War. Though major theoretical issues concerning ethnicity and modernization will be duely raised, the main focus of the course will be on local case studies of facts and figures related to ethnic, religious and regional group specific patterns of behavior, mostly in the Habsburg Monarchy and its successor states. Course Syllabus 1. General introduction 2. Social history of ethnic and denominational groups in Central Europe 3. Social morphology of particularistic groups in contemporary Central Europe 4. Process of post-feudal socio-economic restratification 5. Identity management and assimilation 6. Social demography of mixed identity and inter-ethnic and denominational relations 7. Conflicts of ethnic and denominational relations 8. Patterns of differential schooling 9. Demographic modernization and individualism 10. Social deviance Selected MA Thesis Titles Patriotism, Elect Nation, and Reason of State: Patterns of Community and the "Political Languages of Hungarian Nationhood" in the Early Modern Period The Past and its Properties: Restitution and National Identity in Czechoslovakia (Czech Republic) after 1989 Categorically American: Ethnicity, Minorities, Multiculturalism and Change Ambiguities in the Conceptual Understanding and Practical Application of the Concept of Self-Determination in the Yugoslav Crisis Political Debates on Re-inventing Russian National Identity The Development of the Romany National Movement in Hungary Anti-Jewish and Anti-Gypsy Attitudes in Hungary and Yugoslavia: Social and Psychological Determinants Turkish Taboos: Ethno-Cultural Homogeneity and Secular Identity Yugoslavia - Dismantled and Plundered: The Tragic Senselessness of the War in Yugoslavia and the Myths that Concealed It Manipulating Nationalism in Serbia. Context Effects in Ethnic Distance Measurements as an Indicator of the Impact of Nationalist Propaganda Liberalism Meets Nationalism? Liberal Nationalism and the Liberalism of Fear Autonomy, Regionalism and Minority Rights in Post-Communist Romania (1989-2001): Problems and Debates Ethnic Conflict and Narratives of History: The Case of Nagorno-Karabakh Student Comments on the Program "The location of the program in Budapest is very fortunate. The city is an amazing combination of East and West, and one really feels at a cultural crossroad here. Most of the research done at the department has to do with Central and Eastern Europe. The year spent at the CEU made me understand that local-specific studies should be done in the area. All the more so if student research is accommodated by a department which is at once as flexible and as profoundly committed to interdisciplinarity, as the Nationalism Studies Program." (Oksana Sarkisova, Moscow) "I think the selection of students was excellent. We had a small and competitive group in the year, with all kinds of national and cultural backgrounds. The same goes for professors; there was a great variety of fields to choose from, and the department was open to our initiatives. What I personally enjoyed also was the intention of the staff to be friendly with people so that each departmental party became a real event." (Markian Prokopovych, Ukraine) "The interdisciplinarity of the program appeals to me the most. In my class-work and research I combined sociology, political history and intellectual history. I think this multiple perspective is a unique trait of Nationalism Studies." (Alevtina Sedochenko, Ukraine) "It is a democratic department. Students have plenty of freedom of choice, and they are given maximum guidance in their research activities. It is very responsive to the needs of students in the selection and functioning of the teaching staff, in the compilation of reading material, and in the interdisciplinarity of the methods." (Monika P?l, Hungary) "There is no such a department anywhere else. It is a truly "CEU-spirited" program. You have a synthesis of research perspectives and a blend of various teaching traditions that is possible only here. And the combination of social science with history is an excellent professional foundation for those who study here." (Bal?zs Trencs?nyi, Hungary) Events Sponsored by the Program May 10, 2001 - Public lecture by Florian Bieber: Civic and National Concepts of Statehood in Bosnia Herzegovina The talk will discuss the recent development in Bosnia which seem to point to a more co-operative and less mono-ethnic political system (the creation of non-nationalist governments on all levels in Bosnia, the constitutional court decision declaring the entity constitutions unconstitutional in the references to only one or two nations, the establishment of constitutional commissions, election law etc.) and the response of nationalist parties (esp. the Croat self-government in Herzegovina). It will not only explore these recent developments and relate them to the original institutional framework of Dayton, but it will also raise some question on how to strike a balance between legitimate national grievances in a multinational state and nationalist policy which is detrimental for the existence of the state. March 20, 2001 - Public lecture by Rogers Brubaker, Professor of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA): Beyond 'Groupism': Ethnicity without Groups Rogers Brubaker is Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Los Angeles. His work has addressed European nationalism in historical, comparative, and, more recently, ethnographic perspective. He has also written widely on social theory, international migration, and the politics of citizenship. His book Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (1992) sought to explain the sharply differing ways in which citizenship has been defined vis-?-vis immigrants in France and Germany; Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (1996) compared contemporary East European nationalisms with those of the interwar period, both emerging after the breakup of multinational states into would-be nation-states. He is currently working on an ethnographic study of ethnicity and nationalism in everyday life among minority Hungarians and majority Romanians in the ethnically mixed Transylvanian city of Cluj/Kolozsv?r. Brubaker was educated at Harvard University, the University of Sussex, and Columbia University. He has been teaching at UCLA since 1991. March 13, 2001 - The Roma in Society public lecture series. Ian Hancock, Professor of Romani Studies, University of Texas in Austin): Roma Identities Ian Hancock was born in Britain of British and Hungarian Romani descent and has been active in the Romani movement since the 1960s. Currently he is a Professor of Romani Studies at the University of Texas in Austin. Ian Hancock represented the Roma at the United Nations and UNICEF until 2000. Ian Hancock is the only Romani member of the US Holocaust Memorial Council. He was awarded the prestigious Rafto Human Rights Prize (Norway) in 1997, and was chosen as the recipient of the Gamaliel Chair in Peace and Justice in 1998. His publications on the Roma include The Pariah Syndrome: An Account of Gypsy Persecution and Slavery (Karoma: Ann Arbor, 1987), and A Handbook of Vlax Romani (Slavica: Columbus, 1995). March 7, 2001 - Istv?n Szent-Iv?nyi, MP: Debates about the Status Law (Workshop) Mr. Szent-Iv?nyi, MP, chair of the Hungarian Foreign Affairs Committee, member of the Free Democrats' (SZDSZ) Executive Board and member of the National Council Presidency) was invited by the Nationalism Program to discuss with students the current political disputes concerning the so-called Status Law (regulation on the legal status of Hungarians in the neighboring states). Mr Szent-Iv?nyi set forth the Free Democrats' opinion nad criticized the Status Law both from a conceptual and pragmatic point of view. He highlighted the problemat of defining nationality and determine who should be regarded Hungarian. He also talked about the undesirable and unforeseeable implications of the would be legislation (financial burdens, migration) and pointed out the political interests of the parties in favor of implementing the Status Law. According to Mr. Szent-Iv?nyi, the Hungarian government's commitments to ethnic Hungarians can be best expressed by supporting educational and cultural institutions in the neighboring countries where Hungarians actually live. February 26, 2001 - The Roma in Society public lecture series. Ang?la K?cz?, sociologist, European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC): Gender and Youth February 23, 2001 - The Roma in Society public lecture series. Nicolae Gheorghe, sociologist, advisor on Roma and Sinti issues, OSCE, Warsaw: The Roma Civil Society February 20, 2001 - The Roma in Society public lecture series. Andzrej Mirga, sociologist, vice-chair of Specialist Group on Roma/Sinti of the Council of Europe, Poland: State policies towards the Roma. The Polish case February 12, 2001 - The Roma in Society public lecture series. Elena Marushiakova, ethnographer, Sofia: Uniquness and Diversity The Lecture assumes some familiarity with the basic history and geography of Central and Eastern Europe. The lecture assumes also that the student will read in advance the selected part included in the reader in order to be theoretically introduced into specifics of the Gypsies as a unique community. The lecture focuses the region of Central and Eastern Europe. February 2, 2001 - The Roma in Society public lecture series. Nadezdha Demeter the first Romni author of a global history of the Rom, Moscow: Lungo Drom (Long Path) - The history of the Roma from India to present times. A double approach: from the outside about them and from the inside, as they perceive it December 7, 2000 - Public lecture by Erica Benner, London School of Economics: 'Is There a Core National Doctrine?' National doctrines are notoriously diverse, and often embody contradictory political values and criteria for membership. This article asks whether there is a 'core' national doctrine that connects republican, cultural, ethnic, and liberal concepts of nationality. It considers two attractive candidates: one locating the 'core' in a doctrine about the political and psychological significance of pre-political cultural identities, the other in the constitutional principle of popular sovereignty. After assessing the limitations of both, I sketch a different core national doctrine. This doctrine is constitutive and geopolitical, not constitutional or cultural. It has deep roots in the security concerns specific to the modern, pluralistic system of sovereign states, and prescribes in general terms the form that any community should take in order to survive or distinguish itself in that system. It says very little about the appropriate basis for such communities; the choice of political, cultural, ethnic or even racial criteria is left wide open. More than other versions, this 'core' is able to identify the common ground between cultural, constitutional, and other national doctrines. It also puts a sharp focus on the reasons why, historically, national and liberal values have been so hard to combine. November 30, 2000 - Public lecture by Michael Stewart, University College London: Roma - The Underclass of Post-Communism? The term 'underclass' is increasingly widely used in both everyday parlance and academic discourse in eastern Europe when discussing the plight of the Romany peoples in the region. Though the best of these uses tries to adhere to Myrdal's original structural/economic interpretation of the word (originally a Swedish folk term), the history of the term's diffusion in US academic and popular discourse suggests that behavioural interpretations are unavoidable. Riding in to eastern Europe on the back of the local use of a 'culture of poverty' model to discuss Romany communities, 'the underclass' suggests a false homogeneity, an inappropriate degree of closure of the Roma from the outside, a crude economic determinism and an overly pessimistic view of Romany abilities to dig themselves out of the hole many of them currently find themselves in. Patterns of eastern European inequality and social exclusion are not simply comparable with those found in the US and we would do best to avoid importing either the US folk or academic jargon without a systematic analysis of its appropriateness. November 7, 2000 - Public lecture by Will Kymlicka, Queens University: Justice and Security in the Debates on Minority Rights: Comparing East and West Prof. Will Kymlicka spoke to the University about whether Western attempts to accommodate claims of minorities could be applied to Eastern and Central Europe. While arguing for the success of democratic federalism and accompanying models of language rights, territorial autonomy and multiculturalism as domesticating and pacifying nationalism in the West, Kymlicka acknowledged the difficulty of applying such models to Eastern and Central Europe because of a)the potential of minority irridentism due to the presence of neighboring kin-states in the region; and b) the historical relation between current minorities and external powers, where minorities are often perceived as having historically collaborated with such kin-states in oppressing current majority groups. Nonetheless, though minority claims are thus quickly perceived/and or turned into security dilemmas in Eastern and Central Europe, Kymlicka argued that the region still must come up with ways of genuine accommodation of ethnocultural diversity and that federalism remains the most convincing model of just accommodation. June 8, 2000 - Ethnicity and Stratification in the Roma Society (Workshop). May 29, 2000 - Public lecture by Alina Mungiu Pippidi: Elite and Mass Nationalism in Post-Communist Romania Alina Mungiu Pippidi is a social psychologist and a journalist. Trained both in Romania and at Harvard, she published numerous articles and books on the Romanian post-Communist transition published in Romania and abroad, her most notable book being 'Die Rumanen nach '89' (The Romanians after '69), Friederich Ebert Stiftung Verlag. Her book 'Subjective Transylvania' has recently came out from the Romanian publiher Humanitas. She has published articles and essays in Le Monde, East European Politics and Societies, Government and Opposition, East European Constitutional Review, La Nouvelle Alternative, Europa Domani. She has lectured at many American universities, such as Harvard, Princeton, Berkeley and Georgetown. She is currently running the Romanin Academic Society, a public policy institute in Bucharest, Romania. May 26-28, 2000 - Conference in cooperation with the Center for Democracy and Reconciliation in South East Europe, the Program in Gender and Culture, and the History Department of the Central European University: Perceptions of ?Modernities?: Emergence of Political Modernity, Social Transformation and Ideologies of Modernism in Central and Southeast Europe in the XIX-XX Centuries. April 27, 2000 - Public lecture by J?lia Szalai, Institute of Sociology, Hungarian Academy of Sciences: The Politics of Recognition and the ?Roma Question? in Hungary. March 8, 2000. - Public lecture by Michael Stewart, University College London: Eastern Europe and the People without History: Roma from Holocaust to the Present. February 3, 2000. - Public lecture by Will Kymlicka, Queens University: Federalism in Western Democracies and Eastern Europe. January 20, 2000. - Public lecture by John R. Lampe, University of Maryland: Rethinking the American Perspective on Southeastern Europe December 14-15, 1999 - Conference in cooperation with the Civic Education Project, Teleki L?szl? Institute and the History Department of the Central European University: Nation-building, Regionalism and Democracy: Comparative Perspectives on Issues of Nationalism in Romania and Hungary. Permanent and Visiting Faculty M?ria M. Kov?cs Program Director Andr?s Kov?cs Associate Professor Petr Lom Associate Professor Will Kymlicka Queen's University Rogers Brubaker University of California, Los Angeles Michael Stewart University of London Erica Benner London School of Economics Yael Tamir University of Tel-Aviv Tibor V?rady Central European University, Department of Legal Studies Walker Connor Trinity College and London School of Economics Victor Karady Central European University History Dept., ?cole des Hautes ?tudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris Ugo Pagano Central European University, Department of Economics, University of Siena Tibor Frank E?tv?s Lor?nd University G?sp?r Mikl?s Tam?s Institute of Philosophy, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Michael Laurence Miller Academic Writing Instructor Staff Szabolcs Pogonyi, Coordinator Vera Szeszl?r, Assistant Nationalism Studies Program Central European University N?dor u. 9, 1051 Budapest, Hungary Tel.: (36-1) 327-3000 x.2086 Fax: (36-1) 235-6102 Email: nationalism at ceu.hu Web-site: http://www.ceu.hu/nation/natdir.html Application Materials and Inquiries Office of Admissions Central European University Ndor u. 9 1051 Budapest Hungary Tel: (36-1) 327-3009, 327-3272 Fax: (36-1) 327-3211, 327-3028 Email: admissions at ceu.hu Web site: http://www.ceu.hu Non-Discrimination Policy Central European University does not discriminate on the basis of - including, but not limited to - race, color, national and ethnic origin, religion, gender or sexual orientation in administering its educational policies, admissions policies, scholarship and loan programs, and athletic and other school-administered programs. --------------------------------- Do You Yahoo!? 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