[ALBSA-Info] Loose ends in FYROM name deal

[Gazhebo at aol.com]

Loose ends in FYROM name deal
As Athens tries to unblock diplomatic logjam with intensive negotiations Skopje seems to stick to original line

Last-minute preparations before Balkan leaders sign a joint communique condemning the actions of armed ultranationalist groups in southern Serbia last week.

By Stavros Lygeros

Kathimerini

When Prime Minister Costas Simitis came back from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia last week and said he had given his counterpart Ljupko Georgievski a package of proposals aimed at reaching a compromise over that country's name, he was only telling half the truth.

The Greek Foreign Ministry has concocted a tempting deal but quite rightly preferred to sound out its neighbors by means of secret diplomacy, knowing full well that the initiative would succeed only if there was a guarantee of acceptance by the FYROM government.

The response from FYROM was not encouraging, as evidenced by the two leaders' statements right after they met last Thursday evening. Both expressed the desire for a speedy solution and referred to the UN-mediated negotiations over the past five and a half years, effectively throwing the ball back into the grandstands.

Athens tried to unblock the diplomatic logjam with a solution at senior level, but for the moment has been forced to back off. Skopje says it is trying to tie up the loose end but without changing the name.

Simitis was aware of the situation before leaving for Skopje and had tried to reduce expectations.

A few days ago, during confidential briefings of local journalists, the FYROM prime minister gave some indication of Greece's proposals and said it was willing to reach a compromise on condition that the main opposition was in agreement, since a constitutional amendment is necessary to change the name "Republic of Macedonia" (which Greece has objected to as implying claims on the neighboring Greek province of the same name).

Well-informed sources say that an approach to the leader of the Social Democrat Union, Branco Crvenkovski, on the issue was not encouraging. So the issue is back to square one.

Simitis did meet with Crvenkovski right after his meeting with Georgievski on the question of the name. The prime minister not only wanted to hear Crvenkovski's views in person, but to dispel the opposition leader's impression that Greece only dealt with his rival.

The Greek 'package'

Nevertheless, diplomatic activity has intensified. UN mediator Thomas Nimetz has been on the move again, as have been a number of Western diplomats on the sidelines.

Names being discussed are "Upper Macedonia," "Northern Macedonia" and "Vardar Macedonia."

On the negotiating table is the Greek "package" that includes generous economic and military aid, Schengen-area visas for FYROM nationals and above all, active support for the country's incorporation into transatlantic organizations, which the Slav-Macedonian population of FYROM sees as a unique, medium to long-term way to save their state from the threat of Albanian irredentism.

The package also includes a provision for the Orthodox Church of FYROM, which until recently belonged to the Serbian Patriarchate before becoming autocephalous.

Diplomatic moves are expected to continue, given that the interim agreement reached in 1995 ends in September 2002.

There is no doubt that the problem is a stumbling block for Greece's diplomacy in the Balkans, but it is also a great burden on FYROM itself. However, the Slav-Macedonians continue to believe they have time on their side.

Simitis did not return from Skopje completely empty-handed, however. The success of the Inter-Balkan Summit was due to a considerable degree on Greece's diplomacy. As Albanian nationalists step up their attacks in southern Serbia, FYROM and Kosovo, the Inter-Balkan joint communique (Southeastern European Cooperation Process) was clearly a step on the road to understanding between countries in the region.

Albanian Prime Minister Ilir Meta was forced to accept a harsh condemnation of illegal terrorist acts on the part of armed extremist groups in southern Serbia. His only achievement was an avoidance of any mention of the Albanian ethnicity of these groups.

The communique also made direct reference to the inviolability of borders, contrary to the idea of a "greater Albania."

It hails the Yugoslavia-FYROM agreement on the delineation of their common borders, which includes the FYROM-Kosovo border. The Albanian Kosovars opposed this agreement as confirming Kosovo's inclusion, albeit formal, in Yugoslavia.

The communique supports the holding of elections in Kosovo, which the ethnic Albanians have been demanding. It calls for the freeing of political prisoners (an indirect but clear reference to Albanians in Yugoslav prisons) and the search for missing persons, another indirect but clear reference to Kosovo Serbs abducted by the Kosovo Liberation Army. The communique also calls for the return of refugees to their homes, a clear reference to Kosovo Serbs forced to abandon their homes.

Simitis was right to underline progress made in achieving understanding between Balkan states. When the process began, some countries had no contact with each other. These countries are now talking, despite their differences.

The first step in the process occurred between the two world wars. It was revived during the 1970s with a Greek initiative, and again in 1988 with an initiative by what was then unified Yugoslavia.

The recent revival began at a foreign ministerial summit in Sofia in 1996, with a joint statement in favor of stability, security and cooperation and concluding with an appeal to the European Union to support the region.

In June 1997, a second meeting in Thessaloniki paved the way for the first summit meeting, held in Crete in November 1997. Then there was a ministerial meeting in Istanbul in June 1998 and a second summit in Antalya, Turkey, without the leaders of Yugoslavia, Albania and FYROM.

The third summit in Bucharest took a major step toward establishing the Inter-Balkan summit as an institution, with the signing of a "charter of good neighborliness, stability, security and cooperation in Southeastern Europe."

Last week's Skopje summit was devoted to the dangers of destabilization threatening the region. The summit also marked the return of Yugoslavia, and the declaration of Bosnia as a full member.

Judging from general observations, this time the Balkan leaders not only dealt with crucial issues but succeeded in finding a common denominator.