[ALBSA-Info] [Kcc-News] Kosova: Election Thoughts (by Veton Surroi)

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Kosovo: Election Thoughts

What matters most about the elections is that for the first time in Kosovar
history, the arena for solving their problems will be a parliament that
they elected themselves.

By Veton Surroi in Pristina (BCR No. 300, 28-Nov-01)

It is election day in Kosovo and I am walking the streets with a German - a
connoisseur of voting from Colombia to Bulgaria. I feel imbued with a sort
of pride that is so rare in Kosovo. It is just like an election day in a
German Lutheran Land, where people combine three activities on Sunday
election days: going to church, casting their ballots and family get-togethers.

Kosovo's free, democratic elections, the second since the 1999 conflict
ended, show just how capable the people and their parties are of developing
democracy.

They set an example not only for Albanians, bearing in mind the defects in
the elections in Albania and Macedonia, but the region as a whole. None of
its neighbours managed to organise better elections.

The voting is over and all eyes are on the figures. The turnout was lower
than last year's local elections. The drop of 10 per cent draws attention
to two contradictory trends among the electorate. First, we have more
voters (a figure likely to increase with every election due to the growing
number of children reaching the age of 18). On the other hand, fewer people
in every poll feel it is worth going to the polls.

Still, with its 63 per cent turnout, Kosovo still beats many Western
democracies with far more experience of free polls. And the figures also
show Kosovo is starting to see a process of consolidation among the parties.

The biggest block comprises the main Albanian parties, the Democratic
League of Kosovo, LDK, the Democratic Party, PDK, and the Alliance for the
Kosovo's Future, AAK.

Then there's the powerful Serbian block, followed by one which includes the
minority groups of Bosnians, Roma, Hashkali and Turks. And finally, there
is the block of tiny Albanian parties.

The voters have clearly decided to make some checks and balances in
Kosovo's political life. The LDK, which won by a big margin in the previous
elections, appears to have lost 10 per cent of its supporters. If many
votes in previous elections supposedly went to the LDK due to the
inactivity of other parties and the arrogance of their leaders, the LDK
seems likely to have forfeited some of that support due to its own
inactivity and arrogance.

The PDK vote remained static, defying hopes for an increase in support
owing to the high profile of their presidential candidate, Flora Brovina.
It all suggests PDK backing peaked in the local elections. The AAK enjoyed
a growth in support thanks to its hard work. But it needs a two-fold
increase to overtake the PDK.

The votes that went to the block of big parties won a total of 79 per cent
of the seats in the parliament. This is no surprise, as most people voted
for those leaders whose posters were on display in every street. On the
other hand, the relatively high number of votes going to the block of
little parties shows many electors do not trust the big party leaders.

One novelty in these elections is Serb participation. The Povratak
coalition will be the third political force in parliament with 21 seats.
This fundamentally alters Kosovo's political life. The Serbs will have a
ministerial post as will other minority representatives.

Like it or not, the big Albanian parties will have to form a coalition with
the Serbs. If not, the LDK will have to negotiate with other parties to
form a coalition and elect Ibrahim Rugova as president.

So much of Kosovo's future politics will depend on the election of the
president whose duties under the constitutional framework will include
presenting awards and delivering an annual report.

Based on Kosovo's decade-long experience of Rugova, he is certainly skilled
in delivering awards. Whether he can fulfil the other conditions for
presidency is less clear. The second question is whether he can get votes
for the post from a range of parties. This would be the first step towards
consensus politics in Kosovo.

The LDK should only gain support for the election of its candidate as
president if it agrees to form a government of experts. The second stage of
this consensus should be agreement on the new administration's priorities.

If Rugova wins the post of president, he will have to resign from LDK,
opening the way for the creation of a genuinely multi-party democracy. It
will help redefine the LDK as a party rather than a movement. This would
have an impact of the other parties, too, which tend to lack a clear
political profile.

Other points also need to be considered. Will the Albanians want an
efficient government and what will they want it for. An administration that
merely repeats slogans about independence will achieve little. It won't do
much to solve problems over pensions, the electric corporation, conditions
for investment, the economy and agriculture; and will be locked in
permanent conflict with the international community.

The second point involves the Serbs. Their participation in the parliament
means they will have a new opportunity to resolve their problems - but this
means recognising Kosovo's territorial integrity and its institutions. If
the Serbs try to block the work of parliament, the assembly and government
will not help them either.

The third point concerns relations between the Albanians and UNMIK. The
constitutional framework has created an extraordinary situation in which
the latter has the power to annul any Kosovo government initiative. The new
government will need to agree with UNMIK on the country's basic priorities
over the next three years.

Kosovo's new parliament faces innumerable troublesome issues. What matters
most is the fact that for the first time in our history the arena for
solving these issues will be a parliament that we elected ourselves.

The fact that this assembly will not have the authority to take many
decisions is a consequence of the stage of history we are in. We are at the
ABC stage of democracy. Like all pupils who need to learn more, our
parliament and the institutions springing from it will be our special schools.

Veton Surroi is publisher of Koha Ditore.

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