From mehollim at hotmail.com  Wed Aug  1 11:48:40 2001
From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli)
Date: Wed, 01 Aug 2001 11:48:40 
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Clark's Remarks in New York
Message-ID: <F79T9UaEI8RvTxjoay000011b2f@hotmail.com>

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Subject: Clark's Remarks in New York
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug  1 07:49:17 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 04:49:17 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfA: Science for Peace and Development - Regional Scientific Co-operation of  Successor States of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Maribor 4-6.10.2001
Message-ID: <20010801114917.12622.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From: Florian Bieber <fbieber at yahoo.com>
Subject: [balkans] CfA: Science for Peace and Development - Regional Scientific Co-operation of  Successor States of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Maribor 4-6.10.2001 
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug  1 08:00:08 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 05:00:08 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noli dhe Kisha Ortodokse Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20010801120008.13703.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


Si mundi t? b?hej Kryetari i Kish?s Ortodokse Komb?tare Shqiptare, Fan S.Noli, studenti i ri q? sapo vinte nga Egjipti
Ndodh q? t? sjell fat edhe nj? funeral

"Fol?si kryesor do t? ishte ai, shqiptari i ri nga Misiri (Egjipti), Fan Noli. Pasi d?gjoi fjal?n tij p?r Spiro Kosturin, turma iu p?rgjigj me nj? brohoritje t? till?, q? tronditi nd?rtes?n. As kisha e as kam d?gjuar nj? t? ngjashme me t?. Menj?her? njer?zit e zgjodh?n nj?z?ri kryetar t? tyrin"

Jo rast?sisht karriera e shk?lqyer e Fan Nolit zuri fill pik?risht n? Amerik?, vendin e liris? fetare, apo si? njihet ndryshe, vendi ku ?ndrrat b?hen realitet. Ishte kjo karrier?, q? do t? jepte nj? ndihmes? t? pamat? n? form?simin e nj? kombi t? ri 

Nga Enkelejda Kumaraku
E gjith? historia nisi n? 10 maj 1906, kur 24 -vje?ari Fan S. Noli (1882-1965), lindur n? Adrianopoj?, (Turqi ) braktisi m?simdh?nien n? kolonin? shqiptare t? Aleksandris?, ( Egjipt) p?r t'u vendosur n? kolonin? shqiptare t? Xhejmstaunit, Nju York. Pas vrasjes s? dyshimt? t? patriotit dhe tregtarit t? famsh?m Spiro Kosturi, t? gjith? shqiptaro-amerikan?t, kudo q? ndodheshin, ishin ngritur m? k?mb? t? irrituar. T? gjith? e dinin arsyen edhe pse p?r k?t? gj? nuk flitej hapur. Nga hierark?t ortodoks? po k?mb?ngulej, q? asnj? lloj sh?rbese fetare t? mos b?hej n? shqip. Nd?rkoh? q? i gjith? komuniteti po k?rkonte t? kund?rt?n. Kjo ishte arsyeja q? sh?rbesa p?rkujtimore n? Boston arriti t? shnd?rrohej shum? shpejt n? nj? miting proteste, ku m?suesi i sapo ardhur nga Egjipti u ftua t? mbante fjal?n kryesore. Ja, sesi e p?rshkruan patrioti i njohur Kostandin Demo k?t? ngjarje:
"Njer?zit u mblodh?n grumbuj-grumbuj nga t? gjitha an?t. Delegacioni i Natikut, 82 burra, erdhi me nj? makin? t? posa?me. Me t? mb?rritur n? sheshin e parkut, zuri t? binte bor?. Ata marshuan dy nga dy n? vendin e mbledhjes me Sotir Nok?n n? krye, q? mbante nj? flamur amerikan. N? nj?r?n an? kishin ngritur nj? flamur t? vog?l shqiptar, pikturuar me dor? nga zonjusha Ana Houi, sipas kartolin?s s? Princ Aladro Kastriotit. Ajo ishte m?suese n? Shkoll?n e s? Diel?s n? Kish?n Kongregacionale t? Natikut, ku shum? djem shqiptar? m?suan t? shkruanin e lexonin anglisht...  Flamuri yn? i dashur dukej si nj? f?mij?, q? b?n hapat e para, dukej se mbahej fort pas udh?heqjes dhe mbrojtjes s? flamurit amerikan, teksa parakalonte krenar p?r her? t? par? n? rrug?t e Bostonit, duke bartuar mbi vete shpresat tona t? m?dha p?r nj? t? ardhme m? t? mir?. Te vendi i takimit n? Rrug?n Uashington nuk kishe ku t? hidhje moll?n. Kishte p?rfaq?sues nga t? gjitha kolonit?. Fol?si kryesor do t? ishte ai, shqiptari i ri nga Misiri (Egjipti), Fan Noli. Pasi d?gjoi fjal?n tij p?r Spiro Kosturin, turma iu p?rgjigj me nj? brohoritje t? till?, q? tronditi nd?rtes?n. As kisha e as kam d?gjuar nj? t? ngjashme me t?. Menj?her? njer?zit e zgjodh?n nj?z?ri kryetar t? tyrin ... . Ngjarja e dyt? e r?nd?sishme e asaj dite ishte d?rgimi i telegrameve dhe kabllogrameve p?r Fuqit? e M?dha, n? shenj? proteste kund?r mizorive, q? po ndodhnin n? Shqip?ri. Q? prej asaj dite, shqiptar?t n? Amerik? nis?n t? vepronin si grup, n?n nj? udh?heqje t? fuqishme."
***
M? 1907 Noli shkoi n? Boston, q? t? punonte me Pecin n? gazet?n e tij t? p?rjavshme "Kombi". Ato ishin dit? t? v?shtira. Kishte fare pak abonent?, q? paguanin. N? fund t? vitit botuesit kishin nj? borxh prej 485$, nj? shum? e madhe p?r at? koh?. Peci dhe Noli i b?n? thirrje kolonis? s? Natikut, patriot?t e zellsh?m t? s? cil?s mblodh?n t? hollat dhe paguan borxhin. Thuhet se n? ato dit? t? v?shtira t? fillimit, Noli dhe Peci kishin vet?m nj? pallto, q? e vishnin her? nj?ri e her? tjetri! Kostandin Demo e p?rshkruan k?shtu k?t? fillim prej prej pionieri:
"P?r t? shtypur "Kombin" duheshin tre njer?z: Peci, Noli dhe nj? hallk? tjet?r e r?nd?sishme e zinxhirit, Efthim Na?i. Ky ishte nj?koh?sisht radhit?si dhe pompuesi i makin?s s? shtypshkronj?s. Ajo ishte nj? shtypshkronj? e ve?ant?, q? vihej n? pun? me an? t? l?vizjes me k?mb?. Pa p?rfytyroni n?se mundeni, Nolin n? t? djatht? duke ushqyer makin?n me let?r, Eftimin n? mes duke pompuar me sa fuqi, q? makina t? shtypte faqet dhe Pecin n? t? majt? q? nxirrte prodhimin e p?rfunduar. Eh, ?`dit? t? lumtura ishin ato!"
***
At? vit, m? 1907, Noli themeloi n? Boston shoq?rin? patriotike "Besa-Bes?n". M? 1909 "Kombi" u mbyll dhe nisi botimi i gazet?s "Dielli", organ i shoq?ris? "Besa-Bes?n". Fan Noli sh?rbeu si redaktor i saj, duke p?rdorur  shtypshkronj?n e Kombit. M? 1912 n? Amerik? u formua nj? Komitet Federativ p?r t? bashkuar t? gjitha shoq?rit? e shp?rndara shqiptare n? nj? Federat?. N? 28 prill t? atij viti shoq?ria Vatra u shpall si nj? ombrell?, e quajtur gjithashtu Federata Pan-Shqiptare, me Nolin si sekretar dhe "Diellin" si organ informativ. Q?llimi fillestar i saj ishte, q? t? kat?r vilajeteve shqiptare t`u jepet autonomi administrative brenda perandoris? turke, mir?po shpejt ai ndryshoi n? pavar?si t? plot?.Vatra dhe nj? ndihmes? t? pallogaritshme p?r m?rgimtar?t shqiptar? kudo n? Amerik?, duke i informuar p?r gjendjen e trazuar n? Shqip?ri, duke ruajtur trash?gimin? e tyre etnike si edhe duke koordinuar veprimet e tyre n? p?rkrahje t? saj. Shqiptar?t duhet t? dalloheshin si nj? komb me identitet t? p?rcaktuar qart?. Ja, pse u pa si e domosdoshme krijimi i kish?s ortodokse shqiptare, q? do t? fliste fjal?n e Zotit n? shqip. Fati e deshi q? m?suesi i shkoll?s, Fan Noli, kishte qen? k?ng?tar kishe n? f?mij?rin? dhe rinin? e tij. Si i till? ai ishte i familjarizuar me historin? kishtare dhe ligjin kanunor ortodoks. Ishte ai, q? iu vu pun?s shum? shpejt p?r p?rkthimin e liturgjis? greke n? nj? shqipe t? kulluar. Kryepeshkopi ortodoks rus, Platoni, e shuguroi Nolin prift n? Katedralen e Sh?n Nikoll?s n? Nju Jork. E para liturgji hyjnore n? gjuh?n shqipe n? historin? e gjat? t? kish?s ortodokse u kremtua n? 22 mars n? sall?n e Kalor?sve t? Nderit n? rrug?n Tremont, n? Boston. Historiani i njohur Demo, i pranish?m n? at? sh?rbes? shkruan: " Syt? na u mbush?n me lot". Jo rast?sisht karrierra e shk?lqyer e Fan Nolit zuri fill pik?risht n? Amerik?, vendin e liris? fetare, apo si? njihet ndryshe, vendi ku ?ndrrat b?hen realitet. Ishte kjo karrier?, q? do t? jepte nj? ndihmes? t? pamat? n? form?simin e nj? kombi t? ri. Botimi shqip i Dhjat?s s? Re t? Kostandin Kristoforidhit do t? rr?mbente shum? shpejt zemr?n e Nolit t? ri duke e shtyr? n? nj? koh? rekord drejt nj? karriere t? ndritur prej kleriku.
M? von?, n? 1912, u ngrit?n edhe disa kisha t? tjera shqiptare. Historiani i njohur ?ekrezi v?ren se dallimet midis shqiptar?ve t? krishter? dhe atyre mysliman? i n?nshtroheshin plot?sisht dashuris? s? p?rbashk?t p?r atdheun. Shum? shqiptar? mysliman? dhan? shuma t? m?dha parash p?r nd?rtimin dhe funksionimin normal t? kishave ortodokse shqiptare. Madje shum? t? dh?na historike tregojn? se disa prej tyre ishin  an?tar? t? rregullt t? k?tyre kishave.  Sipas historianit ?ekrezi "nga t? gjith? komunitetet shqiptare jasht? atdheut, shqiptar?t e Amerik?s jan? ata q? kan? dh?n? ndihmes?n m? t? madhe n? rritjen e ndjenj?s komb?tare..." P?r k?t? nj? merit? t? pamohueshme ka patur Kryetari i Kish?s Ortodokse Komb?tare Fan. S. Noli. 

 

SHEKULLI



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug  1 21:19:15 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 18:19:15 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dhimitri i Arberit / Gazeta Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20010802011915.36072.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


Dhimitri i Arb?rit
dhe pasardh?sit e tij
Martesat e Mesjet?s, aletatet p?r nj? Shtet autonom. Historia e trash?gimis? e t? par?ve t? tyre


Gjeneza e shtetit tek shqiptar?t ?sht? ende e pastudjuar si+ duhet. Koncepti shtet?ror parakupton nj? nivel t? lart? t? bashk?jetes?s s? nj? komuniteti, ku principi zot?rues dhe drejtues ka struktur? hierarkike, ku pushteti politik buron nga pron?sia ekonomike. N? t? v?rtet? gjeneza e shtetit shqiptar humbet mbrapsh n? mesjet?n e hershme dhe duhen b?r? hulumtime gati t? barazvlefshme si hulumtimet, q? b?jm? p?r t? k?rkuar shkrimet shqipe p?rpara Gjon Buzukut. Metaforikisht mund t? themi se etapa "parabuzukuiane" e shtetit shqiptar ka mbetur e mbuluar nga nj? mister i madh. 

Por logjika e historicitetit dhe krahasimi i ngritur mbi analogjit? na krijojn? instrumentet e zbulimit dhe t? identifikimit p?r historin? fillestare t? shtetit shqiptar. Dy jan? p?rmasat orientuese dhe ballafaquese. E para struktura multietnike dhe universale e perandoris? bizantine, q? p?rfshinte edhe trojet e shqiptar?ve dhe e dyta degamet, luftrat konfliktuale, p?rplasjet e Lindjes me Per?ndimin, kryq?zatat e famshme por dhe kund?rsulmet e bizantin?ve q? b?n? t? mundur krijimin e segmenteve shtet?ror? lokal?, here her? t? p?rkohsh?m por gjithsesi mjaft t? r?nd?sishme n? pik?pamje t? m?veht?sis?. ?sht? pik?risht substanca bizantine plot l?vizje dhe shp?rthime t? brendshme, q? ka b?r? t? mundur shfaqjen n? shekujt e mesjet?s edhe t? shtetit shqiptar si pasoje e nj? force centrifugale apo decentralizimit t? shtetit q?ndror perandorak. Dijm? nga historia se n? 10 vje+arin e fundit t? shek.XII kishte n? Arb?ri nj? pushtetar vendas nj? shtetar i plotfuqish?m me emrin Progon, q? p?rmendet si "arkond" (sundimtar i madh), n? vitet 1190-1199. Nuk dihet asgj? konkrete p?r sundimin e tij apo b?mat juridike dhe pushtetare. Dokumentet tregojn? se kishte dy djem Gjinin dhe Dhimitrin. Po q?ndra e shtetit t? Progonit ku qe? Meqen?se Kruja ishte n? k?t? lak kohor selia e peshkopat?s s? Arb?ris? mund t? mendojm? se Kruja ka qen? edhe kryeqyteti i shtetit t? Progonit. Peshkopata e Kruj?s ishte e varur nga Kisha e Lindjes. Progoni vdes m? 1199, pushtetin n? Arb?ri e merr djali i tij i madh Gjini. Nga dokumentet sundimi kronologjik i Gjinit zgjatet deri m? 1208. Nd?rkoh? kishte ndodhur nj? ngjarje me r?nd?si bot?rore. N? vitin 1204, Papa i Rom?s, Inocenti i III, organizoi kryq?zat?n e IV,e cila me rolin vendimtar t? Republik?s s? Venedikut dhe t? perandorit gjerman Enriku i IV, n? vend q? t? drejtohej kund?r mysliman?ve "t? pabes?" p?r +lirimin "Vendit t? Shenjt?" u sul kund?r Konstandinopoj?s, p?r ta pjestuar at? n? fragmente shtetesh t? rinj. M? 1204 kryqtar?t evropian? pushtuan Kostandinopoj?n. Perandoria bizantine u shemb. U krijuan disa shtete t? r?ja si Perandoria Latine e Lindjes dhe Perandoria e Nikes?. Venediku m? 1205, pushtoi Durr?sin dhe krijoi shtetin e quajtur "Dukati i Durr?sit", q? zuri vendin e them?s s? vjet?r bizantine. Dukati i Durr?sit kishte n? kufi shtetin e Arb?ris?. Gjini si zoti i Arb?ris? e ndjeu rrezikun dhe p?r t'ju kund?rv?n? Venedikut b?ri nj? veprimtari t? madhe diplomatike duke krijuar aleanca t? reja, q? n? mesjet? konsolidoheshin me an? t? martesave. K?shtu despoti i Epirit, i quajtur Mihal ?ngj?ll Komneni u martua me nj? vajz? fisnike arb?reshe nga Durr?si, n? lidhje krushqie me Gjinin. V?llai i Gjinit Dhimitri i Arb?rit u martua me Komnen?n, vajza e Stefan Nemanj?s, mbreti i Serbis?. Gjini vdiq m? 1208. Pushtetin e trash?goi i v?llai, Dhimitri. Ky kalim i sundimin n? form?n e trash?gimit ?sht? koncept i qart? shtet?ror q? parakupton ekzistenc?n e dinastis? arb?reshe, q? ne e njohim n? tri breza. 


Dinastia n?n "hijen" e Dhimitrit
Dhimitri i Arb?rit arriti shk?lqimin m? t? madh t? shtetit dhe luajti rol t? jasht?zakonsh?m duke u marr? n? konsiderat? nga shtetet fqinje si nj? "magnus arkond" (sundimtar i madh). Pra ishte kryezoti i Arb?ris?. Dhimitri mbante titullin : "Pan hipersevast", titull q? e mbanin vet?m mbret?rit autonom?, por q? kishin lidhje familjare me perandor?t bizantin?. Gruaja e Dhimitrit qe nj?koh?sisht edhe mbesa e perandorit bizantin Aleksi i III ?ngj?lli. Dhimitri u njoh si kryezot i Arb?ris? edhe nga vet? Papa Inocenti i III. N? nj? let?r, q? Papa i d?rgonte Dhimitrit m? 1208 e quante k?t? kryezot "Nobili Viro Demetrio arbanesi principi" d.m.th. "burr? fisnik, princ i arb?resh?ve". M? 1909 Papa n? nj? let?r t? dyt? e quan at? me nj? titull akoma m? t? lart? juridik "Judex" d.m.th. "Gjykat?si i arb?resh?ve". N? krye t? shtetit t? Arb?ris? Dhimitri u konfliktua me Venedikun. Dhimitri k?rkoi ndihm?n e Pap?s s? Rom?s, q? n? k?t? koh? qe prishur me Republik?n e Venedikut dhe inocenti i tret? i premtoi ndihm?n e tij n?se shk?puteshin arb?resh?t nga riti lindor ortodoks dhe shndrroheshin n? katolik?. Dhimitri b?ri nj? p?rpjekje origjinale diplomatike : firmosi Traktatin e Paqes m? 1210 me Republik?n e Raguz?s, q? ?sht? dhe i pari dokument diplomatik shqiptar q? njohim deri m? sot. N? k?t? traktat, q? p?r fat t? mir? ?sht? edhe i p?rkthyer ne gjuh?n shqipe, Dhimitri p?rmend emrat e fisnik?ve shqiptar? t? asaj kohe, t? cil?t i quan "hominen mei" (njer?zit e mi). Politika paq?sore me aleat?t e till? si despotati i Epirit dhe Republika e Raguz?s, q? realizoi Dhimitri e tronditi Venedikun. Por Dhimitri i rrezistoi intrigave venedikase. M? 1213 Dhespoti Epirit, Mihal ?ngj?ll Komneni, duke shfryt?zuar kryengritjen e fisnik?ve arb?resh? q? shp?rtheu ne Durr?s e pushtoi Dukatin e Durr?sit. 


Trash?gimia...n? munges? t? birit t? Dhimitrit
Dhimitri i Arb?ris? vdiq m? 1216. Me sa duket nuk pati trash?gimtar?. Doli k?shtu n? rend t? dit?s +?shtja e trash?gimis? s? kreut t? shtetit. Kjo +?shtje e trash?gimis? u problematizua skajsh?m. U gjet nj? modus vivendi juridike dhe politike p?r t? rregulluar k?naqsh?m vijim?sin? e trash?gimis?. Gruaja e ve e Dhimitrit, Komnena, q? mbante t? drejt?n e trash?gimis? s? shtetit t? Arb?rit n? vij? fem?rore, u martua me nj? bujar arb?resh, t? quajtur Grigor Kamona, q? zuri vendin e Dhimitrit si kryezot i Arb?ris?. Grigori p?rjetoi dekadenc?n dhe tat?pjet?n e shtetit t? Arb?ris?. N? vitet 1216-1253 shteti i Arb?ris? u shkel disa her? nga Despotati i Epirit, Perandoria e Nikes? dhe Mbret?ria Bullgare,q? qen? n? nj? luft? heraklikane me nj?a-tjetr?n.


M? 1253 n? Arb?ri p?rmendet nj? sundimtar me emrin Gulam, dh?nd?ri i Grigor Kamon?s, i cili e kish trash?guar sundimin e Arb?ris? me an?n e martes?s s? tij me bij?n e Komnen?s dhe t? Grigorit. Princi Gulam, kryezot i Arb?ris? pati nj? veprimtari diplomatike t? +udit?shme dhe u ngat?rua me luft?rat dhe grindjet e shteteve t? tjer?, her? me zot?rit e Despotit t? Epirit, her? me ata t? Perandoris? s? Nikes?. M? 1255 pushteti i pavarur i shtetit t? Arb?rit ?sht? rrenuar, por jehona e tradit?s s? Arb?ris? jeton akoma. Bujar?t arb?resh? k?rkonin me domosdo nj? shtet shqiptar pavar?sisht nga sigla e em?rtimit. M? 21 shkurt 1272 Karli i I Anzhu n? marr?veshje me fisnik?t arb?resh? krijoi shtetin q? e quajti Regnum Albaniae d.m.th. Mbret?ria e Arb?ris?. Ky shtet p?rfshinte territoret n? trek?nd?shin Durr?s- Berat- Vlor?. Kryeq?ndra e Mbret?ris? s? Arb?ris? u b? Durr?si. Por Arb?ria anzhuine ?sht? nj? tem? tjet?r m? vehte e studimit. Un? dua m? tep?r t? flas p?r dinastin? arbereshe t? shtetit t? Arb?rit, si nj? nga familjet e m?dha n? historin? e vendit ton? n? t? gjitha koh?rat.


Martesat p?r nj? arb?ri autonome
Arb?ria, sidomos n? koh?n e Dhimitrit, arriti nj? nivel t? lart?. Dhimitri krijoi nj? shtet autonom duke shfryt?zuar padyshim martesat si aleanc?. Af?rsisht kur Dhimitri i Arb?rit u martua me Komnen?n mbes?n e perandorit bizantin, Aleksi i III, edhe nj? tjet?r strateg shqiptar i quajtur Leon Skurra, q? sh?rbente n? zon?n e Korintit u martua me mbes?n e Komnen?s, q? quhej Eudokia. Aleksi III i dha Leon Skurr?s titullin e lart? Despot, q? n? hierarkin? e titujve bizantin? vinte i dyti pas perandorit. Historiani shqiptar P?llumb Xhufi b?n nj? pyetje tep?r interesante: A mund t? mendohet n? baz? t? k?tyre martesave paralele t? Dhimitrit t? Arb?rit dhe strategut Leon Skurra p?rkat?sisht me mbes?n dhe vajz?n e perandorit bizantin se ata i p?rkisnin t? nj?jt?s familje? Ruhet nj? koleksion dokumentesh mjaft interesante, q? lidhen me familjen e sundimtar?ve t? shtetit t? Arb?rit. Kur vdiq Dhimitri Grigor Kamona u martua me t? ven? e tij Komnen?n. Grigori para se sa t? martohej me t? ven? e Dhimitrit kishte patur p?r grua vajz?n e v?llait t? k?tij, Gjinit, q? kish qen? sundimtar i Arb?ris? m? 1199-1208. Ardhja n? pushtet e Grigorit ngjalli kund?rshtime n? gjirin e bujar?ve feudal?. Shpreh?s i k?tyre kund?rshtimeve u b? peshkopi i Kruj?s, i cili me argumentet juridike dhe teologjike u mundua t? pengonte martes?n e Grigorit me Komnen?n, duke th?n? se ajo binte ndesh m? t? drejt?n kanonike. Grigori u mb?shtet fuqish?m nga kryepeshkopi shum? i ditur Ohrit, Dhimit?r Komatjani. Me k?t? rast ne njohim disa letra shum? t? r?nd?sishme me analiza t? mrekullueshme p?r martes?n e Grigorit me Komnen?n. Letra e Dhimit?r Komatjonit d?rguar Grigor Kamon?s m? 1215 ?sht? interesante. N? letr?n e kryepeshkopit jepet fjal? p?r fjal? letra origjinale e vet? Grigor Kamon?s si m? posht? : "Pyes p?r +?shtjet q? kan? t? b?jn? me mua dhe k?rkoj nga ti si kryepeshkop p?rgjigje p?r +ka pyes, p?rgjigje q? t? jen? n? p?rputhje me ligjet shpres?tardash?se dhe kanun?t e shenjta hyjnore. Mora p?r grua vajz?n e t? Vdekurit sundimtar t? Arb?ris?, Gjinit, birit t? Progonit. Ajo u nda prej meje ligj?risht. Tani mora p?r grua Komnen?n, vajz? shum? fisnike... pas vdekjes s? bashk?shortit t? saj t? par?, t? ndjerit Dhimit?r, v?llait t? v?rtet? t? Gjinit. K?rkoj, pra, t? di n?se e kam b?r? pa difekt martes?n, apo kan? t? drejt? kund?rshtar?t e mij q? e quajn? at? t? paligjshme?" ?sht? hera e par? q? kemi nj? dokument t? till? n? historin? shqiptare. Kryezoti i Arb?ris? k?rkon arbitrazhin e kryepeshkopit t? Ohrit. Letra arsyetuese dhe analizuese e kryepeshkopit p?r martesat e lejuara dhe ato t? ndaluara ?sht? nj? kryevep?r juridike. Analiza e kryepeshkopit tregon se martesa e Grigorit me t? ven? e Dhimitrit nuk ?sht? fllig?shti n? gjak dhe n? kund?rshtim me ligjet kishtare, por e lejuar. Grigori, gruan e par? e kishte vajz?n e Gjinit, v?llan? e Dhimitrit. Me k?t? grua u nda. Gruaja e dyt? Komnena, e veja e Dhimitrit mund dhe lejohej t? martohej me Grigorin. Ky qe konkluzioni i kryepeshkopit. Kryepeshkopi Kamatjoni ka dhe nj? let?r t? gjat? drejtuar peshkopit t? Kruj?s, q? p?rb?n nj? duel juridik dhe teologjik p?r t? konfirmuar drejt?sin? e pushtetit t? shtetit t? Arb?rit. Familja dinastike e shtetit t? Arberit ka patur stem?n e saj heraldike. Kjo stem? ruhet ende dhe sot. N? Muzeun Historik Komb?tar ruhet nj? dokumenti jasht?zakonsh?m mbishkrimi n? latinisht i gjetur n? G?zhiq t? Mirdit?s, ku lexohen emrat e Progronit dhe t? Dhimitrit. Ky mbishkrim i gjat? n? latinisht ?sht? p?rkthyer ne shqip dhe ?sht? studjuar nga Dhimit?r Shuteriqi, Injac Zamputi etj. Ky mbishkrim ka dhe stem?n heraldike, q? p?rfaq?sohet nj? nj? shqiponj? m? nj? kok? me krah?t e ngritura sip?r. Nuk e dim? deri m? sot mbiemrin e familjes dinastike arb?reshe. Dim? se stem?n heraldike me shqiponj?n me nj? kok? ka qen? n? shekujt e m?vonsh?m stema tipike e princ?rve shqiptar? e familjes s? dukagjin?ve.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug  1 21:19:23 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 18:19:23 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dhimitri i Arberit / Gazeta Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20010802011923.31118.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


Dhimitri i Arb?rit
dhe pasardh?sit e tij
Martesat e Mesjet?s, aletatet p?r nj? Shtet autonom. Historia e trash?gimis? e t? par?ve t? tyre


Gjeneza e shtetit tek shqiptar?t ?sht? ende e pastudjuar si+ duhet. Koncepti shtet?ror parakupton nj? nivel t? lart? t? bashk?jetes?s s? nj? komuniteti, ku principi zot?rues dhe drejtues ka struktur? hierarkike, ku pushteti politik buron nga pron?sia ekonomike. N? t? v?rtet? gjeneza e shtetit shqiptar humbet mbrapsh n? mesjet?n e hershme dhe duhen b?r? hulumtime gati t? barazvlefshme si hulumtimet, q? b?jm? p?r t? k?rkuar shkrimet shqipe p?rpara Gjon Buzukut. Metaforikisht mund t? themi se etapa "parabuzukuiane" e shtetit shqiptar ka mbetur e mbuluar nga nj? mister i madh. 

Por logjika e historicitetit dhe krahasimi i ngritur mbi analogjit? na krijojn? instrumentet e zbulimit dhe t? identifikimit p?r historin? fillestare t? shtetit shqiptar. Dy jan? p?rmasat orientuese dhe ballafaquese. E para struktura multietnike dhe universale e perandoris? bizantine, q? p?rfshinte edhe trojet e shqiptar?ve dhe e dyta degamet, luftrat konfliktuale, p?rplasjet e Lindjes me Per?ndimin, kryq?zatat e famshme por dhe kund?rsulmet e bizantin?ve q? b?n? t? mundur krijimin e segmenteve shtet?ror? lokal?, here her? t? p?rkohsh?m por gjithsesi mjaft t? r?nd?sishme n? pik?pamje t? m?veht?sis?. ?sht? pik?risht substanca bizantine plot l?vizje dhe shp?rthime t? brendshme, q? ka b?r? t? mundur shfaqjen n? shekujt e mesjet?s edhe t? shtetit shqiptar si pasoje e nj? force centrifugale apo decentralizimit t? shtetit q?ndror perandorak. Dijm? nga historia se n? 10 vje+arin e fundit t? shek.XII kishte n? Arb?ri nj? pushtetar vendas nj? shtetar i plotfuqish?m me emrin Progon, q? p?rmendet si "arkond" (sundimtar i madh), n? vitet 1190-1199. Nuk dihet asgj? konkrete p?r sundimin e tij apo b?mat juridike dhe pushtetare. Dokumentet tregojn? se kishte dy djem Gjinin dhe Dhimitrin. Po q?ndra e shtetit t? Progonit ku qe? Meqen?se Kruja ishte n? k?t? lak kohor selia e peshkopat?s s? Arb?ris? mund t? mendojm? se Kruja ka qen? edhe kryeqyteti i shtetit t? Progonit. Peshkopata e Kruj?s ishte e varur nga Kisha e Lindjes. Progoni vdes m? 1199, pushtetin n? Arb?ri e merr djali i tij i madh Gjini. Nga dokumentet sundimi kronologjik i Gjinit zgjatet deri m? 1208. Nd?rkoh? kishte ndodhur nj? ngjarje me r?nd?si bot?rore. N? vitin 1204, Papa i Rom?s, Inocenti i III, organizoi kryq?zat?n e IV,e cila me rolin vendimtar t? Republik?s s? Venedikut dhe t? perandorit gjerman Enriku i IV, n? vend q? t? drejtohej kund?r mysliman?ve "t? pabes?" p?r +lirimin "Vendit t? Shenjt?" u sul kund?r Konstandinopoj?s, p?r ta pjestuar at? n? fragmente shtetesh t? rinj. M? 1204 kryqtar?t evropian? pushtuan Kostandinopoj?n. Perandoria bizantine u shemb. U krijuan disa shtete t? r?ja si Perandoria Latine e Lindjes dhe Perandoria e Nikes?. Venediku m? 1205, pushtoi Durr?sin dhe krijoi shtetin e quajtur "Dukati i Durr?sit", q? zuri vendin e them?s s? vjet?r bizantine. Dukati i Durr?sit kishte n? kufi shtetin e Arb?ris?. Gjini si zoti i Arb?ris? e ndjeu rrezikun dhe p?r t'ju kund?rv?n? Venedikut b?ri nj? veprimtari t? madhe diplomatike duke krijuar aleanca t? reja, q? n? mesjet? konsolidoheshin me an? t? martesave. K?shtu despoti i Epirit, i quajtur Mihal ?ngj?ll Komneni u martua me nj? vajz? fisnike arb?reshe nga Durr?si, n? lidhje krushqie me Gjinin. V?llai i Gjinit Dhimitri i Arb?rit u martua me Komnen?n, vajza e Stefan Nemanj?s, mbreti i Serbis?. Gjini vdiq m? 1208. Pushtetin e trash?goi i v?llai, Dhimitri. Ky kalim i sundimin n? form?n e trash?gimit ?sht? koncept i qart? shtet?ror q? parakupton ekzistenc?n e dinastis? arb?reshe, q? ne e njohim n? tri breza. 


Dinastia n?n "hijen" e Dhimitrit
Dhimitri i Arb?rit arriti shk?lqimin m? t? madh t? shtetit dhe luajti rol t? jasht?zakonsh?m duke u marr? n? konsiderat? nga shtetet fqinje si nj? "magnus arkond" (sundimtar i madh). Pra ishte kryezoti i Arb?ris?. Dhimitri mbante titullin : "Pan hipersevast", titull q? e mbanin vet?m mbret?rit autonom?, por q? kishin lidhje familjare me perandor?t bizantin?. Gruaja e Dhimitrit qe nj?koh?sisht edhe mbesa e perandorit bizantin Aleksi i III ?ngj?lli. Dhimitri u njoh si kryezot i Arb?ris? edhe nga vet? Papa Inocenti i III. N? nj? let?r, q? Papa i d?rgonte Dhimitrit m? 1208 e quante k?t? kryezot "Nobili Viro Demetrio arbanesi principi" d.m.th. "burr? fisnik, princ i arb?resh?ve". M? 1909 Papa n? nj? let?r t? dyt? e quan at? me nj? titull akoma m? t? lart? juridik "Judex" d.m.th. "Gjykat?si i arb?resh?ve". N? krye t? shtetit t? Arb?ris? Dhimitri u konfliktua me Venedikun. Dhimitri k?rkoi ndihm?n e Pap?s s? Rom?s, q? n? k?t? koh? qe prishur me Republik?n e Venedikut dhe inocenti i tret? i premtoi ndihm?n e tij n?se shk?puteshin arb?resh?t nga riti lindor ortodoks dhe shndrroheshin n? katolik?. Dhimitri b?ri nj? p?rpjekje origjinale diplomatike : firmosi Traktatin e Paqes m? 1210 me Republik?n e Raguz?s, q? ?sht? dhe i pari dokument diplomatik shqiptar q? njohim deri m? sot. N? k?t? traktat, q? p?r fat t? mir? ?sht? edhe i p?rkthyer ne gjuh?n shqipe, Dhimitri p?rmend emrat e fisnik?ve shqiptar? t? asaj kohe, t? cil?t i quan "hominen mei" (njer?zit e mi). Politika paq?sore me aleat?t e till? si despotati i Epirit dhe Republika e Raguz?s, q? realizoi Dhimitri e tronditi Venedikun. Por Dhimitri i rrezistoi intrigave venedikase. M? 1213 Dhespoti Epirit, Mihal ?ngj?ll Komneni, duke shfryt?zuar kryengritjen e fisnik?ve arb?resh? q? shp?rtheu ne Durr?s e pushtoi Dukatin e Durr?sit. 


Trash?gimia...n? munges? t? birit t? Dhimitrit
Dhimitri i Arb?ris? vdiq m? 1216. Me sa duket nuk pati trash?gimtar?. Doli k?shtu n? rend t? dit?s +?shtja e trash?gimis? s? kreut t? shtetit. Kjo +?shtje e trash?gimis? u problematizua skajsh?m. U gjet nj? modus vivendi juridike dhe politike p?r t? rregulluar k?naqsh?m vijim?sin? e trash?gimis?. Gruaja e ve e Dhimitrit, Komnena, q? mbante t? drejt?n e trash?gimis? s? shtetit t? Arb?rit n? vij? fem?rore, u martua me nj? bujar arb?resh, t? quajtur Grigor Kamona, q? zuri vendin e Dhimitrit si kryezot i Arb?ris?. Grigori p?rjetoi dekadenc?n dhe tat?pjet?n e shtetit t? Arb?ris?. N? vitet 1216-1253 shteti i Arb?ris? u shkel disa her? nga Despotati i Epirit, Perandoria e Nikes? dhe Mbret?ria Bullgare,q? qen? n? nj? luft? heraklikane me nj?a-tjetr?n.


M? 1253 n? Arb?ri p?rmendet nj? sundimtar me emrin Gulam, dh?nd?ri i Grigor Kamon?s, i cili e kish trash?guar sundimin e Arb?ris? me an?n e martes?s s? tij me bij?n e Komnen?s dhe t? Grigorit. Princi Gulam, kryezot i Arb?ris? pati nj? veprimtari diplomatike t? +udit?shme dhe u ngat?rua me luft?rat dhe grindjet e shteteve t? tjer?, her? me zot?rit e Despotit t? Epirit, her? me ata t? Perandoris? s? Nikes?. M? 1255 pushteti i pavarur i shtetit t? Arb?rit ?sht? rrenuar, por jehona e tradit?s s? Arb?ris? jeton akoma. Bujar?t arb?resh? k?rkonin me domosdo nj? shtet shqiptar pavar?sisht nga sigla e em?rtimit. M? 21 shkurt 1272 Karli i I Anzhu n? marr?veshje me fisnik?t arb?resh? krijoi shtetin q? e quajti Regnum Albaniae d.m.th. Mbret?ria e Arb?ris?. Ky shtet p?rfshinte territoret n? trek?nd?shin Durr?s- Berat- Vlor?. Kryeq?ndra e Mbret?ris? s? Arb?ris? u b? Durr?si. Por Arb?ria anzhuine ?sht? nj? tem? tjet?r m? vehte e studimit. Un? dua m? tep?r t? flas p?r dinastin? arbereshe t? shtetit t? Arb?rit, si nj? nga familjet e m?dha n? historin? e vendit ton? n? t? gjitha koh?rat.


Martesat p?r nj? arb?ri autonome
Arb?ria, sidomos n? koh?n e Dhimitrit, arriti nj? nivel t? lart?. Dhimitri krijoi nj? shtet autonom duke shfryt?zuar padyshim martesat si aleanc?. Af?rsisht kur Dhimitri i Arb?rit u martua me Komnen?n mbes?n e perandorit bizantin, Aleksi i III, edhe nj? tjet?r strateg shqiptar i quajtur Leon Skurra, q? sh?rbente n? zon?n e Korintit u martua me mbes?n e Komnen?s, q? quhej Eudokia. Aleksi III i dha Leon Skurr?s titullin e lart? Despot, q? n? hierarkin? e titujve bizantin? vinte i dyti pas perandorit. Historiani shqiptar P?llumb Xhufi b?n nj? pyetje tep?r interesante: A mund t? mendohet n? baz? t? k?tyre martesave paralele t? Dhimitrit t? Arb?rit dhe strategut Leon Skurra p?rkat?sisht me mbes?n dhe vajz?n e perandorit bizantin se ata i p?rkisnin t? nj?jt?s familje? Ruhet nj? koleksion dokumentesh mjaft interesante, q? lidhen me familjen e sundimtar?ve t? shtetit t? Arb?rit. Kur vdiq Dhimitri Grigor Kamona u martua me t? ven? e tij Komnen?n. Grigori para se sa t? martohej me t? ven? e Dhimitrit kishte patur p?r grua vajz?n e v?llait t? k?tij, Gjinit, q? kish qen? sundimtar i Arb?ris? m? 1199-1208. Ardhja n? pushtet e Grigorit ngjalli kund?rshtime n? gjirin e bujar?ve feudal?. Shpreh?s i k?tyre kund?rshtimeve u b? peshkopi i Kruj?s, i cili me argumentet juridike dhe teologjike u mundua t? pengonte martes?n e Grigorit me Komnen?n, duke th?n? se ajo binte ndesh m? t? drejt?n kanonike. Grigori u mb?shtet fuqish?m nga kryepeshkopi shum? i ditur Ohrit, Dhimit?r Komatjani. Me k?t? rast ne njohim disa letra shum? t? r?nd?sishme me analiza t? mrekullueshme p?r martes?n e Grigorit me Komnen?n. Letra e Dhimit?r Komatjonit d?rguar Grigor Kamon?s m? 1215 ?sht? interesante. N? letr?n e kryepeshkopit jepet fjal? p?r fjal? letra origjinale e vet? Grigor Kamon?s si m? posht? : "Pyes p?r +?shtjet q? kan? t? b?jn? me mua dhe k?rkoj nga ti si kryepeshkop p?rgjigje p?r +ka pyes, p?rgjigje q? t? jen? n? p?rputhje me ligjet shpres?tardash?se dhe kanun?t e shenjta hyjnore. Mora p?r grua vajz?n e t? Vdekurit sundimtar t? Arb?ris?, Gjinit, birit t? Progonit. Ajo u nda prej meje ligj?risht. Tani mora p?r grua Komnen?n, vajz? shum? fisnike... pas vdekjes s? bashk?shortit t? saj t? par?, t? ndjerit Dhimit?r, v?llait t? v?rtet? t? Gjinit. K?rkoj, pra, t? di n?se e kam b?r? pa difekt martes?n, apo kan? t? drejt? kund?rshtar?t e mij q? e quajn? at? t? paligjshme?" ?sht? hera e par? q? kemi nj? dokument t? till? n? historin? shqiptare. Kryezoti i Arb?ris? k?rkon arbitrazhin e kryepeshkopit t? Ohrit. Letra arsyetuese dhe analizuese e kryepeshkopit p?r martesat e lejuara dhe ato t? ndaluara ?sht? nj? kryevep?r juridike. Analiza e kryepeshkopit tregon se martesa e Grigorit me t? ven? e Dhimitrit nuk ?sht? fllig?shti n? gjak dhe n? kund?rshtim me ligjet kishtare, por e lejuar. Grigori, gruan e par? e kishte vajz?n e Gjinit, v?llan? e Dhimitrit. Me k?t? grua u nda. Gruaja e dyt? Komnena, e veja e Dhimitrit mund dhe lejohej t? martohej me Grigorin. Ky qe konkluzioni i kryepeshkopit. Kryepeshkopi Kamatjoni ka dhe nj? let?r t? gjat? drejtuar peshkopit t? Kruj?s, q? p?rb?n nj? duel juridik dhe teologjik p?r t? konfirmuar drejt?sin? e pushtetit t? shtetit t? Arb?rit. Familja dinastike e shtetit t? Arberit ka patur stem?n e saj heraldike. Kjo stem? ruhet ende dhe sot. N? Muzeun Historik Komb?tar ruhet nj? dokumenti jasht?zakonsh?m mbishkrimi n? latinisht i gjetur n? G?zhiq t? Mirdit?s, ku lexohen emrat e Progronit dhe t? Dhimitrit. Ky mbishkrim i gjat? n? latinisht ?sht? p?rkthyer ne shqip dhe ?sht? studjuar nga Dhimit?r Shuteriqi, Injac Zamputi etj. Ky mbishkrim ka dhe stem?n heraldike, q? p?rfaq?sohet nj? nj? shqiponj? m? nj? kok? me krah?t e ngritura sip?r. Nuk e dim? deri m? sot mbiemrin e familjes dinastike arb?reshe. Dim? se stem?n heraldike me shqiponj?n me nj? kok? ka qen? n? shekujt e m?vonsh?m stema tipike e princ?rve shqiptar? e familjes s? dukagjin?ve.



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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Aug  1 23:11:49 2001
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 23:11:49 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Macedonia peace envoys announce language deal
Message-ID: <bf.11c236b1.289a1ef5@aol.com>

Macedonia peace envoys announce language deal

By Philippa Fletcher

  
OHRID, Macedonia, Aug 1 (Reuters) - Western mediators in talks to end a 
five-month-old ethnic Albanian rebel insurgency in Macedonia announced a 
provisional agreement on Wednesday on the toughest issue -- the use of the 
Albanian language. 

"We have obtained today an agreement from the four political parties on the 
question of language," European Union peace envoy Francois Leotard said after 
talks between Macedonian and ethnic Albanian political leaders in southern 
Macedonia. 

"But this accord...hinges on the outcome of the political discussions, 
notably on the issue of the police," he told reporters. 

It was the first piece of positive news from several days of talks, which 
Leotard is mediating with U.S. envoy James Pardew. 

Just as it emerged, Macedonia's hawkish interior minister cast a shadow by 
saying the only way to resolve Macedonia's crisis was to defeat ethnic 
Albanian rebels militarily. 

"We should convince even the last optimist that the only optimistic option is 
to defeat the terrorists to achieve peace and we have enough force to cope 
with the terrorists," Ljube Boskovski said in televised remarks. 

But Defence Minister Vlado Buckovski said the insurgency had grown too big 
for Macedonia to crush just by force. 

"One should be objective, and now, when the crisis has escalated, it cannot 
be settled by force alone," he told an internal ministry magazine called 
Defence. 

DEAL AT THE WEEKEND? 

A Western source had earlier predicted a deal could be finalised at the 
weekend if there was an agreement on language. Some Albanian sources cast 
doubt over how solid the agreement was, indicating that the negotiations 
still had some way to go. 

In Brussels, NATO said its policy-making council was skipping its summer 
holiday in case a peace deal opened the way for Western military deployment 
to gather in rebels' weapons. 

A NATO official said the alliance could deploy within a few weeks provided 
that all parties respected the ceasefire, the authorities in Skopje accepted 
the NATO force and the modalities and timetable for the weapons handover were 
agreed. 

The NATO plan calls for 3,000 troops to deploy for a month to gather in 
weapons from ethnic Albanian rebels and then leave, but many defence experts 
regard the timetable as unrealistic and believe the alliance faces a 
long-term presence in Macedonia. 

A Western diplomat told Reuters Wednesday's breakthrough at the talks gave 
Albanian the status of official language in certain areas and under certain 
circumstances. Albanians make up about a third of Macedonia's two million 
population. 

"Macedonian remains the primary language used everywhere but Albanians now 
have the status of official language for their language. In areas where they 
make up 20 percent or more of the population, interaction with their 
government will be in Albanian," the diplomat said. 

Vlado Popovski, a Macedonian constitutional expert, said Albanians would be 
able to speak their language during plenary sessions of parliament but not in 
government. 

An Albanian source close to the talks said the Albanian side had made a 
concession on language in order to open the way for talks on other issues and 
reserved the right to withdraw its agreement on language if it was not 
satisfied with these. 

Another source, Xhevdet Nasusi, an expert from the biggest Albanian party, 
DPA, said the compromise only referred to certain aspects of the language 
issue. "So the language issue still can be considered an open case," he said 
by telephone. 

The most difficult of the issues still to be worked out is the police force, 
over which the Albanians want greater control. 

TALKS TO CONTINUE FRIDAY 

Leotard said talks would resume on Friday after a break on Thursday for a 
national holiday. 

"The atmosphere is good and you feel a sense of responsibility from all the 
participants," he told reporters. 

"This is very important for the future of Macedonia." 

Macedonia was the only republic to break away from the Yugoslav federation in 
the early 1990s without a shot being fired and the relatively good relations 
between Macedonians and Albanians had prompted optimism a deal could avert 
civil war. 

Asked what fall-back plans NATO had in case there was no deal and civil 
strife worsened, the NATO official said: "We don't have a Plan B. We are 
concentrating on only one plan. 

"It's not worth thinking about the black scenario. In Bosnia, maybe people 
thought too much about Plan B and as a result, a quarter of a million people 
died." 


From kbejko at hotmail.com  Fri Aug  3 09:28:47 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Fri, 03 Aug 2001 09:28:47 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dating customs of North American Aborigenes
Message-ID: <F87QzBxhJTANZwwPcMF0000f2cd@hotmail.com>

<this is an editorial from today's edition of the Wall St. Journal>

Girl Meets Boy

Birds do it. Bees do it. And so does that highly secretive species known as 
the American college student.

But just what exactly do they do and how do they do it? It's one of the 
perplexities of our culture's obsession with "tolerance" that we know more 
about the courtship and mating rituals of virtually every form of wildlife 
other than young men and women on campus. As a new study suggests, we ought 
to be paying more attention. Society has a stake in how its young people 
relate to one another.

"Hooking Up, Hanging Out and Looking for Mr. Right" is a survey of college 
women on their attitudes toward sexuality, dating, courtship and marriage 
conducted by the Institute for American Values for the Independent Women's 
Forum. The report is not for the faint-hearted. Parents with daughters in 
college should read ahead at their own risk.

First the good news. The survey finds that marriage is a major life goal for 
the overwhelming majority of college women. More surprising, given that the 
age of first marriage for women is now over 25, a majority would like to 
meet their future husbands in college. Also good news is that most think 
it's a bad idea to have a baby out of wedlock.

The bad news is that the overall context in which young women attend college 
today is thoroughly unsuitable for meeting these goals. Instead, the report 
found two extremes of "romantic" entanglement prevalent on campus. One 
extreme is "hooking up," aka "friends with benefits," and involves casual 
sex with no commitment. Although a minority of students engage in it -- the 
study found 40% of women had "hooked up" -- the practice has a huge impact 
on campus culture. Women don't like it, but they go along with it, believing 
they have little choice. The other extreme is "joined-at-the-hip" 
relationships, in which a young couple, usually without knowing each other 
very well, plunge into a sexual relationship and spend virtually all of 
their time together -- sleeping together, studying together, doing the 
laundry together.

Another finding is that "dating" -- in the traditional meaning of 
boy-asks-girl-out -- is virtually extinct. Instead, co-ed groups of young 
people "hang out" together in unstructured groups that leave women confused 
about what a young man's intentions might be. Even if a woman has sex with a 
guy, the women surveyed say they often don't know what to make of it. In 
such a case, the new etiquette leaves it to the woman to initiate something 
called "the talk" to find out if they are a couple. If the man says no, 
that's it. Sure, dating was hell, but this is progress? Whatever happened to 
female empowerment?

If all this sounds grim, consider the culture in which these confused young 
women exist. The message they hear from colleges and parents is to delay 
marriage and focus on their careers. In and of itself, that's not 
necessarily bad advice for a young woman, especially in an era when divorce 
can leave an unskilled wife in a precarious economic position. But at the 
same time, universities and parents are offering no guidance on how young 
women ought to comport themselves socially in the interim.

For possibly the first time in history, young women are left to make up the 
rules for themselves without older adult guidance. Parents, college 
administrators and health professionals have withdrawn from this role, the 
survey finds. While older adults are "willing to pass on information in the 
interest of protecting young people's physical health, [they] are largely 
and curiously silent when it comes to the deeper questions of love, 
commitment, and marriage."

So what is to be done? Here the report isn't of much help, except to say 
that young men need to take more initiative in dating and that parents and 
universities ought to support the creation of "updated social norms, rituals 
and relationship milestones." That's a lot more easily said than done, 
especially in an academic setting, where administrators have had three 
decades of experience in opening coed dorms and then closing their eyes to 
what goes on in them. In any event, this report is a good first step to 
explaining how the birds and the bees operate on campus these days and to 
understanding how parents and universities are failing young women.


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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Fri Aug  3 10:03:48 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Fri, 03 Aug 2001 10:03:48 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Xavier Raufer
Message-ID: <F196WiGtXsL1c00goZo000096c5@hotmail.com>

The Albanian Mafia

Xavier Raufer on Radio Netherlands



The ethnic Albanian rebels fighting in the hills of Macedonia are the 
paramilitary wing of an Albanian Mafia exporting drugs and trafficking 
humans to Europe and even further. That's according to research by a leading 
criminologist in France, Xavier Raufer. He says the home base of Albanian 
refugees from the Kosovo conflict is in these areas. This diaspora has 
secured a safe power base for the mafia to efficiently carry out its 
smuggling and human trafficking.

Xavier Raufer is the author of a book entitled 'The Albanian Mafia". In his 
view, there's no way to distinguish Albanian guerrillas from local mafia 
groups. They have the same mindset and share the same goals, he said in an 
interview with Radio Netherlands' Lorenza Bacino.

"There's not such a thing as rebels and militias on the one hand and the 
Albanian mafia on the other. In the Albanian world -- in Albania and in 
Kosovo and in the Albanian-populated part of Macedonia -- you have clans and 
in those clans you have a mix of young men fighting for the cause of 
national liberation, young men belonging to the mafia, young men driving 
their cousins or other girls from the village into prostitution. It's 
absolutely impossible to distinguish between them. They obey the same clans, 
they have the same logic, the same world view, and to discriminate between 
one guy who's one day selling heroin and the next day fighting in the 
mountains is absolutely impossible."

Political Alibi
Mr Raufer draws a comparison between the current ethnic turmoil in Macedonia 
and the recent situation in South Lebanon. In both cases, society is 
dominated by clans engaged in all sorts of criminal activity. In Mr Raufer's 
view, the claims by Albanian rebels that they are standing up for the rights 
of the ethnic Albanian minority in Macedonia is just an excuse for criminal 
activities.

"It may be true for half or one third of the day. In South Lebanon some 
years ago, when you asked those South Lebanese villagers: is this village 
Amal or Hizbollah, the guy would just laugh and say: the village is Amal by 
day and Hizbollah by night. In Albania, it's the same situation. You have to 
be as ignorant as Europe or NATO not to discover that. The guys are 
liberation fighters by day and sell heroin by night or vice versa. It's 
absolutely impossible to discriminate between the two activities."

Mafia Bastion
The recent fighting has concentrated around the western town of Tetovo. This 
comes as no surprise to Mr Raufer, who describes it as a key mafia bastion.

"It's of major importance. Each time the police or the foreign powers' 
intelligence in Kosovo (the US army, the British army and the French army 
each have their own intelligence) discover a mafia network, i.e. a network 
selling forbidden goods, like petrol to Yugoslavia when there is an embargo 
or selling prostitutes to Italy or selling heroin, you see that the head of 
the network is in Tetovo. It's extremely easy to understand why. This part 
of Macedonia is absolutely out of any type of regular control and it has 
been for years. The state of Macedonia is very feeble. It is not a strong 
power. It only has limited resources to maintain law and order in the part 
of Macedonia that's populated by ethnic Macedonians and no way at all of 
controlling the country's Albanian-populated areas. So, in Tetovo, they are 
free to do whatever they like, no one can arrest them."

International Ignorance
Meanwhile, the Macedonian government has launched an all-out offensive and 
there've been some bellicose statements from NATO and the international 
community. According to Mr Raufer, it shows that international bodies like 
the EU, the UN or NATO are hardly aware of the real situation on the ground.

"It's worse than that. In order to achieve even a modest success against 
criminalised guerrillas like the UCK, you don't need an army. An army is 
absolutely hopeless. A criminal society like the mafia is absolutely 
invincible. They don't show on any radar. You cannot see them. So, what you 
need is a "gendarmerie" or a police force of some 12,000 people, who know 
how to arrest criminals. You don't need an army of soldiers who are used to 
do battle with guns and tanks and planes."





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From svet at istnet.ru  Fri Aug  3 15:02:24 2001
From: svet at istnet.ru (Leonid Svetezky)
Date: Fri, 3 Aug 2001 23:02:24 +0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Help please, if you can...
Message-ID: <705227396.20010803230224@istnet.ru>

Hello albsa-info,

Dear Ladies and Gentelmen,
My name is Leonid Svetezky. I from city of Maikop, Republic Adygeja,
Russia,  the  Western Caucasus. My daughter Lena from two-year-old age
has  heavy  disease  of  kidneys  - glomerulonephritis. Not each adult
person  may  bear  all  that  Lena  for  long  years  of treatment has
transferred:   numerous   injections,   operations,   long   stay   in
reanimation,  but, nevertheless, she has grown the beautiful, cheerful
and clever girl.

She  wonderfully  sings,  takes  part  at  competitions and festivals,
receives  prize-winning  places,  study  in  musical  school. Lena the
sociable  girl,  she  have  a  lot  of friends. She likes and wants to
study.  She well makes it. But now she may not study. She may not live
in  native  walls  be  engaged  in music, go in school. She constantly
should  be  in  hospital  on  the  device of an artificial kidney. Now
because  of long treatment Lena had gentle vessels. 18 times under the
general  narcosis  for  her  put  a  catheter  for  realization  of  a
haemodialysis,  but  vessels  do  not  hold  it. One exit from created
position  - transition on expensive peritonial a dialysis for the term
of more year.

One month peritonial a dialysis for Lena costs about 1500 $. My salary
-  50  $ per one month. The wife worked as the tutor of a kindergarten
and  the  teacher  of  initial classes, but three years is on physical
inability.  All of us three together live on my salary. The pension of
the wife and Lena are completely spent for medicines.

I  very  much hope, that there are people which will help with ours to
mountain.  I have nobody to address, except for unfamiliar sympathetic
people.  You  too  have  children and, probably, understand me - it is
necessary  to help the child, he should live and be healthy, but money
is  not  present! Life and health of my child now depend on your help!
Please, do not leave Lena in mountain, do not give her to die!

God bless you.

Sincerely,
Leonid Svetezky, Maikop, Republic of Adygeja, Russia
mailto:svet at istnet.ru

-----------------------------------------------------------
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Amount: xx.00 USD
INTERMEDIARY BANK
BANKERS TRUST COMPANY, NEW YORK; S.W.I.F.T.: BKTRUS33
BENEFICIARY BANK
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Acc.: 19408054570 IMTB INC., CHARLESTOWN
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For AGREEMENT ? (dd/mm/2001)



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Aug  3 19:10:24 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 3 Aug 2001 16:10:24 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Yugoslav Jews Targeted
Message-ID: <20010803231024.78851.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


 
  Note: forwarded message attached. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Aug  3 22:40:55 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 3 Aug 2001 19:40:55 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Independent on Butrint
Message-ID: <20010804024055.80076.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>


The Independent (London) 

August 4, 2001, Saturday 
First Edition; FEATURES; Pg. 1 



ANCIENT STONES, BURIED MEMORIES; 
 BUTRINT IN ALBANIA IS ONE OF THE LEAST KNOWN AND LEAST SPOILT ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. HERE, ANCIENT GREEK, ROMAN AND BYZANTINE REMAINS ARE PILED IN LAYERS OF STRATIFIED HISTORY, UNDERPINNED BY A TROJAN LEGEND. HAMISH MCRAE FELL UNDER ITS SPELL 

Hamish Mcrae 



In the dark days after the sacking of Troy, Helenus, the seer-son of King Priam, was brought as a prisoner by the son of Achilles to the Adriatic coastal region of Greece that lay between the Ambracian Gulf and Illyria. Today, that area is better known as Albania. And at its southernmost tip, on the coast immediately opposite the Greek island of Corfu, is the site of Butrint, the city where, according to tradition, Helenus eventually ruled with his wife and former sister-in-law, Andromache. 

It is an exotic legend, and the fact that the site is only a couple of hours by ferry and taxi from Corfu must make it one of the most exotic day-trips that holiday-makers can take anywhere in Europe. Better still, stay a night or two and explore a fascinating, rough, puzzling, charming country that was until recently, in effect, closed to foreigners. 

A day gives you a glimpse of Saranda, the little port where the Corfu ferries dock, and a few hours at Butrint set in a new national park 15 miles to the south. With a couple of days to spare you could take in a concert in the Greek theatre which after some 2,500 years is still in use and really absorb the atmosphere of Saranda before it becomes too developed. 

Saranda may appear dusty and rough when you get off the ferry, but it is fast becoming one of Albania's most fashionable resorts. You step off the boat, and get into one of the elderly Mercedes taxis, and bounce along the rutted roads past unfinished apartment blocks. Then suddenly just as you start to wonder what you've got yourself into, you are in a glitzy bar overlooking the sea, with Corfu shimmering in the distance and feeling that life does not come much better. 

For Albania is still to some extent awaking from a Communist enchantment, in the form of a half-century slumber. On the one hand, capitalist consumerism is evident and the roads are populated by nearly new Mercedes and BMWs (Albania is the home of Europe's stolen car fleet). On the other, there are memories of the Hoxha Communist dictatorship: little pillbox fortifications dot the landscape. 

Geographically, the country is varied. Go over the mountains, pass the flocks of wandering sheep, and you have left the warm Mediterranean for the wonderful medieval city of Gjirokaster, a couple of hours' drive away. 

You are conscious always of moving backwards and forwards through landscapes and time. One minute we were bumping along a mountain track with people cutting hay with scythes and riding bullock carts. Half an hour later we were sipping a gin and tonic at a swish restaurant overlooking the Med. (The Albanians are good on the gin front by the way - no messing about with optics, they just slosh it in.) 

That evening we went to a folk festival in the Greek theatre, where a hundred or so musicians demonstrated different kinds of traditional music. I now know that Albanian bagpipes, unlike the Scottish variety, have only one drone. 

Later still we were back in Saranda, sitting next to the minister of culture, who had come down for the festival, having dinner on long tables in the village square, as the Albanian version of line-dancers wound their way among us. (Much, much later, it was the Africa Club disco, and more G&Ts, on the waterside under a starlit sky.) 

And it is not just the contrasts but also the rate of change. You see a country moving with astonishing speed from one way of life to another. Wait a few years and the scythes and bullock carts will be gone, and Albania will be pretty much like the other countries that fringe the Med. 

And Butrint? As John Julius Norwich, the scholar of Byzantine history, wrote: "Of all the great classical sites of the Mediterranean, Butrint is the least known, the least frequented and the least spoilt." Here you will catch a feeling for the way in which Europe's culture and history has been created, layer on layer, over 3,000 years. 

Its story is also unfolding before your eyes, for the archaeologists have been hard at work. The main team is an Anglo-Albanian one, part funded by the London -based Butrint Foundation. The Greek theatre is understandably the most stunning of the buildings and the one in current use. 

But the particular excitement this year is the next stage of excavation of a vast, early Byzantine complex called the Triconch Palace. During our visit, they were trying to figure out why work was apparently abandoned before a big rebuilding programme was finished at the beginning of the sixth century AD. Perhaps by now they may even have discovered the answer. 

The site is so big (about 100 acres) and there are so many layers of history that it is hard in one visit to figure out what was built when. In the Aeneid, Virgil has Aeneas describe it as looking like a miniature Troy: 

I saw before me Troy in miniature, 

A slender copy of our massive tower 

The Roman poet himself would have been aware of Butrint, as the region was the scene of the civil war between Mark Antony and Octavian, later the emperor Augustus and, of course, Virgil's patron. The Crusaders came here, the Despots ruled here as did the Venetians and the Ottomans. The Butrint Foundation publishes an excellent guide that you can buy at the kiosk. 

As you become familiar with the site, you start to feel irritated by the Roman builders who "improved" the theatre by adding a new brick back wall which spoils the lines of the Greek stonework. Large parts of the site are still to be excavated, and you feel the tantalising possibility that you are standing on some hidden architectural gem or a vital piece of an archaeological jigsaw. Perhaps some artefact will be unearthed confirming the legend and proving that it really was the Trojans who came here to create a new kingdom. The earliest pottery fragments found so far date back to 800BC. 

If you are lucky you might get to meet the head of the park, Auron Tare. Refreshingly, the local office of the Butrint National Park sees its job as helping to make sure that visitors are looked after by local people who are committed to the development of the region. They will organise local guides, trekking and so on. 

This is not regular tourist territory so there will be an element of adventure. The region has been in contention for much of its history and there are a lot of AK47s around. I was told that occasionally the locals let off a few rounds at night. But while Albania has a justified reputation for crime this is not directed against visitors. 

As far as I could judge, the place is extremely safe, particularly for anyone connected with the dig. Think of yourself as a guest, not a tourist, and you will be treated with courtesy. 

The sight of high Phaeacia 

soon we lost, 

And skimm'd along Epirus' 

rocky coast. 

Then to Chaonia's port our 

course we bend, 

And, landed, to Buthrotus' 

heights ascend. 

Here wondrous things were 

loudly blaz'd fame: 

How Helenus reviv'd the 

Trojan name 

Virgil, Aeneid, Book III 

Travellers' Guide 

Getting there: 

For a one-day tour contact the Corfu-based company Betrakis (0030 661 38690) which organises trips for about pounds 39 (including hydrofoil, port taxes and site visit). You can book in the UK through Rediscover the World (08707 406 306). If you would like to stay longer, The Travel Professionals (01372 478 740) can tailor-make trips to Butrint and Saranda. 

To travel independently, catch the Mimosa ferry that leaves Corfu Town at 8.30am from the new port by the Atlantis Hotel (which provides ferry timetables). The ferry takes a couple of hours. You can buy a visa on the boat at Saranda ($ 10).To take a taxi from the jetty to Butrint and back should not cost more than $ 30. Take lots of small-denomination dollars: the local currency is the leke, but most currencies are accepted. 

Further information: 

Guidebooks from Butrint Foundation (020-7493 8111, e-mail: butrintfound @dial.pipex.com; www.butrintfound. dial.pipex.com/). The Butrint office is at the National Park (00 355 732.4600; email: visitbutrint at albonline.net) 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Aug  4 08:02:15 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 4 Aug 2001 05:02:15 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Orthodox Conference and Mass in Greek & Albanian / Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20010804120215.87240.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

Perurohet Shen Vlashi

Durres - Perurohet kisha e Shen Vlashit ne Durres nga kryepeshkopi Anastas. Perurimi i kesaj kishe te kthyer ne simbol per besimtaret e krishtere ka perkuar me 9 vjetorin e fronesimit si kryepeshkop i Tiranes, Durresi dhe te gjithe Shqiperise i fortlumturise se tij kryepeshkopit Anastas. Me rastin e kesaj ngjarjeje u organizua dhe nje meshe festive e udhehequr nga kryepeshkopi i Shqiperise. Mesha u degjua ne te dyja gjuhet, shqip dhe greqisht. Ne meshen dhe ceremonine e organizuar moren pjese klerike dhe besimtare delegate ne konferencen e trete kleriko-laike te ortodoksise. Kjo konference treditore e zhvilluar ne ambjentet e manastirit te Shen Vlashit ne fshatin qe mban emrin e shenjtit Vlash, dje shenoi dhe diten e fundit te saj. Delegatet ishin nga te gjitha qytetet e Shqiperise, te perzgjedhur nga kishat orthodokse te rretheve perkatese. Ne konference eshte diskutuar midis te tjerash per nje organizim me te mire struktural t` kishes orthodokse. 

V.Qyrfyci 

08/04/2001



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Aug  6 22:13:31 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 6 Aug 2001 19:13:31 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per kontrabanden ne Shqiperi / Gazeta Shqiptare
Message-ID: <20010807021331.80595.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


Greqia fsheh t? dh?nat
p?r kontraband?n


TIRANE 

Greqia u thot? "stop" hetimeve p?r kontraband?n, nisur nj? vit m? par? nga Prokuroria e P?rgjithshme Shqiptare. Organet kompetente t? k?tij vendi hezitojn? t? dor?zojn? dokumentet origjinale p?r mallrat q? kalojn? tranzit nga Shqip?ria n? Greqi dhe anasjelltas. Lajmi konfirmohet nga burime t? organit qendror t? akuz?s. Specialist?t e akuz?s pohojn? se kan? nj? vit q? i k?rkojn? pal?s greke dokumentet origjinale p?r eksportin e mallrave t? till? si: kafe, pije t? shtrenjta alkoolike dhe cigare, pasi dyshohet p?r nj? aktivitet kontraband? midis dy vendeve, i cili i kushton miliona dollar? shtetit shqiptar. Mir?po hapja e defter?ve nuk i intereson pal?s greke, e cila p?rfiton nga ky lloj shk?mbimi t? pakontrolluesh?m mallrash me vendin ton?.



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From mentor at alb-net.com  Tue Aug  7 07:13:09 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Tue, 7 Aug 2001 07:13:09 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] Macedonians, ethnic Albanians clear way for peace accord; Skopje
 raid casts shadow over [peace] talks
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.33.0108070711280.22849-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

---------------------------------------------------------------------

                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
  
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
  

1. Skopje raid casts shadow over [peace] talks (7 August, 2001)

      US envoy James Pardew told the BBC he was very disappointed by
      the Macedonian demands.
      "They need to think seriously about what they did," he said.

2. Macedonians, ethnic Albanians clear way for peace accord (6 August, 2001)

      Macedonian and ethnic Albanian political leaders cleared the way
      for a peace accord in Macedonia, resolving the main remaining
      sticking point in attempts to avert a new Balkan war.

##### (1) #####

http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/newsid_1476000/1476940.stm
Tuesday, 7 August, 2001, 09:21 GMT 10:21 UK

Skopje raid casts shadow over talks

Bloodshed has continued despite peace talks Five ethnic Albanians rebels
have been killed in a police raid in the Macedonian capital, Skopje, the
country's interior minister reported on Tuesday.

The dawn operation - the first of its kind in the capital - came hours
after a tentative peace deal with the ethnic Albanians was put on hold when
the Macedonian Government added extra demands at the last minute.

The deal had been reached after days of hard bargaining at talks near the
resort of Lake Ohrid. The most divisive issues - the status of the Albanian
language and policing - had been resolved, but the Macedonian Government
then demanded a timetable for rebel disarmament.

As international attempts to breathe life back into the peace talks
continued in Ohrid, news of the police raid in Skopje was given by Interior
Minister Ljube Boskovski.

He told the French news agency AFP that the raid took place in the suburb
of Bergino at 0500 (0300GMT) on Tuesday. The suburb is populated mainly by
ethnic Albanians.

He said a rebel commander known as "Teli" was among those killed.

If confirmed, the deaths will be the first in the capital since the
conflict began in February.

Most of the violence has been confined to northern towns and villages,
where the rebels have their strongholds, although the rebels have held some
territory outside Skopje.

The government demand for a timetable for rebel disarmanent came from Prime
Minister Ljubco Georgievski, who said the deal was off unless the extra
condition was met.

The disarmament is scheduled to be supervised by Nato, and the organisation
says it cannot give an exact timetable for disarmament.

A force of 3,500 Nato troops is ready to be deployed in the country when a
peace deal has been finalised.

US envoy James Pardew told the BBC he was very disappointed by the
Macedonian demands.

"They need to think seriously about what they did," he said.

He added that he hoped that no one was trying to undermine the whole
process, saying that the deadlock could be partly due to "signing jitters".

Neither the rebels nor the international community could accept the
government demands for a ceasefire timetable, he said, because they were an
attempt to link a political deal to a military one, for which international
mediators had no mandate.

The rebels say they are fighting for better rights, but they have been
accused of wanting to split some ethnic Albanian areas from the rest of
Macedonia.


##### (2) #####

http://sg.news.yahoo.com/010805/1/1a71n.html
Monday August 6, 6:34 AM

Macedonians, ethnic Albanians clear way for peace accord

Macedonian and ethnic Albanian political leaders cleared the way for a
peace accord in Macedonia, resolving the main remaining sticking point in
attempts to avert a new Balkan war.

"Both the Albanians and Macedonians have accepted the content of the
document that they have negotiated with our help," the European Union's
foreign policy chief Javier Solana said, after brokering the deal on the
crucial issue of police reform in areas of the country mainly inhabited by
ethnic Albanians.

The agreement late on Sunday by the two sides at internationally mediated
talks means that the major sticking points have now been cleared away and
the two sides can move to tying up the loose ends of an overall peace deal.

The two sides will meet again early Monday to finalise the details of a
comprehensive peace accord.

Once the peace accord has been signed NATO peacekeepers will sweep into the
former Yugoslav republic, disarming rebels who have been carrying out an
insurgency over minority rights, fighting Macedonian forces in the
northwestern hills since February.

The ethnic Albanian rebels of the National Liberation Army were not at the
negotiating table, and whether peace sticks largely depends on how they
view the accord.

Shortly after Solana's announcement, two loud explosions were heard near
the tinderbox northwestern town of Tetovo, close to territory controlled by
ethnic Albanian rebels engaged in a six-month-old rebellion.

Government spokesmen could not be immediately contacted to give details of
the explosions. The talks, which move into their ninth day on Monday, were
originally scheduled to be held in Tetovo, but moved to Ohrid because of
the security situation around the northwestern town, which has borne the
brunt of heavy fighting during the uprising.

Solana urged the people of Macedonia to accept the chance for peace, saying
he had been impressed by the beauty of the country.

"All the efforts will be useless if the people of the country do not want
to forget the past and look forward," he said.

He said the international community wanted to create a Macedonia which is
"stable, prosperous and democratic, and has a European perspective."

The issue of the police was at the heart of rebel demands, as it concerns
policing in the very areas where they had carried out their insurgency.

Ethnic Albanians form up to one third of the two million inhabitants in
Macedonia, living mainly in the north of the country on the border with
Kosovo and in the west near Albania.

The talks had been overshadowed by pressure, as a fragile July 5 truce had
been marked by sporadic attacks.

Last week, as talks dragged on, the Skopje government also started to talk
tough, saying it was ready to use military force to drive out the rebels
from the positions they have occupied in the country.

Ethnic Albanians had demanded at the talks that the police make-up be
proportional to the country's ethnic divide.

Under Sunday's deal an extra 1,000 ethnic Albanian police officers will be
taken on in two stages over 2002 and 2003. When these are added to ethnic
Albanians already in the police, they will make up 23 percent of the
national police force.

The other major sticking point, the status of the Albanian language in the
country, was resolved last week.

________________________________________________
To unsubscribe from this list visit:
http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Aug  7 11:59:28 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 7 Aug 2001 08:59:28 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Job in Kosova
Message-ID: <20010807155928.96451.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>

ECMI Regional Representative  Pristina, Kosovo

The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is seeking a
Regional Representative to head its local office in Pristina,
Kosovo. The main duties of the Representative will be to oversee
all aspects of implementing the ECMI Kosovo Civil Society
Project, a permanent interethnic and inter-party forum dedicated
to fostering constructive dialogue amongst political party
representatives and across ethnic divides.

In addition to his/her project duties, the successful
applicant will also be expected to contribute to research and
analysis of Balkan issues as part of ECMI's evolving Balkan
strategy.

Candidates should have a solid academic background (preferably
educated to MA in an appropriate field) and have substantial
knowledge and/or experience in the region. Knowledge of
Albanian and/or Serbian would also be a distinct advantage.

The post is a full-time position for an initial period of
18 months. The provision of a competitive salary, a small
office allowance and the full-time support of our local
assistant is also foreseen.

For further details, please visit our website www.ecmi.de

Applications for this position should be submitted by email
attachment to Graham Holliday, Balkan Projects Coordinator
holliday at ecmi.de

The deadline for applications is 20 August 2001.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Aug  7 20:57:34 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 7 Aug 2001 17:57:34 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] 150 emigrante debohen / Korrieri
Message-ID: <20010808005734.65591.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

Greqi, vendasit debojne 150 emigrante shqiptare

Greqi, vendasit debojne 150 emigrante shqiptare


Ultimatumi per largimin e refugjateve shqiptare ne fshatin Lutra te ishullit te Mitilinise ka marre fund me debimin e tyre nga toka helene. Mase ekstreme, per te cilen qeveria greke ka mbajtur qendimin e vet, duke e konsideruar nje akt te tille te padrejte


Pas perfundimit te afatit per dorezimin e dokumentave per legalizimin, shume emigrante shqiptare jane debuar nga toka helene per mungese te lejeve te qendimit. Madje nuk kane munguar edhe rastet ekstreme kur gjithe emigrantet shqiptare, qe punonin ne nje fshat grek jane shpallur te padeshirueshem. Dhe jo vetem kaq, por me ane te nje ultimatumi te vete banoreve, refugjateve tane iu eshte kerkuar te largohen. Keshtu plot 150 emigrante jane larguar nga fshati Lutra ne ishullin e Mitilenes, pas ultimatumit vene nga banoret. Nderkohe qe per nje akt t etille ka patur reagime edhe nga qeveria greke. Sipas zedhenesit te saj, qeveria greke ka denuar aktin e fshatareve greke per debimin kete jave te emigranteve shqiptare nga fshati Lutra. Ne nje deklarate per shtyp dhene posacerisht me kete rast zedhenesi ka theksuar se "qeveria denon ekstremizmat dhe se cdo akt duhet te behet ne kuader te ligjshmerise dhe t'u bindet vendimeve te drejtesise. 


Debimi arbitrar i emigranteve shqiptare nuk perputhet dhe nuk e nderon nivelin kulturor te popullit tone. " eshte theksuar ne deklarate.


Debimi i refugjateve tane atje, eshte vendosur padrejtesisht edhe sipas vete autoriteteve greke, ku banoret te revoltuar jane shprehur ne shenje proteste per denimet, sipas tyre, te lehta ndaj kater shqiptareve qe para nje jave kishin rrahur portierin dhe klientet e nje bari. Pasi portieri nuk kishte pranuar qe ata te futeshin brenda ne bar. Kjo mase ka pasur edhe operacionet e vazhdueshme por jo te permasave masive te ndermarra nga policia helene, ndaj emigranteve te paligjshem, kryesisht atyre shqiptare. Vetem pak dite me pare, sipas Deutche Velles, behet e ditur se gjate dy javeve te fundit nga pika kufitare e Kakavijes jane kthyer rreth 7 mije emigrante shqiptare. Nderkohe, sipas BBC, mesohet se ne Greqi kane paraqitur kerkesen per legalizim rreth 351 mije emigrante te paligjshem, me shume se gjysma e tyre jane shtetas shqiptare. Ata tani presin te pajisen me nje leje te perkohshme qendrimi e pune, qe vlen per gjashte muaj, pas se ciles te gjithe perfituesit kane mundesi te pajisen edhe me karten e gjelber, nje shans me shume per garancine e qendimit te tyre atje. Qeveria greke deklarohet e kenaqur nga ecuria e fazes se pare te legalizimit, por nje organizate per solidaritetin me emigrantet thote se vetem 60 perqind e emigranteve te paligjshem munden te perfshiheshin ne proceduren e regjistrimit qe perfundoi ne fillim te muajit gusht.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Aug  7 20:58:48 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 7 Aug 2001 17:58:48 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Commentary on Macedonia / RFE-RL
Message-ID: <20010808005848.10758.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

C] END NOTE[31] PEACE TALKS SUCCESSFUL, CIVIL WAR INEVITABLE IN MACEDONIA?By Ulrich Buechsenschuetz 
EU envoy Francois Leotard announced in Ohrid on 1 August that the peace talks between the leaders of the main ethnic Macedonian and Albanian political parties produced a compromise on the use of the Albanian language in Macedonian state institutions. This was widely seen as a major breakthrough, but Leotard himself hurried to add that "this accord is conditional on the continuation of the political discussions, notably on the issue of the police. Therefore, it is a conditional agreement." 
Leotard's U.S. counterpart, James Pardew, was not willing to show too much optimism, either. According to AP, Pardew said: "This is a good deal for everyone, but I am not euphoric. There's a lot of tough work ahead. This is not the end of the negotiations." 
The two mediators were joined by Javier Solana, the EU's representative for foreign and security policy, who came to Macedonia on 5 August. After several meetings with the Macedonian and Albanian party leaders, he told a press conference that an agreement had been reached on the police issue, but did not give any details. 
Some Western as well as domestic observers, however, are becoming increasingly skeptical as to whether a negotiated peace will be stable and lasting, even if the negotiations should produce what looks like a workable compromise. There are too many open questions about whether and how any agreement reached by the political leaders can actually be implemented. 
First, it is unclear what role the National Liberation Army (UCK) will play after a peace agreement. Will the rebel organization accept an agreement that only the legally elected representatives of the Albanian minority have negotiated? Or will the UCK leadership start a new round of violent clashes because its original demands have not been met? 
It is clear that Arben Xhaferi of the Democratic Party of the Albanians (PDSH) and Imer Imeri of the Party for Democratic Prosperity (PPD) are in close contact with the guerrillas. The rebels, for their part, have placed immense pressure on Xhaferi and Imeri -- there are rumors that both party leaders were given silver bullets as a warning. Whether or not this is true, the Albanian negotiators are likely to try to avoid any conflict with the UCK. 
On the other hand, the Albanian population of Macedonia will most likely gain from any agreement, at least at first glance. The legal status of the minority will improve and their representation in state institutions will increase. But what about their future coexistence with their Macedonian neighbors, many of whom have become increasingly suspicious and resentful in recent months? The question is whether the Albanians' improvement in status will outweigh the long-term damage to interethnic relations. 
Second, there is no guarantee that any agreement can gain approval in the parliament. The current peace talks have been held under the auspices of President Boris Trajkovski and mediated by U.S. and EU envoys. The leaders of the four main ethnic Albanian and Macedonian political parties have been the main participants. But there is widespread criticism that neither the Macedonian parliament nor the smaller ethnic minorities have been included in the political dialogue. 
For his part, parliamentary speaker Stojan Andov of the Liberal Party, who is more of a hawk than a dove, said in his speech on the Ilinden national holiday on 2 August in Krusevo that the parliament will decide on any peace agreement only after the rebels' disarm. 
Third, there is no guarantee that the Macedonian public will accept any peace deal signed under pressure from armed rebels. In this respect, Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski's speech on 2 August was symptomatic. Speaking at Prohor Pcinjski monastery, he said: "I would like to point out that Macedonia has military equipment and capable soldiers and policemen, who are ready to restore the constitutional order in the country. Territorial integrity must be reestablished prior to the signing of any agreements, which have to be in the interest of the Republic of Macedonia." 
It is not clear whether by "military equipment and capable soldiers" he also meant the paramilitary formations that have recently been formed in Kicevo and Mavrovo. What is clear, however, is that Georgievski is well aware of the militant mood among broad sections of the ethnic Macedonian population. 
An opinion poll published by the Skopje bimonthly "Forum" on 27 July shows that some 61 percent of those interviewed -- including Macedonians, Albanians, and members of other minorities -- opt for a peaceful solution to the current crisis. But while a military solution does not have any support among the Albanian respondents, some 30 percent of the Macedonians preferred an armed conflict to a negotiated agreement. 
This finding was underscored by the answers given to the second question: "Would you [support] any action against the terrorists?" Some 83 percent of the Macedonians answered positively to this question. Thus, any military option triggered by hard-liners inside or outside the Macedonian government would likely find broad support among the population. 
If one accepts the results of this opinion poll as being representative of society as a whole, the future of Macedonian does not look very promising. Even if a civil war can be avoided, the country will remain divided along ethnic lines. 
Here again, the respondents from the two major ethnic groups clearly differ. Asked whether they think that the Albanians and the Macedonians can live together in the future, both groups overwhelmingly (some 60 percent each) answered in the affirmative. But while 40 percent of the Albanians responded "don't know" or did not answer the question at all, 22 percent of the Macedonian respondents thought that peaceful coexistence of the two communities is not possible. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug  8 07:39:09 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 8 Aug 2001 04:39:09 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Scholarships: Max-Plack-Institute for the Study of Societies
Message-ID: <20010808113909.70721.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>




From: Berlin-Brandenburger Forum Osteuropa, Rundbrief 3.8.2001

Stipendien am Max-Plack-Institut f?r Gesellschaftsforschung f?r Osteurop?er
The Max-Plack-Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG) offers two 
doctoral or postdoctoral fellow-ships
for applicants from Central and Eastern Europe. Fellowships are awarded for 
up to twelve
months; in exceptional cases they may be extended by up to one additional 
year. At current rates,
doctoral fellows will receive a stipend of DM 1.800,- per month while the 
stipend for postdoctoral fel-lows
amounts to DM 3.000,- per month. Fellows with family will be entitled to a 
small family allowance.
The MPIfG pays for one round of travel to and from Cologne.
Applicants should either be writing their dissertation or have received 
their doctoral degree no longer
than five years before they plan to take up their fellowship. Awards will 
be made on the basis of proven
scholarly excellence and of a research proposal outlining the project 
applicants intend to pursue while
at the MPIfG. Research projects should relate to the substantive concerns 
of the institute's research
program and to its ongoing work 
(http://www.mpi-fg-koeln.mpg.de/fo/programm_en.html).
The first two MPIfG East and Central European Research Fellowships will be 
awarded in the fall of
2001. They can be taken up any time between the award and September, 2002. 
Applicants should
send in their current CV, a research proposal not exceeding ten pages, and 
two letters of recommen-dation
from academic teachers. The deadline for application is October 31, 2001. 
Awards will be made
and applicants notified by November 30, 2001.
Max-Planck-Institute for the Study of Societies, Paulstrasse 3, 50676 K?ln, 
Phone + 49 2 21/ 27 67-0,
Fax + 49 2 21/27 67-5 55, E-Mail: Lautwein at mpi-fg-koeln.mpg.de, Internet: 
http://www.mpifg.de
(Junge Osteuropa-Experten, 13.7.01)




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug  8 07:37:23 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 8 Aug 2001 04:37:23 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfA: M.A. in Politics and Administration & European Integration for East Central Europe and Balkan Europe, Bologna
Message-ID: <20010808113723.70558.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>



A European Master's Degree Programme in Politics
and Administration (E. MA in Politics and
Administration) is organised by the Faculty of
Political Science of the Alma Mater Studiorum -
University of Bologna, Forl? Campus, and the "Centro
per l'Europa Centro-Orientale e Balcanica" of the
University of Bologna, with the support of MURST (the
Italian Ministry for Universities and
Scientific-technological Research), and in
collaboration with the International Network "Europe
and the Balkans".

The number of participants in the programme will be 20
students from the EU, along with 20 students from the
Eastern European countries selected by the
International Network "Europe and the Balkans".
Grants are provided for the East European students
in order to subsidise their living expenses.
The Registration Fee is of LIT 2,500,000, i.e. Euro
1,291.
Students from Eastern European Countries are not
required to pay the fee.

A Master's Degree in Governance and Politics of
European Integration for East Central and Balkan
Europe (GPIE) is offered by the Faculty of Political
Science of the Alma Mater Studiorum - University of
Bologna, Forl? Campus, and the "Istituto per l'Europa
Centro-Orientale e Balcanica" of the University of
Bologna. The MA receives the support of the Italian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and is organised under the
auspices of the International Network "Europe and the
Balkans".

Candidates for admission should send in their
application both to the Italian local Embassies and to
the institute. The application should provide a
clearly specified address and an e-mail address,
moreover the documentation concerning the university
degrees and any certificates of the level of knowledge
of English, a brief c.v., as well as all relevant
information should be enclosed. The application form
is available on the internet at the following web
page: www.eurobalk.net
Strict deadline for receipt of the application by
the Italian Embassies is: 30th September 2001
Selection will be made drawing up a list deeming the
candidates' University degrees and the study careers.
East European students will not be required to pay
any fee and will recive a mobility grant.
In charge of coordination, assistance and information

Dott.ssa Federica Baroncini
Tel.:+39/0543 36304
CECOB - Universit? di Bologna Fax:
+39/0543 377088
Corso della Rebubblica n.88/A Web site:
www.eurobalk.net
47100 Forl?, Italy e-mail:
baroncin at spbo.unibo.it



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From ulushi2 at msn.com  Wed Aug  8 10:56:33 2001
From: ulushi2 at msn.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Wed, 8 Aug 2001 10:56:33 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nga internet ''HIMARA'' (Dhemje Himariote dhe me teje)
Message-ID: <OE141q9IcVux1Zcn8Tt0001c483@hotmail.com>

  
  
  

INTERVISTE ME VANGJEL LLAZARIN  
KRYETAR I SHOQATES  
" BREGDETI"  

TE  ZONES  SE  HIMARES  
NGA  PALASA  DERI  NE  NIVICE  

                                           

Pyetje: Si ka ndikuar ne karier?n tuaj publicistike q?nja nga Bregdeti i  
Jonit ?  
P?rgjigje: "Bregdeti Jon ose sic quhet i Himares, kjo perl? e rall? jo vet?m  
e bregdetit shqiptar, por edhe e Mesdheut Verilindor, q? radhitet e  
tremb?dhjeta n? kontinentet p?rball? nga resurcet natyrore, ekologjik? e  
ambjental?, ?sht? nj? poezi m? vete. At? e kan? krijuar me sqep e thonj? mbi  
gur? "zgalem?t" me "gjeraqinat" e tyre bregdetas n? shekuj, q? n?  
bashk?veprim me natyr?n e trasformuar n? nj? " lule vilajeti q`i ka bota  
sevda" sic i kan? ligj?ruar bilbilat e tij popullor?. E n? g?net, nga damar?t  
e gjakut, si n? shumic?n e bregasve, mbase dhe mua, grimca m? kan? ushqyer t?  
bukur?n, romantiken, t? lavdishmen e Himares p?r t? shkruar n?p?r gjinit? e  
ndryshme t? proz?s pse jo aty k?tu dhe poezit?".    
Pyetje: Edhe pse n? nj? mosh? relativisht jo t? re, ju po punoni mbi  
mund?sit? e mosh?s, intesivisht p?r Zonen. C`far? t? shtyn?  
P?rgjigje: "Bregu ky thinjosh 2400 vjecar, ka r?n? n? shtratin e l?ngimit. Ju  
larguan "zgalem?t" dhe "gjeraqin?t" fluturuan p?r t? shpur? dh?mb?t tek ?sht?  
buka. V?ndi yn? nuk I mbante, se pron?n, ato rrypa mbi shk?mbinj q? I b?n? me  
mund? e djers? breza t? t?r? dhe i mbrojt?n me gjak ne shekuj, i zaptoi  
"kucedra" me m?nd?si krimidhe me "veladon" p?r tu maskuar. Dhe m? e keqja n?  
k?t? zbraz?ti t? krijuar, n? k?t? shkret?tir? q? po b?het, prun? "eg?rsira"  
p?r ta kthyer at? stoli t? natyr?s n? fole krimesh dhe lig?sish. Pra, t? rish  
I qet? duke par? t? thinjurin, t? kalt?rin, t? veshurin me manton e gjelb?r  
dhe me sy t? shndritur q? th?ret: Jam k?tu, jam gjall?, ejani t? zhdukim  
bashk? kucedr?n! Ja pra, mua afro 80 - vjecarin, por edhe me mij?ra e mij?ra,  
mbi 47 mij? bregdetas, br?nda dhe jasht? krahin?s s? v?ndit, na b?n t?  
ngrihemi t? t?r?, si nj? trup I vet?m, n?n sh?mbullin e kapedan?ve t?  
luftojm? t? zhdukim kucedr?n, t? marim pronat dhe me format kontemporane,  
industrin? turistike, me djemt? tan?, t? c`bllokojm? k?t? "minier? floriri"  
dhe t? krijojm? parajs?n e humbur t? popullit pun?tor, trim e fisnik t?  
Bregut".    
Pyetje: C`mund ?t? na thoni p?r shoqat?n AK "Bregdeti"?    
P?rgjigje: "?sht? nj? detashment I organizuar q? e diktoi nevoja p?r t`u  
krijuar p?r mbrojtjen e identitetit, autokton?sis?, p?r mbrojtjen e lirive  
dhe t? drejtave t? popullit q? po I n?p?rk?mbin struktura destruktive  
qeveritare dhe partiake. Shoqata lufton s? bashku me popullin e bregdetit te  
Himares, t? garantoj? n? radh? t? par?, pron?n e tij q? hajdut?t dhe  
uzurpator?t, t? nxitur nga t? gjitha qeverit? e dekad?s s? tranzicionit, duke  
ecur n?p?r gjurm?t e parardh?sve diktator?, me ligje antidemokratike kan?  
mar? pron?n e trash?guar, duke imponuar emigrimin dhe me prurjen e banor?ve  
nga t? kat?r an?t e v?ndit, kan? ushtruar gjenocid dhe shp?rb?rjen e  
popullsis? autoktone t? Bregut. Kuvendi Mbar?bregdetar q? u mblodh? n? Himar?  
m? 23 Prill t? k?tij viti, mori vendime dhe ngarkoi nj? p?rfaq?si q?, mbasi  
t`ju b?j? edhe nj? her? t? qart? qeveritar?ve, partiak?ve dhe gjith?  
p?rfaq?sive diplomatike t? akredituar n? Republik?n e Shqip?ris?, k?rkes?n e  
gjithe krahinoreve himarjote p?r kthimin e pron?s s? tyre t? trash?guar, t?  
shp?rthej? n? masa t? skajshme demokratike p?r ti mar? vet? pronat e tij  
sipas kadastr?s s? paraclirimit. Shoqata "Bregdeti" dhe p?rfaq?sia e Kuv?ndit  
k?t? dertyr? t? shenjt? I ka v?n? koh?t e fundit vetes, p?r tu b?r? zot I  
Bregut per gjat vijes se Jonit me cdo cmim q? ta lyp? nevoja. Sigurisht n?  
k?t? drejtim ?sht? llogaritur ndihma decidonj?se e bij?ve t? tij t? emigruar  
t? vjet?r dhe t? rinj n?: Greqi, SHBA, Itali, Franc?, Gjermani e n? t? kat?r  
an?t e bot?s. Kjo ndihm? si dhe m? par? nuk do t? na mungoj?".   Ju  
faleminderit.  Tiran? 26 Gusht 2000.    

                                                                               
                           Intervistoi  
                                                                               
                         Valter Laz?ri  
                                                                               
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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Wed Aug  8 12:50:46 2001
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (eriola)
Date: Wed, 8 Aug 2001 12:50:46 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Independent:  on Butrint (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.33.0108081250060.18818-100000@is05.fas.harvard.edu>


The Independent (London)

August 4, 2001, Saturday
First Edition; FEATURES; Pg. 1


ANCIENT STONES, BURIED MEMORIES;
 BUTRINT IN ALBANIA IS ONE OF THE LEAST KNOWN AND LEAST SPOILT
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. HERE, ANCIENT GREEK, ROMAN AND
BYZANTINE REMAINS ARE PILED IN LAYERS OF STRATIFIED HISTORY, UNDERPINNED BY
A TROJAN LEGEND. HAMISH MCRAE FELL UNDER ITS SPELL

Hamish Mcrae



In the dark days after the sacking of Troy, Helenus, the seer-son of King
Priam, was brought as a prisoner by the son of Achilles to the Adriatic
coastal region of Greece that lay between the Ambracian Gulf and Illyria.
Today, that area is better known as Albania. And at its southernmost tip, on
the coast immediately opposite the Greek island of Corfu, is the site of
Butrint, the city where, according to tradition, Helenus eventually ruled
with his wife and former sister-in-law, Andromache.

It is an exotic legend, and the fact that the site is only a couple of hours
by ferry and taxi from Corfu must make it one of the most exotic day-trips
that holiday-makers can take anywhere in Europe. Better still, stay a night
or two and explore a fascinating, rough, puzzling, charming country that was
until recently, in effect, closed to foreigners.

A day gives you a glimpse of Saranda, the little port where the Corfu
ferries dock, and a few hours at Butrint set in a new national park 15 miles
to the south. With a couple of days to spare you could take in a concert in
the Greek theatre which after some 2,500 years is still in use and really
absorb the atmosphere of Saranda before it becomes too developed.

Saranda may appear dusty and rough when you get off the ferry, but it is
fast becoming one of Albania's most fashionable resorts. You step off the
boat, and get into one of the elderly Mercedes taxis, and bounce along the
rutted roads past unfinished apartment blocks. Then suddenly just as you
start to wonder what you've got yourself into, you are in a glitzy bar
overlooking the sea, with Corfu shimmering in the distance and feeling that
life does not come much better.

For Albania is still to some extent awaking from a Communist enchantment, in
the form of a half-century slumber. On the one hand, capitalist consumerism
is evident and the roads are populated by nearly new Mercedes and BMWs
(Albania is the home of Europe's stolen car fleet). On the other, there are
memories of the Hoxha Communist dictatorship: little pillbox fortifications
dot the landscape.

Geographically, the country is varied. Go over the mountains, pass the
flocks of wandering sheep, and you have left the warm Mediterranean for the
wonderful medieval city of Gjirokaster, a couple of hours' drive away.

You are conscious always of moving backwards and forwards through landscapes
and time. One minute we were bumping along a mountain track with people
cutting hay with scythes and riding bullock carts. Half an hour later we
were sipping a gin and tonic at a swish restaurant overlooking the Med. (The
Albanians are good on the gin front by the way - no messing about with
optics, they just slosh it in.)

That evening we went to a folk festival in the Greek theatre, where a
hundred or so musicians demonstrated different kinds of traditional music. I
now know that Albanian bagpipes, unlike the Scottish variety, have only one
drone.

Later still we were back in Saranda, sitting next to the minister of
culture, who had come down for the festival, having dinner on long tables in
the village square, as the Albanian version of line-dancers wound their way
among us. (Much, much later, it was the Africa Club disco, and more G&Ts, on
the waterside under a starlit sky.)

And it is not just the contrasts but also the rate of change. You see a
country moving with astonishing speed from one way of life to another. Wait
a few years and the scythes and bullock carts will be gone, and Albania will
be pretty much like the other countries that fringe the Med.

And Butrint? As John Julius Norwich, the scholar of Byzantine history,
wrote: "Of all the great classical sites of the Mediterranean, Butrint is
the least known, the least frequented and the least spoilt." Here you will
catch a feeling for the way in which Europe's culture and history has been
created, layer on layer, over 3,000 years.

Its story is also unfolding before your eyes, for the archaeologists have
been hard at work. The main team is an Anglo-Albanian one, part funded by
the London -based Butrint Foundation. The Greek theatre is understandably
the most stunning of the buildings and the one in current use.

But the particular excitement this year is the next stage of excavation of a
vast, early Byzantine complex called the Triconch Palace. During our visit,
they were trying to figure out why work was apparently abandoned before a
big rebuilding programme was finished at the beginning of the sixth century
AD. Perhaps by now they may even have discovered the answer.

The site is so big (about 100 acres) and there are so many layers of history
that it is hard in one visit to figure out what was built when. In the
Aeneid, Virgil has Aeneas describe it as looking like a miniature Troy:

I saw before me Troy in miniature,

A slender copy of our massive tower

The Roman poet himself would have been aware of Butrint, as the region was
the scene of the civil war between Mark Antony and Octavian, later the
emperor Augustus and, of course, Virgil's patron. The Crusaders came here,
the Despots ruled here as did the Venetians and the Ottomans. The Butrint
Foundation publishes an excellent guide that you can buy at the kiosk.

As you become familiar with the site, you start to feel irritated by the
Roman builders who "improved" the theatre by adding a new brick back wall
which spoils the lines of the Greek stonework. Large parts of the site are
still to be excavated, and you feel the tantalising possibility that you are
standing on some hidden architectural gem or a vital piece of an
archaeological jigsaw. Perhaps some artefact will be unearthed confirming
the legend and proving that it really was the Trojans who came here to
create a new kingdom. The earliest pottery fragments found so far date back
to 800BC.

If you are lucky you might get to meet the head of the park, Auron Tare.
Refreshingly, the local office of the Butrint National Park sees its job as
helping to make sure that visitors are looked after by local people who are
committed to the development of the region. They will organise local guides,
trekking and so on.

This is not regular tourist territory so there will be an element of
adventure. The region has been in contention for much of its history and
there are a lot of AK47s around. I was told that occasionally the locals let
off a few rounds at night. But while Albania has a justified reputation for
crime this is not directed against visitors.

As far as I could judge, the place is extremely safe, particularly for
anyone connected with the dig. Think of yourself as a guest, not a tourist,
and you will be treated with courtesy.

The sight of high Phaeacia

soon we lost,

And skimm'd along Epirus'

rocky coast.

Then to Chaonia's port our

course we bend,

And, landed, to Buthrotus'

heights ascend.

Here wondrous things were

loudly blaz'd fame:

How Helenus reviv'd the

Trojan name

Virgil, Aeneid, Book III

Travellers' Guide

Getting there:

For a one-day tour contact the Corfu-based company Betrakis (0030 661 38690)
which organises trips for about pounds 39 (including hydrofoil, port taxes
and site visit). You can book in the UK through Rediscover the World (08707
406 306). If you would like to stay longer, The Travel Professionals (01372
478 740) can tailor-make trips to Butrint and Saranda.

To travel independently, catch the Mimosa ferry that leaves Corfu Town at
8.30am from the new port by the Atlantis Hotel (which provides ferry
timetables). The ferry takes a couple of hours. You can buy a visa on the
boat at Saranda ($ 10).To take a taxi from the jetty to Butrint and back
should not cost more than $ 30. Take lots of small-denomination dollars: the
local currency is the leke, but most currencies are accepted.

Further information:

Guidebooks from Butrint Foundation (020-7493 8111, e-mail: butrintfound
@dial.pipex.com; www.butrintfound <http://www.butrintfound/> .
dial.pipex.com/). The Butrint office is at the National Park (00 355
732.4600; email: visitbutrint at albonline.net
<mailto:visitbutrint at albonline.net> )




From kbejko at hotmail.com  Wed Aug  8 12:50:46 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Wed, 08 Aug 2001 12:50:46 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] HRW:Macedian killing was an execution
Message-ID: <F160pNvHXsprw0m25q80000240c@hotmail.com>

[13] HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH SAYS MACEDONIAN KILLINGS WERE 'EXECUTION'
"The Washington Post" reported on 8 August that an investigator for Human 
Rights Watch has rejected the Macedonian Interior Ministry's statement that 
the recent killing of five ethnic Albanian rebels took place because the men 
resisted arrest (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 7 August 2001). The investigator and 
the daily likened the killings to a "summary execution." PM

_________________________________________________________________
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From korab_hoxha at hotmail.com  Wed Aug  8 13:11:33 2001
From: korab_hoxha at hotmail.com (Korab Hoxha)
Date: Wed, 08 Aug 2001 17:11:33 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Paralajmėrim
Message-ID: <F23SAMfKQu1bCdUg07M00002230@hotmail.com>

Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar/Sh?rbimi Ekzekutiv

Shqip?ri, 07.08.2001,


Drejtuar:P?rfaq?suesit Politik t? U?K-s?, zot?ris? s? tij, Ali Ahmeti


L?nda: P A R A L A J M ? R I M


Zot?ri!

Pasi shqyrtuam t? gjitha mund?sit? tjera t? komunikimit, dhe n? baz?
t? t? gjitha t? dh?nave t? verifikuara nga ana e sh?rbimeve tona, e
pam? t? patjet?rsuar q? t`u paralajm?rojm?, si vijon m? posht? :

1. ??shtja shqiptare e tokave tona legjitime n?n IRJM-n?, nuk mund
t? zgjidhet ashtu si? pretendoni ju dhe bashk?pun?tor?t tuaj:
Xhaferi-Ymeri; Georgievski-Trajkovski, me kompanit? e tyre!...
2. Mbetja e m?tutjeshme e mbi 10`000 km2 tokash legjitime shqiptare
brenda krijes?s artificiale sllavo-maqedonase, ?sht? kryeput nj?
tradh?ti e lig? n? ??shtjen komb?tare shqiptare!...
3. Format e veprimit t? till?, jan? t? p?rgaditura dhe t? elaboruara
n? kuzhinat e armiqve tan? komb?tare, si? ishin t? p?rgaditura
poashtu veprimet e kolegut tuaj t? Kosov?s Lindore, z. Shefqet
Musliu, me kompani!...
4. Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar t? gjitha k?to veprime i gjykon nga
pesha e d?mit q? i b?het me k?t? rast ??shtjes shqiptare dhe nuk
guxon t? mos i marr? masat preventive, sikurse ato ekzekutive, pa
marr? parasysh veprimet tuaja t? m?parshme dhe ato ilegale
politike!...
5. Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar konsideron se jeni mbruajtur nga
ndjenja dhe mendime t? tilla tradh?tie edhe m? par?, dhe se kjo vij?
destruktive ka d?mtuar poashtu luft?n ?lirimtare t? Ushtris?
?lirimtare t? Kosov?s, duke u patur ju dhe kolegun tuaj kosovar, z.
Emrush Xhemajli, n? b?rtham?n pregaditore!...
6. Ju zot?ri, nuk keni kompetenca (as nga ana e instrumenteve
ushtarake dhe as nga ndonj? instrument tjet?r) t? d?mtoni n? k?te
m?nyr? ??shtjen komb?tare, pos shp?rblimeve q? do t`i merrni nga ana
e armiqve tan? komb?tar?!...
7. Nuk do t? kishim patur d?shir? t`u kemi objekt t? veprimit ton?,
sikur t? logjikonit pak m? mir? dhe t? gj?nit rrug?daljen nga
qorrsokaku ku e keni futur Ushtrin? ?lirimtare Komb?tare dhe mbar?
popullin shqiptar t? IRJM-s?!...

ARSYETIM I P?RKOHSH?M:

T? gjitha konkluzionet e dispozitivit, p?rkoh?sisht i arsyetojm? si
vijon m? posht?:

- Vij?n politike t? kooperimit me faktorin politik sllavo-maqedonas
ju e keni ndjekur me vet?dije t? plot? dhe paramendim, q? nga
fillimi i luft?s n? trojet shqiptare n? krahin?n e Ilirid?s, duke
d?mtuar r?nd? interesat vitale t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare Komb?tare, n?
radh?t e s? cil?s jan? mbledhur bijt? dhe bijat m? t? devotsh?m t?
kombit shqiptar, t? cil?t, arm?t nuk i kan? rrokur p?r t? njohur,
garantuar dhe vulosur "sovranitetin shtet?ror" t? krijes?s bastarde
me emrin "Maqedoni", por p?r t? ?liruar p?rfundimisht nga sundimi
sllavo-maqedonas tok?n e shenjt? shqiptare! Gjykuar n? baz? t?
"rezultateve" t? "negociatave politike" n? t? cilat ju dhe
bashk?pun?tor?t tuaj po e sillni popullin shqiptar t? k?tyre tokave
legjitime shqiptare si para faktit t? kryer, madje me miradin? e
plot? t? pal?s kund?rshtare, v?rtetojm? se e keni manipuluar
pafalsh?m organizmin ushtarak t? U?K-s?, duke zbrazur t? gjitha
sakrificat e saj t? p?rgjakura e t? dhimbshme, n? mullirin e
interesave strategjike t? armikut.

- N? fakt, n? fillim t? mobilizimit dhe t? daljes n? sken? t? k?tyre
strukturave, sikurse n? fillim t? veprimtaris? financuese t?
strukturave ndihm?se t? fondit "Liria Komb?tare" etj. ju keni
premtuar se do t? realizoni lirin? komb?tare t? popullit autokton
shqiptar t? k?tyre trojeve, ?ka nuk n?nkupton aspak p?rfundimin e
luft?s duke i l?n? k?to troje p?rs?ri t? gjakosura dhe t?
shkat?rruara brenda krijes?s s? p?rmendur artificiale. Me k?t?, ju
keni mashtruar e g?njyer nj? popull t? t?r?, duke p?rfshir? edhe
m?rgat?n e tij, dhe atij i mbani p?rgjegj?si t? plota morale,
politike dhe strategjike.

- Dihet, sikur ju t? kishit em?ruar krijes?n ushtarake "Ushtria
Mbrojt?se e Maqedonis?", detyr? dhe funksion ky q? n? t? v?rtet? po
e luani mjeshtrisht, as d?shmor?t q? ran? n? fush?betej? dhe
prapavij?, por as luft?tar?t q? e p?rb?jn? Ushtrin? ?lirimtare
Komb?tare, nuk do t? ishin aty ku jan?. Nuk guxon t? harrohet
poashtu djersa e madhe e m?rgimtar?ve q? po shp?rdorohet me k?t?
vij? destruktive t? politik?s suaj. N? p?rvijim t? k?saj, ju keni
keqp?rdorur nj? em?rtim t? shenjt? e t? papreksh?m, duke d?mtuar
r?nd? interesat e v?rteta komb?tare t? shqiptar?ve, kudo q? jan?,
dhe jeni nj? nga p?rgjegj?sit kryesor t? k?tyre manipulimeve!

- T? gjitha k?rkesat tuaja politike, t? shtruara publikisht, q? nga
fillimi i luft?s e deri n? k?to momente vendimtare, Sigurimi
Komb?tar Shqiptar i ka marr? dhe i ka vler?suar si veprime taktike
n? favorin e luft?s ?lirimtare, duke mos dashur t? besoj? se ju po e
tradh?toni q?llimisht idealin ?lirimtar t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare
Komb?tare. Edhe t? ashtuquajtur?n "Marr?veshje t? Prizrenit" me
tradh?tar?t dhe bashibuzuk?t Arb?r Xhaferri dhe Ymer Ymeri,
fillimisht e kuptuam si taktik? t? luft?s, p?r t? neutralizuar dy
shqipfol?s q? mund t? d?mtonin luft?n ?lirimtare, duke qen? dor? e
zgjatur e pushtuesve sllavo-maqedonas. Nuk na b?hej t? besojm? se ju
nuk i dinit t? gjitha allish-verishet e tyre n? d?min e interesave
tona komb?tare, ve?an?risht kontraband?n e tyre t? lejuar nga
pushteti policor i Maqedonis? me duhan dhe gj?ra tjera t? palejuara,
p?rmes Makosped-it, gj?ra k?to q? kryesisht i ka investuar dhe
zhvilluar mafia bot?rore ruso-sllavo-maqedonase. T? gjitha
p?rfitimet e p?rgjakshme q? nxirrnin k?ta dy profiter?
antikomb?tar?, nuk do t? duhej t? ishin t? panjohura p?r nj?
"veprimtar" si ju, q? mbante n? organizmat ilegal? "an?n e popullit"
dhe aureol?n e rrejshme t? t? persekutuarit politik! Veprimet legale
t? kontraband?s s? "politikajve" t? shpifur si Xhaferri dhe Ymeri,
nuk ka qen? e mundur t? zhvillohen pa i dh?n? premtime konkrete
okupatorit sllavo-maqedonas! K?t? gj?, "patrioti" Ali Ahmeti, do t?
duhej ditur e njohur mir?filli, derisa ?sht? n? gjendje t?
"prezentoj?" forc?n ?lirimtare t? U?K-s?!...

- T? bindur se n? krahin?n shqiptare t? Ilirid?s ka dhe ka patur
mjaft t? tjer? q? kan? d?shmuar q?ndrime t? denja politike, madje
edhe organizma atdhetar?, ?sht? e patjet?rsuar masa ekzekutive ndaj
jush, derisa pik?risht kollaboracionist?ve kryesor? t? pushtetit
sllavo-maqedonas i keni b?r? autorizime t? pakufizuara, n? nd?rkoh?
q? ekziston dhe u d?shmua n? fush?betej? forca ?lirimtare dhe n?
nd?rkoh? kur shovinizmi sllavo-maqedonas vret pam?shir? edhe f?mij?t
tan? t? djepit! Sjellje si k?to, jan? t? pafalshme!...

- P?rve? faktit se ju nuk p?rfshit? n? "dialogun politik" organizata
tjera atdhetare, dhe nuk e koordinuat k?t? "aktivitet" n? nj? nivel
pak m? t? past?rt, shqet?son ve?an?risht fakti i hidhur se ju
filluat t? korrespodoni hapur me kriminel?t sllavo-maqedonas:
Trajkovski-Georgievski, duke u shkruar letra t? ndryshme, p?rmes t?
cilave fare hapur dhe publikisht i th?rrisnit t? p?rmbahen "p?r t?
ruajtur shtetin e p?rbashk?t" dhe "sovranitetin e Maqedonis?", me
?ka ju keni tejkaluar ?do "kompetenc? ?lirimtare" dhe keni d?mtuar
r?nd? autoritetin ushtarak t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare Komb?tare dhe
??shtjen shqiptare. Sjellje t? tilla t? nj? "p?rfaq?suesi politik"
jo vet?m q? nuk mund t? ken? mbules?, porse ato d?mtojn?
p?rgjith?sisht ndjenjat liridash?se t? kombit shqiptar! Ato na
bind?n mir?filli se "tradh?tar?t, i bashkon tradh?tia!"

- Tani, t? autorizuarit tuaj: tradh?tar?t Xhaferri dhe Ymeri, me
kompanit? e tyre, po pin? ver? e d?frehen n? sarajet fam?liga t?
gjakatar?ve sllavo-maqedonas, derisa ushtria dhe policia e tyre
shoviniste po i vret luft?tar?t m? t? devotsh?m dhe popullin e
pambrojtur! Nuk ka dyshim se p?rmes "negociatave" verore t? Ohrit,
pushtuesi sllavo-maqedonas po e vret prapa kurrizit lirin? komb?tare
t? shqiptar?ve, duke ng?rthyer n? kthetrat e p?rgjakura p?rs?ri
trojet tona legjitime! Kjo loj? e turpshme, natyrisht, nuk mund t?
b?hej pa lejen dhe miradin? tuaj t? paskrupullt e t? pafalshme!...

- Zat?n, "negociatat" politike me sllavo-maqedonasit, kan? qen? t?
p?rfunduara q? n? fillim t? tyre. P?rfundimi i tyre konsiston n?
premtimet tuaja t? dh?na paraprakisht n? favorin e Maqedonis?
sllave, dhe t? ripushtimit sllavo-maqedonas t? viseve etnike
shqiptare t? Ilirid?s. K?to jan? n? p?rputhje t? plot? t? veprimeve
antishqiptare t? kolegut tuaj t? Kosov?s Lindore, z. Shefqet Musliu,
veprimtaria "patriotike" e t? cilit, p?rgjaku fuqish?m dhe tradh?toi
keqas trojet shqiptare t? Preshev?s, Medvegj?s dhe Bujanovcit, duke
i l?n? p?rs?ri t? pambrojtuara n?n shovinizmin gjakatar serbomadh.
Edhe ai qe "arkitekt" dhe shkat?rrues i nj? force ?lirimtare, t?
njohur me emrin U?PMB, q? sot, n? saje t? "pun?s" s? tij "atdhetare"
num?ron qindra sakrifica dhe asnj? fitore! Nuk ka dhe nuk mund t?
ket? plaf politik q? mbulon turpe t? tilla!...

P?r m? tep?r, nuk e shohim t? nevojshme t? themi. Me k?t? rast, dhe
p?r rrethan? leht?suese, nga ju k?rkohet:

1. T? jepni urgjentisht dor?heqje nga "detyra" e "p?rfaq?suesit
politik" t? U?K-s? dhe ?do veprim tjet?r destruktiv!
2. T? k?rkoni ndjes? publike p?r t? gjitha d?mtimet tuaja, b?r?
q?llimisht strukturave t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare Komb?tare dhe popullit
shqiptar!
3. T? deklaroni publikisht tutor?t tuaj politik? dhe t? demantoni
planet e tyre sekrete!
4. T? pamund?soni n? ?astin e fundit nj? "marr?veshje" t? padenj?
p?r shqiptar?t e k?saj treve legjitime etnike shqiptare!


SHEFI I SIGURIMIT KOMB?TAR SHQIPTAR/ SH?RBIMI EKZEKUTIV

Korab Dibra, d.v.



_________________________________________________________________
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From korab_hoxha at hotmail.com  Wed Aug  8 17:44:56 2001
From: korab_hoxha at hotmail.com (Korab Hoxha)
Date: Wed, 08 Aug 2001 21:44:56 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ARMATA KOMBĖTARE SHQIPTARE - Komunikatė Nr. 9
Message-ID: <F19lHiu3fQtYdVzDpub00002858@hotmail.com>

ARMATA KOMB?TARE SHQIPTARE

K O M U N I K A T ? Nr 9

- Nj? nj?sit special (i kombinuar: AKSH - UCK)i drejtuar nga oficer?t m? t? 
lart? t? Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare, n? m?ngjesin e dit?s s? m?rkur? (8 
gusht 2001), n? magjistralen Shkup-Tetov? (n? af?rsi t? fshatit Grup?in), me 
sukses kreu aksionin luftarak mbi nj? konvoj ushtarak sllavo-maqedonas, n? 
t? cilin aksion u vran? 20 dhe u plagos?n mbi 30 ushtar? t? armikut 
sllavo-maqedonas. Si edhe rradh?ve t? tjera edhe k?t? radh?, kriminel?t 
sllavo-maqedonas po e fshehin numrin e v?rtet? t? t? vrar?ve dhe t? 
plagosurve, duke pohuar se gjoja jan? vrar? 10-t? dhe plagosur 3 ushtar? 
maqedonas, dhe me k?t? rast nuk tregojn? p?r t? vrar?t e tjer? - mercenar?t 
ukrainas?, bellorus? bullgar?, serb? etj...

- Ky aksion, nga nj?ra an? ishte nj? hakmarrje e luft?tar?ve t? liris? mbi 
barbar?t sllavo-maqedonas p?r vrasjen makabre q? forcat armike, kriminel?t 
sllavo-maqedonas, kryen mbi Komandant Telin dhe 4 ushtar?t e tij, dhe nga 
ana tjet?r ishte edhe nj? sinjalizim p?r pushtuesit sllavo-maqedonas dhe 
miqt? e tyre, se Armata Komb?tare Shqiptare dhe komandant?t atdhetar? t? 
Ushtris? Clirimtare Komb?tare p?r asnj? moment nuk e kan? n? plan t'a ndalin 
luft?n dhe t? njohin ndonj? "marr?veshje politike" midis sllavo-maqedon?ve 
dhe kolaboracionist?ve t? tyre shqipfol?s.

- Shtabi Suprem i Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare edhe nj? her? apelon te t? 
gjith? komandant?t atdhetar? (n? terren) t? Ushtris? Clirimtare Komb?tare, 
q? luft?n e filluar ta vazhdojm? dhe p?r asnj? ?ast t? mos e ndalim ate; 
sepse, n? t? kund?rt?n po shkilet gjaku i d?shmor?ve t? shumt?, po p?rdhoset 
emblema dhe emri i bukur i UCK-s?, r?nd? po tradh?tohet populli shqiptar n? 
Lugin?n e Vardarit dhe fatalisht po d?mtohen interesat jetike t? kombit 
shqiptar.

Dib?r (Mali Korab)
8 gusht 2001 Shefi i Shtabit Suprem t? AKSH-s?
Shqiponja e Sharrit.


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From albboschurch at juno.com  Thu Aug  9 09:42:52 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Thu, 9 Aug 2001 09:42:52 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] How Poor We Are: A Summer Reflection
Message-ID: <20010809.100119.-515997.2.albboschurch@juno.com>


One day a father of a wealthy family took his son on a trip to the
country with the firm purpose of showing his son how poor people can be.
They spent a couple of days and nights on the farm of what would be
considered a very poor family.\\On their return from their trip, the
father asked his son: "How was the trip?"  "It was great Dad." "Did you
see how poor people can be?" the father asked. "Oh , yeah" said the son.
"So what did you learn from the trip? asked the father.

The son answered, "I saw that we have one dog, they had four. We have a
pool that reaches to the middle of our yard and they have a creek that
has no end. We have imported lanterns in our garden and they have stars
at night.

"Our patio reaches to the front yard and they have the whole horizon. We
have a small piece of land to live on and they have fields that go beyond
our sight. We have servants and they serve others.

"We buy our food, but they grow theirs. We  have walls around our
property to protect us, they have friends to protect them."

With this the father was speechless.  Then the son added, "Thanks Dad for
showing me how poor we are." 
________________________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug  9 13:09:55 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 9 Aug 2001 10:09:55 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Roman Herzog Research Fellowships for Young Scholars from SEE (in Germany)
Message-ID: <20010809170955.91340.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


 
Fellowships for Young Scholars from CEE/NIS Region

see: http://www.avh.de/en/programme/stip_aus/rh.htm

Roman Herzog Research Fellowship
The Alexander von Humboldt Foundation (AvH) and the
non-profit Hertie Foundation (GHS) in
Frankfurt-on-Main enable young highly qualified 
scholars with outstanding leadership qualities in
research
and teaching from central and south-east Europe
(including the Baltic States) to carry out research
projects of their own choice in Germany (age limit:
35 years)
> 
> Roman Herzog Research Fellowships - Application
> Applications may be submitted for long-term research
> stays of between 6 and
> 12 months; short-term study tours or participation
> in conferences cannot be
> founded.
> 
> Research fellowships are offered on a regional
> competitive basis. Scholars
> from the following states may apply:
> 
> Albania
> Bosnia-Herzegovina
> Bulgaria
> Croatia
> Estonia
> Hungary
>  Latvia
> Lithuania
> Macedonia
> Poland
> Romania
> Slovenia
>  the Slovak Republic
> the Czech Republic
> Yugoslavia
> 
> 
> 
> 
> There are no quotas in respect of either country or
> academic discipline.
> Applications from the fields of law, economics and
> social sciences are
> particularly welcome since fellowships shall
> contribute to the further
> development of scientific policy in the home
> country. 12 research
> fellowships are available per annum.
> Assessment and decisions are based primarily on the
> quality and feasibility
> of research projects proposed by candidates as well
> as their
> (international)
> publications (including doctoral thesis). Research
> projects and German
> hosts
> are selected by applicants themselves. Details of
> research projects and
> schedules must be agreed between applicants and
> proposed hosts prior to
> submission of applications.
> 
> Applications for extension of research stays already
> commenced in Germany
> cannot be considered.
> 
> 
> 1. Application requirements
> 
> 2. Application procedure
> 
> 3. Download application documents:
> Format A4 or Format US Letter
> 
> Contact:
> Dr. Harald Rosenbach
> E-mail: select at avh.de


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From fadil58 at hotmail.com  Thu Aug  9 18:09:27 2001
From: fadil58 at hotmail.com (Fadil Mehmetali)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 00:09:27 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] =?iso-8859-1?Q?Re:_=5BLiriaKombtare-Info=5D_Paralajm=EBrim?=
Message-ID: <OE22LoygXLsxpTljBOh0000b5f0@hotmail.com>

  
  
----- Original Message -----
From: Korab Hoxha
Sent: 8. august 2001 19:22
To: mevlyde at hotmail.com
Cc: AlbaNews at listserv.acsu.buffalo.edu; albsa-info at alb-net.com; amcc-talk at alb-net.com; ata at ata-al.net; cana at ece.stevens-tech.edu; flakanews at hotmail.com; FSelimi at aol.com; gazmend_a at hotmail.com; kosova at jps.net; kosova at justiceforall.org; kosova at MAELSTROM.STJOHNS.EDU; liriakombtare-info at alb-net.com; Mat.Precey at itn.co.uk; medsatco at mt.net.mk; nyc-l at alb-net.com; prishtina-e at alb-net.com; tetova-l at alb-net.com; tetovari at tetovari.com; moni_tiger at hotmail.com; okrep.soca.ademi at siol.net; adrian_20 at tupac.com; afo_18 at yahoo.com; Agimi36 at hotmail.com; ahmet.berisha at swipnet.se; albertq at web.de; a-pal at alb-net.com; a_berisha21 at hotmail.com; avniserbest at hotmail.com
Subject: [LiriaKombtare-Info] Paralajm?rim
  
---------------------------------------------------------------------
           "Liria Kombtare" Humanitarian Foundation
                 http://www.liriakombtare.com/
---------------------------------------------------------------------
  Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar/Sh?rbimi Ekzekutiv

Shqip?ri, 07.08.2001,


Drejtuar:P?rfaq?suesit Politik t? U?K-s?, zot?ris? s? tij, Ali Ahmeti


L?nda: P A R A L A J M ? R I M


Zot?ri!

Pasi shqyrtuam t? gjitha mund?sit? tjera t? komunikimit, dhe n? baz?
t? t? gjitha t? dh?nave t? verifikuara nga ana e sh?rbimeve tona, e
pam? t? patjet?rsuar q? t`u paralajm?rojm?, si vijon m? posht? :

1. ??shtja shqiptare e tokave tona legjitime n?n IRJM-n?, nuk mund
t? zgjidhet ashtu si? pretendoni ju dhe bashk?pun?tor?t tuaj:
Xhaferi-Ymeri; Georgievski-Trajkovski, me kompanit? e tyre!...
2. Mbetja e m?tutjeshme e mbi 10`000 km2 tokash legjitime shqiptare
brenda krijes?s artificiale sllavo-maqedonase, ?sht? kryeput nj?
tradh?ti e lig? n? ??shtjen komb?tare shqiptare!...
3. Format e veprimit t? till?, jan? t? p?rgaditura dhe t? elaboruara
n? kuzhinat e armiqve tan? komb?tare, si? ishin t? p?rgaditura
poashtu veprimet e kolegut tuaj t? Kosov?s Lindore, z. Shefqet
Musliu, me kompani!...
4. Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar t? gjitha k?to veprime i gjykon nga
pesha e d?mit q? i b?het me k?t? rast ??shtjes shqiptare dhe nuk
guxon t? mos i marr? masat preventive, sikurse ato ekzekutive, pa
marr? parasysh veprimet tuaja t? m?parshme dhe ato ilegale
politike!...
5. Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar konsideron se jeni mbruajtur nga
ndjenja dhe mendime t? tilla tradh?tie edhe m? par?, dhe se kjo vij?
destruktive ka d?mtuar poashtu luft?n ?lirimtare t? Ushtris?
?lirimtare t? Kosov?s, duke u patur ju dhe kolegun tuaj kosovar, z.
Emrush Xhemajli, n? b?rtham?n pregaditore!...
6. Ju zot?ri, nuk keni kompetenca (as nga ana e instrumenteve
ushtarake dhe as nga ndonj? instrument tjet?r) t? d?mtoni n? k?te
m?nyr? ??shtjen komb?tare, pos shp?rblimeve q? do t`i merrni nga ana
e armiqve tan? komb?tar?!...
7. Nuk do t? kishim patur d?shir? t`u kemi objekt t? veprimit ton?,
sikur t? logjikonit pak m? mir? dhe t? gj?nit rrug?daljen nga
qorrsokaku ku e keni futur Ushtrin? ?lirimtare Komb?tare dhe mbar?
popullin shqiptar t? IRJM-s?!...

ARSYETIM I P?RKOHSH?M:

T? gjitha konkluzionet e dispozitivit, p?rkoh?sisht i arsyetojm? si
vijon m? posht?:

- Vij?n politike t? kooperimit me faktorin politik sllavo-maqedonas
ju e keni ndjekur me vet?dije t? plot? dhe paramendim, q? nga
fillimi i luft?s n? trojet shqiptare n? krahin?n e Ilirid?s, duke
d?mtuar r?nd? interesat vitale t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare Komb?tare, n?
radh?t e s? cil?s jan? mbledhur bijt? dhe bijat m? t? devotsh?m t?
kombit shqiptar, t? cil?t, arm?t nuk i kan? rrokur p?r t? njohur,
garantuar dhe vulosur "sovranitetin shtet?ror" t? krijes?s bastarde
me emrin "Maqedoni", por p?r t? ?liruar p?rfundimisht nga sundimi
sllavo-maqedonas tok?n e shenjt? shqiptare! Gjykuar n? baz? t?
"rezultateve" t? "negociatave politike" n? t? cilat ju dhe
bashk?pun?tor?t tuaj po e sillni popullin shqiptar t? k?tyre tokave
legjitime shqiptare si para faktit t? kryer, madje me miradin? e
plot? t? pal?s kund?rshtare, v?rtetojm? se e keni manipuluar
pafalsh?m organizmin ushtarak t? U?K-s?, duke zbrazur t? gjitha
sakrificat e saj t? p?rgjakura e t? dhimbshme, n? mullirin e
interesave strategjike t? armikut.

- N? fakt, n? fillim t? mobilizimit dhe t? daljes n? sken? t? k?tyre
strukturave, sikurse n? fillim t? veprimtaris? financuese t?
strukturave ndihm?se t? fondit "Liria Komb?tare" etj. ju keni
premtuar se do t? realizoni lirin? komb?tare t? popullit autokton
shqiptar t? k?tyre trojeve, ?ka nuk n?nkupton aspak p?rfundimin e
luft?s duke i l?n? k?to troje p?rs?ri t? gjakosura dhe t?
shkat?rruara brenda krijes?s s? p?rmendur artificiale. Me k?t?, ju
keni mashtruar e g?njyer nj? popull t? t?r?, duke p?rfshir? edhe
m?rgat?n e tij, dhe atij i mbani p?rgjegj?si t? plota morale,
politike dhe strategjike.

- Dihet, sikur ju t? kishit em?ruar krijes?n ushtarake "Ushtria
Mbrojt?se e Maqedonis?", detyr? dhe funksion ky q? n? t? v?rtet? po
e luani mjeshtrisht, as d?shmor?t q? ran? n? fush?betej? dhe
prapavij?, por as luft?tar?t q? e p?rb?jn? Ushtrin? ?lirimtare
Komb?tare, nuk do t? ishin aty ku jan?. Nuk guxon t? harrohet
poashtu djersa e madhe e m?rgimtar?ve q? po shp?rdorohet me k?t?
vij? destruktive t? politik?s suaj. N? p?rvijim t? k?saj, ju keni
keqp?rdorur nj? em?rtim t? shenjt? e t? papreksh?m, duke d?mtuar
r?nd? interesat e v?rteta komb?tare t? shqiptar?ve, kudo q? jan?,
dhe jeni nj? nga p?rgjegj?sit kryesor t? k?tyre manipulimeve!

- T? gjitha k?rkesat tuaja politike, t? shtruara publikisht, q? nga
fillimi i luft?s e deri n? k?to momente vendimtare, Sigurimi
Komb?tar Shqiptar i ka marr? dhe i ka vler?suar si veprime taktike
n? favorin e luft?s ?lirimtare, duke mos dashur t? besoj? se ju po e
tradh?toni q?llimisht idealin ?lirimtar t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare
Komb?tare. Edhe t? ashtuquajtur?n "Marr?veshje t? Prizrenit" me
tradh?tar?t dhe bashibuzuk?t Arb?r Xhaferri dhe Ymer Ymeri,
fillimisht e kuptuam si taktik? t? luft?s, p?r t? neutralizuar dy
shqipfol?s q? mund t? d?mtonin luft?n ?lirimtare, duke qen? dor? e
zgjatur e pushtuesve sllavo-maqedonas. Nuk na b?hej t? besojm? se ju
nuk i dinit t? gjitha allish-verishet e tyre n? d?min e interesave
tona komb?tare, ve?an?risht kontraband?n e tyre t? lejuar nga
pushteti policor i Maqedonis? me duhan dhe gj?ra tjera t? palejuara,
p?rmes Makosped-it, gj?ra k?to q? kryesisht i ka investuar dhe
zhvilluar mafia bot?rore ruso-sllavo-maqedonase. T? gjitha
p?rfitimet e p?rgjakshme q? nxirrnin k?ta dy profiter?
antikomb?tar?, nuk do t? duhej t? ishin t? panjohura p?r nj?
"veprimtar" si ju, q? mbante n? organizmat ilegal? "an?n e popullit"
dhe aureol?n e rrejshme t? t? persekutuarit politik! Veprimet legale
t? kontraband?s s? "politikajve" t? shpifur si Xhaferri dhe Ymeri,
nuk ka qen? e mundur t? zhvillohen pa i dh?n? premtime konkrete
okupatorit sllavo-maqedonas! K?t? gj?, "patrioti" Ali Ahmeti, do t?
duhej ditur e njohur mir?filli, derisa ?sht? n? gjendje t?
"prezentoj?" forc?n ?lirimtare t? U?K-s?!...

- T? bindur se n? krahin?n shqiptare t? Ilirid?s ka dhe ka patur
mjaft t? tjer? q? kan? d?shmuar q?ndrime t? denja politike, madje
edhe organizma atdhetar?, ?sht? e patjet?rsuar masa ekzekutive ndaj
jush, derisa pik?risht kollaboracionist?ve kryesor? t? pushtetit
sllavo-maqedonas i keni b?r? autorizime t? pakufizuara, n? nd?rkoh?
q? ekziston dhe u d?shmua n? fush?betej? forca ?lirimtare dhe n?
nd?rkoh? kur shovinizmi sllavo-maqedonas vret pam?shir? edhe f?mij?t
tan? t? djepit! Sjellje si k?to, jan? t? pafalshme!...

- P?rve? faktit se ju nuk p?rfshit? n? "dialogun politik" organizata
tjera atdhetare, dhe nuk e koordinuat k?t? "aktivitet" n? nj? nivel
pak m? t? past?rt, shqet?son ve?an?risht fakti i hidhur se ju
filluat t? korrespodoni hapur me kriminel?t sllavo-maqedonas:
Trajkovski-Georgievski, duke u shkruar letra t? ndryshme, p?rmes t?
cilave fare hapur dhe publikisht i th?rrisnit t? p?rmbahen "p?r t?
ruajtur shtetin e p?rbashk?t" dhe "sovranitetin e Maqedonis?", me
?ka ju keni tejkaluar ?do "kompetenc? ?lirimtare" dhe keni d?mtuar
r?nd? autoritetin ushtarak t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare Komb?tare dhe
??shtjen shqiptare. Sjellje t? tilla t? nj? "p?rfaq?suesi politik"
jo vet?m q? nuk mund t? ken? mbules?, porse ato d?mtojn?
p?rgjith?sisht ndjenjat liridash?se t? kombit shqiptar! Ato na
bind?n mir?filli se "tradh?tar?t, i bashkon tradh?tia!"

- Tani, t? autorizuarit tuaj: tradh?tar?t Xhaferri dhe Ymeri, me
kompanit? e tyre, po pin? ver? e d?frehen n? sarajet fam?liga t?
gjakatar?ve sllavo-maqedonas, derisa ushtria dhe policia e tyre
shoviniste po i vret luft?tar?t m? t? devotsh?m dhe popullin e
pambrojtur! Nuk ka dyshim se p?rmes "negociatave" verore t? Ohrit,
pushtuesi sllavo-maqedonas po e vret prapa kurrizit lirin? komb?tare
t? shqiptar?ve, duke ng?rthyer n? kthetrat e p?rgjakura p?rs?ri
trojet tona legjitime! Kjo loj? e turpshme, natyrisht, nuk mund t?
b?hej pa lejen dhe miradin? tuaj t? paskrupullt e t? pafalshme!...

- Zat?n, "negociatat" politike me sllavo-maqedonasit, kan? qen? t?
p?rfunduara q? n? fillim t? tyre. P?rfundimi i tyre konsiston n?
premtimet tuaja t? dh?na paraprakisht n? favorin e Maqedonis?
sllave, dhe t? ripushtimit sllavo-maqedonas t? viseve etnike
shqiptare t? Ilirid?s. K?to jan? n? p?rputhje t? plot? t? veprimeve
antishqiptare t? kolegut tuaj t? Kosov?s Lindore, z. Shefqet Musliu,
veprimtaria "patriotike" e t? cilit, p?rgjaku fuqish?m dhe tradh?toi
keqas trojet shqiptare t? Preshev?s, Medvegj?s dhe Bujanovcit, duke
i l?n? p?rs?ri t? pambrojtuara n?n shovinizmin gjakatar serbomadh.
Edhe ai qe "arkitekt" dhe shkat?rrues i nj? force ?lirimtare, t?
njohur me emrin U?PMB, q? sot, n? saje t? "pun?s" s? tij "atdhetare"
num?ron qindra sakrifica dhe asnj? fitore! Nuk ka dhe nuk mund t?
ket? plaf politik q? mbulon turpe t? tilla!...

P?r m? tep?r, nuk e shohim t? nevojshme t? themi. Me k?t? rast, dhe
p?r rrethan? leht?suese, nga ju k?rkohet:

1. T? jepni urgjentisht dor?heqje nga "detyra" e "p?rfaq?suesit
politik" t? U?K-s? dhe ?do veprim tjet?r destruktiv!
2. T? k?rkoni ndjes? publike p?r t? gjitha d?mtimet tuaja, b?r?
q?llimisht strukturave t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare Komb?tare dhe popullit
shqiptar!
3. T? deklaroni publikisht tutor?t tuaj politik? dhe t? demantoni
planet e tyre sekrete!
4. T? pamund?soni n? ?astin e fundit nj? "marr?veshje" t? padenj?
p?r shqiptar?t e k?saj treve legjitime etnike shqiptare!


SHEFI I SIGURIMIT KOMB?TAR SHQIPTAR/ SH?RBIMI EKZEKUTIV

Korab Dibra, d.v.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug  9 23:47:21 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 9 Aug 2001 20:47:21 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] DPA
Message-ID: <20010810034721.50959.qmail@web11505.mail.yahoo.com>


Deutsche Presse-Agentur 

August 9, 2001, Thursday, BC Cycle  


Albanian rebels claim responsibility for deadly highway ambush 

Pristina/Skopje 




A new armed group of ethnic Albanians on Thursday claimed responsibility for the killing of 10 Macedonian army reservists in a highway ambush a day earlier and pledged to go on fighting regardless of any political agreement. 

The "Albanian National Army" (AKSH) e-mailed a statement to several Albanian-language media in the region, saying a combined unit of its fighters and of the National Liberation Army (UCK) carried the attack out "in revenge" for the killing of a UCK commander and four other guerrillas Tuesday in an Albanian quarter of Skopje. 

It signalled that it will not recognise the peace agreement reached in principal between Macedonian and ethnic Albanian politicians Wednesday in the southern Macedonian town of Ohrid. 

"AKSH and patriotic commanders of the UCK do not intend to stop the war for a single moment and to recognise any 'political agreement' reached of Slavic-Macedonians and their Albanian-speaking collaborators," it said in the statement. 

The group began issuing statements over the previous weeks in radical Albanian-language media in Kosovo. It claims to be an all- Albanian Army, with the "general staff" operating on Mount Korab, in Albania proper. 

Thursday's statement was marked "number nine". 

In the Albanian-dominated province Thursday, a newspaper quoted a top UCK commander as saying that rebels have welcomed the political deal made in the southern town of Ohrid. 

"The agreement meets the goals that everyone was committed to - the United States, European Union, all the people, and UCK as well," said Gezim Ostreni, UCK "chief of staff". 

He stopped short of saying that the UCK will embrace the agreement and eventually agree to disarm. 

In his interview, Ostreni denied that it was the UCK who attacked the convoy on the Skopje-Tetovo highway Wednesday, in which 10 army reservists were killed. 

"We were not in the area at the time", he said, referring to the ambush and the subsequent fight that lasted for hours. 

Last week, in another release, AKSH took the responsability for the killing of two Serbian police in the village of Muhovac in Presevo Valley, in the 5-kilometre buffer surrounding Kosovo. dpa al bb eg 




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Aug 10 07:36:08 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 04:36:08 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Job in Washington, DC
Message-ID: <20010810113608.15109.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

Subject: [ALBANEWS] Job Opportunities at NAAC
Date: Thu, 2 Aug 2001 10:23:48 EDT
From: Aferdita Rakipi <NAACDC at AOL.COM> 
Program Assistant Position Open Immediately 
Hope Fellowship Program
A Leadership Program for Women Leaders 
from Kosova 
The Hope Fellowship Program is a leadership and empowerment program to support women take an active role during this critical moment of building a democratic society in Kosova. The program is sponsored by the U.S. State
Department and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and administered by the National Albanian American Council. Fellowships last for three months. A total of 60 Fellows will participate from now through December 2002. Fellows will work in close collaboration with a woman mentor in an organization in Washington D.C. that closely matches their profession.
The purpose of the mentor relationship is for Fellows to increase their awareness of the practices of other successful women leaders as well as build additional professional skills. The project will support the Fellows to form an alumni network upon returning to Kosova that will contribute to helping and encouraging other women to seek active participation in civic and professional activities. 
Program Assistant 
Full-time
Salary: $24,000
General Responsibility: Provide administrative support to 3-person project
team in the Washington, DC office and participate in all project implementation. 
Specific Duties
Prepare merge mailings
Format documents
Support day to day projects
Research and set up logistics for events
Provide logistical support to Fellows
Research information and services on-line and by phone
Send faxes and couriers
Maintain electronic and paper files
Other interesting tasks that emerge as we develop the program! 

Required Experience and Skills
Ability to manage details
Like fast-past office environment
Organizational skills
Ability to perform multiple tasks
Ability to work on a team
MS Office (Excel, PowerPoint, Word)
Desktop publishing experience preferred
Fluency in Albanian preferred 
To Apply Please Contact:
Aferdita Rakipi, Program Manager,
Tel: 202-466-6900,
<A HREF="mailto:Arakipi at naac.org



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From admin at albstudent.com  Fri Aug 10 09:02:56 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 06:02:56 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Pėrse ndalohet gjuha shqipe nė kishėn ortodokse tė
Message-ID: <200108101302.GAA32603@mail13.bigmailbox.com>

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From admin at albstudent.com  Fri Aug 10 09:04:49 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 06:04:49 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shteti grek-Demokraci reklamė
Message-ID: <200108101304.GAA00406@mail13.bigmailbox.com>

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From admin at albstudent.com  Fri Aug 10 09:06:28 2001
From: admin at albstudent.com (Admin@ AlbStudent)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 06:06:28 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Why is the Albanian language forbidden in the Albanian Orthodox
 Church of Sarand
Message-ID: <200108101306.GAA00564@mail13.bigmailbox.com>

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From Alije.Ristemi at eplus.de  Fri Aug 10 13:11:26 2001
From: Alije.Ristemi at eplus.de (Alije.Ristemi at eplus.de)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 18:11:26 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Albanians rights
Message-ID: <41256AA4.005E246F.00@S1008351.eplus.de>

--- Weitergeleitete Nachricht / Forwarded Message ---
Date: Mon, 16 Jul 2001 18:03:47 +0200 (MEST)
From: springer.steffi at gmx.net
To: milososki at mail.com
Subject: Albanians rights

> Dear Mr. Milososki,
>
> I see that there were and are trials in Macedonia to make the position of
> the Albanians better but the fact
> that so many people of the 'minority' of ethnic Albanians are still so
> dissatisfied and unhappy contradicts
> the status You discribe.
> Maybe in Macedonia the Albanians have more rights than in other
> albanian-inhabited regions/states of
> the Balkan but that doesn't mean that they really have what they deserve.
> Let's take for example a
> baby. It doesn't cry and scream only for its joy but only to show that
> there's something wrong... I think
> that there must be done more than just saying "the Albanians have all
> rights" and so on. Their discrimination in nearly every respect comes out
> in all
> the numbers that are presented, also by You.
>
> I hope that there is real belief in helping the Albanians and not only
> hollows and I also hope that there'll be soon a census under EU or other
> international control.
>
> By the way, I think that to say the 'terrorists' are not Albanians from
> Macedonia is a little bit exaggerated. Finally everyone knows that they're
> all
> macedonian citizens! Very much dissatisfied citizens!
>
> Respectfully yours,
> Steffi Springer
>

This message is written from me, an Albanian girl, but I prefered to use a name
of a german friend not get any problems with Mr. Milososki the speaker of the
Macedonian government...

With best regards,
Alije R.




From mentor at alb-net.com  Fri Aug 10 12:57:56 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 12:57:56 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] MOSQUE SET ON FIRE, [Albanian] SHOPS DEMOLISHED IN MACEDONIAN TOWN
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.33.0108101240150.16104-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

---------------------------------------------------------------------

                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
  
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
  

   Picture of the burned Mosque in Prilep;

   http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/images/mosqueburning08092001.jpg


RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 5, No. 150, Part II, 9 August 2001

website: http://www.rferl.org/newsline

MOSQUE SET ON FIRE, SHOPS DEMOLISHED IN MACEDONIAN TOWN.

Following the reports of the killing of the 10 soldiers, Interior Minister
Ljube Buckovski imposed a 9:00 p.m. to 5:00 a.m. curfew on Prilep, where
most of the 10 came from, dpa reported on 8 August. Several hundred
Macedonians nonetheless demanded weapons to attack a neighboring Albanian
village "in order to save Macedonia," Deutsche Welle's Bosnian Service
reported. When their request was denied, the crowd set fire to a mosque in
central Prilep and ransacked a number of shops owned by Albanian and other
Muslim Macedonians. Similar riots took place in Bitola earlier this year
after some local men were killed by Albanian fighters (see "RFE/RL
Newsline," 2 May 2001). UB/PM

ALBANIAN SHOPS DESTROYED IN MACEDONIAN CAPITAL.

Several hundred Macedonian citizens who had been forced to leave their
villages some weeks ago staged a peaceful protest in front of the
Macedonian parliament in Skopje on 8 August. The crowd had gathered to
mourn the 10 dead soldiers. As the Skopje daily "Dnevnik" on 9 August
reported, the protesters were later joined by a crowd of young Skopje
citizens, who later destroyed several Albanian-owned shops in the city
center. UB

________________________________________________
To unsubscribe from this list visit:
http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news


From korab_hoxha at hotmail.com  Fri Aug 10 13:54:00 2001
From: korab_hoxha at hotmail.com (Korab Hoxha)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 17:54:00 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KOMUNIKATĖ Nr. 5 - KKĒMTSH
Message-ID: <F8443TuylJc0xvlUQ9c00004ae3@hotmail.com>

KOMITETI KOMB?TAR
P?R ?LIRIMIN DHE MBROJTJEN E TOKAVE SHQIPTARE
N? vij?n e shqyrtimit thelb?sor t? situat?s s? krijuar n? tokat shqiptare t? 
IRJM-s? dhe realizimit t? Platfom?s son? p?r zgjidhjen e drejt? t? ??shtjes 
komb?tare, Kryesia e K?shillit t? P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues e KK?MTSH-s? mbajti 
sot mbledhjen e zgjeruar, dhe, n? baz? t? konstatimeve t? saj, p?r opinionin 
e gj?r? bublik l?shon k?t?:
KOMUNIKAT? Nr. 5
-Komiteti vler?son se ?negociatat paq?sore? t? t? ashtuquajturit ?faktor 
politik shqiptar? me sllavo-maqedonasit dhe nacional-shovinist?t e 
VMRO-DPMN-s?, jan? n? p?rgjith?si t? pavler?shme, t? pasukseshme dhe 
destruktive. Nuk ka dhe nuk mund t? b?het kurr?far? ?marr?veshje? politike 
me k?t? pal? antishqiptare, gj? kjo q? gjith?sesi do t? shkoj? n? d?min e 
??shtjes shqiptare dhe t? kombit shqiptar. Vet? synimi i k?tyre 
?negociatave? p?r ta ruajtur integrale ?Maqedonin??, duke ia l?n? n? brendi 
nj? territor t? r?nd?sish?m etnik shqiptar / gjeografikisht kompakt dhe 
p?rgjat? t?r? shtrirjes s? kufirit t? shtetit am?-Shqip?ris? / ?sht? d?mtim 
i vet?dijsh?m i liris?; t?r?sis? territoriale t? tokave shqiptare, dhe 
itegritetit komb?tar shqiptar. Strukturat q? priren p?r send?rtimin e k?tyre 
?negociatave?, Komiteti i vler?son me t? drejt? si struktura destruktive 
antikomb?tare.
-Komiteti vler?son poashtu se q?llimi kryesor i k?tyre tratativave 
mashtruese ?sht? ?pajtimi? i imponuar i popullit shqiptar t? k?tyre trojeve 
legjitime shqiptare me nj? ?gjys?m-zgjidhje? politike; demilitarizimi i 
faktorit shqiptar dhe n?nshtrimi p?rfundimtar n?n pushtetin e dhun?s 
sllavo-maqedonase. Negociator?t shqipfol?s si Xhaferri-Ymeri me kompani, 
Komiteti i konsideron me t? drejt? si sh?rb?tor? t? d?shmuar t? pushtuesit 
sllavo-maqedonas mbi tok?n autoktone shqiptare. Ata, dhe koleg?t e tyre 
demagog? t? DP- t? U?K-s?, jan? d?shmuar edhe m? par? p?r veprimtari t? 
tilla destruktive dhe antikomb?tare.
-P?rsh?ndetja publike q? ia b?ri ?marr?veshjes? (sipas t? gjitha gjasave t? 
arritur n? Oh?r) Komandanti i SHP t? U?K-s?, G?zim Ostreni, duke e vler?suar 
at? si q?llim kryesor t? struktur?s ushtarake n? ball? t? s? cil?s ndodhet, 
jo vet?m se bie n? kontradikt? me deklaratat e ushtarak?ve tjer? t? lart? t? 
s? nj?jt?s struktur?, por d?shmon mir?filli se ai nuk ka l?vizur fare nga 
pik?pamjet e tija titiste t? marra gjat? sh?rbimit n? ish-APJ, dhe se 
p?rfaq?son tipikisht rrym?n destruktive brenda Ushtris? ?lirimtare 
Komb?tare. Nuk mund t? jet? q?llim kryesor i nj? ?ushtrie komb?tare?, 
bashk?jetesa paq?sore me armikun komb?tar!
-Tratativat tjera ?arsyetuese? t? dit?ve t? fundit t? disa krer?ve t? 
U?K-s?, si psh. ajo e Komandant Mal?s, dh?n? gazet?s ?Bota Sot?, e dat?s 09. 
08. 2001, se ?U?K-ja do t? pranoj? marr?veshjen n?se njihen t? pakt?n 80% e 
k?rkesave tona? ?sht? poashtu nj? manov?r mashtruese, p?r t? neutralizuar 
v?rejtjet serioze q? Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar (SKSH)/Sh?rbimi Ekzekutiv, 
ia ka dh?n? si paralajm?rim DP t? U?K-s?, Ali Ahmetit, n? raport me shkeljet 
e tij drastike t? idealeve ?lirimtare t? U?K-s?, sikurse t? interesave t? 
mir?fillta komb?tare shqiptare. Edhe po t? pranoheshin 100% k?rkesat 
minimaliste shqiptare, prap? se prap? ato e d?mtojn? pafalsh?m ??shtjen 
komb?tare, duke pranuar ?sovranitetin? artificial t? Maqedonis? me tokat 
shqiptare brenda saj!
-Komiteti potencon edhe nj?her? se ai dhe strukturat e veta 
politiko-ushtarake, nuk njohin dhe nuk pranojn? asnj? kompromis n? ??shtjen 
komb?tare dhe jan? t? prirur t`u p?rgjigjen t? gjitha tradh?tive; veprimeve 
gjakatare dhe operacioneve t? armikut, n? m?nyr? serioze dhe pa kompromis. 
K?t? e d?shmuan mir?filli strukturat tona, duke goditur armikun komb?tar 
menj?her? pas aktit kriminal n? Shkup mbi Komandant Telin dhe 
bashk?luft?tar?t e tij, me ??rast armikut iu vran? mbi 20 dhe iu plagos?n 
mbi 30 pjes?tar (Aksioni Gueril i AKSH-s? n? magjistralen Shkup-Tetov?, af?r 
fshatit Grup?in, 08. Gusht 2001). Po t? nj?jt?n gj? e d?shmon aksioni i 
sot?m n? Shkup, p?rmes t? cilit, armikut komb?tar i jan? vrar? e plagosur 
dhjetra ushtar? e polic?.
-R?nien fatkeqe t? Komandant Telit, Komiteti e konsideron si viktimizim t? 
q?llimt? nga ana e DP t? U?K-s?, gj? kjo q? d?shmohet indirekt edhe p?rmes 
deklarimit t? nj? ushtaraku t? lart? t? U?K-s? p?r mediat, se ?Komandat Teli 
ishte p?rjashtuar nga radh?t e U?K-s?, dhe se ?sht? ndjekur p?r t`u 
arrestuar nga Policia Ushtarake?. N? t? nj?jt?n vij? eliminimi t? 
bashk?luft?tar?ve t? vet, si? duket ?sht? vrar? edhe Kolonel Tahir Sinani, 
ish-Komandant i ZO t? Pashtrikut /n? at? moment, Komandant i Brigad?s 116 t? 
U?K-s?, p?r t? cilin DP dhe SHP i U?K-s? nuk dhan? asnj? shpjegim. K?to, dhe 
t? tjera si k?to, d?shmojn? se brenda instancave udh?heq?se t? U?K-s?, 
fatkeq?sisht vepron dora e zgjatur kollaboracioniste e armikut komb?tar, 
rrethan? kjo q? paraqet rrezik permanent p?r t? gjith? ata luft?tar? t? 
liris? q? mund t? mos pajtohen me vendimet e tyre demilitarizuese dhe 
pacifiste antikomb?tare.
-Sjelljet dhe veprimet e tilla, Drejtorin? Politike dhe Shtabin e 
P?rgjithsh?m t? U?K-s? e ngarkojn? me p?rgjegj?si t? m?dha e t? pafalshme 
morale, ushtarake dhe komb?tare, duke verifikuar t? gjitha paralajm?rimet 
tona, b?r? me koh? strukturave ushtarake t? U?K-s?; strukturave tona 
ushtarake dhe opinionit t? gj?r? publik.
-Komiteti th?rret t? gjith? ushtar?t dhe epror?t atdhetar? t? U?K-s?, 
sikurse strukturat e veta, t? jen? sy?el? e t? devotsh?m n? ?do moment, dhe 
t? mos e ndalin luft?n ?lirimtare, duke e intensifikuar gjithnj? e m? tep?r, 
deri n? ?lirimin e plot? t? tokave shqiptare, pra, ngadhjimin p?rfundimtar 
mbi armiqt? gjakatar?!
Dib?r-Tiran?-Prishtin?,
10. Gusht 2001
P?r Kryesin? e KPD t? KK?MTSH-s?
Kryetari, Kushtrim Dukagjini


_________________________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Aug 10 17:16:26 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 14:16:26 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] -Out-of-Kosovo Voter Registration
Message-ID: <20010810211626.88650.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>





----Original Message Follows----
From: "IRSA List Owner"

Reply-To: "IRSA Net Alert"

To: "IRSA Net Alert" 
Subject: Out-of-Kosovo Voter Registration
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 10:37:05 -0400

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has
requested US voluntary agencies to help publicize
their program for registration of Kosovar voters
living outside of Kosovo so they can participate in
the
November elections. IOM message follows:

Message: (please scroll down) The International
Organization for Migration is happy to inform you that
the Special Representative of the Secretary General
and Head of the UN Interim Administration Mission in
Kosovo (UNMIK) announced Kosovo-wide elections for
November 17, 2001 to elect a 120-member law-making
Assembly.
Recalling the success of last year?s municipal
elections, the IOM is pleased to be tasked again with
preparing non-resident registration for this year?s
Assembly elections. The elections are overseen by the
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE). The OSCE and the International Organization
for Migration (IOM) signed on 17 May a Memorandum of
Understanding under which the IOM Election
Co-ordination Office in Vienna has begun preparations
to conduct, co-ordinate and supervise the registration
of Kosovars living outside Kosovo.
To vote in the November elections, every eligible
voter must either apply to register or confirm
registration from last year by completing a new
registration form. Registration begins 30 July and
ends 8 September.
IOM-OKV is sending to all applicants from last year
personalized registration materials to be completed
and returned to IOM-OKV Vienna. As we are making every
effort to reach all potential voters, we ask your
important support to help inform and provide materials
to potential voters.
This year, generic registration forms and information
may also be downloaded from our website at
www.okvoting.org.
For further information or application materials,
applicants form the USA and Canada should either take
advantage of our website or call our 
IOM Washington office at our toll-free number at
1.866.819.5158 or contact us
by e-mail at okv-dc at iom.int.
If you have further questions, please do not hesitate
to contact me at
202.862.1826x240.
Sincerely,
Henrike Lehnguth
Head of Voter Information Office
Out-of-Kosovo Voting (OKV)
IOM Washington, D.C.
Toll-free phone#: 1.866.819.5158
Fax#: 202.862.1879



=====================================================
To learn more about IRSA, visit our website at:
http://www.refugeesusa.org

=====================================================
The Immigration and Refugee Services of America
is a nonprofit, humanitarian organization
that acts to defend human rights, build communities,
foster education, promote self-sufficiency, and forge
partnerships through an array of programs.

=====================================================
You are currently subscribed to irsa-list as:
plako at hotmail.com
To unsubscribe send a blank email to
leave-irsa-list-1481R at lists.refugees.org


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From naac at naac.org  Fri Aug 10 19:06:58 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Fri, 10 Aug 2001 19:06:58 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NLA Supports the Peace Agreement
Message-ID: <003c01c121f1$5f3617a0$775a1840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________

For Your Information

Ali Ahmeti: "NLA Supports the Peace Agreement"

Dear Friends:

We wanted to share with you the full text of an interview that Ali Ahmeti, political representative of the NLA, gave to the Voice of America Albanian Language Service earlier today.  In his interview, Mr. Ahmeti declared that the NLA is ready to accept the peace proposal that has already been initialed by the representatives of Macedonian and Albanian political parties at the peace talks.  Upon signature of the agreement, the NLA is ready to comply with its regulations and help with its implementation.  Furthermore, Mr. Ahmeti declared that the NLA is already considering disarmament plans that have been proposed to it by NATO representatives in Macedonia.  

For the original Albanian version of this interview, please visit the following link to the Voice of America Albanian Language Service website: http://www.voanews.com/albanian/

Following is an English translation of the interview.

Voice of America Interview with Ali Ahmeti, National Liberation Army
Friday, August 10, 2001

VOA: Mr. Ahmeti, is NLA the author of the attacks that have taken place these last few days against Macedonian troops, for example of today's incident?

Ahmeti: The NLA has signed an agreement with NATO, where both parties have no right of movement, that is why today I am expressing my regret that the Government troops have entered the mountain road and have stepped on mines which we have not confirmed whether they have been planted by our soldiers or by government forces themselves, so that they could prevent the movement of the NLA in those areas. So again, I express regret for this accident. 

VOA: Mr. Ahmeti, a group named Albanian National Army took responsibility together with the NLA, as they say, for the second incident two days ago, when ten Macedonian soldiers were killed. Do you know this group? 

Ahmeti: No, we do not have any knowledge.  Here in Macedonia, there is only one active emblem, which is that of the NLA, whereas the act was committed on the road Shkup-Tetove, in that region our forces are not deployed, therefore we do not take any responsibility. 

VOA: Mr. Ahmeti, what is your opinion on the agreement among the political parties, are you in agreement with all the issues discussed, with all the points on which agreement has been reached? 

Ahmeti: Yes of course that in this kind of negotiations, we, the NLA, have presented our platform from the beginning.  Naturally our platform did not find adequate support in this conference, but in principle we agree with the platform which has been prepared by EU and USA, and Albanian political parties which participated in this conference.  Therefore, we see it reasonable that the platform approved at this conference, the peace platform, receive support from NLA, as well. 

VOA: So you accept the agreement that has been reached, could we say that?

Ahmeti: Yes, the NLA is in concurrence with this agreement; here we see that on the basis of this agreement, European standards will be implemented in Macedonia, Macedonia will have an opportunity to become integrated in the Euro-Atlantic structures; based on this agreement, the Albanians will generally accomplish a goal of their own, they will find themselves as equals in their own state.

VOA: Therefore, Mr. Ahmeti, if the Agreement is signed officially, the NLA will try to implement it, including your disarmament? 

Ahmeti: Of course.  We already have projects for the disarmament of the NLA. These projects have been offered to us from NATO officials, from the representative of Mr. Robertson, and we are now in the process of evaluating and working on these documents.

###
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From korab_hoxha at hotmail.com  Sat Aug 11 15:24:20 2001
From: korab_hoxha at hotmail.com (Korab Hoxha)
Date: Sat, 11 Aug 2001 19:24:20 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] U R D H Ė R E S Ė Nr. 011 / 01 - AKSH
Message-ID: <F153xqDCZx4FR0rmTIV00005817@hotmail.com>

SHTABI SUPREM
I ARMAT?S KOMB?TARE SHQIPTARE

U R D H ? R E S ? Nr. 011 / 01
( Komandant?ve t? Nj?siteve Elite t? AKSH-s? )

Bazuar n? situat?n e krijuar, pas n?nshkrimit t? "marr?veshjes s? Ohrit" nga 
treshja tradh?tare: Ahmeti-Xhaferri-Ymeri, para jush shtrohen k?to detyra 
konkrete dhe urgjente, si vijon m? posht?:

1.- T? krijohen lidhje t? ngushta shoq?rore dhe bashkim tytash me t? gjith? 
komandant?t atdhetar? t? UCK-s? (n? terren), t? cil?t nuk e pranojn? k?t? 
tradh?ti dhe jan? t? gatsh?m q? lufta t? vazhdohet edhe n? t? ardhmen;

2.- Me aksione t? rrufeshme kudo t? goditen formacionet ushtarako-policore 
t? armikut kriminal sllavo-maqedonas. Gjithandej? t? goditen kolonat dhe 
depot? ushtarako-policore sllavo-maqedonase. <<Arma e leht? n'a sjell? arm?n 
e r?nd?>>,-na kan? m?suar heronjt? tan? komb?tar?.

3.- T? gjith? komandant?ve n? terren t'iu thuhet se u ndalohet rrept?sisht 
q? t? lejojn? kameraman? e fotograf? q? t? filmojn? e fotografojn?, dhe t? 
japin intervista n?p?r mjetet e informacioneve publike komb?tare e 
nd?rkomb?tare.

R R O F T ?    P O P U L L I    S H Q I P T A R ;

L A V D I    D ? S H M O R ? V E ;

P ? R P A R A   N ?   F I T O R E;

J A   V D E K J E - J A   L I R I ;

Tetov?; 08 gusht 2001 SHTABI SUPREM  I   A. K. S H. - s?
Gjeneral - Majori: Shqiponja e Sharrit
Komisari Politik : Valon Flamuri


_________________________________________________________________
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From korab_hoxha at yahoo.dk  Sun Aug 12 10:25:25 2001
From: korab_hoxha at yahoo.dk (Korab Hoxha)
Date: Sun, 12 Aug 2001 07:25:25 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] PROMEMORJE Nr. 1- KKĒMTSH
Message-ID: <20010812142525.36884.qmail@web14102.mail.yahoo.com>

KOMITETI KOMB?TAR
P?R ?LIRIMIN DHE MBROJTJEN E TOKAVE SHQIPTARE 
Duke patur parasysh gjendjen konkrete t? krijuar n?
trojet etnike shqiptare n?n IRJM-n?, pas t? t?
ashtuquajturave ?negociata paq?sore? t? ?faktorit t?
bashkuar politik shqiptar? dhe pushtuesve gjakatar?
sllavo-maqedonas; 
ve?an?risht, rrezikun q? paraqet restriksioni i
k?rkesave minimaliste t? parashtruara nga ana e k?tij
?faktori?, sikurse ngushtimi i lirive dhe i t?
drejtave t? natyrshme e legjitime t? etnikumit
shqiptar; 
duke patur parasysh rreziqet e krijimit t? nj? situate
akoma m? dramatike n? trojet etnike shqiptare n?n
IRJM-n?, apo t? shkaktimit t? d?meve t?
pap?rmir?sueshme; 
sidomos pas nj? analize detale t? t? gjitha mund?sive
tona t? veprimit kolektiv, dhe n? p?rputhje t? plot?
t? Platfom?s p?r zgjidhjen e drejt? t? ??shtjes
komb?tare- 
Kryesia e K?shillit t? P?rgjithsh?m Drejtues e
KK?MTSH-s? konsultoi Drejtorin? e Sigurimit Komb?tar
Shqiptar dhe vendosi q? para t? gjitha subjekteve t?
organizuara shqiptare (brenda apo jasht? Atdheut) t?
paraqes? k?t?:
PROMEMORJE Nr. 1
1) T? mos pranohet asnj? denigrim i autoritetit
komb?tar; asnj? kufizim dhe asnj? shabllonizim, nga
asnj? instanc? lokale apo nd?rkomb?tare, pos t?
drejt?s legjitime; t? natyrshme dhe t? parevokuar t?
kombit shqiptar p?r t? jetuar i lir?; i pavarur dhe i
bashkuar administrativisht dhe territorialisht n?
tokat e veta!
2) Asnj? forc? e ve?ant? politike apo ushtarake nuk ka
t? drejt? t? pengoj? zgjidhjen globale t? ??shtjes
komb?tare dhe as t? marr? vendime q? shkojn? n? d?min
e k?saj ??shtjeje; madje as Qeveria e shtetit am?-
Shqip?ris?!
3) Ministris? s? Pun?ve t? Jashtme t? shtetit t?
cunguar shqiptar- Shqip?ris?, t`u ndalohet menj?her?
?do kontakt ?diplomatik? me armiqt? tan? dhe shtetet
fqinj?; sikurse t? sistohen t? gjitha ?marr?veshjet? e
deritashme, t? zhvilluara pa koncenzus mbar?shqiptar
dhe n? d?min e ??shtjes komb?tare!
4) T? gjitha forcave aktuale politike dhe ushtarake,
t? paraqituara n? sken?n shqiptare, t? cilat, me
p?rjashtim t? Komitetit Komb?tar p?r ?lirimin dhe
Mbrojtjen e Tokave Shqiptare (KK?MTSH-s?); Armat?s
Komb?tare Shqiptare (AKSH-s?) dhe Sigurimit Komb?tar
Shqiptar (SKSH-s?), karakterizohen nga parime rajonale
dhe pjesore, u k?rkohet t? harmonizojn? e t?
nd?rlidhin veprimtarin? n? sh?rbim t? plot? t?
??shtjes komb?tare!
5) Zgjidhja e ??shtjes komb?tare, q? k?rkon unifikimin
e t? gjith? faktor?ve shqiptar?: atyre ushtarak;
politik; diplomatik; ekonomik; financiar, etj. -
shtron p?rpara secil?s struktur? t? organizuar
shqiptare doemosdoshm?rin? e kooperimit konstruktiv
dhe konsultimit paraprak me struktuarat komb?tare,
respektivisht KK?MTSH-s?- si struktur? nd?rlidh?se,
gj? kjo q? vlen? par?sisht p?r strukturat e pjes?ve t?
rob?ruara t? tok?s shqiptare!
6) ?do veprim dhe ?marr?veshje? q? b?het prapa
kurrizit t? kombit shqiptar, nga kushdoqoft?, ?sht? i
predestinuar t? p?rfundoj? n? ankand t? historis? dhe
t? jet? p?rgjegj?s p?r tragjedit? q? mund t? godasin
etnikumin shqiptar!
7) P?r t? gjitha strukturat e organizuara shqiptare,
brenda dhe jasht? Shqip?ris?, shtrohet si urgjenc? e
shkall?s s? par? krijimi i mund?sive t? mbajtjes s?
Kuvendit Komb?tar Mbar?shqiptar, apo Kuvendit t?
Bashkimit Komb?tar, p?r mes t? cilit harmonizohen
veprimet n? shkall? komb?tare, respektivisht, krijohen
instrumentet e k?tij niveli!
8) T? gjitha fondet rajonale; partiake e t? nj?anshme,
q? lidhen me zonat e kriz?s, ve?an?risht Fondi
Humanitar ?Liria Komb?tare?; Fondi ?Z?ri i Atdheut?
apo ?Fondi Komb?tar Shqiptar?- jan? t? detyruara t?
koncentrojn? mjetet materiale dhe t? vihen n? disponim
t? strukturave aktuale mbar?shqiptare: Komitetit
Komb?tar p?r ?lirimin dhe Mbrojtjen e Tokave
Shqiptare; Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare dhe Sigurimit
Komb?tar Shqiptar!
9) Lufta ?lirimtare q? po zhvillohet n? trojet tona
legjitime n?n IRJM-n?, nuk guxon t? nd?rprehet; t?
manipulohet apo t? kapitulloj?, para se t? realizohet
plot?sisht liria komb?tare e shqiptar?ve, q? n?nkupton
t? drejt?n e shk?putjes territoriale dhe bashkimin e
natyrsh?m me shtetin am?- Shqip?rin?! 
10)T? gjitha shoqatat kulturore; klubet dhe
asociacionet shqiptare t? emigracionit, obligohen t?
vihen n? kontakt me KK?MTSH-n? dhe t? p?rgaditen p?r
riorganizimin e tyre n? baza t? mir?fillta komb?tare!
11)?do mosmarr?veshje apo hasm?ri n? mes pjes?tar?ve
t? etnikumit shqiptar; n? mes t? strukturave politike
apo ushtarake; n? mes t? orientimeve ideologjike apo
fetare, duhet t? pushoj? menj?her?, n? em?r t?
unitetit komb?tar dhe doemosdoshm?ris? s? veprimit
mbar?shqiptar!
12)T? krijohen mund?sit? urgjente t? p?rballimit t?
katastrofave humanitare p?r kushtet e nj? konfrontimi
mbar?shqiptar me armiqt? fqinj?, dhe t? vihet n?
dispozicion t? instrumenteve komb?tare ?do ?indark? e
mundshme!
13)T? gjitha moshat vitale t? kombit shqiptar duhet t?
q?ndrojn? n? gadishm?ri p?r Mobilizim dhe Kryengritje
t? P?rgjithshme!...
P?rndryshe:
-Komitetit Komb?tar p?r ?lirimin dhe Mbrojtjen e
Tokave Shqiptare (KK?MTSH), detyrohet t? veproj? n?
kuptimin e Platform?s s? vet p?rmes instancave t?
veta; instrumenteve t? konsultuara deri m? tani dhe
forcave q? ka n? disponim, deri n? shpartallimin e
plot? t? pushtuesve t? tokave shqiptare, duke mos
p?rfill? asnj? instanc? tjet?r lokale: t? brendshme,
politike apo administrative!
-Armata Komb?tare Shqiptare (AKSH) detyrohet t? marr?
p?rsip?r Mobilizimin e P?rgjithsh?m t? kombit
shqiptar, n? baz? t? kompetencave t? saja, dhe t? mos
p?rfill? asnj? struktur? tjet?r ushtarake, deri n?
?lirimin e plot? t? tok?s s? rob?ruar shqiptare!
-Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar (SKSH) detyrohet t?
eliminoj? ?do barrier? t? brendshme apo t? jashtme q?
pengon zgjidhjen e drejt? t? ??shtjes komb?tare, pa
marr? parasysh nivelin e tyre dhe pasojat eventuale!
Mir?po:
-Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar, na udh?zon unanimisht t?
p?rfillim n? m?nyr? rigoroze normativat nd?rkomb?tare
dhe ligjet e luft?s; t? ruajm? kualitetet e larta
njer?zore dhe morale n? ?do moment; t? jemi tep?r t?
v?mendsh?m n? ?do situat?, sepse nuk do t? na e fal?
asnj? veprim q? d?mton ??shtjen e shenjt? komb?tare!
-Armat?n Komb?tare Shqiptare e obligon t? p?rpunoj?
programin konkret t? veprimit t? saj, si struktur?
ushtarake, sikurse paraqitjen publike t? pikave q? i
dedikohen situat?s konkrete n? trojet shqiptare n?n
IRJM-n?!
-Komitetin Komb?tar p?r ?lirimin dhe Mbrojtjen e
Tokave Shqiptare e obligon t? paraqes? Grupin e
Kontaktit dhe Projekt-Marr?veshjen p?r veprim t?
p?rbashk?t me t? gjitha strukturat e organizuara
shqiptare!... 
Dib?r-Tiran?-Prishtin?,
12. Gusht 2001
P?r Kryesin? e KPD, t? KK?MTSH-s?
Kryetari, Kushtrim Dukagjini



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From mentor at alb-net.com  Mon Aug 13 17:05:12 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Mon, 13 Aug 2001 17:05:12 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zherka on NewsHour with Jim Lehrer (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.33.0108131704030.1765-100000@alb-net.com>

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 13 Aug 2001 17:00:52 EDT
From: Aferdita Rakipi <NAACDC at AOL.COM>

Dear Friends,

Ilir Zherka, President of the National Albanian American Council will appear
tonight on PBS in the NewsHour with Jim Lehrer to comment on the signing of
the peace agreement that took place earlier today in Macedonia.

The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer is the evening news program of PBS.  For
broadcast times in your area, please refer to your local listings.

____________________________________________________________________



From naac at naac.org  Tue Aug 14 11:00:48 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Tue, 14 Aug 2001 11:00:48 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NewsHour on Peace Deal in Macedonia
Message-ID: <003501c124d1$ec525cb0$9b5a1840@sold>

      Dear Friends,

      Ilir Zherka, President of NAAC was a guest in last night's NewsHour with Jim Lehrer discussing the peace agreement that was signed yesterday in Macedonia.  
      In case you missed the program, following is a link to the PBS website, as well as the text to the transcript of the interview.  

      PBS NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, August 13, 2001
      Making Peace
      http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/europe/july-dec01/macedonia_8-13.html


      Text Transcript
      GWEN IFILL: For more on the situation in Macedonia, we get three views. Vasil Babamov is president of the Macedonian American Friendship Association. Ilir Zherka is president of the National Albanian American Council. And Daniel Serwer is director of the Balkin program at the U.S. Institute of Peace. Gentlemen, welcome. Daniel Serwer, will this agreement hold? 
      DANIEL SERWER: Hard to tell, Gwen. I think it's an agreement that is difficult to implement. There are extremists on both sides who will try to undermine it, but it's better than not having an agreement. There will be a real need for international support in implementing it. 

      GWEN IFILL: Now, in order for these NATO troops to come in and disarm the Albanian rebels, which is part of this agreement, there are a couple of hurdles which have to be crossed first, aren't there? 

      DANIEL SERWER: Well, they're saying they want a durable cease-fire and they're saying they want a clear indication of willingness to turn in arms. It seems to me that NATO will help make that cease-fire durable. So far as the willingness to turn in arms is concerned, I find it difficult to believe that a lot of arms are going to be turned in within 30 days. I think a NATO presence of considerably longer duration is needed. 

      GWEN IFILL: Now, even after this agreement was initialed but before it was formally signed there was still violence going on. There were still attacks going on even though there was supposed to be kind of a cease-fire in effect or at least the hopes of one. What reason do we have to believe that this cease-fire can be made durable? 

      DANIEL SERWER: We don't have a lot of reason. What we know is that there are people on both sides who want to make it durable. The question is whether they really control the situation. And there are certainly extremists who want to undermine the agreement. It's not at all guaranteed that this is going to work.
      
      Something to gain? 
      GWEN IFILL: Ilir Zherka, why did the Albanians agree to this? What do they have to gain? 

      ILIR ZHERKA: I think this offers the real chance for significant reforms in Macedonia, reforms that will make Macedonian society of equal citizens. Up until now Albanians have been second-class citizens. They haven't enjoyed the same rights as Macedonians. The Albanians for the last decade -- since the independence of Macedonia -- have been pressing for the reforms that are represented in this agreement: Greater local control, the use of the Albanian language as an official language, changes to the preamble that basically discriminated against Albanians; consensual democracy in the parliament; and a number of other changes that if implemented are significant. 

      GWEN IFILL: Who are the people who signed onto this agreement? There were Albanian rebels who weren't present for the negotiations and didn't sign on, which, it seems to me, might be kind of a hole in the logic.

      ILIR ZHERKA: Well, the political leaders were at the negotiating table and they signed the agreement, but they have been talking to the National Liberation Army as have internationals. So I think that the NLA has bought off and joined the negotiations. On Friday the political spokesperson endorsed the agreement, said that the rebels will disarm. And my understanding is they're now working on a disarmament agreement and an amnesty agreement and maybe within the next day or so we might see it. 

      GWEN IFILL: Mr. Serwer, very pessimistic about the chance that this agreement can hold. What do you think? 

      DANIEL SERWER: Well, I think if there's the will, it will hold. What we've seen on the Macedonian government side is not necessarily the will in terms of the government, the prime minister and the interior minister just a few days ago said that the answer to the conflict is a stronger military response, which is not what the president of Macedonia has been saying and certainly not what the international folks on the ground have been saying as well. 

      GWEN IFILL: Let's turn to Mr. Babamov and maybe ask you to respond to that. Where is the Macedonian government in this? What do they have to gain by this peace agreement holding, and can it hold?

      VASIL BABAMOV: The Macedonian government can gain stability and peace in Macedonia, which have not been existing for six months, and the Macedonian government has a record of supporting democracy since its formation, the democratic rights of the citizens in Macedonia have been developing pretty well for the last ten years and the Albanians have already had quite advanced minority rights in Macedonia by Balkan standards, probably by far the best minority rights and by European standards very highly rated minority rights. The Macedonian government will go along with this, I'm pretty confident, as long as there is a good indication of respect for the cease-fire and a meaningful disarmament. However, I'm not very hopeful that either of those will happen. Every cease-fire in the past have been broken immediately by the Albanian rebels or terrorists, depending on which side of the fence you sit. And I don't expect anything different. We have seen disarmaments like this in Kosovo. They have been essentially a farce. The few non-working Kalashnikov get turned in and the arms just get shifted across the completely powerless border into Kosovo and everything goes on as before. 

      GWEN IFILL: Mr. Zherka just said that Albanians are treated as second-class citizens. You just said they have rights, which are all out of proportion to their percentage as a minority in Macedonia. Which is so? 

      VASIL BABAMOV: Well, I said that they do have minority rights, which are very advanced by any standards. Their minority rights are far greater than those of the minorities in the U.S. They have quarters for entering the universities. Five out of the fifteen cabinet members in the government are Albanian. Five out of the fifteen deputy cabinet members in the cabinet are Albanian. The percentage of Albanian deputies in the parliament is almost the same as that of the general population. No minority in the surrounding countries or in the U.S. has that kind of record of participation that close to the percentage in the population in the government or in the parliament. So it's... The minority rights have been quite advanced. Every minority wants more rights. They have been just developing in the last ten years since the formation of Macedonia, they have been gaining more and more rights. There is willingness among the population to grant more rights as long as they don't lead to break-up of the country and to ethnic cleansing in the areas that are predominantly Albanian, which we have seen lately in every village that has been taken over by the national... by the NLA. 
      
      Driving the violence 
      GWEN IFILL: Okay. Daniel Serwer, we just saw two people talk about the same set of facts in totally opposite ways. What is driving this violence? Is it ethnic? Is it political? What is driving this? 

      DANIEL SERWER: I think the violence is actually driven by some very nasty people who are criminals. And they came in to Macedonia from Kosovo. Some of them had their origins in Macedonia, but it's being driven by a band of guerillas. But it's found large political resonance inside Macedonia among the Albanians because they've been fighting for things for years without success. And they've found that this violence has helped to get them the kind of hearing they had looked for in the past through purely political means. 

      GWEN IFILL: Mr. Zherka, you've heard that -- what he just said, that this is what's driving it. What's your opinion about what is driving the violence? 

      ILIR ZHERKA: Well, I think Vasil's comments are inconsistent with President Trajkovski's comments who has in the past acknowledged that Albanians are discriminated against in Macedonia, the State Department has consistently documented systematic discrimination against Albanians. Macedonians have a bare majority in the country but they have over 95 percent and some ministries over 98 percent of the jobs there in a country where there's high unemployment. The government job is the only one that's out there. The discrimination goes way beyond just the workplace. 

      GWEN IFILL: Assuming that NATO does have a role and will be sending 3500 troops in, does the United States have a special discreet role in driving for peace in this? 

      ILIR ZHERKA: I think so. You know, this peace negotiations was really going nowhere over the last few months. It took U.S. Special Envoy Jim Pardue to shake things up and bring the parties to the agreement, and this agreement really represents the U.S.'s role there. The US, after the agreement, has a very important role to play in terms of implementation, ensuring that the agreement is actually implemented, which won't be easy. 

      GWEN IFILL: Mr. Babamov, does the U.S. have a role? 

      VASIL BABAMOV: Well, the U.S. has a role, the decisive role. The U.S. can make or break every agreement. First of all, I would like to correct Mr. Zherka on his statement that 98 percent of the government employees are ethnic Macedonians or non-Albanians. The percentage of Albanian in the government sector has gone from 3 percent during the formation, at the time of the formation of the Macedonian state to over 10 percent now and it keeps rising. The problem there is finding Albanians that are qualified to do the work that needs to be done. On the other hand, the key to the problem is in the United States. The problem to Macedonia has come from Kosovo where we have enormous amounts of arms and a surplus of highly trained fighters who have really nothing to do there and they have been coming over the border to Macedonia and causing unrest. And they have recruited some of the local population, much of that is essentially mercenary. They can pay the people and so on. 

      GWEN IFILL: I want to take time for a final question for Mr. Serwer. Do you think that Albanians and Macedonians will ever be able to live peacefully together? 

      DANIEL SERWER: Yes, I do. Citizens in Macedonia have not started fighting with each other. This has largely been a war of the Macedonian police and army against the guerillas. And I believe that with a lot of international support, a lot of hard work, Macedonia can be put back together again. 

      GWEN IFILL: Okay. Thank you all very much for joining me. 
     

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From naac at naac.org  Wed Aug 15 11:39:35 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Wed, 15 Aug 2001 11:39:35 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 15, 2001
Message-ID: <006901c125a0$9b55c890$5b511840@sold>

National Albanian American Council 
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006 
(202) 466-6900,  Fax: (202) 466-5593 
Email: naac at naac.org
                                                                             
For Your Information 


New York Times
August 15, 2001
Macedonia Deployment Moves Forward
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

BRUSSELS, Belgium (AP) -- NATO leaders presented a proposal to their national governments for the partial deployment of a 3,500-member military mission to Macedonia, moving forward Wednesday with a plan the alliance hopes will pave the way for peace in the Balkan nation.

The alliance's ruling council set a 5 p.m. (11 a.m. EDT) deadline for any of NATO's 19-member governments to object to the plan. If they do not, the council will authorize deployment of the mission's headquarters, communications and other essential support elements -- about 400 personnel.

The 3,500-strong British-led force would collect and destroy arms and ammunition held by the rebels. The 30-day mission, dubbed Operation Essential Harvest, would include troops from the United States and 11 European nations.

One NATO official, speaking on condition he not be identified, said a decision to deploy partially did not imply a final decision on deployment of the entire task force.

NATO set four conditions for sending in troops: a political agreement between the parties, a NATO-Macedonia agreement setting out the legal basis for the deployment, an agreement with the rebels for turning in weapons, and a cease-fire.

The first three have been fulfilled. Despite the signing of the peace agreement on Monday, however, sporadic violence has continued.

The Macedonian Defense Ministry said Wednesday there was fighting overnight between the insurgents and government forces in the second-largest city of Tetovo and surrounding villages.

The ministry said ethnic Albanian rebels attacked Macedonian security forces deployed near the city's soccer stadium, and around Sara Mountain and other villages near Tetovo and in the Kumanovo area, north of Skopje. Government forces returned fire. There was no word on casualties.

NATO is concerned that if it deploys too early, allied troops could find themselves in a crossfire. If it waits to long to deploy, the political agreement could come apart.

NATO Secretary-General Lord Robertson had been pressing the ambassadors to move quickly to keep up the momentum of the political agreement.

Once NATO gives the activation order, the first elements can be on their way almost immediately. Military officials have said the headquarters element of the deployment could be in Macedonia within 48 hours of the activation order.

Monday's peace deal, which came after six months of bloody conflict, gives ethnic Albanians a larger share of power in the police, parliament and education.

In Skopje, Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski said Wednesday he will ask Parliament to amend the constitution to give the ethnic Albanian minority more rights, the first formal step in implementing the peace deal and paving the way for NATO.

Parliament would ratify the amendments three days after NATO informs the government that ethnic Albanian rebels have been disarmed, state television reported.

Maj. Gen. Gunnar Lange of Denmark, a senior NATO representative in Skopje, said that once the mission is approved and a permanent-cease fire is established, the deployment will last about 10 days. ``Within 30 days, we expect to complete the mission,'' he said Wednesday.

``Our soldiers will not come here to enforce peace,'' Lange said. ``They will only come if the environment allows them to conduct their very specific mission of collecting weapons and ammunition that are voluntarily turned in.''

The most likely outcome of Wednesday's meeting in Brussels, diplomats said, is a proposal to deploy the NATO force on a fixed date.

On Tuesday, NATO reached deals with the Macedonian government and ethnic Albanians on the deployment of alliance soldiers and the disarming of rebels in this impoverished country.

The rebels officially declared they intend to hand in about 2,000 weapons, a figure NATO is trying to persuade the Macedonian government to accept.

NATO and ethnic Albanian officials said the insurgents pledged to hand in their weapons to the British-led force.

However, hopes for a permanent cease-fire were dampened by the recent killing of up to nine people in the village of Ljuboten on the outskirts of Skopje. Ethnic Albanians said the victims, all civilians, were summarily executed by the government troops; the government insisted they were rebels in disguise. 

Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty
Agust 15, 2001

"Sour Grapes" from Serbian Prime Minister 


Zoran Djindjic told Austrian Television on 13 August that the lesson of the settlement in Macedonia is that "violence pays," the BBC's Serbian Service reported. He added that the Albanians have received a generous deal, and that now the "only oppressed group in Europe" are the Serbs of Kosova. 

 

Shekulli (Albanian Daily)

August 15, 2001

Prime-Minister to be selected after a week
SP Council decides Committee meeting on 20 August
By Darina Tanushi

The SP Steering Council has decided to postpone the meeting of the Steering Committee due to the accident suffered by the SP Chairman Nano the previous day. The Council had an emergency meeting which the PM Meta, the ministers Meksi, Ruka and the Secretary fir Foreign Relations Dade did not attend. 
The Secretary General Ruci informed the other members of the health situation of the leader and requested their consensus for postponing the Committee meeting as Nano could not attend it. 
The leader Nano had been on a tour in the South during these days, which was commented as a move of the leader to make the local leaders not vote Meta as PM again. Certain senior party officials, supporters to Meta even criticized the tour. 
The Steering Committee meeting scheduled to take place today was going to select the new Socialist for PM and the new candidate for parliament Speaker. The materials had been prepared and the members had been acquainted with the platforms of the three candidates running for the post of PM. The candidates had been scheduled to have no debate but just present their platforms and their political-governance priorities. The selection would be through the secret voting. 

Fifth round delays CEC
Parliament to be convened one week later 

The constitution of the new Parliament has been postponed one more week, on 20th of August 2001. Time is needed to give the final result and for the calculation of the 40 additional seats. In one zone in Korce, the election which began on 24th of June actually might even finish in September.
In case the opposition candidate in this zone end with a loss, the opposition coalition is going to have 28 seats from the proportional list, which is two more and will total 48 (20 +28) instead of 47 (21 + 26). 
Another reason is the unexpected accident of the SP leader Nano two days ago and the SP is not ready yet to name the new PM.

Radio 21 News
August 15, 2001

KFOR Detains 16 NLA Soldiers, Two of Them Shoot at KFOR
National Liberation Army (NLA) soldiers fired at a Polish-Ukrainian (POLUKR) battalion Monday, a KFOR spokesman reported Tuesday. The incident occurred near the Macedonian border, after KFOR peacekeeping troops from Multinational Brigade East fired warning shots to prevent a group of Albanian guerillas from entering FYROM from Kosova. Major Norman Johnson said that the NLA suspects had fired on KFOR troops, after members of the Polish-Ukrainian battalion detained 16 NLA members attempting to crossing into Macedonia. KFOR also confiscated their weapons. "While the POLUKR soldiers were conducting the interdiction, two additional suspects approached to within 100 meters from the east with five horses and fired upon the MNB East soldiers. The soldiers returned fire and the men and horses fled west across the FYROM border," Johnson added. The detainees were sent to the Camp Bondsteel detention facility early Tuesday morning, along with two injured NLA members. A KFOR patrol from Multinational Brigade (MNB) East detained two men on Monday at Gornace village, traveling into Kosova from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). Two horses carrying 20 82mm mortar rounds were seized, according to KFOR Tuesday. KFOR spokesman Howard Rhoades said that the two men had been taken to the White Eagle base and then transferred to the Camp Bondsteel detention facility for further questioning. KFOR also reported several illegal border crossing attempts from Albania. According to Rhoades, two men trying to enter Kosova at the Morina crossing on Monday afternoon were seized by a KFOR patrol from MNB South. "One was detained and questioned and the second turned back into Albania," Rhoades reported. Late Monday night and early Tuesday morning, two other men made a number of attempts to cross from the territory of Kosova into Albania. They were prevented each time by KFOR, after flares and warning shots were fired. MNB South intercepted a man accompanied by two children and two horses loaded with provisions, after they illegally crossed the Albanian border near Globocica. The group was handed over to the military police in Sharr.
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From mentor at alb-net.com  Wed Aug 15 11:45:35 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Wed, 15 Aug 2001 11:45:35 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] Albanians slaughtered in Macedonia; Fleeing Albanians shot in the
 back by police; Macedonian Troops Accused of Rampage
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.33.0108151144030.20801-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

---------------------------------------------------------------------

                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
  
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
  

1. Albanians slaughtered in Macedonia

   "MACEDONIAN security forces shot dead five unarmed ethnic Albanian
    villagers in cold blood on the eve of Monday's ceasefire signing,
    witnesses said yesterday."

   "The victims on the hillside had each been shot from behind as they
    fled. Bajram Jashari, a 30-year-old farmer was lying on his back,
    not far from two dead cows."


2. Fleeing Albanians shot in the back by police

   "They had black clothes and masks that covered their faces. I couldn't
    recognise them. They had Macedonian police insignia on their arms.
    They were shouting 'Come out, come out from the house', and were
    swearing at us."

   "He said the police then began to set alight to his house. "I ran and
    hid in a ditch, and I shouted to my sons to run away."

3. Macedonian Troops Accused of Rampage

   "The few ethnic Albanians who remained in Ljuboten on Tuesday said
    police entered the village Sunday and killed at least nine civilians,
    burned and looted 25 houses and killed as many as five dozen sheep and
    cattle. The victims' bodies, scattered on the streets, remained unburied
    until Tuesday."



### (1) ###

http://news.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2001/08/15/wmac15.xml

Albanians slaughtered in Macedonia
(Filed: 15/08/2001)

MACEDONIAN security forces shot dead five unarmed ethnic Albanian villagers
in cold blood on the eve of Monday's ceasefire signing, witnesses said
yesterday.

In the worst atrocity in the six-month conflict, dozens of soldiers and
police stormed into Ljuboten on Sunday opening fire on villagers and
burning at least a dozen houses, locals said.

Two men were said to have been dragged from a cellar in which they were
hiding and killed in the street. Three more were said by villagers to have
been shot as they tried to escape across fields.

The bloodied bodies of the Albanians lay yesterday as they had fallen. One
was on his back at the end of the small tobacco grove, two more were higher
up the hill.

On the narrow road leading back into the hillside village were the corpses
of the two who witnesses said had been singled out by Macedonian troops and
executed.

Witnesses said that at least another five were killed, that many more were
beaten and that 12 were missing, last seen being led away by Macedonian
police officers.

In the bloody annals of the Yugoslav wars the scale of the killings merits
barely a footnote, but with a peace deal only a day old and cease-fire
violations beginning to multiply they threaten to plunge Macedonia back
towards civil war.

They also underline the risks for British troops who are expected to deploy
in Macedonia on Saturday as the first elements of a 3,500-strong Nato
force.

Nato's North Atlantic Council meets this morning to discuss the mission to
disarm the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Force rebels. Their task was
given hope last night after Nato officials said that the rebels had signed
a letter of intent promising to hand over their weapons.

The Macedonian government yesterday denied that the dead were civilians,
insisting that they were guerrillas. The Interior Ministry said "five
terrorists" had died in Ljuboten on Saturday and Sunday.

But the scene in Ljuboten, four miles north of Skopje, yesterday was grimly
reminiscent of crimes committed in Kosovo and before that Bosnia.

The victims on the hillside had each been shot from behind as they fled.
Bajram Jashari, a 30-year-old farmer was lying on his back, not far from
two dead cows.

He was dressed in brown trousers, a studded black leather belt, white socks
and black slip-on shoes. His body was punctured by bullet holes.

Nearby his 65-year-old father Qani rocked gently, tears streaming down his
creased face. He said: "They set fire to the house we were hiding in and we
all jumped out of a low window. I hid in a ditch and told my sons to run
for their lives. That's when they were shot."

A little higher up the hill was the body of Bajram's 28-year-old brother,
Kadri. Wearing a tight black suit embossed with the label Phoenix and a
bloodied grey T-shirt and black shoes, Kadri had two bullet wounds in his
back.

About 50 yards from the bodies of Kadri and Bajram lay Xhelal Bajrami, a
29-year-old cousin. Xhelal had been shot in the back three times. His arm
lay at an unnatural angle underneath him.

According to evidence collected from interviews and a continuing
investigation by Western monitors the Ljuboten operation began early on
Sunday morning.

Macedonians were furious after eight of their soldiers were killed nearby
last week by anti-tank mines. Several dozen special police units, backed up
by soldiers and reservists, entered the village and moved from house to
house.

Witnesses say they began burning, looting and killing. Some of the houses
were still smoking yesterday. As people hid in cellars, police and soldiers
sprayed automatic fire through the narrow streets.

Witnesses said that at least two men were called out of the cellars by name
and summarily shot. The body of one, Sulejman Bajrami, was still
spreadeagled in the road yesterday.

His head had been crushed, after, locals said, an armoured personnel
carrier was driven over his corpse. His shoes lay neatly by his feet,
placed there by his grieving mother.

Locals said that Muharem Ramadani, 68, whose head was covered by a piece of
plastic sheeting, was shot when he tried to prevent soldiers taking away
one of his sons.

Misim Jashari, 76, survived. He said: "They had balaclavas on and
Macedonian police insignia. "One rolled up his mask and his hair was blonde
underneath."

When the police finally left Albanians claimed that they heard them singing
"Long Live Macedonia" and "We killed the Albanians".



### (2) ###

http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,537034,00.html

Fleeing Albanians shot in the back by police

Guardian gains access to site of alleged atrocity by Macedonian police
force

Nicholas Wood in Ljuboten
Wednesday August 15, 2001
The Guardian

The discovery of the bodies of five men shot in the head and chest in a
village five miles north of Skopje yesterday prompted the accusation of
war crimes by the Macedonian police and further undermined the chance of
resolving the country's conflict.
    The bodies were found in Ljuboten, a mainly Albanian village, two
days after teams of police swept though the village in what was
described as an anti-terrorist operation.
    Local people say the men were shot in the back as they tried to flee
the police, and deny that they were members of the ethnic Albanian
guerrilla group the National Liberation Army, a claim backed up by a
western observer who was nearby at the time.
    The observer said the police operation and the killing that followed
may have been prompted by a clash between the NLA and the security
forces close by.
    It is the first time such a serious allegation has been made since
the insurgency began in February.
    The men were all killed on Sunday afternoon after the security
forces shelled Ljuboten and the surrounding area.
    The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and
the International Committee of the Red Cross had tried to enter the
village but had been denied access by the Macedonian police. The
Guardian was among the first to go into the village since Sunday.
    Relatives of the dead say the police began to move into the village
and set buildings alight once the shelling had stopped. They also forced
people out of their homes.
    Qani Jashari said he was hiding in his house with his two sons,
Bajram, 30, and Kadri, 27, when the police arrived at about 3pm.
    "They had black clothes and masks that covered their faces. I
couldn't recognise them. They had Macedonian police insignia on their
arms. They were shouting 'Come out, come out from the house', and were
swearing at us."
    He said the police then began to set alight to his house. "I ran and
hid in a ditch, and I shouted to my sons to run away."
    Both of his sons were shot dead. Bajram's body lay on a slope in a
tobacco field. A British police officer working with the OSCE examined
his and all of the bodies lying where they had been shot.
    Bajram had been shot several times in the legs, and in the lower
back. The exit wound by his neck suggested that the bullet had struck
him as he lay on the ground facing away from his assailant.
    "This one here they killed and the other one is further up," Mr
Jashari said, looking at Bajram's body. A hundred metres up the hill in
a straw field lay his other son, also shot in the back. He had returned
from Austria 10 days earlier to bring money to the family.
    Halfway between the two brothers lay the body of Xhelal Bajrami, a
25-year-old farmer. He had two small bullet holes in his back, another
in his backside, and three more in his legs.
    In the village another two bodies lay beside the road, one of them
Xhelal's brother Syliman.
    Villagers say the men were among a group of 12 ordered out of a
basement; 10 were arrested by the police and taken away. Syliman was
shot in the head. A piece of plastic sheeting covered the gaping hole in
his skull.
    Next to him was a long bloody tyre mark where an armoured personnel
carrier had run over his body.
    Fifty metres away Muharem Ramadani, 68, lay on his back with his
mouth open. Two small holes in his back and wounds in his chest suggest
that he, too, had been shot in the back and left to lie on a concrete
slope. Next to his hand lay two cigarette lighters, a cigarette holder
and a comb.
    A statement by the ministry of the interior, the department
responsible for the police operation, described the dead men as
"terrorists".
    Antonio Milososki, a government spokesman, dismissed the allegation
that the men had been killed in cold blood.
    "This is one more trap for Macedonia's democratic elected government
to be accused about the repression of the poor Albanians who are
fighting for their human rights," he said.
    There is no other way to find justification for the rebel movement."
    He added that Ljuboten had been too dangerous for the police to
enter and launch their own investigation.
    Shortly after the Guardian's visit, the police closed access to the
village.
    oThe rebels have agreed to hand their weapons over to the Nato
soldiers who will be sent into Macedonia when promises of an amnesty and
political reforms have been secured, a diplomatic source said yesterday.
    The political leader of the NLA, Ali Ahmeti, agreed the deal with
brokers: a breakthrough towards implementing the political peace plan
was agreed on Monday.

Guardian Unlimited ? Guardian Newspapers Limited 2001


### (3) ###

http://www.latimes.com/templates/misc/printstory.jsp?slug=la%2D000066137aug15

Macedonian Troops Accused of Rampage

From Associated Press
August 15 2001

SKOPJE, Macedonia -- Ethnic Albanians on Tuesday accused government
troops of rampaging through their village near Macedonia's capital,
killing civilians and burning houses. The government said five ethnic
Albanians were killed but that none was a civilian.
    International officials who visited the village of Ljuboten
confirmed that bodies had been found but would not say how many.
    The accusation against the government came the same day that ethnic
Albanian guerrillas agreed to hand their weapons to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, in a huge boost for a landmark political accord to
end discrimination against the minority Albanians, diplomatic and rebel
sources said. Rebel reluctance to disarm before the sweeping range of
reforms took effect was overcome when the government promised the
guerrillas amnesty and a definite timetable for minority rights, the
sources said.
    Government forces pounded Ljuboten with mortars and tanks Sunday in
an offensive that officials said was in response to a land mine that
killed eight soldiers two days before.
    The few ethnic Albanians who remained in Ljuboten on Tuesday said
police entered the village Sunday and killed at least nine civilians,
burned and looted 25 houses and killed as many as five dozen sheep and
cattle. The victims' bodies, scattered on the streets, remained unburied
until Tuesday.
    "There are seven killed civilians who have been summarily executed,"
Iljaz Bajrami, a Ljuboten resident, said by telephone.
    "Apart from the seven, we earlier buried two others in the
courtyards of private houses," he said.
    Harald Schenker, a spokesman for a delegation of the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe that visited Ljuboten on Tuesday,
said that "some bodies have been found." He declined to elaborate.
    Amanda Williamson, a spokeswoman for the International Committee of
the Red Cross, said police refused to let them into Ljuboten.
    A police spokesman, speaking on condition of anonymity, denied that
a massacre occurred and that police were blocking access to
international organizations.
    Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski said five ethnic Albanians who
were killed in the fighting belonged to a "terrorist group."

________________________________________________
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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Wed Aug 15 12:32:53 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Wed, 15 Aug 2001 12:32:53 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shaky Future for Trepca Complex
Message-ID: <F241fsdZlBeRoJCWI5S00009c1c@hotmail.com>

Shaky future for Kosovo metals

By Fredrik Dahl
Reuters

PRISTINA - Kosovo's once-mighty Trepca mining and smelting complex will have 
a future only if rival claims on it are dropped for the present, a senior 
official of the province's UN-led administration said.

Tim O'Neill, co-head of Kosovo's Department of Trade and Industry, said that 
otherwise it would be impossible to attract private investors to the 
run-down zinc, lead and silver producer which was a major employer in the 
old, socialist Yugoslavia. "If we were to liquidate Trepca in a bankruptcy 
proceeding today there would be no money for any of the claimants, neither 
the ownership claims nor the debt claims," he told Reuters. "If the claims 
are not dropped there is no future for Trepca," he said, adding that a 
Belgrade-registered company says it owns Trepca's assets but this is not 
recognized by the Albanian majority in Kosovo.

In addition, debt demands on the now UN-administered zinc and lead-based 
complex amount to well over $100 million. O'Neill said Trepca, which once 
employed up to 40,000 people and operated 40 major installations in Kosovo 
and elsewhere in Yugoslavia, had a "very limited potential viability," based 
on the most recent analysis which was still incomplete.

He said nowadays there was no production at all at Trepca, the facilities of 
which lie on both sides of Kosovo's ethnic divide, but his office had 
developed 10 potentially viable business concepts for which private 
investors would be sought


_________________________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug 15 14:35:21 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 15 Aug 2001 11:35:21 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Mother Teresa/Macedonia
Message-ID: <20010815183521.48121.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>


 Report on Mother Teresa runs to 35,000 pages 
  
CALCUTTA, India (Reuters) - A report on the life of Mother Teresa to launch 
the process of beatification is 35,000 pages long and 76 volumes. 

It will be taken from Calcutta to the Vatican in six sealed cardboard boxes 
and will include details of a miracle Mother Teresa was said to have 
performed on a woman suffering from stomach cancer in West Bengal. 

"We can only hope, given Mother Teresa's fame and sanctity, that the process 
(in Rome) will move as fast as possible," said Calcutta Archbishop Henry 
Sebastian D'Souza, who oversaw the working of a panel looking into the "life, 
virtues and reputation of sanctity" of Mother Teresa. 

The Diocesan Commission was set up in 1999 after Pope John Paul II granted a 
special dispensation to put the Nobel Peace laureate, who died in 1997, on 
the fast track to sainthood. 

Beatification is a step toward sainthood. 

The commission held its closing ceremony at a church in Calcutta, where 
Mother Teresa ran her Missionaries of Charity home for the poor, Wednesday. 

Speaking at the closing ceremony to about 600 people at St. Mary's Church, 
Sister Nirmala, Mother Teresa's successor at the home, thanked people of all 
religions for their support. 

"I pray that we will have Saint Mother Teresa of Calcutta in the near 
future," she said to the ovation of hundreds of nuns of the Missionaries of 
Charity, dressed in their trademark white cotton saris with blue borders. 

After the report reaches the Vatican, it will be examined by the Roman 
Congregation for Causes of Saints. 

A Positio -- a comprehensive biography and presentation of how Mother Teresa 
lived the Christian life -- will be prepared, and then examined by nine 
theologians. 

The theologians will submit their findings to the Assembly of Cardinals and 
Bishops who, after studying them, take a vote and then inform the pope of the 
result. 

The pope takes the final decision on her beatification, but only after 
ascertaining that at least two-thirds of the theologians and cardinals and 
bishops are in favor of it. 

Mother Teresa won the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1979 for her work among the 
sick and poor. 

11:13 08-15-01 

Copyright 2001 Reuters Limited.  All rights reserved.  Republication or 
redistribution of Reuters content, including by framing or similar means, is 
expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of Reuters.  Reuters 
shall not be liable for any errors or delays in the content, or for any 
actions taken in reliance thereon.  All active hyperlinks have been inserted 
by AOL. 



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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Wed Aug 15 16:22:32 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Wed, 15 Aug 2001 16:22:32 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] P.Milo mbi 'Shqiperine e Madhe'
Message-ID: <F1422DreBBsQwY6YHki0000a1b4@hotmail.com>

?SHQIPERIA E MADHE?

MIDIS TRILLIMIT DHE REALITETIT

nga Paskal Milo

Zhvillimet ballkanike ne vitet e fundit sollen ne qender te vemendjes edhe 
ceshtjen shqiptare. Dinamizmi me te cilen ajo eshte shfaqur dhe kerkon 
zgjidhje ka vene rajonin para nje sprove te re, por qe nuk eshte edhe e 
vetmja. Bosnie-Hercegovina, Maqedonia me zhvillimet e fundit dhe Mali i Zi 
pas zgjedhjeve te 22 Prillit, mbeten po kaq domethenese sa edhe Kosova per 
stabilitetin, sigurine dhe te ardhmen e Ballkanit. Pra, nje numer ceshtjesh, 
ku secila ka rendesine e vet, kerkon zgjidhjen e vet, por gjithnje ne nje 
kontekst rajonal dhe perspektive europiane.

Nga

Paskal MILO

Minister i Jashtem

Fragmente

Ceshtja shqiptare eshte komplekse nga perberja dhe problematika. Ajo ka tri 
faktore kryesore perberes: Shqiperia, si shtet i vetem, i organizuar i 
shqiptareve qe synon te kaperceje fazen e veshtire e problematike te 
tranzicionit te saj dhe te integrohet ne strukturat europiane dhe 
euroatlantike; shqiptaret e Kosoves, qe perbejne mbi 90% te popullsise se 
vendit dhe qe pas mbarimit te konfliktit po perballojne sfida serioze per 
ndertimin e nje shoqerie demokratike e multietnike dhe vecanerisht per te 
percaktuar te ardhmen e tyre; shqiptaret e Maqedonise qe jane ne kerkim te 
disa te drejtave themelore qe u jep atyre statusin e qytetareve te barabarte 
me qytetaret maqedonas ne shtetin e tyre te perbashket. Per shkak te ketij 
karakteri c?shtja shqiptare, jo gjithnje dhe jo nga te gjithe, eshte kuptuar 
ne thelbin dhe te verteten e saj. Disa me vetdije, disa nga mosnjohja, kane 
krijuar dhe perpiqen edhe sot te japin nje imazh jo pozitiv per Shqiperine e 
shqiptaret, per rolin e tyre ne rajon. Ceshtja shqiptare e paraqitur ne nje 
kendveshtrim negativ behet nje problem qe krijon shqetesime, rreziqe dhe qe 
kercenon paqen, stabilitetin dhe sigurine rajonale. Ky perceptim i nxjerr 
shqiptaret ne Ballkan si nje popull problematik edhe per komunitetin 
nderkombetar. Kendveshtrimi pozitiv e realist i ceshtjes shqiptare i paraqet 
shqiptaret si nje popull dinamik, ne levizje e ne kerkim te rrugeve per 
emancipim e zhvillim social, ekonomik, nacional e kulturor. Ne kete veshtrim 
te ceshtjes shqiptare ka edhe probleme te cilat duhen perballuar e zgjidhur 
por qe nuk i zbehin thelbin progresit te saj.

Ceshtja shqiptare ne Ballkan nuk eshte ?Shqiperia e madhe?. E para, eshte 
nje realitet, qe kerkon nje zgjidhje per ato komponente problematike te saj 
me prejardhje historike dhe aktuale. E dyta, eshte nje fiksion me prejardhje 
politike per te penguar sadopak zgjidhjen dhe per te ndaluar mbeshtetjen 
nderkombetare ne emer te ?rrezikut? qe ajo (?Shqiperia e Madhe?) perfaqeson. 
Per te kuptuar me mire thelbin e trillte te idese se ?Shqiperise se Madhe? 
dhe per te pare se deri ku ajo i ka rrenjet eshte i nevojshem para se 
gjithash nje veshtrim i shkurter historik i nacionalizmit shqiptar.

Shqiptaret dhe ?Shqiperia e Madhe?

Nacionalizmi shqiptar e humbi trenin e kohes dhe nuk arriti te materializoje 
objektivat e veta as ne shekullin e XIX, po as ne ate pasardhes. Nderkohe, 
nacionalizmat e tjere ballkanike, ne mos te gjitha, ia arriten te realizojne 
shumicen e pretendimeve te tyre. Madje kishte prej tyre, qe ne shtetet qe 
krijuan, perfshine ne nje mase te madhe, popullsi te ndryshme etnike. 
Mozaiku etniko ? linguistiko ? kulturor qe u krijua ose qe u imponua ne 
Ballkan nuk e zgjidhi ceshtjen kombetare ne rajon. Formula qe u gjet te 
nesermen e Luftes se Pare Boterore, per te bashkuar te gjitha territoret e 
sllaveve te jugut por edhe popullsi jo sllave sic ishin shqiptaret ne nje 
shtet deshtoi se jo vetem u aplikua ne nje rajon te mbarsur me eksplozion 
nacionalist, por edhe per shkak te politikave hegjemoniste e agresive te 
regjimeve serbe qe e sunduan federaten jugosllave per mbi 80 vjet. Renia e 
konglomeratit jugosllav nuk provon deshtimin e federates si forme e 
organizimit shteteror.

Krijesa te pastra te shtetit-komb nuk mund te kete dhe kjo eshte e 
natyrshme. Cdo pretendim tjeter do te ishte spekullim. Po ne rastin e 
vendeve te Ballkanit u krijuan dy modele ekstreme: i pari Jugosllavia 
shumekombeshe, ku serbet si komb me i madh u perpoqen te serbizojne edhe 
kombet e tjere, sllave e jo sllave; i dyti Shqiperia qe ishte ne ekstremin 
tjeter si shtet, gjysma e popullsise shqiptare mbeti e perfshire ne shtetet 
fqinje, vecanerisht ne Jugosllavi. Per rrjedhoje, ne Ballkan fara e 
grindjeve dhe e konflikteve nderetnike, nuk u zhduk, procesi i krijimit te 
shteteve kombe nuk perfundoi, keshtu qe aty mbeten potenciale te akumuluara 
etnike qe nje dite do te shperthenin.

Nje shumice e madhe njerezish sot e pranojne padrejtesine historike qe u 
eshte bere shqiptareve. Kjo eshte e rendesishme, jo si nje pikenisje per te 
ndryshuar kufinjte, por per te kuptuar thelbin e legjitimitetit historik te 
kerkesave shqiptare. Emra te njohur te politikes nderkombetare dhe analiste 
te shquar qe merren me Ballkanin bejne nje dallim te qarte midis krijimit te 
?Shqiperise se Madhe? dhe pavaresise se Kosoves. Ndersa shprehen kunder se 
pares, jane ne favor te se dytes duke e konsideruar ate si nje zgjidhje qe 
do ta qetesonte Ballkanin dhe do te forconte paqen. Te ketij mendimi jane 
per shembull Henri Kisinger, Lordi Owen, Karl Bild, Janush Bugajski etj. 
Madje Lordi Owen shkon me tutje kur thote se qe te arrihet paqja ne Ballkan 
dhe luftrat e pergjakshme etnike te marrin fund nevojitet nje rikonfigurim i 
kufinjve te tij. Kjo eshte nje ide shume e avancuar dhe e parealizueshme per 
kohen. Shqiptaret e Kosoves ne vitet 1991-1992 kishin me shume arsye te 
ishin te pakenaqur nga Jugosllavia federative ne krahasim me sllovenet, 
kroatet, maqedonasit, etj., nuk i moren armet, por adoptuan nje politike 
civilizuese, paqesore ne kerkim te te drejtave te tyre. Tri konfliktet e 
para ne Jugosllavine e Miloshevicit u zhvilluan midis etnive sllave, midis 
serbeve nga njera ane, dhe kroateve, slloveneve e boshnjakeve nga ana 
tjeter. Askush nuk i akuzoi atehere keta te fundit si kercenues te paqes, te 
stabilitetit, te sigurise e te ardhmes se Ballkanit. Perkundrazi, shumica e 
njerezve gishtin e drejtuan ne Beograd tek Sllobodan Milloshevici dhe 
regjimi i tij.

Kur filloi konflikti i katert i provokuar ne rajon, ne Kosove nga po i 
njejti person e klani i tij, formula e Jugosllavise Federative u 
kompromentua perfundimisht. Ne kete drejtim ndihmoi dhe bojkoti 
institucional i Malit te Zi. Ne momentin qe konflikti u zhvendos jashte 
?familjes se sllaveve te jugut? e kunder nje popullsie jo sllave, sic ishin 
shqiptaret dhe ndaj te cileve ishin eksperimentuar te gjitha politikat e 
metodat genocidiste, ne nje kohe kur ata luftonin per te mbijetuar si qenie 
njerezore, pikerisht atehere, ne periferine e politikes e te medias se 
sensibilizuar proserbe, u shfaq rreziku i ?Shqiperise se Madhe? dhe i 
nacionalizmit shqiptar per stabilitetin e te ardhmen e rajonit. Kjo teze 
sigurisht qe nuk ishte e re, as edhe u hodh rastesisht.

Artikulimi kaq intensiv dhe i gjere i rrezikut qe perfaqeson idea e 
?Shqiperise se Madhe? nga ambjente zyrtare politike rajonale e 
nderkombetare, nga analiste dhe nga media nuk perputhet me mbeshtetjen dhe 
influencen qe ka ajo ne realitet ne Shqiperi, Kosove, Maqedoni, etj

Platforma e ?Shqiperise se Madhe? ne Shqiperi nuk ka popullaritet. Kjo nuk 
ka asnje lidhje dhe nuk do te thote se shqiptaret e Shqiperise jane me pak 
nacionaliste se te tjeret, ose se nuk i pelqejne marredheniet e ngushta me 
bashkekombasit e tyre ne vendet e tjera. Ky qendrim ndaj kesaj platforme sot 
eshte i spjegueshem me disa arsye. Kultura politike dhe edukimi ne Shqiperi 
jane ne nje nivel me te larte ne masen e gjere te njerezve se ne Kosove e ne 
Maqedoni. Ata e kuptojne me mire thelbin dhe permbajtjen antishqiptare te 
kesaj parrulle. Duke jetuar ne shtetin ame, ata e kane konceptuar te ardhmen 
e tyre ne zhvillimin e Shqiperise dhe orientimin e saj ne strukturat 
euroatllantike. Kontaktet njerezore te ketyre dhjete viteve te fundit midis 
shqiptareve te ndare ne te dy anet e kufirit deshmuan diferenca jo vetem ne 
mentalitete, psikologji, formim kulturor por edhe ne zhvillimin ekonomik. Ky 
boshllek nuk mund te mbushet per nje kohe te shkurter.

Ne politiken zyrtare te Qeverise e te Shtetit shqiptar nuk ka patur dhe nuk 
ka asnje reference apo synim per krijimin e ?Shqiperise se Madhe?. 
Perkundrazi ka deklarata te qarta dhe pa ekuivoke se nje ide e tille eshte 
kunder produktive dhe ne kundershtim me synimet e Shqiperise per t?u 
integruar ne Evropen e Bashkuar.

Teza e ?Shqiperise se Madhe?nuk egziston ne programet e partive kryesore 
politike te Shqiperise, te cilat kane qeverisur vendin ne keto dhjete vitet 
e fundit. Keto parti kane qene koherente ne qendrimet e tyre edhe pas 
zhvillimeve te koheve te fundit ne Maqedoni, Kosove e Serbine Jugore. Po 
keshtu, nuk ka asnje baze rreziku qe gjoja vjen nga perpjekjet per te 
krijuar nje trekendesh politik Tirane ? Prishtine ? Tetove. Takimet 
ndershqiptare, me natyre politike, intelektuale, kulturore, etj., nuk duhen 
paragjykuar. Ato jane normale dhe rrjedhoje e logjikes se kontakteve humane 
e te bashkepunimit ne epoken e shoqerive qe integrohen.

Idea e ?Shqiperise se Madhe?, ose e bashkimit te te gjitha trojeve te 
banuara nga shqiptaret ne Ballkan, per krijimin e asaj qe quhet Shqiperi 
etnike, ?natyrale?, ?e vertete?, eshte e pranishme ne programet dhe 
propaganden e 4-5 partive te vogla politike qe kane se bashku nje elektorat 
5-7 per qind. Ne kete numur hyjne partite konservatore, ?historike?, ?Balli 
Kombetar? dhe ? Levizja e Legalitetit? me te gjitha variantet e tyre. Pervec 
tyre jane edhe nje parti e spektrit te majte, me emrin domethenes ?Partia e 
Unitetit Kombetar dhe e Prosperitetit Demokratik? dhe Partia ekstreme e 
djathte ?Rimekembja Kombetare?, qe nuk ka asnje ndikim ne popull.

Tani se fundi me idene e bashkimit te Shqiperise me Kosoven doli edhe 
lidershipi i Partise  "Aleanca Demokratike", nje parti e vogel anetare e 
koalicionit qeverises. Ministri I Drejtesise eshte ne te njejten kohe edhe 
Kryetari Ekzekutiv I kesaj Partie.Deklarta e udheheqjes se kesaj partie 
komentohet te jete bere per synime elektorale. Qeveria Shqiptare nuk u 
pajtua me kete deklarate por edhe partite kryesore politike ne Shqiperi, 
Kosove dhe Maqedoni dhe vete ?Aleanca Demokratike? eshte vete larguar nga 
kjo deklarate.

Ne nje mase modeste koncepti i ?Shqiperise se Madhe? eshte i pranishem edhe 
ne disa qarqe intelektuale, shkencore e artistike ne Shqiperi, qe here pas 
here i cfaqin pikpamjet e tyre ne median e shkruar dhe elektronike. Nen 
ndikimin e zhvillimeve te vrullshme te ngjarjeve ne Kosove, edhe Akademia e 
Shkencave e Shqiperise hartoi Platformen per zgjidhjen e Ceshtjes Kombetare 
Shqiptare. Kjo platforme ndonese me mjaft vlera pozitive, doli e kapercyer 
per kohen per shkak te zhvillimeve intensive dhe tendencave integruese 
europiane ne Ballkan.

Ne Kosove idea e ?Shqiperise se Bashkuar? apo e Shqiperise etnike ka patur 
mbeshtetje per arsye te njohura historike. Aty ka nje opinion qe eshte 
ushqyer vazhdimisht, qe ne fillim te shek. XX-te, kur u krijua shteti 
shqiptar dhe Kosova mbeti jashte tij. Ky proces ka ndodhur me shume ne 
menyre spontane se sa te organizuar.

Fillimet e multipartitizmit ne Kosove sollen edhe nje spekter te gjere 
ngjyrash politike. Te gjitha partite shqiptare qe u krijuan, ne krye te 
programeve politike vendosen pavaresine e Kosoves, por jo te gjitha vendosen 
idene e bashkimit te trojeve etnike ne nje shtet te vetem.Kjo ide ne Kosove 
ne fillim te viteve 90-te mori permasa shume te gjera, por edhe ne te dy 
anet e kufirit, ne manifestimet politike ne tubimet intelektuale e ne media. 
Madje u bene edhe perpjekje per te organizuar nje Kuvend Kombetar me synimin 
e hartimit te platformes se bashkimit te Shqiperise me 
Kosoven.Personalitetet me te njohura te shkences dhe te kultures shqiptare 
te viteve 90-te ne Kosove perpunuan me shume pasion mendimin politik 
shqiptar qe argumentonte domosdoshmerine e bashkimit te Shqiperise me 
Kosoven, por edhe ate te te gjitha trojeve te populluara nga shqiptare 
etnike.

Kjo vale entusiaste per bashkimin pesoi nje renie me vone, per disa arsye te 
thena me lart dhe per shkak te dominimit te realpolitikes ne programet e 
partive kryesore shqiptare e vecanerisht te Lidhjes Demokratike te Kosoves. 
Vetem pas konfliktit ne pranveren e 1999 pati nje riciklim te retorikes se 
bashkimit por pa arritur nivelin e entusiazmit te disa viteve me pare. Idene 
e bashkimit kombetar e te krijimit te Shqiperise etnike ose te ?Shqiperise 
se Madhe ?sic perdoret tani, e mbrojne ne programet e tyre ne Kosove Partia 
Republikane e Kosoves, Partia Nacional Demokrate Shqiptare, Levizja 
Kombetare per Clirimin e Kosoves, Partia e Unitetit Kombetar Shqiptar dhe 
Lidhja Popullore e Kosoves. Partite kryesore politike shqiptare ne Kosove 
jane shprehur hapur kohet e fundit kunder ?Shqiperise se Madhe?. Ky qendrim 
buron nga ndergjegjesimi i tyre se ceshtja e shqiptareve ne Kosove e ne 
Ballkan nuk mund te gjeje zgjidhje me formula e modele te kapercyera, por 
permes zhvillimeve integruese rajonale e europiane. Veprime te individeve te 
vecante politike nuk duhen pergjithesuar dhe as duhet krijuar pershtypja se 
lidershipi shqiptar sillet me dy faqe. Koha i cvlereson shpejt individe e 
parti te kesaj natyre.

Kritiket e ?Shqiperise se Madhe? midis tezave te tjera thone se ajo synohet 
te krijohet si nje arme per te luftuar nacionalizimin serb, per ta dobesuar 
ate si nje faktor i rendesishem rajonal. Eshte e njohur se ka ekzistuar nje 
perplasje historike midis nacionalizmave ballkanase, pra edhe midis atyre 
shqiptar e serb. Kjo konkurence e rivalitet ka qene e ashper dhe ne epoken 
europiane te krijimit te shteteve kombe. Cfaqje moderne te ketij rivaliteti 
nuk mungojne edhe sot ne Europe.

Akuza nuk shtrohet vetem ne adrese te nacionalizmit shqiptar. Ajo eshte e 
drejtuar me teper ndaj faktoreve nderkombetare, duke nenkuptuar ne rradhe te 
pare SHBA dhe NATO-n. Madje si SHBA e NATO behen drejtpersedrejti pergjegjes 
si nxites per krijimin e ?Shqiperise se Madhe? Kjo teze ka gjetur strehe e 
perkrahes ne mes njerezve e vendeve qe kundershtuan nderhyrjen ushtarake te 
NATO-s ne Serbi e Kosove dhe te aleateve e miqve tradicionale te 
nacionalizmit serb.

Do te ishte naive te mendohej se ne Ballkan nuk ka perplasje interesash te 
Fuqive jashte rajonit dhe perpjekje per te siguruar synime gjeopolitike e 
pikembeshtetje strategjike. Dhe ne emer te ketyre objektivave llogariten 
edhe faktoret rajonale. Shqiptaret jane nje nga keta faktore qe kane 
pretendimin per te luajtur nje rol me te rendesishem ne te ardhmen ne 
Evropen Juglindore. Por as ne Europe as edhe ne SHBA, kete rol nuk e lidhin 
me krijimin e ?Shqiperise se Madhe?. Perkundrazi kjo ide eshte kundershtuar 
fort nga politika zyrtare europiane dhe amerikane si jo e kohes, ne dem te 
stabilitetit dhe sigurise rajonale dhe te ardhmes integruese te rajonit.

Perfundimi i konfliktit ne Kosove dhe vendosja e saj mbi bazen e Rezolutes 
1244 te Keshillit te Sigurimit te OKB-se, nen autoritetin nderkombetar, u 
dha rastin shqiptareve te ndjejne e te kene me te drejte e per here te pare 
mbeshtetjen e plote te komunitetit nderkombetar, vecanerisht te SHBA, BE, 
NATO, etj. Shqiptaret e Kosoves kete mbeshtetje e kthyen ne mirenjohje. 
Eshte e natyrshme qe dislokimi i forcave te KFOR-it dhe vendosjen e UNMIK-ut 
ne Kosove ata e perjetuan si clirim nga Serbia dhe me nje shperthim te 
justifikuar te ndjenjave pozitive nacionaliste te shtypura e te ndrydhura 
historikisht. Te nesermen e mbarimit te konfliktit nuk ishte ndonje gje e re 
qe te degjohej nga populli e lideret shqiptare te Kosoves qe te kerkonin 
pavaresine e saj. Gjenerata njerezish ishin masakruar e kalbur ne burgje per 
kete ide. Kjo ide tani nuk mund te burgosej e as te vritej e po keshtu 
artikuluesit e saj. Kishte ndodhur nje ndryshim kaq i madh e kaq i thelle qe 
shumica e njerezve as qe mund t?a mendonin.

Ne nje profil me te ulet ?idea e Shqiperise se Madhe? akuzohet se synon te 
krijoje ?nje zemer myslimane? ne Ballkan. Kerkesat shqiptare per me shume te 
drejta dhe emancipim ne rajon shihen si nje perplasje midis muslimanizmit 
dhe kristianizmit ne variantin e tij te ortodoksise.Sipas disa njerezve te 
politikes e te medias rajonale dhe europiane ?ekspansioni shqiptar? ne 
Ballkan do te ishte nje shprehje e rifillimit te ofensives se mohamedanizmit 
ne Europe. Kjo akuze kerkon t?a cvendose vemendjen ne nje terren shume 
sensitiv duke spekulluar me ndjenjat e ndryshme fetare te popujve te 
rajonit. Myslimanizmi nuk eshte as filozofia as edhe mburoja e ekstremizmit, 
nacionalizmit dhe e kombit-shtet. Ai nuk eshte as edhe identifikimi i 
fondamentalizmit. As edhe platforma e ?Shqiperise se Madhe? nuk eshte 
frymezuar dhe as eshte mbeshtetur nga ky besim fetar. Shqiptaret u perkasin 
tre besimeve te ndryshme dhe kane deshmuar historikisht tolerance e respekt 
reciprok. Ata jane sot nje model i bashkejeteses dhe harmonise multifetare.

?Shqiperia Madhe? nuk do t?a shtonte popullsine shqiptare myslimane as edhe 
do te pakesonte popullsine e krishtere shqiptare. Teza e rrezikut nga nje 
?Shqiperi e Madhe? myslimane vjen nga nje koncept gjeopolitik spekulativ me 
veshje fetare. Skema e krijimit te boshteve fetare ne Ballkan dhe e 
perplasjes se tyre per synime gjeopolitike eshte disi e vjeter, dhe ajo u 
muar vecanerisht ne konsiderate nga qarqe te caktuara politike ballkanike, 
europiane e me gjere pas shperthimit te konfliktit ne Bosnje-Hercegovina. Po 
i njejti alarm ngrihet tani kur Kosova ka hyre ne procesin e percaktimit te 
te ardhmes se vet dhe shqiptaret e Maqedonise kerkojne te jene qytetare te 
barabarte ne shtetin e perbashket me maqedonasit. Perpjekja per t?i vendosur 
shqiptaret brenda kesaj skeme nuk mund te kete sukses, ndonese nuk kane 
munguar ?analistet ortodokse? qe e kane parashikuar nje zhvillim te tille. 
Shqiptaret nuk kane asnje lidhje me fondamentalizmin islamik, se ne 
historine e tyre nuk gjendet asnje fakt per te deshmuar qofte edhe dicka te 
perafert me te. Shqiptaret historikisht kane jetuar me popuj fqinj te 
besimeve te ndryshme fetare, por ata gjithnje kane qene tolerante e te 
moderuar Shqiptaret para se te jene myslimane, ortodokse e katolike jane 
shqiptare,nje nga popujt me te lashte te Ballkanit e te Europes.

Stuhia politike, diplomatike dhe mediatike qe shpertheu kete pranvere kunder 
rrezikut te ?Shqiperise se Madhe? ne nje mase te madhe ben pergjegjes 
segmentet ekstremiste te popullsise shqiptare ne Kosove, ne Maqedoni e Serbi 
Jugore. Ato u cfaqen me hapur dhe me me pretendime pas mbarimit te 
konfliktit ne Kosove dhe synuan te militarizojne aspiratat e ligjshme te 
shqiptareve te kerkuara per t?u realizuar ne rruge paqesore.

Administrimi i lirise eshte nje proces jo i lehte dhe gjithnje egziston 
rreziku i degradimit ne anarki e ne veprime te pakontrolluara. Ne rastin e 
Kosoves, ku liria nacionale kishte munguar ose ka qene e censuruar, 
shperthimet emocionale dhe ekseset jashte limiteve normale ishin te 
pritshme. Por, te denushme veprimet kolektive hakmarrese kunder serbeve te 
pa perfshire ne krime, debimi i tyre, djegia e shtepive etj. Pikerisht ne 
momente te tilla duhet lidershipi, i cili disiplinon emocionet e orienton 
popullin ne drejtim pozitiv. Partite politike shqiptare ne Kosove nuk e bene 
sic duhej kete detyre dhe per ta thene me qarte nuk paten autoritetin e 
nevojshem per te ndaluar nje lloj anarkizimi provincial, qe filloi te 
demtoje imazhin me te cilin shqiptaret dolen nga konflikti. Procesi i 
normalizimit te situates ne Kosove, megjithe veshtiresite e medha qe ndeshi, 
u zhvillua dhe hodhi hapa te rendesishem perpara. Zgjedhjet per pushtetin 
vendor, qe u zhvilluan me sukses ne Tetor 2000, rindertimi i vendit, 
gjallerimi i jetes ekonomike dhe i tregtise e deshmojne kete tendence 
pozitive. Ate nuk mund ta pengojne anarkistet, nacionalistet primitive, 
njerezit e dyshimte te lidhur me qarqe mafioze brenda e jashte Kosoves, te 
cilet per te qene sa me komode e per te vepruar sa me lehte jane shpesh 
bartes te platformave e parullave nacionaliste si ato te ?Shqiperise se 
Madhe?, te ?Kosoves se Madhe?, etj. Veprimtaria aventureske e ketyre 
njerezve kompromenton procesin, imazhin dhe largon mbeshtetjen 
nderkombetare, pasurine me te madhe qe mund te kene fituar historikisht, 
perpos lirise kosovaret. Madje keta njerez, mirenjohjen mbareshqiptare per 
faktoret nderkombetare, per shpetimin e qindra mijera shqiptareve nga 
genocidi i Milloshevicit, po e zevendesojne me sjellje politike ekstremiste 
qe shrytezohet per te vene ne dyshim edhe drejtesine e vendimarrjes per te 
nderhyre ne Kosove te forcave te NATO-s dhe per te demtuar imazhin dhe 
poziten politike te lidereve boterore qe ndermorren kete vendim historik. 
Shqetesimi i komunitetit nderkombetar, vecanerisht i atyre qeverive e 
personaliteteve, qe investuan per te ndaluar genocidin serb dhe katastrofen 
humanitare, eshte i drejte.

Ekstremizmi nacionalist, para se te jete i rrezikshem per popujt e tjere, 
eshte i demshem per popullin e vet. Ai perpiqet te militarizoje jo vetem 
politiken, por edhe jeten shoqerore, kulturen, artin dhe shkencen. 
Nacionalizmi primitiv mban peng te ardhmen e vendit dhe synon t?a orientoje 
ate ne nje drejtim te kundert me tendencen e pergjithshme te zhvillimeve 
bashkekohore integruese. Ekstremizimi nuk eshte ne karakterin e shqiptareve. 
Ata kane qene gjithnje tolerant ne bashkejetesen me etni e fe te ndryshme. 
Grupime te vecanta ekstremiste, shqiptare ne Kosove, Maqedoni apo gjetiu nuk 
perfaqesojne shumicen e shqiptareve ekstremiste ne Ballkan ka edhe midis 
popujve te tjere dhe ata shpesh ushqejne e nxisin njeri-tjetrin. Fakti qe ne 
Kosove ka nje ulje shume te ndjeshme te krimeve dhe ne pergjithesi te 
tensioneve nderetnike, eshte nje tregues i ngushtimit te hapsires per 
bajraktaret provinciale nacionaliste. Po keshtu dhe maturia e vetpermbajtja, 
qe po tregojne shumica e shqiptareve ne Maqedoni, eshte nje arsye me shume 
per te besuar se ekstremizmi nuk ka mbeshtetje te gjere. Edhe tensionet e 
krijuara ne Luginen e Presheves nuk jane kaq te thjeshta as edhe mund te 
shpjegohen vetem me deshiren e shqiptareve per te krijuar ?Kosoven e Madhe?. 
Ne thelb, keto tensione, sollen ne vemendjen e te gjitheve edhe nje here 
tjeter disa realitete te njohura qe duhet te ndryshojne por gjithnje me 
marreveshje politike e permes garantimit te te gjitha te drejtave qe i 
takojne minoritetit shqiptar ne Serbine Jugore.

E ardhmja e shqiptareve "Europa e Madhe"

E ardhmja e popujve te Ballkanit do te varet shume nga rruga qe do te marrin 
zhvillimet ne zonat e nxehta te tij ne nje te ardhme te afert. Nese forcat e 
nacionalizmit primitiv apo segmente te vecanta ekstremiste te tij do te 
fitojne terren mbi forcat demokratike e konstruktive, atehere Ballkani 
rrezikohet te mbetet i semure kronik i Europes. Ne kete rast skenari do te 
ishte riciklimi i dhunes dhe i konflikteve etnike, vecanerisht ne 
Bosnie-Hercegovine, Kosove, Maqedoni, Mali i Zi, por edhe me gjere. 
Potencialet negative per ta mbajtur Ballkanin ne nje situate shperthyese 
kane treguar se egzistojne dhe jane aktive. Kjo eshte optika pesimiste e te 
ardhmes se rajonit.

Ballkani ka edhe nje alternative tjeter zhvillimi, e cila ka me shume 
mbeshtetje e me shume shanse per te fituar. Ajo eshte perspektiva e 
integrimit te rajonit ne Europen e Bashkuar. Sigurisht qe nuk eshte e afert 
dhe as simetrike per te gjitha vendet. Por ka rendesi qe te gjitha vendet e 
Ballkanit (Greqia eshte anetare e BE dhe e NATO-s), jane te orientuara dhe 
te perfshira ne procesin e integrimit europian, pavarsisht se ndodhen ne 
nivele te ndryshme. Rumania dhe Bullgaria kane vite qe kane nenshkruar 
marreveshjen e asocimit me BE dhe ndodhen ne shporten e dyte te vendeve 
kandidate per t?u pranuar. Maqedonia sapo ka nenshkruar marreveshjen e 
stabilizimit e te asocimit dhe se shpejti pritet qe ate t?a nenshkruaj edhe 
Kroacia. Shqiperia ndodhet ne permbushjen e procedurave per te hapur 
negociatat per kete marreveshje, ndersa Bosnie-Hercegovina e Jugosllavia, 
kane nje prespektive te afert per fillimin e studimit te fizibilitetit rreth 
kesaj marreveshje me BE.

Kjo perpektive optimiste e se ardhmes se Ballkanit eshte nje proces i 
dyanshem. Ajo varet nga vullneti dhe aftesia e shoqerive dhe vendeve 
ballkanike per te plotesuar te gjitha kushtet e parametrat e kerkuara per te 
ecur sipas etapave ne rrugen e integrimit europian dhe euroatlantik. Por 
suksesi i ketij procesi eshte i lidhur ngushte edhe me angazhimin e vet 
Bashkimit Europian per te mos i burokratizuar proceduart e integrimit dhe 
per ti dhene perparesi politikave specifike afruese per vendet e Ballkanit.

Duke lokalizuar perspektiven europiane ne ambientin shqiptar, ajo duhet pare 
ne tre komponente kryesore: Shqiperi, Kosove e Maqedoni. Gjithesecili prej 
ketyre komponenteve ka vecorite e veta, te cilat duhen marre ne konsiderate 
kur aplikohen politikat integruese dhe percaktohen ritmet e integrimit. 
Shqiperia vjen me kete rast e para. Ka nje unanimitet social e te spektrit 
politik ne Shqiperi ne mbeshtetje te orientimit dhe perspektives integruese 
europiane te vendit. Shteti shqiptar ne menyre te natyrshme ka nje rol e 
influence paresore midis shqiptarve qe jetojne ne pjeset e tjera te rajonit 
dhe sherben si nje pike reference per ata. Afrimi i Shqiperise ne strukturat 
europiane dhe euroatlantike dhe perfshirja e saj ne nje te ardhme ne keto 
struktura do te ishte nje model e nje mesazh per te gjithe shqiptaret ne 
rajon. Nje perspektive europiane e artikuluar qarte e ne kohe sipas etapave 
do te ngjallte me shume besim e optimizem edhe per ardhmerine e Kosoves. Kjo 
do te ngushtonte gjthnje e me shume hapsiren e veprimit te atyre elementeve 
e ideve nacionaliste dhe ekstremiste qe aspiratat legjitime te shqiptareve i 
shohin te realizuara permes dhunes.

Komuniteti Nderkombetar i pranishem ne Kosove permes institucioneve tashme 
te njohura duhet te beje politika me efikase e ta marre masa me te shpejta 
per ta bere sa me te prekshme dhe perspektiven e saj europiane. Prania 
europiane ne Kosove nuk duhet te shfaqet kryesisht permes uniformave 
ushtarake te forcave te KFOR-it, por permes investimeve ekonomike per 
zhvillimin e saj, permes kontributeve me te medha ne ndertimin e 
institucione demokratike, ne forcimin e shoqerise civile dhe ne ndertimin e 
urave per bashkejetesen multietnike. Shqiptaret e Kosoves duhet te shikojne 
ne praktike rezultate qe e afron perspektiven europiane ndofta tani jo ne 
formen institucionale por ne frymen e saj. Ne kete drejtim mund te 
shfrytezohen edhe gjenerata njerezish e sidomos te rinjte qe kane jetuar dhe 
jane arsimuar ne vendet europiane. Ata jane me te prirur e me te pergatitur 
per t?u angazhuar ne orientimin drejt ardhmerise europiane te Kosoves.

Platformat e programet e partive kryesore politike shqiptare duhet te 
ndihmohet qe te kene nje fryme e filozofi me europiane e me pak 
nacionaliste. Po keshtu edhe media, arsimi e kultura. Madje streha e fundit 
e nacionalizmit primitiv mbeten gjithnje segmentet me te paarsimuara e me te 
prapambetura te shoqerise.

Shqiptaret e Maqedonise me nenshkrimin e marreveshjes se stabilizimit e te 
asocimit me BE ne prill te ketij viti zyrtarisht ndihen me afer strukturave 
europiane se shqiptaret e tjere te rajonit. Por faktikisht ata nuk e ndjejne 
shijen e kesaj arritjeje sepse neshkrimi u be ne kulmin e tensioneve 
nderetnike ne Maqedoni. Procesi i dialogut qe ka nisur ne kete vend me 
synimin e gjetjes se zgjidhjes se standarteve europiane per kerkesat e 
parashtruara nga shqiptaret, ka nje frymezim dhe ndermjetesim

edhe nga BE. Marreveshja e Stabilizimit dhe Asocimit permban detyrime ne 
plotesimin dhe respektimin e te drejtave te minoriteteve. Aplikimi i saj do 
te jete e dobishme per te ngushtuar hendekun arsimor e kulturor midis 
shqiptareve dhe maqedonasve. Shqiptaret duhet ta ndjejne se kjo marreveshje 
eshte sa e maqedonasve aq edhe e tyre. Maqedonia do te shkoje ne Europe me 
dy kembe dhe jo me shumicen maqedonase te privilegjuar dhe pjesen e 
popullsise shqiptare te diskriminuar ose te trajtuar si nivel i dyte 
qytetar. Europa kerkon qytetare me shanse e mundesi te barabarta.

Shqiptaret ne te gjithe hapesiren qe ata shtrihen ne Ballkan jane ne kerkim 
te nje te ardhme me te mire e me te begate. Ata e kane bere zgjedhjen e 
tyre, duan te behen pjese e familjes se madhe e te bashkuar europiane. 
Devijime te perkohshme te segmenteve te caktuara ne favor te ideve e te 
zgjidhjeve ekstremiste nuk e pengojne tendencen e pergjithshme pozitive te 
perpjekjeve shqiptare per te krijuar nje Ballkan te europianizuar e te 
integruar. Vetem ne nje perspektive te tille, ceshtja shqiptare ne Ballkan 
do te gjeje zgjidhje.


_________________________________________________________________
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From ldaku at vt.edu  Wed Aug 15 22:33:00 2001
From: ldaku at vt.edu (Lefter Daku)
Date: Wed, 15 Aug 2001 19:33:00 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: [Alb-Club] P.Milo mbi 'Shqiperine e Madhe'
References: <F1422DreBBsQwY6YHki0000a1b4@hotmail.com>
Message-ID: <003601c125fb$c4e75b00$3745ad80@aaec.vt.edu>

Hi,

Jam kurioz te di ku eshte botuar ky artikull.
Nese eshte shkruar per audiencen shqipfolese, edhe pse stili i autorit eshte
gati brilant, ka vlere te kufizuar, per arsye se ne shqiptaret jemi te
famshem per te monologuar me veteveten. Keto kohet e fundit kam vrare
mendjen si nuk u be i gjalle nje historian apo akademik shqiptare qe te
shkruaj e te hedh drite rreth sfondit historik te asaj se cfare po ndodh me
Shqiptaret e Maqedonise. Ne prani te ketij boshlleku informacional, pjesa e
opinionit boteror qe eshte injorant rreth ceshtjes Shqiptare ka plot te
drejte qe ata djem qe sot po e paguajne me gjakun e tyre sigurimin e lirise
dhe te drejtave njerezore ne sllavo Maqedonine, te therriten "bad guys". Do
te ishte pra shume me vlere qe analiza te tilla rreth ceshtjes Shqiptare si
kjo e Zotit Milo te dergoheshin per botim ne gazeta prestigjioze, p.sh. New
York Times, Washington Post ose gazeta te tjera Europiane.

Duke e falenderuar Z. Bejko per dergimin e ketij artikulli ne list.

Gjithe te mirat

Lefter Daku


----- Original Message -----
From: Kreshnik Bejko <kbejko at hotmail.com>
To: <albanian at listserv.acsu.buffalo.edu>; <alb-club at alb-net.com>;
<albsa-info at alb-net.com>
Sent: Wednesday, August 15, 2001 1:22 PM
Subject: [Alb-Club] P.Milo mbi 'Shqiperine e Madhe'


>
> "SHQIPERIA E MADHE"
>
> MIDIS TRILLIMIT DHE REALITETIT
>
> nga Paskal Milo
>
> Zhvillimet ballkanike ne vitet e fundit sollen ne qender te vemendjes edhe
> ceshtjen shqiptare. Dinamizmi me te cilen ajo eshte shfaqur dhe kerkon
> zgjidhje ka vene rajonin para nje sprove te re, por qe nuk eshte edhe e
> vetmja. Bosnie-Hercegovina, Maqedonia me zhvillimet e fundit dhe Mali i Zi
> pas zgjedhjeve te 22 Prillit, mbeten po kaq domethenese sa edhe Kosova per
> stabilitetin, sigurine dhe te ardhmen e Ballkanit. Pra, nje numer
ceshtjesh,
> ku secila ka rendesine e vet, kerkon zgjidhjen e vet, por gjithnje ne nje
> kontekst rajonal dhe perspektive europiane.
>
> Nga
>
> Paskal MILO
>
> Minister i Jashtem
>
> Fragmente
>
> Ceshtja shqiptare eshte komplekse nga perberja dhe problematika. Ajo ka
tri
> faktore kryesore perberes: Shqiperia, si shtet i vetem, i organizuar i
> shqiptareve qe synon te kaperceje fazen e veshtire e problematike te
> tranzicionit te saj dhe te integrohet ne strukturat europiane dhe
> euroatlantike; shqiptaret e Kosoves, qe perbejne mbi 90% te popullsise se
> vendit dhe qe pas mbarimit te konfliktit po perballojne sfida serioze per
> ndertimin e nje shoqerie demokratike e multietnike dhe vecanerisht per te
> percaktuar te ardhmen e tyre; shqiptaret e Maqedonise qe jane ne kerkim te
> disa te drejtave themelore qe u jep atyre statusin e qytetareve te
barabarte
> me qytetaret maqedonas ne shtetin e tyre te perbashket. Per shkak te ketij
> karakteri c?shtja shqiptare, jo gjithnje dhe jo nga te gjithe, eshte
kuptuar
> ne thelbin dhe te verteten e saj. Disa me vetdije, disa nga mosnjohja,
kane
> krijuar dhe perpiqen edhe sot te japin nje imazh jo pozitiv per Shqiperine
e
> shqiptaret, per rolin e tyre ne rajon. Ceshtja shqiptare e paraqitur ne
nje
> kendveshtrim negativ behet nje problem qe krijon shqetesime, rreziqe dhe
qe
> kercenon paqen, stabilitetin dhe sigurine rajonale. Ky perceptim i nxjerr
> shqiptaret ne Ballkan si nje popull problematik edhe per komunitetin
> nderkombetar. Kendveshtrimi pozitiv e realist i ceshtjes shqiptare i
paraqet
> shqiptaret si nje popull dinamik, ne levizje e ne kerkim te rrugeve per
> emancipim e zhvillim social, ekonomik, nacional e kulturor. Ne kete
veshtrim
> te ceshtjes shqiptare ka edhe probleme te cilat duhen perballuar e
zgjidhur
> por qe nuk i zbehin thelbin progresit te saj.
>
> Ceshtja shqiptare ne Ballkan nuk eshte 'Shqiperia e madhe'. E para, eshte
> nje realitet, qe kerkon nje zgjidhje per ato komponente problematike te
saj
> me prejardhje historike dhe aktuale. E dyta, eshte nje fiksion me
prejardhje
> politike per te penguar sadopak zgjidhjen dhe per te ndaluar mbeshtetjen
> nderkombetare ne emer te 'rrezikut' qe ajo ('Shqiperia e Madhe')
perfaqeson.
> Per te kuptuar me mire thelbin e trillte te idese se 'Shqiperise se Madhe'
> dhe per te pare se deri ku ajo i ka rrenjet eshte i nevojshem para se
> gjithash nje veshtrim i shkurter historik i nacionalizmit shqiptar.
>
> Shqiptaret dhe 'Shqiperia e Madhe'
>
> Nacionalizmi shqiptar e humbi trenin e kohes dhe nuk arriti te
materializoje
> objektivat e veta as ne shekullin e XIX, po as ne ate pasardhes. Nderkohe,
> nacionalizmat e tjere ballkanike, ne mos te gjitha, ia arriten te
realizojne
> shumicen e pretendimeve te tyre. Madje kishte prej tyre, qe ne shtetet qe
> krijuan, perfshine ne nje mase te madhe, popullsi te ndryshme etnike.
> Mozaiku etniko - linguistiko - kulturor qe u krijua ose qe u imponua ne
> Ballkan nuk e zgjidhi ceshtjen kombetare ne rajon. Formula qe u gjet te
> nesermen e Luftes se Pare Boterore, per te bashkuar te gjitha territoret e
> sllaveve te jugut por edhe popullsi jo sllave sic ishin shqiptaret ne nje
> shtet deshtoi se jo vetem u aplikua ne nje rajon te mbarsur me eksplozion
> nacionalist, por edhe per shkak te politikave hegjemoniste e agresive te
> regjimeve serbe qe e sunduan federaten jugosllave per mbi 80 vjet. Renia e
> konglomeratit jugosllav nuk provon deshtimin e federates si forme e
> organizimit shteteror.
>
> Krijesa te pastra te shtetit-komb nuk mund te kete dhe kjo eshte e
> natyrshme. Cdo pretendim tjeter do te ishte spekullim. Po ne rastin e
> vendeve te Ballkanit u krijuan dy modele ekstreme: i pari Jugosllavia
> shumekombeshe, ku serbet si komb me i madh u perpoqen te serbizojne edhe
> kombet e tjere, sllave e jo sllave; i dyti Shqiperia qe ishte ne ekstremin
> tjeter si shtet, gjysma e popullsise shqiptare mbeti e perfshire ne
shtetet
> fqinje, vecanerisht ne Jugosllavi. Per rrjedhoje, ne Ballkan fara e
> grindjeve dhe e konflikteve nderetnike, nuk u zhduk, procesi i krijimit te
> shteteve kombe nuk perfundoi, keshtu qe aty mbeten potenciale te
akumuluara
> etnike qe nje dite do te shperthenin.
>
> Nje shumice e madhe njerezish sot e pranojne padrejtesine historike qe u
> eshte bere shqiptareve. Kjo eshte e rendesishme, jo si nje pikenisje per
te
> ndryshuar kufinjte, por per te kuptuar thelbin e legjitimitetit historik
te
> kerkesave shqiptare. Emra te njohur te politikes nderkombetare dhe
analiste
> te shquar qe merren me Ballkanin bejne nje dallim te qarte midis krijimit
te
> 'Shqiperise se Madhe' dhe pavaresise se Kosoves. Ndersa shprehen kunder se
> pares, jane ne favor te se dytes duke e konsideruar ate si nje zgjidhje qe
> do ta qetesonte Ballkanin dhe do te forconte paqen. Te ketij mendimi jane
> per shembull Henri Kisinger, Lordi Owen, Karl Bild, Janush Bugajski etj.
> Madje Lordi Owen shkon me tutje kur thote se qe te arrihet paqja ne
Ballkan
> dhe luftrat e pergjakshme etnike te marrin fund nevojitet nje rikonfigurim
i
> kufinjve te tij. Kjo eshte nje ide shume e avancuar dhe e parealizueshme
per
> kohen. Shqiptaret e Kosoves ne vitet 1991-1992 kishin me shume arsye te
> ishin te pakenaqur nga Jugosllavia federative ne krahasim me sllovenet,
> kroatet, maqedonasit, etj., nuk i moren armet, por adoptuan nje politike
> civilizuese, paqesore ne kerkim te te drejtave te tyre. Tri konfliktet e
> para ne Jugosllavine e Miloshevicit u zhvilluan midis etnive sllave, midis
> serbeve nga njera ane, dhe kroateve, slloveneve e boshnjakeve nga ana
> tjeter. Askush nuk i akuzoi atehere keta te fundit si kercenues te paqes,
te
> stabilitetit, te sigurise e te ardhmes se Ballkanit. Perkundrazi, shumica
e
> njerezve gishtin e drejtuan ne Beograd tek Sllobodan Milloshevici dhe
> regjimi i tij.
>
> Kur filloi konflikti i katert i provokuar ne rajon, ne Kosove nga po i
> njejti person e klani i tij, formula e Jugosllavise Federative u
> kompromentua perfundimisht. Ne kete drejtim ndihmoi dhe bojkoti
> institucional i Malit te Zi. Ne momentin qe konflikti u zhvendos jashte
> 'familjes se sllaveve te jugut' e kunder nje popullsie jo sllave, sic
ishin
> shqiptaret dhe ndaj te cileve ishin eksperimentuar te gjitha politikat e
> metodat genocidiste, ne nje kohe kur ata luftonin per te mbijetuar si
qenie
> njerezore, pikerisht atehere, ne periferine e politikes e te medias se
> sensibilizuar proserbe, u shfaq rreziku i 'Shqiperise se Madhe' dhe i
> nacionalizmit shqiptar per stabilitetin e te ardhmen e rajonit. Kjo teze
> sigurisht qe nuk ishte e re, as edhe u hodh rastesisht.
>
> Artikulimi kaq intensiv dhe i gjere i rrezikut qe perfaqeson idea e
> 'Shqiperise se Madhe' nga ambjente zyrtare politike rajonale e
> nderkombetare, nga analiste dhe nga media nuk perputhet me mbeshtetjen dhe
> influencen qe ka ajo ne realitet ne Shqiperi, Kosove, Maqedoni, etj
>
> Platforma e 'Shqiperise se Madhe' ne Shqiperi nuk ka popullaritet. Kjo nuk
> ka asnje lidhje dhe nuk do te thote se shqiptaret e Shqiperise jane me pak
> nacionaliste se te tjeret, ose se nuk i pelqejne marredheniet e ngushta me
> bashkekombasit e tyre ne vendet e tjera. Ky qendrim ndaj kesaj platforme
sot
> eshte i spjegueshem me disa arsye. Kultura politike dhe edukimi ne
Shqiperi
> jane ne nje nivel me te larte ne masen e gjere te njerezve se ne Kosove e
ne
> Maqedoni. Ata e kuptojne me mire thelbin dhe permbajtjen antishqiptare te
> kesaj parrulle. Duke jetuar ne shtetin ame, ata e kane konceptuar te
ardhmen
> e tyre ne zhvillimin e Shqiperise dhe orientimin e saj ne strukturat
> euroatllantike. Kontaktet njerezore te ketyre dhjete viteve te fundit
midis
> shqiptareve te ndare ne te dy anet e kufirit deshmuan diferenca jo vetem
ne
> mentalitete, psikologji, formim kulturor por edhe ne zhvillimin ekonomik.
Ky
> boshllek nuk mund te mbushet per nje kohe te shkurter.
>
> Ne politiken zyrtare te Qeverise e te Shtetit shqiptar nuk ka patur dhe
nuk
> ka asnje reference apo synim per krijimin e 'Shqiperise se Madhe'.
> Perkundrazi ka deklarata te qarta dhe pa ekuivoke se nje ide e tille eshte
> kunder produktive dhe ne kundershtim me synimet e Shqiperise per t'u
> integruar ne Evropen e Bashkuar.
>
> Teza e 'Shqiperise se Madhe'nuk egziston ne programet e partive kryesore
> politike te Shqiperise, te cilat kane qeverisur vendin ne keto dhjete
vitet
> e fundit. Keto parti kane qene koherente ne qendrimet e tyre edhe pas
> zhvillimeve te koheve te fundit ne Maqedoni, Kosove e Serbine Jugore. Po
> keshtu, nuk ka asnje baze rreziku qe gjoja vjen nga perpjekjet per te
> krijuar nje trekendesh politik Tirane - Prishtine - Tetove. Takimet
> ndershqiptare, me natyre politike, intelektuale, kulturore, etj., nuk
duhen
> paragjykuar. Ato jane normale dhe rrjedhoje e logjikes se kontakteve
humane
> e te bashkepunimit ne epoken e shoqerive qe integrohen.
>
> Idea e 'Shqiperise se Madhe', ose e bashkimit te te gjitha trojeve te
> banuara nga shqiptaret ne Ballkan, per krijimin e asaj qe quhet Shqiperi
> etnike, 'natyrale', 'e vertete', eshte e pranishme ne programet dhe
> propaganden e 4-5 partive te vogla politike qe kane se bashku nje
elektorat
> 5-7 per qind. Ne kete numur hyjne partite konservatore, 'historike',
'Balli
> Kombetar' dhe ' Levizja e Legalitetit' me te gjitha variantet e tyre.
Pervec
> tyre jane edhe nje parti e spektrit te majte, me emrin domethenes 'Partia
e
> Unitetit Kombetar dhe e Prosperitetit Demokratik' dhe Partia ekstreme e
> djathte 'Rimekembja Kombetare', qe nuk ka asnje ndikim ne popull.
>
> Tani se fundi me idene e bashkimit te Shqiperise me Kosoven doli edhe
> lidershipi i Partise  "Aleanca Demokratike", nje parti e vogel anetare e
> koalicionit qeverises. Ministri I Drejtesise eshte ne te njejten kohe edhe
> Kryetari Ekzekutiv I kesaj Partie.Deklarta e udheheqjes se kesaj partie
> komentohet te jete bere per synime elektorale. Qeveria Shqiptare nuk u
> pajtua me kete deklarate por edhe partite kryesore politike ne Shqiperi,
> Kosove dhe Maqedoni dhe vete "Aleanca Demokratike" eshte vete larguar nga
> kjo deklarate.
>
> Ne nje mase modeste koncepti i 'Shqiperise se Madhe' eshte i pranishem
edhe
> ne disa qarqe intelektuale, shkencore e artistike ne Shqiperi, qe here pas
> here i cfaqin pikpamjet e tyre ne median e shkruar dhe elektronike. Nen
> ndikimin e zhvillimeve te vrullshme te ngjarjeve ne Kosove, edhe Akademia
e
> Shkencave e Shqiperise hartoi Platformen per zgjidhjen e Ceshtjes
Kombetare
> Shqiptare. Kjo platforme ndonese me mjaft vlera pozitive, doli e kapercyer
> per kohen per shkak te zhvillimeve intensive dhe tendencave integruese
> europiane ne Ballkan.
>
> Ne Kosove idea e 'Shqiperise se Bashkuar' apo e Shqiperise etnike ka patur
> mbeshtetje per arsye te njohura historike. Aty ka nje opinion qe eshte
> ushqyer vazhdimisht, qe ne fillim te shek. XX-te, kur u krijua shteti
> shqiptar dhe Kosova mbeti jashte tij. Ky proces ka ndodhur me shume ne
> menyre spontane se sa te organizuar.
>
> Fillimet e multipartitizmit ne Kosove sollen edhe nje spekter te gjere
> ngjyrash politike. Te gjitha partite shqiptare qe u krijuan, ne krye te
> programeve politike vendosen pavaresine e Kosoves, por jo te gjitha
vendosen
> idene e bashkimit te trojeve etnike ne nje shtet te vetem.Kjo ide ne
Kosove
> ne fillim te viteve 90-te mori permasa shume te gjera, por edhe ne te dy
> anet e kufirit, ne manifestimet politike ne tubimet intelektuale e ne
media.
> Madje u bene edhe perpjekje per te organizuar nje Kuvend Kombetar me
synimin
> e hartimit te platformes se bashkimit te Shqiperise me
> Kosoven.Personalitetet me te njohura te shkences dhe te kultures shqiptare
> te viteve 90-te ne Kosove perpunuan me shume pasion mendimin politik
> shqiptar qe argumentonte domosdoshmerine e bashkimit te Shqiperise me
> Kosoven, por edhe ate te te gjitha trojeve te populluara nga shqiptare
> etnike.
>
> Kjo vale entusiaste per bashkimin pesoi nje renie me vone, per disa arsye
te
> thena me lart dhe per shkak te dominimit te realpolitikes ne programet e
> partive kryesore shqiptare e vecanerisht te Lidhjes Demokratike te
Kosoves.
> Vetem pas konfliktit ne pranveren e 1999 pati nje riciklim te retorikes se
> bashkimit por pa arritur nivelin e entusiazmit te disa viteve me pare.
Idene
> e bashkimit kombetar e te krijimit te Shqiperise etnike ose te 'Shqiperise
> se Madhe 'sic perdoret tani, e mbrojne ne programet e tyre ne Kosove
Partia
> Republikane e Kosoves, Partia Nacional Demokrate Shqiptare, Levizja
> Kombetare per Clirimin e Kosoves, Partia e Unitetit Kombetar Shqiptar dhe
> Lidhja Popullore e Kosoves. Partite kryesore politike shqiptare ne Kosove
> jane shprehur hapur kohet e fundit kunder 'Shqiperise se Madhe'. Ky
qendrim
> buron nga ndergjegjesimi i tyre se ceshtja e shqiptareve ne Kosove e ne
> Ballkan nuk mund te gjeje zgjidhje me formula e modele te kapercyera, por
> permes zhvillimeve integruese rajonale e europiane. Veprime te individeve
te
> vecante politike nuk duhen pergjithesuar dhe as duhet krijuar pershtypja
se
> lidershipi shqiptar sillet me dy faqe. Koha i cvlereson shpejt individe e
> parti te kesaj natyre.
>
> Kritiket e 'Shqiperise se Madhe' midis tezave te tjera thone se ajo
synohet
> te krijohet si nje arme per te luftuar nacionalizimin serb, per ta
dobesuar
> ate si nje faktor i rendesishem rajonal. Eshte e njohur se ka ekzistuar
nje
> perplasje historike midis nacionalizmave ballkanase, pra edhe midis atyre
> shqiptar e serb. Kjo konkurence e rivalitet ka qene e ashper dhe ne epoken
> europiane te krijimit te shteteve kombe. Cfaqje moderne te ketij
rivaliteti
> nuk mungojne edhe sot ne Europe.
>
> Akuza nuk shtrohet vetem ne adrese te nacionalizmit shqiptar. Ajo eshte e
> drejtuar me teper ndaj faktoreve nderkombetare, duke nenkuptuar ne rradhe
te
> pare SHBA dhe NATO-n. Madje si SHBA e NATO behen drejtpersedrejti
pergjegjes
> si nxites per krijimin e 'Shqiperise se Madhe' Kjo teze ka gjetur strehe e
> perkrahes ne mes njerezve e vendeve qe kundershtuan nderhyrjen ushtarake
te
> NATO-s ne Serbi e Kosove dhe te aleateve e miqve tradicionale te
> nacionalizmit serb.
>
> Do te ishte naive te mendohej se ne Ballkan nuk ka perplasje interesash te
> Fuqive jashte rajonit dhe perpjekje per te siguruar synime gjeopolitike e
> pikembeshtetje strategjike. Dhe ne emer te ketyre objektivave llogariten
> edhe faktoret rajonale. Shqiptaret jane nje nga keta faktore qe kane
> pretendimin per te luajtur nje rol me te rendesishem ne te ardhmen ne
> Evropen Juglindore. Por as ne Europe as edhe ne SHBA, kete rol nuk e
lidhin
> me krijimin e 'Shqiperise se Madhe'. Perkundrazi kjo ide eshte
kundershtuar
> fort nga politika zyrtare europiane dhe amerikane si jo e kohes, ne dem te
> stabilitetit dhe sigurise rajonale dhe te ardhmes integruese te rajonit.
>
> Perfundimi i konfliktit ne Kosove dhe vendosja e saj mbi bazen e Rezolutes
> 1244 te Keshillit te Sigurimit te OKB-se, nen autoritetin nderkombetar, u
> dha rastin shqiptareve te ndjejne e te kene me te drejte e per here te
pare
> mbeshtetjen e plote te komunitetit nderkombetar, vecanerisht te SHBA, BE,
> NATO, etj. Shqiptaret e Kosoves kete mbeshtetje e kthyen ne mirenjohje.
> Eshte e natyrshme qe dislokimi i forcave te KFOR-it dhe vendosjen e
UNMIK-ut
> ne Kosove ata e perjetuan si clirim nga Serbia dhe me nje shperthim te
> justifikuar te ndjenjave pozitive nacionaliste te shtypura e te ndrydhura
> historikisht. Te nesermen e mbarimit te konfliktit nuk ishte ndonje gje e
re
> qe te degjohej nga populli e lideret shqiptare te Kosoves qe te kerkonin
> pavaresine e saj. Gjenerata njerezish ishin masakruar e kalbur ne burgje
per
> kete ide. Kjo ide tani nuk mund te burgosej e as te vritej e po keshtu
> artikuluesit e saj. Kishte ndodhur nje ndryshim kaq i madh e kaq i thelle
qe
> shumica e njerezve as qe mund t'a mendonin.
>
> Ne nje profil me te ulet 'idea e Shqiperise se Madhe' akuzohet se synon te
> krijoje 'nje zemer myslimane' ne Ballkan. Kerkesat shqiptare per me shume
te
> drejta dhe emancipim ne rajon shihen si nje perplasje midis muslimanizmit
> dhe kristianizmit ne variantin e tij te ortodoksise.Sipas disa njerezve te
> politikes e te medias rajonale dhe europiane 'ekspansioni shqiptar' ne
> Ballkan do te ishte nje shprehje e rifillimit te ofensives se
mohamedanizmit
> ne Europe. Kjo akuze kerkon t'a cvendose vemendjen ne nje terren shume
> sensitiv duke spekulluar me ndjenjat e ndryshme fetare te popujve te
> rajonit. Myslimanizmi nuk eshte as filozofia as edhe mburoja e
ekstremizmit,
> nacionalizmit dhe e kombit-shtet. Ai nuk eshte as edhe identifikimi i
> fondamentalizmit. As edhe platforma e 'Shqiperise se Madhe' nuk eshte
> frymezuar dhe as eshte mbeshtetur nga ky besim fetar. Shqiptaret u
perkasin
> tre besimeve te ndryshme dhe kane deshmuar historikisht tolerance e
respekt
> reciprok. Ata jane sot nje model i bashkejeteses dhe harmonise
multifetare.
>
> 'Shqiperia Madhe' nuk do t'a shtonte popullsine shqiptare myslimane as
edhe
> do te pakesonte popullsine e krishtere shqiptare. Teza e rrezikut nga nje
> 'Shqiperi e Madhe' myslimane vjen nga nje koncept gjeopolitik spekulativ
me
> veshje fetare. Skema e krijimit te boshteve fetare ne Ballkan dhe e
> perplasjes se tyre per synime gjeopolitike eshte disi e vjeter, dhe ajo u
> muar vecanerisht ne konsiderate nga qarqe te caktuara politike ballkanike,
> europiane e me gjere pas shperthimit te konfliktit ne Bosnje-Hercegovina.
Po
> i njejti alarm ngrihet tani kur Kosova ka hyre ne procesin e percaktimit
te
> te ardhmes se vet dhe shqiptaret e Maqedonise kerkojne te jene qytetare te
> barabarte ne shtetin e perbashket me maqedonasit. Perpjekja per t'i
vendosur
> shqiptaret brenda kesaj skeme nuk mund te kete sukses, ndonese nuk kane
> munguar 'analistet ortodokse' qe e kane parashikuar nje zhvillim te tille.
> Shqiptaret nuk kane asnje lidhje me fondamentalizmin islamik, se ne
> historine e tyre nuk gjendet asnje fakt per te deshmuar qofte edhe dicka
te
> perafert me te. Shqiptaret historikisht kane jetuar me popuj fqinj te
> besimeve te ndryshme fetare, por ata gjithnje kane qene tolerante e te
> moderuar Shqiptaret para se te jene myslimane, ortodokse e katolike jane
> shqiptare,nje nga popujt me te lashte te Ballkanit e te Europes.
>
> Stuhia politike, diplomatike dhe mediatike qe shpertheu kete pranvere
kunder
> rrezikut te 'Shqiperise se Madhe' ne nje mase te madhe ben pergjegjes
> segmentet ekstremiste te popullsise shqiptare ne Kosove, ne Maqedoni e
Serbi
> Jugore. Ato u cfaqen me hapur dhe me me pretendime pas mbarimit te
> konfliktit ne Kosove dhe synuan te militarizojne aspiratat e ligjshme te
> shqiptareve te kerkuara per t'u realizuar ne rruge paqesore.
>
> Administrimi i lirise eshte nje proces jo i lehte dhe gjithnje egziston
> rreziku i degradimit ne anarki e ne veprime te pakontrolluara. Ne rastin e
> Kosoves, ku liria nacionale kishte munguar ose ka qene e censuruar,
> shperthimet emocionale dhe ekseset jashte limiteve normale ishin te
> pritshme. Por, te denushme veprimet kolektive hakmarrese kunder serbeve te
> pa perfshire ne krime, debimi i tyre, djegia e shtepive etj. Pikerisht ne
> momente te tilla duhet lidershipi, i cili disiplinon emocionet e orienton
> popullin ne drejtim pozitiv. Partite politike shqiptare ne Kosove nuk e
bene
> sic duhej kete detyre dhe per ta thene me qarte nuk paten autoritetin e
> nevojshem per te ndaluar nje lloj anarkizimi provincial, qe filloi te
> demtoje imazhin me te cilin shqiptaret dolen nga konflikti. Procesi i
> normalizimit te situates ne Kosove, megjithe veshtiresite e medha qe
ndeshi,
> u zhvillua dhe hodhi hapa te rendesishem perpara. Zgjedhjet per pushtetin
> vendor, qe u zhvilluan me sukses ne Tetor 2000, rindertimi i vendit,
> gjallerimi i jetes ekonomike dhe i tregtise e deshmojne kete tendence
> pozitive. Ate nuk mund ta pengojne anarkistet, nacionalistet primitive,
> njerezit e dyshimte te lidhur me qarqe mafioze brenda e jashte Kosoves, te
> cilet per te qene sa me komode e per te vepruar sa me lehte jane shpesh
> bartes te platformave e parullave nacionaliste si ato te 'Shqiperise se
> Madhe', te 'Kosoves se Madhe', etj. Veprimtaria aventureske e ketyre
> njerezve kompromenton procesin, imazhin dhe largon mbeshtetjen
> nderkombetare, pasurine me te madhe qe mund te kene fituar historikisht,
> perpos lirise kosovaret. Madje keta njerez, mirenjohjen mbareshqiptare per
> faktoret nderkombetare, per shpetimin e qindra mijera shqiptareve nga
> genocidi i Milloshevicit, po e zevendesojne me sjellje politike
ekstremiste
> qe shrytezohet per te vene ne dyshim edhe drejtesine e vendimarrjes per te
> nderhyre ne Kosove te forcave te NATO-s dhe per te demtuar imazhin dhe
> poziten politike te lidereve boterore qe ndermorren kete vendim historik.
> Shqetesimi i komunitetit nderkombetar, vecanerisht i atyre qeverive e
> personaliteteve, qe investuan per te ndaluar genocidin serb dhe
katastrofen
> humanitare, eshte i drejte.
>
> Ekstremizmi nacionalist, para se te jete i rrezikshem per popujt e tjere,
> eshte i demshem per popullin e vet. Ai perpiqet te militarizoje jo vetem
> politiken, por edhe jeten shoqerore, kulturen, artin dhe shkencen.
> Nacionalizmi primitiv mban peng te ardhmen e vendit dhe synon t'a
orientoje
> ate ne nje drejtim te kundert me tendencen e pergjithshme te zhvillimeve
> bashkekohore integruese. Ekstremizimi nuk eshte ne karakterin e
shqiptareve.
> Ata kane qene gjithnje tolerant ne bashkejetesen me etni e fe te ndryshme.
> Grupime te vecanta ekstremiste, shqiptare ne Kosove, Maqedoni apo gjetiu
nuk
> perfaqesojne shumicen e shqiptareve ekstremiste ne Ballkan ka edhe midis
> popujve te tjere dhe ata shpesh ushqejne e nxisin njeri-tjetrin. Fakti qe
ne
> Kosove ka nje ulje shume te ndjeshme te krimeve dhe ne pergjithesi te
> tensioneve nderetnike, eshte nje tregues i ngushtimit te hapsires per
> bajraktaret provinciale nacionaliste. Po keshtu dhe maturia e
vetpermbajtja,
> qe po tregojne shumica e shqiptareve ne Maqedoni, eshte nje arsye me shume
> per te besuar se ekstremizmi nuk ka mbeshtetje te gjere. Edhe tensionet e
> krijuara ne Luginen e Presheves nuk jane kaq te thjeshta as edhe mund te
> shpjegohen vetem me deshiren e shqiptareve per te krijuar 'Kosoven e
Madhe'.
> Ne thelb, keto tensione, sollen ne vemendjen e te gjitheve edhe nje here
> tjeter disa realitete te njohura qe duhet te ndryshojne por gjithnje me
> marreveshje politike e permes garantimit te te gjitha te drejtave qe i
> takojne minoritetit shqiptar ne Serbine Jugore.
>
> E ardhmja e shqiptareve "Europa e Madhe"
>
> E ardhmja e popujve te Ballkanit do te varet shume nga rruga qe do te
marrin
> zhvillimet ne zonat e nxehta te tij ne nje te ardhme te afert. Nese forcat
e
> nacionalizmit primitiv apo segmente te vecanta ekstremiste te tij do te
> fitojne terren mbi forcat demokratike e konstruktive, atehere Ballkani
> rrezikohet te mbetet i semure kronik i Europes. Ne kete rast skenari do te
> ishte riciklimi i dhunes dhe i konflikteve etnike, vecanerisht ne
> Bosnie-Hercegovine, Kosove, Maqedoni, Mali i Zi, por edhe me gjere.
> Potencialet negative per ta mbajtur Ballkanin ne nje situate shperthyese
> kane treguar se egzistojne dhe jane aktive. Kjo eshte optika pesimiste e
te
> ardhmes se rajonit.
>
> Ballkani ka edhe nje alternative tjeter zhvillimi, e cila ka me shume
> mbeshtetje e me shume shanse per te fituar. Ajo eshte perspektiva e
> integrimit te rajonit ne Europen e Bashkuar. Sigurisht qe nuk eshte e
afert
> dhe as simetrike per te gjitha vendet. Por ka rendesi qe te gjitha vendet
e
> Ballkanit (Greqia eshte anetare e BE dhe e NATO-s), jane te orientuara dhe
> te perfshira ne procesin e integrimit europian, pavarsisht se ndodhen ne
> nivele te ndryshme. Rumania dhe Bullgaria kane vite qe kane nenshkruar
> marreveshjen e asocimit me BE dhe ndodhen ne shporten e dyte te vendeve
> kandidate per t'u pranuar. Maqedonia sapo ka nenshkruar marreveshjen e
> stabilizimit e te asocimit dhe se shpejti pritet qe ate t'a nenshkruaj
edhe
> Kroacia. Shqiperia ndodhet ne permbushjen e procedurave per te hapur
> negociatat per kete marreveshje, ndersa Bosnie-Hercegovina e Jugosllavia,
> kane nje prespektive te afert per fillimin e studimit te fizibilitetit
rreth
> kesaj marreveshje me BE.
>
> Kjo perpektive optimiste e se ardhmes se Ballkanit eshte nje proces i
> dyanshem. Ajo varet nga vullneti dhe aftesia e shoqerive dhe vendeve
> ballkanike per te plotesuar te gjitha kushtet e parametrat e kerkuara per
te
> ecur sipas etapave ne rrugen e integrimit europian dhe euroatlantik. Por
> suksesi i ketij procesi eshte i lidhur ngushte edhe me angazhimin e vet
> Bashkimit Europian per te mos i burokratizuar proceduart e integrimit dhe
> per ti dhene perparesi politikave specifike afruese per vendet e
Ballkanit.
>
> Duke lokalizuar perspektiven europiane ne ambientin shqiptar, ajo duhet
pare
> ne tre komponente kryesore: Shqiperi, Kosove e Maqedoni. Gjithesecili prej
> ketyre komponenteve ka vecorite e veta, te cilat duhen marre ne
konsiderate
> kur aplikohen politikat integruese dhe percaktohen ritmet e integrimit.
> Shqiperia vjen me kete rast e para. Ka nje unanimitet social e te spektrit
> politik ne Shqiperi ne mbeshtetje te orientimit dhe perspektives
integruese
> europiane te vendit. Shteti shqiptar ne menyre te natyrshme ka nje rol e
> influence paresore midis shqiptarve qe jetojne ne pjeset e tjera te
rajonit
> dhe sherben si nje pike reference per ata. Afrimi i Shqiperise ne
strukturat
> europiane dhe euroatlantike dhe perfshirja e saj ne nje te ardhme ne keto
> struktura do te ishte nje model e nje mesazh per te gjithe shqiptaret ne
> rajon. Nje perspektive europiane e artikuluar qarte e ne kohe sipas
etapave
> do te ngjallte me shume besim e optimizem edhe per ardhmerine e Kosoves.
Kjo
> do te ngushtonte gjthnje e me shume hapsiren e veprimit te atyre
elementeve
> e ideve nacionaliste dhe ekstremiste qe aspiratat legjitime te shqiptareve
i
> shohin te realizuara permes dhunes.
>
> Komuniteti Nderkombetar i pranishem ne Kosove permes institucioneve tashme
> te njohura duhet te beje politika me efikase e ta marre masa me te shpejta
> per ta bere sa me te prekshme dhe perspektiven e saj europiane. Prania
> europiane ne Kosove nuk duhet te shfaqet kryesisht permes uniformave
> ushtarake te forcave te KFOR-it, por permes investimeve ekonomike per
> zhvillimin e saj, permes kontributeve me te medha ne ndertimin e
> institucione demokratike, ne forcimin e shoqerise civile dhe ne ndertimin
e
> urave per bashkejetesen multietnike. Shqiptaret e Kosoves duhet te
shikojne
> ne praktike rezultate qe e afron perspektiven europiane ndofta tani jo ne
> formen institucionale por ne frymen e saj. Ne kete drejtim mund te
> shfrytezohen edhe gjenerata njerezish e sidomos te rinjte qe kane jetuar
dhe
> jane arsimuar ne vendet europiane. Ata jane me te prirur e me te
pergatitur
> per t'u angazhuar ne orientimin drejt ardhmerise europiane te Kosoves.
>
> Platformat e programet e partive kryesore politike shqiptare duhet te
> ndihmohet qe te kene nje fryme e filozofi me europiane e me pak
> nacionaliste. Po keshtu edhe media, arsimi e kultura. Madje streha e
fundit
> e nacionalizmit primitiv mbeten gjithnje segmentet me te paarsimuara e me
te
> prapambetura te shoqerise.
>
> Shqiptaret e Maqedonise me nenshkrimin e marreveshjes se stabilizimit e te
> asocimit me BE ne prill te ketij viti zyrtarisht ndihen me afer
strukturave
> europiane se shqiptaret e tjere te rajonit. Por faktikisht ata nuk e
ndjejne
> shijen e kesaj arritjeje sepse neshkrimi u be ne kulmin e tensioneve
> nderetnike ne Maqedoni. Procesi i dialogut qe ka nisur ne kete vend me
> synimin e gjetjes se zgjidhjes se standarteve europiane per kerkesat e
> parashtruara nga shqiptaret, ka nje frymezim dhe ndermjetesim
>
> edhe nga BE. Marreveshja e Stabilizimit dhe Asocimit permban detyrime ne
> plotesimin dhe respektimin e te drejtave te minoriteteve. Aplikimi i saj
do
> te jete e dobishme per te ngushtuar hendekun arsimor e kulturor midis
> shqiptareve dhe maqedonasve. Shqiptaret duhet ta ndjejne se kjo
marreveshje
> eshte sa e maqedonasve aq edhe e tyre. Maqedonia do te shkoje ne Europe me
> dy kembe dhe jo me shumicen maqedonase te privilegjuar dhe pjesen e
> popullsise shqiptare te diskriminuar ose te trajtuar si nivel i dyte
> qytetar. Europa kerkon qytetare me shanse e mundesi te barabarta.
>
> Shqiptaret ne te gjithe hapesiren qe ata shtrihen ne Ballkan jane ne
kerkim
> te nje te ardhme me te mire e me te begate. Ata e kane bere zgjedhjen e
> tyre, duan te behen pjese e familjes se madhe e te bashkuar europiane.
> Devijime te perkohshme te segmenteve te caktuara ne favor te ideve e te
> zgjidhjeve ekstremiste nuk e pengojne tendencen e pergjithshme pozitive te
> perpjekjeve shqiptare per te krijuar nje Ballkan te europianizuar e te
> integruar. Vetem ne nje perspektive te tille, ceshtja shqiptare ne Ballkan
> do te gjeje zgjidhje.
>
>
> _________________________________________________________________
> Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp
>
>



From pulab at georgetown.edu  Wed Aug 15 21:30:19 2001
From: pulab at georgetown.edu (Besnik Pula)
Date: Wed, 15 Aug 2001 21:30:19 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Program for Students in SEE Region
Message-ID: <B7A09A6A.7E27%pulab@georgetown.edu>

Program for Regional Academic Cooperation of Students in Southeast Europe -
PRACS
 back to PRACS description
 back to Programs

CALL FOR PROPOSALS
The International Higher Education Support Program (HESP) of the Open
Society Institute (OSI) invites applications for regional student-centered
initiatives in academic cooperation in the humanities and social sciences
from and within the following Southeast European academic communities:
Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia,
Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia.

The International Higher Education Support Program is committed to the
advancement of higher education in the humanities and social sciences
throughout the region of Central and Eastern Europe, Southeast Europe, the
former Soviet Union and Mongolia. HESP operates as part of the Open Society
Institute (OSI), a non-profit organization established by philanthropist
George Soros. The mission of HESP is the promotion of an open and tolerant
society through support for higher education.

The aim of the Program for Regional Academic Cooperation of Students in
Southeast Europe (PRACS) is to influence systemic changes in higher
education by involving students in the democratization of their educational
systems and by enhancing cross-border co-operation in the Southeast European
region.

Successful projects must meet the following requirements:

be in the field of humanities and social sciences;
be initiated and managed by students;
target primarily undergraduate students;
be innovative with a strong academic component;
involve regional cooperation of students;
be from the following academic communities of Southeast Europe: Albania,
Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova,
Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia.
Preference will be given to projects:
with a regional impact;
involving minorities;
of longer-term activities rather than single events;
utilizing existing educational structures;
from outside the capital cities.
Projects may involve any educational forms or any combination of educational
forms (e.g. workshops, lecture series, summer schools). The Program will not
support conferences or initiatives that are non-academic, or are in
disciplines outside of the humanities and social sciences.

Funding:
International HESP will consider funding of short or long-term projects.
Short-term projects may be funded up to 100%. In the case of longer-term
projects, HESP will consider full funding for the first year but will not
act as a sole funder beyond the first year. Therefore, such applicants are
requested to submit a 3-year sustainability plan.

Any western partnership project would require at least 50% co-funding for
the whole project from a western institution.

Applications must include:

Completed Information Sheet with short description /summary of the project
(up to 350 words);
A detailed project proposal in English including the general mission of the
project, a detailed description of project activities, description of the
managing structure envisaged, a short resume or CV of project leaders,
possible partnerships and co-operations with confirmation letters from the
partner organizations, expected outcomes of the project;
Detailed budget in US Dollars in the standard HESP format. HESP budget forms
are available from the HESP web page or directly from the HESP office.
Please, list possible other funding sources for future reference;
Deadline for submitting applications: 15th October 2001.

Applications should be submitted to:
OSI-HESP, N?dor utca 11.,
1051 Budapest, HUNGARY
Program Manager: Zorana Gajic
Telephone: (36-1) 327 31 47
Fax: (36-1) 327 38 64
e-mail: zorana at osi.hu
HESP WebSite: http://www.osi.hu/hesp



Additional downloadable



From endril at rocketmail.com  Thu Aug 16 10:20:06 2001
From: endril at rocketmail.com (Endri Leno)
Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 07:20:06 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Power of Women???!!!
In-Reply-To: <F1422DreBBsQwY6YHki0000a1b4@hotmail.com>
Message-ID: <20010816142007.43949.qmail@web14605.mail.yahoo.com>

Sex ban lifted in Turkish village

CNN
ANKARA, Turkey -- A group of husbands have breathed a
collective sigh of relief after their wives ended a
month-long sex boycott. 

The women of Sirt, a small village near Antalya on
Turkey's southern coast, had launched the bedroom
strike in protest at the lack of accessible running
water. 

A break down of the village's 27-year old water system
had meant that the women had been forced to queue for
hours in front of a trickling fountain before carrying
their water home in containers -- a walk of several
miles for some. 

When constant requests to repair the system failed to
produce any improvement, the women decided more
drastic steps were needed -- a refusal of all marital
favours until their spouses fulfilled their plumbing
obligations. 

Now, after some frantic lobbying on the part of Sirt's
male population, the government's Directorate of Rural
Affairs has agreed to provide eight kilometres (five
miles) of piping so that water can be brought to the
village from a nearby source. 

"It (the boycott) worked," a delighted Ayse Sari told
Associated Press. "We got the attention. We were tired
of carrying the water .Those who had donkeys were
lucky." 

The men will have to lay the pipes themselves,
although they believe this is a small price to pay for
a resumption of normal marital relations. 

"We are very happy," village leader Ibrahim Sari said.


Not all the women, however, are ready to end their
protest. While some feel that, with new pipes on the
way, it is time to re-open the bedroom doors, others
insist that only when the pipes have been laid --
something which could take another month -- will they
call off their strike. 

"They won't be able to get into our bedrooms until the
water actually runs through the taps," one village
woman, Fatma Koru, said. "The protest will continue." 

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From endril at rocketmail.com  Thu Aug 16 10:26:28 2001
From: endril at rocketmail.com (Endri Leno)
Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 07:26:28 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Power of Science
In-Reply-To: <F1422DreBBsQwY6YHki0000a1b4@hotmail.com>
Message-ID: <20010816142628.62770.qmail@web14602.mail.yahoo.com>

Cell-sized bull a mini marvel

(CNN) -- This model of a bull, created by scientists
in Japan, is the size of a single red blood cell. 

It's the smallest object ever created by humans, and
was sculpted by two laser beams focused across resin.
The resin solidified only where the lasers crossed. 

Created by a team of researchers at Osaka University
in Japan, the bull measures 10 micrometers from horns
to tail, and seven micrometers across. 

A micrometer is one-thousandth of a millimeter. 

Reported in the latest edition of the journal Nature,
the scientists who created the bull say they it is a
step in the direction of creating micro-machines that
could find applications in science and medicine. 

Beast of burden
"We dream that this bull pulls a drug cart through the
blood vessels," says team member Hong-Bo Sun. 

The Bull was chosen, Nature reports, because it has a
"very sophisticated three-dimensional shape with sharp
tips and a smooth and rough body". 

The team at Osaka University suggests that
similar-sized micro machines might eventually travel
around the body, using veins and arteries as highways,
to treat disease. 

Similar technology could also be used to make
microscopic sensors, templates for cell cultures and
three-dimensional computer memories. 

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From jetkoti at hotmail.com  Thu Aug 16 14:31:30 2001
From: jetkoti at hotmail.com (Xhuliana Agolli)
Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 12:31:30 -0600
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Power of Women???!!!
Message-ID: <F85Ba9y0VbVcCWIg6nv0000b3d0@hotmail.com>

Apparently the Turkish village women are resorting to the famously old 
technique of using sex as a means to getting what they want and what is 
ultimately good for society. I couldn't help smiling while I was reading 
this, because it reminded me of Aristophanes' (in)famous play "Lysistrata". 
In order to stop the war between Athens and Sparta, Lysistrata finally 
manages to convince the other Athenian women to go on a sex strike so that 
the men would sign for peace with the Spartans. Most of these women were 
very reluctant to give up sex even for a peace settlement of the 
Peloponnesian wars that had been going on for years, which is part of what 
makes the play hilarious but also tragic, in my opinion. Why was it--and 
apparently still is-- that women and what they think and what they need 
should only be heeded by men when it comes down to sex? I wonder what this 
tells us about human nature...and human males particularly. I'm not sure 
whether it is the power of women of Sirt per se or the ignorance and 
stupidity of their men that has made these women appear 'powerful'. Even if 
they do seem powerful, however, it is a diminuitive kind of power, a kind of 
feminine power that exposes man's weakness or the animal in men.

xh.a.

>From: Endri Leno <endril at rocketmail.com>
>To: albsa-info at alb-net.com
>Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Power of Women???!!!
>Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 07:20:06 -0700 (PDT)
>
>           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List ---------
>           - ALBSA Web Site: http://www.albstudent.org -
>
>Sex ban lifted in Turkish village
>
>CNN
>ANKARA, Turkey -- A group of husbands have breathed a
>collective sigh of relief after their wives ended a
>month-long sex boycott.
>
>The women of Sirt, a small village near Antalya on
>Turkey's southern coast, had launched the bedroom
>strike in protest at the lack of accessible running
>water.
>
>A break down of the village's 27-year old water system
>had meant that the women had been forced to queue for
>hours in front of a trickling fountain before carrying
>their water home in containers -- a walk of several
>miles for some.
>
>When constant requests to repair the system failed to
>produce any improvement, the women decided more
>drastic steps were needed -- a refusal of all marital
>favours until their spouses fulfilled their plumbing
>obligations.
>
>Now, after some frantic lobbying on the part of Sirt's
>male population, the government's Directorate of Rural
>Affairs has agreed to provide eight kilometres (five
>miles) of piping so that water can be brought to the
>village from a nearby source.
>
>"It (the boycott) worked," a delighted Ayse Sari told
>Associated Press. "We got the attention. We were tired
>of carrying the water .Those who had donkeys were
>lucky."
>
>The men will have to lay the pipes themselves,
>although they believe this is a small price to pay for
>a resumption of normal marital relations.
>
>"We are very happy," village leader Ibrahim Sari said.
>
>
>Not all the women, however, are ready to end their
>protest. While some feel that, with new pipes on the
>way, it is time to re-open the bedroom doors, others
>insist that only when the pipes have been laid --
>something which could take another month -- will they
>call off their strike.
>
>"They won't be able to get into our bedrooms until the
>water actually runs through the taps," one village
>woman, Fatma Koru, said. "The protest will continue."
>
>__________________________________________________
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>_______________________________________________________
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>http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/albsa-info


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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Thu Aug 16 14:37:59 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 14:37:59 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek President OK with Albanophobia
Message-ID: <F84Mrv8L5dBKlrWJ3fv0000b59e@hotmail.com>

FROM ANSA

GREECE: XENOPHOBIA: Expulsion of Albanian, the President approves

Athens, Aug 16- A xenophobic Greece? The President Costis Stephanopoulos 
denies this accusation, but approves of the inhabitants of Lesbo expelling 
150 Albanians from their village. After a fight between Greeks and 
Albanians, 4 Albanians were sentenced to 37 months in jail and immediate 
expulsion, but the inhabitants of Loutra protested the sentence as too 
lenient. Later they convened a general council who launched an ultimatum 
against the Albanian workers of the village vowing reprisals against them. 
Faced with such threats the immigrants chose to leave the village. "The 
actions of the citisens of Loutra were not directed against foreigners" mr. 
Stephanopoulos declared "but against those people who do not respect the 
hospitality offered to them." This position of the President is contrary to 
the position of the Socialist government in Athens who has condemned the 
actions of these villagers.

GRECIA: XENOFOBIA; CACCIANO ALBANESI, PRESIDENTE D'ACCORDO

ATENE, 16 AGO - Grecia xenofoba? Il presidente Costis Stephanopoulos dice di 
no, ma da' ragione agli abitanti di un villaggio di Lesbo (Mar Egeo 
orientale) che alla fine di luglio hanno cacciato 150 immigrati albanesi. 
Dopo una rissa tra greci e albanesi, quattro di questi ultimi sono stati 
condannati a 37 mesi di prigione e all'espulsione immediata ma gli abitanti 
di Loutra, paese del sud-est di Lesbo, hanno assediato il palazzo di 
giustizia del capoluogo dell'isola per protesta contro le condanne 
considerate troppo lievi. Poi hanno convocato un'assemblea generale, 
lanciato un ultimatum ai lavoratori albanesi e minacciato rappresaglie 
contro gli immigrati, obbligando la polizia ad inviare forze supplementari 
da Atene. Gli immigrati, di fronte ai rischi di scontri, hanno preferito 
andar via. La decisione degli abitanti di Loutra, ha dichiarato il 
presidente greco Stephanopoulos, ''non era diretta contro gli stranieri, ma 
contro degli uomini che non hanno rispettato l'ospitalita' che era stata 
loro offerta''. ''Non si e' trattato - ha aggiunto il presidente - di 
un'espressione di sentimenti razzisti, ma di una reazione d'ira contro 
un'azione considerata ingiuriosa nei confronti di un atteggiamento 
generoso''. Una posizione, quella del capo di stato greco, in contrasto con 
il governo socialista di Atene che in precedenza aveva condannato il 
comportamento degli abitanti di Loutra.
16/08/2001 17:25




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From glaus_tirana at hotmail.com  Thu Aug 16 15:39:25 2001
From: glaus_tirana at hotmail.com (glaus tirana)
Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 19:39:25 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re:  Greek President OK with Albanophobia
Message-ID: <F142VxqY4tbqBTNkO3C0000d980@hotmail.com>

Po presidenti yne s'ka mbushur javen qe na ishte ne Greqi.

Nuk i dha ca leksione Grekereve mbi shkrirjen e kufijve, federaten 
europiane, integrimin europian... e leksione e pallvra si keto.. ?


Sa mbrapa qe qenkan keto europianet. Biles edhe Franca me Gjermanine 
kundershtuan me force zgjerimin e gjuhes angleze ne europe duke e quajtur si 
'invasion'.

Hajne pyke keto shtete te prapambetura se jemi ne nje europe me te drejta te 
barabarta ku zhvillimi varet nga ekonomia tregut te lire dhe liria e 
individid dhe fjales se lire apo jo ?


Te marrin shembull nga shqiperia ku politikanet shesin menderen e tyre per 2 
jave pushime me krete...




>
>FROM ANSA
>
>GREECE: XENOPHOBIA: Expulsion of Albanian, the President approves
>
>Athens, Aug 16- A xenophobic Greece? The President Costis Stephanopoulos
>denies this accusation, but approves of the inhabitants of Lesbo expelling
>150 Albanians from their village. After a fight between Greeks and
>Albanians, 4 Albanians were sentenced to 37 months in jail and immediate
>expulsion, but the inhabitants of Loutra protested the sentence as too
>lenient. Later they convened a general council who launched an ultimatum
>against the Albanian workers of the village vowing reprisals against them.
>Faced with such threats the immigrants chose to leave the village. "The
>actions of the citisens of Loutra were not directed against foreigners" mr.
>Stephanopoulos declared "but against those people who do not respect the
>hospitality offered to them." This position of the President is contrary to
>the position of the Socialist government in Athens who has condemned the
>actions of these villagers.
>
>GRECIA: XENOFOBIA; CACCIANO ALBANESI, PRESIDENTE D'ACCORDO
>
>ATENE, 16 AGO - Grecia xenofoba? Il presidente Costis Stephanopoulos dice 
>di
>no, ma da' ragione agli abitanti di un villaggio di Lesbo (Mar Egeo
>orientale) che alla fine di luglio hanno cacciato 150 immigrati albanesi.
>Dopo una rissa tra greci e albanesi, quattro di questi ultimi sono stati
>condannati a 37 mesi di prigione e all'espulsione immediata ma gli abitanti
>di Loutra, paese del sud-est di Lesbo, hanno assediato il palazzo di
>giustizia del capoluogo dell'isola per protesta contro le condanne
>considerate troppo lievi. Poi hanno convocato un'assemblea generale,
>lanciato un ultimatum ai lavoratori albanesi e minacciato rappresaglie
>contro gli immigrati, obbligando la polizia ad inviare forze supplementari
>da Atene. Gli immigrati, di fronte ai rischi di scontri, hanno preferito
>andar via. La decisione degli abitanti di Loutra, ha dichiarato il
>presidente greco Stephanopoulos, ''non era diretta contro gli stranieri, ma
>contro degli uomini che non hanno rispettato l'ospitalita' che era stata
>loro offerta''. ''Non si e' trattato - ha aggiunto il presidente - di
>un'espressione di sentimenti razzisti, ma di una reazione d'ira contro
>un'azione considerata ingiuriosa nei confronti di un atteggiamento
>generoso''. Una posizione, quella del capo di stato greco, in contrasto con
>il governo socialista di Atene che in precedenza aveva condannato il
>comportamento degli abitanti di Loutra.
>16/08/2001 17:25
>
>
>
>
>_________________________________________________________________
>Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp
>
>***Alb-Club***
>____________________________________________________
>Alb-Club mailing list: Alb-Club at alb-net.com
>http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/alb-club


_________________________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug 16 16:38:49 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 13:38:49 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koncert ne Boston
Message-ID: <20010816203849.85150.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.mamma-mia.com/html/ustour/ustour_qt.html


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug 16 23:06:17 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 20:06:17 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Voice of America on Macedonia
Message-ID: <20010817030617.36250.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

01] MACEDONIA (L ONLY) BY JEFF BIELEY (PRISTINA)DATE=08/16/01
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-279399
CONENT= VOICED AT: 
INTRO: A guerilla sniper has shot and killed a Macedonian policeman, casting a cloud over the imminent arrival of NATO troops to collect rebel weapons. Jeff Bieley reports the incident is the most serious since the signing of an accord Monday aimed at bringing peace to the Balkan country. 
TEXT: The police officer was killed in Tetovo along the line between government and ethnic Albanian rebel forces. It was the first fatal incident since political leaders signed a deal Monday aimed at ending an insurgency by rebels known as the National Liberation Army. The first group of NATO troops is still set to arrive in Macedonia on Friday as part of mission to collect the N-L-A's weapons. Four hundred British special forces troops will make up the vanguard of the 35-hundred member international force. Their task is to lay the ground for further deployments and to establish a headquarters and communications links for the NATO-led mission. However, alliance leaders have postponed a final decision on the full force until NATO advisors can verify that a ceasefire is being observed. France has agreed to contribute more than 500 troops to the force if the mission goes forward. A German offer to send soldiers to the mission is still pending parliamentary approval. Meanwhile, the speaker of Macedonia's parliament, Stojan Andov, said that approval of constitutional changes demanded by ethnic Albanians will depend on how quickly the rebels lay down their arms. He outlined a three-stage process, in which the parliament will begin to consider the reforms only when one-third of the guerrillas' weapons have been surrendered to NATO. He said final passage of the amendments will not come until the insurgents have completely disarmed and disbanded. However, the deputy speaker of parliament, an ethnic Albanian, accused Mr. Andov of breaking pledges given to the international community and attempting to violate parliamentary procedure. Macedonian's defense minister, Vlado Buckovski, said public opinion is skeptical about the NATO mission. He said, "It will be hard, as no one believes that the operation for disarming the terrorists will be 100 percent successful." (Signed) 
NEB/JB/JWH/RH SLUG: 6-12431 Macedonia Pact DATE: NOTE NUMBER: 
---------------------------------
[02] MACEDONIA PACTDATE=08/16/01
TYPE=WORLD OPINION ROUNDUP
NUMBER=6-12431
BLINE=ANDREW GUTHRIE DATELINE=Washington EDITOR=Assignments
TELEPHONE=619-3335
CONTENT=

INTRO: Under intense western pressure, the Macedonian government and ethnic Albanian leaders in that tiny Balkan nation signed a peace pact this week. The global press reaction is one of extreme skepticism, with several papers suggesting the fighting will continue because of the ethnic hatreds involved. Some dailies are even suggesting a full-scale civil war in the country cannot be ruled out, despite the latest development. And as to the plan for NATO troops to enter Macedonia and disarm the ethnic Albanian forces, then leave within a month, few newspapers see that as a workable scenario. We're joined by V-O-A's ______________ now with a sampling from the Four Corners of the globe in this week's World Opinion Roundup. 
TEXT: To get an idea of just how skeptical some of the foreign press is, take this from London's The Guardian that "the formal signing of Macedonia's peace deal...was a triumph of hope over reality." A majority of papers, mostly in Europe feel that NATO troops will have to stay around much longer than a month as is now planned. And some papers feel the peace pact is essentially a complete fraud. We begin our sampling at ground zero of this week's action, where in Skopje, Dnevnik's editorial offers this dismal assessment of the agreement. 
VOICE: What do Macedonians lose and what do [ethnic] Albanians get with this agreement? Or the other way round. Nothing. We have lost each other for a few decades ahead. ... On joint peace conferences, seminars and workshops, our children and grandchildren will have to try to restore what we already had and which as spoiled by crime, narco-Mafia and dirty games of international mediators in white gloves. 
TEXT: A similar outlook as regards the international community comes in this editorial from Utrinski vesnik, also in Skopje. 
VOICE: ... it was the problematic assessment of the international community, based on its experience in Kosovo, that brought Macedonia back to the middle ages... 
TEXT: The paper predicts either modest improvement if all sides agree to disarm, or an all-out attack by Macedonian forces if the Albanian rebels fail to stop fighting. For an ethnic Albanian view, we check in with Zeri over the border in Yugoslavia's mostly ethnic-Albanian Kosovo provincial capitol of Pristina. 
VOICE: How will security be guaranteed in Macedonia; when and how will the obligations from the ... agreement be observed; is the Macedonian parliament (dominated by Macedonian Slavs) going to approve the agreement and fulfill [its]... obligations...These questions ... should be given an answer. 
TEXT: And in Koha Ditore, also from Pristina, in a long editorial by its publishers, we read this sad assessment. 
VOICE: ... the war appears as an unfortunate replacement for the lack of talent, work and willingness for a political solution. On the other side the war brought destruction to many families and villages ... 
TEXT: While in Albania p r o p e r, Tirana's Koha Jone suggests in a front page, op Ed piece: 
VOICE: Albania has a role in not spreading the [Macedonian] clash, which is so near. 
TEXT: Farther from the scene, you get the skeptical tone right away in this analysis by a security affairs editor in Britain's Guardian newspaper published in London. 
VOICE: NATO troops under British leadership are poised to enter Macedonia on the back of a huge assumption: that the ethnic Albanian guerillas will voluntarily give up their weapons, having achieved all the political and constitutional reforms they wanted... ... Even if the N-L-A [National Liberation Army] does hand over all its weapons- - and it is a big if - - more will be easily available. 
TEXT: As far as London's Daily Telegraph is concerned, Western strategy in the Balkans is incoherent, adding that ethnic Albanian rebels should learn from this Agreement: 
VOICE: ...that violence pays and that the [Western] Alliance, in its failure to seal the border with Kosovo, has no stomach for taking them on. Are those the messages ... the West wants to convey to the component parts of the old Titoist federation? ... NATO is on the brink of a new, indefinite commitment in former Yugoslavia without an overall strategic vision... 
TEXT: In France, there is this wry comment from Le Figaro in Paris. 
VOICE: ... The West has imposed a peace treaty. Will it be able to impose peace? 
TEXT: And in Germany's financial capitol, The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung worries: 
VOICE: ... What will [NATO] ... do when the Albanian rebels surrender only muskets or if fighting breaks out again or if the process of political reform ... falters? ... 
TEXT: In Italy, La Stampa in Turin relays this pessimistic impression from the area: 
VOICE: The peace [accord] was signed... However, there is not one Macedonian ... who is willing to bet on the accord signed ... in Skopje being respected. Rarely has an accord been presented in such a cautious fashion by its own promoters. 
TEXT: As far as one influential Russian daily sees, it, in Moscow, Izvestiya comments: 
VOICE: While 'Euroenvoys' are in raptures, true experts refer to the accord as a useless scrap of paper. ... They may sign whatever they want, diplomats say, but the conflict will not fade away... 
TEXT: And in Denmark, Copenhagen's big Berlingske Tidende purports: 
VOICE: The problem with the plan is that it requires a large amount of trust ... something that ... European mediators have not been able to establish. 
TEXT: In neighboring Greece, which carefully uses Macedonia's official name of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the Athens daily Kathimerini suggests the threat of ethnic partition hangs over the agreement. 
VOICE: [Macedonia's] course toward partition is now irreversible. The international community will soon realize that fact ... and refocus its efforts on dealing with the geopolitical consequences of the [potential breakup]... 
TEXT: For an Asian view, we check in with Japan's huge Yomiuri in Tokyo, which observes: 
VOICE: The pact can be called a new political framework to resolve the Macedonian fighting, but there is skepticism that [the] parties concerned will actually respect and implement [it]... 
TEXT: A somewhat more anti-Western tone creeps into this editorial in Vietnam's Communist Party daily Sai Gon Giai Phone, from Ho Chi Minh City [Saigon] which suggests: 
VOICE: ...the peace accord is a predictable result if Macedonia itself doesn't want to be destroyed by NATO bombs and missiles when a Kosovo script is being repeated ... Peace hasn't really existed in Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina since NATO troops were present [there]... 
TEXT: And in the New World, Chile's respected El Mercurio from Santiago, suggests: 
VOICE: Macedonia... unlike Yugoslavia...gave the Albanians an acceptable degree of participation in government...but this does not seem enough. ... However, there is hope that the ... agreement will mark the beginning of something with a future... 
TEXT: On that weakly hopeful note from Chile, we conclude this global assessment of the Macedonian peace agreement signed this week. 
NEB/ANG/RH SLUG: 6-12429 Editorial Digest (08-16) DATE: NOTE NUMBER: 
---------------------------------
[04] BRITISH TROOPS / MACEDONIA (L-O) BY TOM RIVERS (LONDON)DATE=08/16/01
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-279380
CONTENT=
VOICED AT: 
INTRO: With a fragile cease-fire holding in Macedonia, 400 British rapid-reaction troops are packing their bags. As Tom Rivers in London reports they are to begin leaving Friday to spearhead a NATO peace mission to the troubled Balkan country. 
TEXT: The initial mission of the British contingent will be to establish a command-and-control center from where they can monitor the cease-fire between Macedonian forces and ethnic-Albanian separatists. If the truce holds, then NATO will send in a larger force of 35-hundred troops whose primary job will be to collect rebel arms at predetermined sites. Under the plan, NATO soldiers will seal an area, pick up weapons and then move on. The operation - dubbed Essential Harvest is expected to last for just 30 days. Many defense analysts, like Francis Tusa, believe that is very optimistic. /// TUSA ACT ///Balkan cynics would say it is almost inevitable that mission creep - going into a country for one reason and staying there for another - is almost certain in Macedonia. Look at the number of times mission creep occurred in Bosnia, leading to the present situation and the number of times various European and American populous' were told, 'do not worry, we are there for only six-months and then we are leaving.' /// END ACT ///The program which has the backing of all NATO alliance members has very narrowly defined goals. In addition to the relatively short duration of the mission, the troops will only be lightly armed. They will not be equipped for any wider peacekeeping role in the region. /// OPT ///Ethnic-Albanian gunmen have battled Macedonian government forces for six-months. The insurgents agreed to disarm earlier this week after political leaders signed an accord giving greater rights to Macedonia's ethnic-Albanian minority. /// END OPT /// The Macedonian government has agreed that ethnic-Albanian separatists who keep their promise to disarm will receive an amnesty a key precondition NATO required before agreeing in principle to send in the weapons collection force. (SIGNED) 


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From albboschurch at juno.com  Fri Aug 17 09:55:32 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church)
Date: Fri, 17 Aug 2001 09:55:32 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Farmer's Donkey: A lesson
Message-ID: <20010817.095545.9734.3.albboschurch@juno.com>

The Farmer's Donkey: A Lesson
(Sounds like a Nastradin Tale )

One day a farmer's donkey fell down into a well. The animal cried
piteously for hours as the farmer tried to figure out what to do.
Finally he decided the animal was old and the well needed to be covered
up anyway,  it just wasn't worth it to retrieve the donkey. He invited
all his
neighbors to come over and help him. They all grabbed a shovel and began
to shovel dirt into the well.

  At first, the donkey realized what was happening and cried horribly.
 Then, to everyone's amazement, he quieted down. A few shovel loads
later, the farmer finally looked down the well and was astonished at what
he
saw.
  With every shovel of dirt that hit his back, the donkey was doing
something amazing. He would shake it off and take a step up. As the
farmer's
neighbors  continued to shovel dirt on top of the animal, he would shake
it off
and take a step up.  Pretty soon, everyone was amazed as the donkey
stepped up over  the edge of the well and trotted off!

  Life is going to shovel dirt on you, all kinds of dirt. The trick to
getting out of  the well is to shake it off and take a step up. Each of
our troubles is a stepping stone. We can get out of the deepest wells
just by not stopping, never giving up!

  Shake it off and take a step up!

  Remember the five simple rules to be happy:
  1. Free your heart from hatred.
  2. Free your mind from worries.
  3. Live simply.
  4. Give more.
  5. Expect less. 

________________________________________________________________
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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Fri Aug 17 10:44:00 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Fri, 17 Aug 2001 10:44:00 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Peace Plan Will Likely Fail
Message-ID: <F99hOdYsj2ATpidHcFq0000c3b8@hotmail.com>

http://www.stratfor.com/europe/commentary/0108091845.htm

Macedonia Peace Plan Likely to Fail
1845 GMT, 010809

Summary

With 3,500 NATO troops ready to enter Macedonia, ethnic Albanians and 
Macedonia's majority parties have signed a peace deal intended to put an end 
to the fighting there. But the agreement and NATO's presence, if it comes, 
will do little to prevent violence. Well-armed and well-trained, the highly 
mobile National Liberation Army will frustrate Macedonian and NATO forces. A 
civil war is imminent. The only question is how long it will last.

Analysis

A Macedonian policeman died in a clash with ethnic Albanian guerrillas near 
Tetovo Aug. 9 just hours after European Union peace mediator Francois 
Leotard announced that ethnic Albanians and Macedonia's majority parties had 
initialed a peace deal. Moreover, the latest incident came just a day after 
a bloody clash where ethnic Albanian rebels loyal to the National Liberation 
Army (NLA) ambushed a convoy of Macedonians outside Skopje, killing 10 
soldiers.

NATO, with 3,500 troops ready to enter Macedonia expressly to disarm 
Albanian militants, is urging both sides to sign the formal, but nonbinding, 
peace agreement in a meeting reportedly scheduled for Aug. 13. But recent 
violence and regular interruptions of the peace process, ongoing in the 
Macedonian city of Ohrid, suggest the agreement, now in doubt, would do 
little to prevent an imminent civil war. The question is whether the 
conflict will be brief or protracted.

NATO's ambitious plan

NATO's presence in Macedonia, if it comes, won't be able to deter ethnic 
violence. Its plan for disarming ethnic Albanians cannot ensure peace 
because NATO cannot adequately confiscate weapons belonging to various 
factions of the National Liberation Army in the 30-day mission it has 
outlined.

Other NATO-led missions intended to disarm ethnic Albanian militants in 
Kosovo and Serbia have not deterred fighters from rearming. KFOR disarmed 
thousands of ethnic Albanians as part of a surrender of the Kosovo 
Liberation Army in September 1999. But the KLA rearmed, with U.N. consent, 
under the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC). KFOR recently detained and disarmed 
hundreds of soldiers loyal to insurgents in Serbia's Presevo Valley, only to 
clear them of any human rights abuses and send them back to base camp, where 
they later established the Albanian National Army. Even if NATO could disarm 
rebels in Macedonia, resupplies would promptly return into northern 
Macedonia.

NATO's mission to disarm the NLA will not rid the country or the region of 
Albanian militants. There are about 5,000 soldiers serving under the KPC, 
many of whom operate in official and unofficial capacities as gunrunners in 
the Balkans, according to the Sunday London Times.

Rebel forces well-trained, well-armed and mobile

For Macedonian forces the challenge will be to engage in defensive and 
offensive campaigns simultaneously, something they are ill-equipped to do. 
The NLA uses a hit-and-run strategy that will exhaust Macedonia's army and 
allow the rebels to overtake a number of towns, creating a situation that 
ensures a protracted civil war.

What NATO and Macedonian forces will face is essentially the best guerrilla 
combat in the Balkans. The group comprises combat veterans with field 
experience in Serbia, Kosovo and Chechnya. Unit commanders who trained with 
U.S. Special Forces run combat drills in Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia and 
recruit heavily from the KPC.

The Albanians' strengths in Macedonia are their mobility, reserve forces and 
weapons supplies. NLA units move about 250 soldiers at a time and fan out 
across a series of villages around strategic towns. The rebels' key staging 
areas are along the Tetovo-Jacince highway and the Tetovo-Skopje highway. As 
of Aug. 8, the NLA was shifting forces between dozens of villages along 
these two corridors.



The makeup of the region plays directly into the hands of the NLA. The 
small, predominantly ethnic Albanian villages surrounding Tetovo and 
Kumanovo number in the hundreds and in many cases have limited road access. 
The villages can easily be occupied and abandoned, one by one. This accounts 
for the rebels' rapid movement from town to town throughout the latest 
cease-fire period.

NLA reserve forces can be deployed quickly. Recruits are trained within 
miles of the front lines. The Skopje daily Dnevnik reports there are a 
series of NLA training camps in neighboring Albania and Kosovo. These camps 
form a crescent outside the northwestern border of Macedonia, from Kumanovo 
down to Debar, no more than 20 miles from the fighting.

The adjoining area of Macedonia has the highest density of ethnic Albanians 
in the country. There are about 4,000 ethnic Albanian fighters there, 
including KPC reservists and members of the Albanian National Army.

NLA rebels carry light, sophisticated weapons useful for rapid attack and 
urban combat. The Ministry of Information in Macedonia reports that captured 
soldiers are equipped with Kalishnikovs and 5.54 caliber rifles modified for 
maximum stopping power.

Rebels also have Russian Sam-7 missiles and U.S.-made Stingers, according to 
reports in the London's Sunday Times. Independent media reports also claim 
rebels possess third-generation night-vision goggles supplied by U.S. 
advisers.

Macedonian forces superior in number but tactically weak

The Macedonian army, though numerically superior with 18,000 troops and 
nearly 100,000 in reserve forces and paramilitaries, lacks conventional 
artillery, and its defensive armor consists primarily of Soviet T-55 battle 
tanks, according to Defense and Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy.

Moreover, Macedonia's offensive weapons are few. Ukraine had supplied 
ground-assault vehicles but recently stopped to comply with a U.S. request. 
Macedonia's equipment from Ukraine includes two Mi-25 helicopters, four 
Mi-24 helicopters and four Su-25 attack planes, according to reports from 
ITAR-TASS.

These aircraft form the core of Macedonia's assault capability, which has 
held off rebel advances from inside the Serbian border although Macedonia's 
limited air assault remains vulnerable to rebel missiles.

Finding Macedonia's defensive and offensive capabilities as meager, the 
highly mobile ethnic Albanians will exhaust Macedonia's resources largely by 
distributing fighters throughout the western and northern regions.

Rebel strategy will keep Macedonia's army on the run

The NLA will not focus on holding towns so much as keeping them under 
psychological influence. The rebels do not want villagers to flee lest they 
lose their protective shields.

Such a strategy will force Macedonia's army to secure towns through 
occupation. Ethnic Albanian militants will play cat-mouse throughout 
northwestern Macedonia, necessitating hundreds of permanent stations for 
army mop-up operations.

The NLA will also fight the war on psychological terms so ethnic Albanians 
turn against the Macedonian population. Forcing Macedonian soldiers to 
occupy ethnic Albanian towns will make them appear the aggressors and ethnic 
Albanians the victims.

Clearly, the NLA strategy for war in Macedonia will be catastrophic unless 
the ethnic Albanians can be contained at current positions. But containment 
requires genuine assistance from NATO to stop the flow of arms and recruits 
to the NLA.

Macedonia's forces are primarily suited to chasing the militants, and ethnic 
Albanians will certainly string them along to maximize the spread of the 
war. Unless NATO and Macedonian forces can find a way to cordon off Tetovo 
and Kumanovo within weeks, rebel forces will spark a protracted civil war



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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Fri Aug 17 15:49:14 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Fri, 17 Aug 2001 15:49:14 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Power of Women???!!!
Message-ID: <F261xSqyrO2eIGeo1Qn0000c8f0@hotmail.com>

---------
>          - ALBSA Web Site: http://www.albstudent.org -
>
>Apparently the Turkish village women are resorting to the famously old
>technique of using sex as a means to getting what they want and what is
>ultimately good for society. I couldn't help smiling while I was reading
>this, because it reminded me of Aristophanes' (in)famous play "Lysistrata".
>In order to stop the war between Athens and Sparta, Lysistrata finally
>manages to convince the other Athenian women to go on a sex strike so that
>the men would sign for peace with the Spartans.

Funny, I always was under the impression it was the strike of the slave 
penis-substitute-makers in a neighbouring town that forced the women to take 
such drastic steps. But I might have misread it. Does anyone care to 
clarify?:)



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Aug 20 08:08:49 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 20 Aug 2001 05:08:49 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zgjedhjet dhe Gjykata Kushtetuese / Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20010820120849.16161.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

Procesi zgjedhor dhe Gjykata Kushtetuese 

nga Sokol SADUSHI, Anetar i Gjykates Kushtetuese/ Sokol Sadushi i lindur me date 27.07.1963 ka kryer shkollen e mesme te pergjithshme "Sami Frasheri" ne qytetin e Tiranes ne vitin 1981 dhe eshte diplomuar jurist ne Fakultetin e Drejtesise te Universitetit te Tiranes ne vitin 1986. Me mbarimin e studimeve ka kryer detyren e prokurorit prane Prokurorise se Rrethit Vlore deri ne vitin 1991. Nga ky vit dhe ne vazhdim ka qene pedagog i lendes "E Drejta Administrative", ne Fakultetin e Drejtesise te Universitetit te Tiranes, ne Akademine e Rendit Publik dhe nga viti 1997 ne Shkollen e Larte te Magjistratures. Per nje periudhe prej afro 5 vjetesh ka ushtruar profesionin e avokatit, duke u anetaresuar prane "International Bar Association- IBA". Nga muaji prill i vitit 1998 kryen detyren e Anetarit te Gjykates Kushtetuese te RSH. Eshte autor i disa artikujve me karakter juridik si dhe autor i tekstit "E Drejta Administrative ne RSH", viti 1999. 

Zgjedhjet percaktojne nivelin e demokracise ne shoqeri. Menyra e zhvillimit te tyre ndikon drejtperdrejt ne sistemin e te qeverisurit. Zgjedhjet duke pasur nje ndikim thelbesor ne zhvillimet politike, ekonomike, sociale te vendit behen objekt pranimi, por edhe kontestimi, ne radhe te pare nga vete faktoret relevante qe jane dhe aktore te realizimit te saj, apo edhe nga vete shoqeria. Si te tilla, zgjedhjet nuk mund te jene te pakontrollueshme. 

Menyra e zhvillimit te zgjedhjeve, si dhe verifikimi i rezultatit te tyre eshte nje proces i tere kontrolli qe kerkon detyrimisht zbatimin dhe permbushjen me perpikmeri te detyrimeve ligjore nga subjektet politike apo shteterore, te cilat luajne rolin percaktues ne to. Fillimisht, komisioneve zgjedhore te te gjitha hallkave, e me pas gjykatave u mbetet pesha dhe pergjegjesia kryesore e realizimit korrekt, te paanshem dhe ligjor te kontrollit administrativ dhe gjyqesor mbi zgjedhjet. Nga nje veshtrim teresor i procesit zgjedhor, u verejt se nga shqyrtimi me disa mangesi i ankesave administrative nga komisionet zgjedhore, per shkak te konceptimit te tyre me shume si organe me vartesi partiake se shteterore, qofte edhe per arsye te formulimit te paqarte te disa dispozitave ligjore, nuk mund te parandalohej fluksi i jashtezakonshem i kerkesave te paraqitura ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese. Ne keto kushte ky institucion kushtetues nga njera ane u vu perballe shfrytezimit ligjor te se drejtes se ankimit nga ana e kandidateve per deputet, si dhe te trysnise se jashtezakonshme politike, mediatike dhe ligjore, (e cila shprehej ne afatin mjaft te shkurter te zgjidhjes se ceshtjeve). Prandaj dhe menaxhimi me kujdes, korrektese dhe sipas kerkesave ligjore i ketyre ceshtjeve, u realizua ne nje kohe te pershtatshme, pa penguar zhvillimin normal te procesit zgjedhor. 

Ka pasur disa keqkuptime, per fat te keq edhe nga juriste, ne drejtim te pozicionit juridiksional te Gjykates Kushtetuese ndaj procesit zgjehor, duke e interpretuar veprimtarine proceduriale si nje teprim ne kompetencat e saj. Megjithate, Kushtetuta dhe Kodi Zgjedhor kane autorizuar Gjykaten Kushtetuese qe te realizoje shqyrtimin gjyqesor te ceshtjeve qe lidhen me zgjedhjen e deputeteve. Dhe ne kete aspekt kjo nuk perben nje problem te diskutueshem juridiksional. 

Duke qene i rezervuar, per shkak te funksionit kushtetues qe kryej, per te shprehur opinionin tim personal per disa rregullime ligjore qe i duhen bere detyrimisht ne te ardhmen Kodit Zgjedhor, do te paraqisja nepermjet ketyre radheve, nje veshtrim konstatues mbi kompetencen dhe jurisprudencen e ndjekur nga Gjykata Kushtetuese gjate procesit zgjedhor. 

1 

Kushtetuta e Republikes se Shqiperise, ne pjesen e parimeve themelore i referohet sistemit te zgjedhjeve. Neni 131 shkronja "e" e Kushtetutes eshte e vetmja dispozite qe percakton kompetencen e Gjykates Kushtetuese per te vendosur per ceshtjet qe lidhen me zgjedhshmerine dhe papajtueshmerine ne ushtrimin e funksioneve te deputeteve, si dhe per te verifikuar zgjedhjen e tyre. Ne kete dispozite perfshihen tri forma te kontrollit kushtetues qe ushtron kjo gjykate. Papajtueshmeria ne ushtrimin e funksioneve te deputeteve eshte nje kompetence qe nuk lidhet drejtperdrejt me kontrollin qe Gjykata Kushtetuese ushtron gjate procesit zgjedhor, pasi ajo ushtrohet pasi deputeti eshte zgjedhur. Inicimi i kesaj procedure realizohet nga Kuvendi kur ai konstaton nje nga rastet e papajtueshmerise ne ushtrimin e funksioneve te deputetit dhe persa kohe vazhdon mandati i tij. Gjithashtu edhe kompetenca e Gjykates Kushtetuese per shqyrtimin e zgjedhshmerise se deputeteve nuk eshte e njellojte dhe nuk mund te konfondohet me verifikimin qe ajo i ben zgjedhjes se tyre. Kjo procedure qe ndiqet nuk eshte e njejte me shqyrtimin e pavlefshmerise se zgjedhjeve. Ne rast se pazgjedhshmeria apo papajtueshmeria konstatohen pasi deputeti eshte zgjedhur mund te ndodhemi perpara nje pavlefshmerie, e cila nuk trajtohet si pavlefshmeri e zgjedhjes, por si mbarim ose pavlefshmeri mandati. Mund te jene elemente te pavlefshmerise se nje vendimi te Komisionit Qendror te Zgjedhjeve dhe te shpalljes se pavlefshme te zgjedhjeve ne nje zone te caktuar rastet e pazgjedhshmerise apo te papajtueshmerise se deputeteve, ne rast se ato konstatohen gjate procesit zgjedhor. Megjithate nga pikepamja formale ato mbeten kompetenca te dallueshme nga njera-tjetra. Prandaj nuk eshte objekt i ketij shkrimi, verifikimi i rasteve te papajtueshmerise dhe te pazgjedhshmerise se deputeteve, por verifikimi i rezultatit te zgjedhjes se tyre si dhe pavlefshmeria e zgjedhjeve. Ne asnje nga dispozitat e Kushtetutes se RSH nuk permendet termi pavlefshmeri e zgjedhjeve. Nje formulim i perafert ka qene parashikuar edhe ne dispozitat e meparshme kushtetuese, sipas te cilave Gjykata Kushtetuese zgjidhte ceshtjet per ligjshmerine e zgjedhjes se deputeteve. Pavaresisht nga ky ometim formal kushtetues, e drejta e gjykates per te shfuqizuar aktet qe shqyrton, e nenkupton pavlefshmerine. Kompetenca e Gjykates Kushtetuese per te kryer verifikimin e zgjedhjes se deputeteve, sic parashikohet ne shkronjen "e" te nenit 131 te Kushtetutes realizohet duke gjykuar mbi vlefshmerine e aktit qe shqyrton. Ajo nuk mund te kryeje verifikimin e rezultatit te zgjedhjeve, nese nuk do t'i paraqitet per shqyrtim nje akt. Pra, formulimi aktual kushtetues i kompetences se kesaj gjykate per te verifikuar zgjedhjen e deputeteve eshte konsideruar i mjaftueshem per ligjvenesin qe nepermjet Kodit Zgjedhor te zbertheje konceptin e pavlefshmerise se zgjedhjeve, rastet se kur ndodhemi para saj, si dhe procedurat perkatese qe ndiqen per te shpallur pavlefshmerine. 

Kodi Zgjedhor vetem ne dy nene dhe konkretisht ne nenin 113 pika 5 dhe 141, pika 1, parashikon te drejten e personave te interesuar per t'u ankuar ndaj vendimit te Komisionit Qendror te Zgjedhjeve ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese, si dhe te drejten e kesaj gjykate per te shqyrtuar rezultatet perfundimtare te zgjedhjeve per Kuvendin, si dhe pavlefshmerite e tyre. 

Ne Kod jane parashikuar nepermjet shume dispozitave kerkesat juridike qe percaktojne ligjshmerine e procesit zgjedhor dhe te akteve qe nxjerrin komisionet zgjedhore. Konkluzionin ligjor se vendimet qe nxirren nga KQV-ja, apo KZZ-ja, jane ose jo ne perputhje me ligjin e nxjerr KQZ-ja, ndersa per vendimin e kesaj te fundit shprehet Gjykata Kushtetuese per zgjedhjet e pergjithshme dhe Gjykata e Larte per zgjedhjet vendore. 

Ne Kodin Zgjedhor nuk ka ndonje rregullim te hollesishem te rasteve se kur zgjedhjet jane te pavlefshme. Neni 113 jep dy raste te specifikuara te shpalljes se pavlefshmerise, te cilat lidhen me fatkeqesite natyrore me permasa te tilla qe mund te kene ndikuar ne ndarjen e mandateve ne Kuvend dhe ne rezultatin e zgjedhjeve, si dhe kur votimi nuk ka filluar ose eshte nderprere per me shume se gjashte ore. Te provuarit e ketyre dy rasteve, mendoj se nuk paraqet ndonje veshtiresi ne trajtimin juridik per te kuptuar se kur KQZ-ja duhet t'i shpall te pavlefshme zgjedhjet. Perkundrazi nocioni "shkelje e ligjit" qe sjelle pavlefshmerine e zgjedhjeve, i parashikuar nga shkronja "a" e ketij neni, e ben me te veshtire konstatimin e nje rasti te tille. Prandaj komenti apo interpretimi i shprehjes shkelje e ligjit mbetet kurdohere i rendesishem per t'u trajtuar. 

Ky nen duke perdorur termin "shkelje ligji", pa e specifikuar llojin e shkeljes, e ka trajtuar pavlefshmerine ne pergjithesi. Mjafton qe te konstatohet shkelja e ligjit nga organi qe shqyrton ceshtjen qe akti te shpallet i pavlefshem. Megjithate jo cdo shkelje ligji sjell detyrimisht pavlefshmeri. Ligji ka parasysh vetem ato shkelje qe ne te vertete ndikojne ne rezultatin e zgjedhjeve. Ne vendimin nr 79/2001, Gjykata Kushtetuese ka rrezuar kerkesen e paraqitur nga kandidati per deputet i zones zgjedhore nr 44, duke argumentuar se "shkeljet e konstatuara nuk jane te tilla qe te ndikojne ne rezultatin perfundimtar te zgjedhjeve ne kete zone.". Ndersa ne ceshtjen qe lidhej me zonen zgjedhore nr 82, Gjykata Kushtetuese vendosi te shfuqizoje vendimin e K.Q.Z-se, sepse mosperfshirja nga ky i fundit ne tabelen e rezultateve te te dhenave te kater qendrave te votimit, kishte ndikuar drejtperdrejt ne shpalljen padrejtesisht te kandidatit tjeter si fitues. 

Pavlefshmeria qe shpallet nga KQZ-ja, sipas nenit 113 te Kodit Zgjedhor eshte e lidhur me rastet e paligjshmerise se aktit. Shqyrtimi i paligjshmerise se aktit vlen edhe per Gjykaten Kushtetuese, pasi sipas pikes 5 te ketij neni, ajo ben shpalljen e pavlefshmerise se zgjedhjeve si rrjedhoje e ankimit ndaj vendimit te KQZ-se. Kontrolli qe ushtrohet ne kete rast nga Gjykata Kushtetuese ndaj vendimeve te KQZ-se, ndryshe nga kompetencat e tjera qe lidhen me kushtetutshmerine e normes qe shqyrtohet, perqendrohet tek aspekti i paligjshmerise. Megjithate edhe kontrolli ndaj paligjshmerise se aktit qe kryen jo gjykate eshte ne funksion te kontrollit te kushtetutshmerise qe asaj i buron vecse nga Kushtetuta. 

Shqyrtimi i vendimit te KQZ-se nga pikepamja e paligjshmerise, duket sikur e shnderron Gjykaten Kushtetuese ne nje gjykate fakti, duke i shmangur asaj funksionin e nje autoriteti te larte kushtetues. Ne te vertete keto procedura gjykimi jane te njejta me gjykimet e faktit, pasi ankimet ndaj pavlefshmerise kerkojne zgjidhjen e ceshtjes ne themel. Pajisja e Gjykates Kushtetuese me nje kompetence te tille duket sikur perben nje perjashtim nga funksioni i kontrollit te kushtetutshmerise se normes. Sigurisht qe ka nje qellim dhenia e kesaj kompetence Gjykates Kushtetuese. Verifikimi i rezultatit te zgjedhjes se deputetit kerkon nje garanci shume te madhe, sepse per te kane shprehur vullnetin e tyre zgjedhesit nepermjet votes dhe nje gjykate e nivelit te larte, i krijon me shume premisat per nje gjykim te drejt. Prandaj ne gjykimin e ketyre ceshtjeve, Gjykata Kushtetuese zbaton per aq sa jane te aplikueshme parimet dhe normat proceduriale, sic parashikohet ne nenin 1 te ligjit te saj. 

Megjithate, pajisja me me shume te drejta e komisioneve zgjedhore per zgjidhjen e ceshtjeve qe dalin gjate procesit zgjedhor ne rruge administrative, si dhe ingranimi maksimal brenda hapesirave ligjore i Gjykatave te shkalles se pare dhe te Apelit, do ta poziciononte Gjykaten Kushtetuese ne funksionin e saj te mirfillte kushtetues per verifikimin e rezultatit perfundimtar dhe jo per te gjitha ceshtjet qe perfshihen ne nje procedure gjyqesore. 

Neni 113 i Kodit Zgjedhor te krijon pershtypjen se pavlefshmeria mund te shpallet kryesisht nga Komisioni Qendror i Zgjedhjeve. Shprehja e parashikuar ne kete dispozite "ne qoftese veren", duket sikur e ka lene ne cmimin e KQZ-se konstatimin e shkeljeve qe vertetojne pavlefshmerine. Ne te vertete e drejta e ketij organi per te vendosur kryesisht per pavlefshmerine ekziston. Pavaresisht se neni 113 nuk parashikon shprehimisht ankimin ne KQZ-per pavlefshmeri nga subjektet e interesuar, e drejta e tyre per te kundershtuar vendimet e KZZ-se apo te KZQV-se ne KQZ, buron nga neni 140, pika 2 e Kodit Zgjedhor. 

Ezaurimi i ankimit administrativ, si nje mjet mbrojtje eshte jo vetem nje e drejte, por ai perben njekohesisht edhe nje detyrim per te interesuarit per te kerkuar me pas te drejten e tyre ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese. Ky eshte koncepti doktrinar i shterimit me pare te rrugeve administrative nepermjet rekursit administrativ si dhe kuptimi qe vete Kodi Zgjedhor jep nepermjet dispozitave te sipercituara. Gjykata Kushtetuese ne disa vendime te saj ka rrezuar kerkesat e kandidateve per deputet, me arsyetimin e mungeses se legjitimimit te tyre per shkak te mosushtrimit me pare dhe brenda afatit te caktuar ne ligj te se drejtes se ankimit ne Komisionin Qendror te Zgjedhjeve. Ne vendimin nr 99/2001, Gjykata Kushtetuese arsyeton se kandidati per deputet i zones zgjedhore nr 18, nuk i ka konsumuar mjetet e tjera ligjore te ankimit ne rrugen administrative e per pasoje, ne kuptim te nenit 131 shkronja "f" te Kushtetutes dhe neneve 113 e 140 te Kodit Zgjedhor, nuk legjitimohet. Ndersa ne vendimin nr 107/2001, Gjykata Kushtetuese konkludon se ndaj vendimit te KQZ-se, i cili vendosi zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve per kandidatet per deputet dhe per listat shumeemerore ne zonen zgjedhore nr 60, asnje subjekt zgjedhor nuk e kishte ushtruar te drejten ligjore te ankimit ne gjykate. 

Formulimi i pikes 5 te nenit 113 te Kodit Zgjedhor se cdo person i interesuar mund ta ankimoje vendimin e KQZ-se per t'i shpallur zgjedhjet te pavlefshme ose jo, parashikon ne nje paragraf te vetem dy konceptet kryesore qe lidhen me legjitimimin e kerkuesit per te iniciuar nje gjykim kushtetues dhe juridiksionin e Gjykates Kushtetuese per shpalljen e pavlefshmerise se zgjedhjeve. 

Ne kete dispozite te Kodit Zgjedhor lidhur me legjitimimin e subjekteve qe kane te drejte te vene ne levizje Gjykaten Kushtetuese perdoret formulimi "cdo person i interesuar". Ky term duket mjaft i gjere dhe perfshin ne te cdo person, mjafton qe ai te provoje interesin ne ceshtjen konkrete. Megjithate jo cdokush dhe per cdo gje ka te drejte te investoj Gjykaten Kushtetuese per shqyrtimin gjyqesor te nje akti te pavlefshem, por vetem ato subjekte qe jane ne gjendje te provojne nje interes te drejtperdrejt dhe te ligjshem per ceshtjen ne shqyrtim. 

Neni 66, pika 2 e ligjit "Per organizimin dhe funksionimin e Gjykates Kushtetuese", parashikon se vetem me kerkese te partise politike ose te kandidatit per deputet te pavarur mund te ushtrohet ankimi perpara Gjykates Kushtetuese. Kjo dispozite nenkupton se kandidati per deputet i nje partie politike nuk legjitimohet, pasi kjo e drejte i perket vetem partise qe ai perfaqeson. 

Kjo menyre e formulimit te dispozitave te krijon pershtypjen se midis ligjit te Gjykates Kushtetuese dhe Kodit Zgjedhor ka nje kontradikte, prezenca e te ciles ve ne diskutim ligjin qe duhet zbatuar. Praktika e ndjekur nga Gjykata Kushtetuese ka shkuar ne favor te zbatimit te Kodit Zgjedhor, per arsye se ai eshte ligji specifik qe rregullon hollesisht procedurat qe lidhen me zgjedhjet, aq me teper qe vete ligji i Gjykates Kushtetuese, per keto raste te referon ne dispozitat ligjore per zgjedhjet. Gjithashtu duke iu referuar nenit 2 te Kodit Zgjedhor rezulton se ne perkufizimin "subjekt zgjedhor" perfshihen krahas partive politike edhe kandidatet e tyre. Legjitimimi i kandidatit per deputet per te iniciuar nje gjykim kushtetues per procesin zgjedhor eshte e lidhur njekohesisht dhe me te drejten kushtetuese te shtetasve per t'u zgjedhur. 

Krahas legjitimimit te personave te interesuar trajtohet dhe afati i paraqitjes se kerkeses prane Gjykates Kushtetuese. Kodi Zgjedhor ka parashikuar ne dy nene dy afate parashkrimi. Sipas nenit 113, pika 5 ankimi ndaj vendimit te KQZ-se per pavlefshmerine e zgjedhjeve ose jo, behet brenda 10 diteve nga shpallja e vendimit te KQZ-se. Tjeter afat ka parashikuar neni 141, sipas te cilit vendimet e KQZ-se ne lidhje me rezultatet perfundimtare te zgjedhjeve per Kuvendin, si dhe per pavlefshmerine e tyre ankimohen brenda tri diteve nga shpallja e tyre. Megjithese dy dispozitat nuk kane lidhje me njera-tjetren, ne thelb ato persa i perket kompetences se Gjykates Kushtetuese per te shqyrtuar pavlefshmerine e vendimit te KQZ-se marrin te njejtin kuptim. Pavaresisht nga paqartesia qe mund te ekzistoje nga pikepamja e teknikes legjislative ne menyren e formulimit te dispozitave te sipercituara, objekti i shqyrtimit te ankimit ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese ne te dy rastet nuk eshte i njejte. Pra, juridiksioni kushtetues eshte i ndryshem, sepse ndersa ankimi sipas nenit 113 ushtrohet per konstatimin e rasteve te pavlefshmerise se zgjedhjeve ne zona te caktuara zgjedhore, ankimi ne baze te nenit 141 eshte i kufizuar vetem ndaj vendimit te KQZ-se qe ka shpallur rezultatin p`rfundimtar te zgjedhjeve per Kuvendin ne te gjithe territorin e Republikes. 

Sipas formulimit te nenit 113 te Kodit Zgjedhor qe parashikon ankimin e vendimit te KQZ per t'i shpallur zgjedhjet te pavlefshme ose jo, ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese dy jane llojet e kerkesave qe shqyrtohen per efekt te pavlefshmerise se vendimit te KQZ-se. 

Ne njerin rast kerkohet pavlefshmeria e vendimit te KQZ-se qe ka shpallur si te pavlefshem zgjedhjet ne qendren e votimit, ne njesite zgjedhore ose ne te gjithe territorin e Republikes. Kjo do te thote se kerkohet pavlefshmeria e pavlefshmerise se zgjedhjeve, qe ne fakt sjell mosshpalljen e zgjedhjeve te pavlefshme, pra vlefshmerine e tyre. Rrezimi i kerkeses sjell zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve ne zonen perkatese si rrjedhoje e vendimit te K.Q.Z-se qe ka vendosur pavlefshmerine e tyre. Keshtu KQZ-ja me vendimin nr.5, date 01.07.2001 kishte vendosur te shpallte te pavlefshme zgjedhjet ne 6 qendra votimi te zones zgjedhore nr 4 duke urdheruar perseritjen e tyre. Gjykata Kushtetuese vendosi te rrezoje kerkesen, duke lene ne fuqi vendimin e KQZ-se per pavlefshmerine e zgjedhjeve dhe perseritjen e tyre. Ndersa kur pranohet kerkesa, atehere shfuqizohet vendimi i KQZ-se qe ka shpallur pavlefshmerine e zgjedhjeve duke mbetur i pacenuar ne kete menyre rezultati i zgjedhjeve ne njesine perkatese. Keshtu me vendimin nr 70, dt 6.07.2001 Gjykata Kushtetuese shfuqizon pjeserisht per pese qendra votimi vendimin e KQZ-se, i cili kishte vendosur pavlefshmerine e zgjedhjeve ne 18 qendra votimi te zones zgjedhore nr 2, duke konkluduar se ne keto pese qendra votimi, zgjedhjet nuk duheshin perseritur. 

Ne rastin tjeter kerkohet pavlefshmeria e vendimit te KQZ-se qe ka shpallur rezultatin e zgjedhjeve ne njesite perkatese. Gjykata Kushtetuese pasi shqyrton ceshtjen mund te vendose rrezimin e kerkeses, duke mos e cenuar rezultatin e zgjedhjeve, ose pranimin e saj dhe shfuqizimin e aktit te pavlefshem. Shfuqizimi i vendimit te KQZ-se sjell perseritjen e zgjedhjeve ne njesine perkatese pas jo me shume se 4 javesh, ne kuptim te nenit 113, pika 4 te Kodit Zgjedhor, etj. Keshtu, duke u shfuqizuar si i pavlefshem vendimi i KQZ-se, rrjedhimisht te gjitha vendimet e komisioneve me te uleta do te bien per arsye te pavlefshmerise. Fakti qe Gjykata Kushtetuese pasi shfuqizon si te pavlefshem vendimin e KQZ-se urdheron kete te fundit te perserise zgjedhjet ne njesine perkatese, do te thote se te gjitha vendimet qe kane lidhje me keto zgjedhje mbeten pa fuqi juridike. Keshtu ne ceshtjen gjyqesore qe i perket zones zgjedhore nr 13, Gjykata Kushtetuese vendosi te shfuqizoje si te pavlefshem vendimin e KQZ-se si dhe e detyroi kete te fundit te perserise zgjedhjet ne kete zone vetem per kandidatet e drejtperdrejt. 

Objekt i shqyrtimit ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese ne cdo rast qe ajo ushtron te drejten per te verifikuar rezultatin e zgjedhjeve eshte pavlefshmeria e aktit. Pra, akti qe kundershtohet eshte vendimi i KQZ-se dhe se bashku me te edhe vendimet qe kane marre komisionet e qendrave te votimit dhe komisionet zgjedhore te zonave. Gjykata Kushtetuese kryen nje verifikim te plote dhe te sakt te zgjedhjeve duke hyre ne vlefshmerine e aktit, sepse ne cdo rast ajo ka nje akt per shqyrtim. Megjithate pavlefshmeria e aktit nuk sjell detyrimisht edhe pavlefshmerine e zgjedhjeve. Sipas rasteve te sipercituara mundet teshfuqizohet vendimi i KQZ-se si i pavlefshem dhe zgjedhjet te mbeten te pacenuara. Kjo ndodh kur pas shfuqizimit te vendimit te KQZ-se, te mbetet ne fuqi vendimi i KZZ-se qe ka shpallur deputetin fitues. Keshtu ne ceshtjen qe i perkiste zones zgjedhore nr 33, Gjykata Kushtetuese konkludoi se gjate procedures se rinumerimit te votave te kryer nga Gjykata e Rrethit ishin konstatuar mjaft parregullsi serioze, per te cilat KQZ-ja padrejtesisht nuk kishte mbajtur qendrim ligjor. Ne perfundim te gjykimit, Gjykata Kushtetuese vendosi te shfuqizoje vendimin e KQZ-se dhe te lere ne fuqi vendimin e KZZ-se qe kishte shpallur fitues kandidatin tjeter. 

Ne praktiken e kesaj gjykate gjenden edhe vendime qe megjithese ajo shfuqizon si te pavlefshem vendimet e KQZ-se dhe te KZZ-se, me vendim perfundimtar detyron KQZ-ne te shpall si deputet fitues kandidatin tjeter, kur krijon bindjen e plote nga procesverbalet apo nga urdherimi per hapjen e kutive te votimit se perseritja e zgjedhjeve eshte e panevojshme. Neni 107, pika 2 e Kodit Zgjedhor ia ka njohur te drejten Gjykates Kushtetuese qe te urdheroje hapjen e kutive te votimit per efekt verifikimi, veprim i cili mund te sjelle permbysjen e rezultatit te fiksuar ne vendimin e KQZ-se apo te KZZ-se. Ne ceshtjen gjyqesore qe i perkiste zones zgjedhore nr 63, Gjykata Kushtetuese urdheroi hapjen e kutise se votimit dhe verifikimin e procesverbalit dhe te votave qe ndodheshin ne te, nga ku rezultoi se pretendimi i kerkueses per pasaktesine e procesverbalit te marre per baze nga komisionet zgjedhore ishte i vertete. Hapja e kutise se votimit ne kete rast ndikoi drejtperdrejt ne rezultatin e zgjedhjes se kesaj zone. 

Vendimet e Gjykates Kushtetuese ne rastet kur pranojne t'i hyjne pavlefshmerise se aktit qe kane per shqyrtim mund te shprehen ne dispozitiv per rrezimin e kerkeses apo per shfuqizimin e aktit. Kushtetuta e Republikes se Shqiperise ne nenin 132 i ka njohur Gjykates Kushtetuese vetem te drejten e shfuqizimit te aktit qe shqyrton. Keto vendime, daten e hyrjes ne fuqi e kane te kushtezuar me botimin e tyre ne Fletoren Zyrtare. Por duke patur parasysh specifiken e ketyre gjykimeve qe lidhen me zgjedhjet, te cilat per nga natyra e tyre jane te shpejta, ne kuptim te nenit 26 te Ligjit te Gjykates Kushtetuese, vendimet e saj meqenese kane te bejne edhe me mbrojtjen e te drejtave kushtetuese te individit, mund te hyjne ne fuqi me shpalljen e tyre. Kjo perben tashme nje qendrim te konsoliduar ne jurisprudencen e Gjykates Kushtetuese. 

Pas hyrjes ne fuqi te vendimeve te Gjykates Kushtetuese fillon ekzekutimi i tyre. Vendimet e Gjykates Kushtetuese jane te detyrueshme per zbatim. Edhe vendimet qe ajo merr per verifikimin e zgjedhjeve te deputeteve sigurisht qe ekzekutohen. Specifika qe keto vendime paraqesin i ben ato te ekzekutueshme nga organet qe merren me procesin zgjedhor. Perderisa objekt shqyrtimi ne Gjykaten Kushtetuese behen vendimet e KQZ-se, atehere eshte e kuptueshme se eshte ky organ dhe te gjitha komisionet perkatese zgjedhore, te cilet realizojne zbatimin e urdherimeve qe vendos Gjykata Kushtetuese ne dispozitivin e saj. 

2 

Pasi ka perfunduar procesi zgjedhor, gjithsecili ben nje permbledhje dhe nxjerr konkluzionet e tij per vecantite qe ai paraqiti. Duke deshiruar te prezantoj nepermjet kesaj trajtese nderthurjen e koncepteve doktrinare e ligjore me jurisprudencen e Gjykates Kushtetuese, shpresoj te kem arriur te them ate, qe opinioni publik nuk ka mundur ta perceptoje nga informacionet mediatike mbi seancat e pafundme gjyqesore. 

E rendesishme eshte te kuptohet tashme, nga te gjithe ata, te cilet nuk e kane pasur aftesine dhe mundesine qe te dallojne, se Gjykata Kushtetuese ka kryer veprimtarine e saj duke ju nenshtruar vetem Kushtetutes se Republikes se Shqiperise. Shqyrtimi me shume kujdes i ketyre ceshtjeve dhe jo zvarritja e tyre, duke ju referuar dispozitave te Kushtetutes dhe Kodit Zgjedhor, perben orientimin baze te ketij institucioni kushtetues. 

Aspektin me thelbesor te ketij procesi zgjedhor e perben fakti mjaft i rendesishem dhe i pandodhur me pare ne te tilla permasa, qe lidhet me legalizimin e apelimeve administrative dhe gjyqesore dhe qe orientoi me ne fund zgjidhjen e ketyre ceshtjeve ne rruget institucionale. Gjykata Kushtetuese ishte organi qe u tregoi subjekteve zgjedhore dhe jo vetem atyre, se procesi zgjedhor nuk mund te jete i pakontrollueshem. Ne kete menyre eshte ky autoritet i larte kushtetues, i cili nepermjet vendimeve thote perfundimisht fjalen e tij ne nje kohe qe te tjeret duhet te heshtin. 

Askush tjeter pervec Gjykates Kushtetuese nuk mund te kryeje interpretimin perfundimtar te Kushtetutes dhe askujt nuk i lind e drejta te pozicionohet ne menyre aktive, qofte edhe nga nje funksion i caktuar publik kunder vendimeve te saj, te cilat jane perfundimtare, te formes se prere dhe te detyrueshme per t'u zbatuar. Ky eshte rregulli i funksionimit te shtetit te se drejtes, per te cilin duket se ende mungon deshira per ta mesuar lehte. Sidoqofte, ky proces zgjedhor krijoi precedentin dhe kjo nuk eshte pak. 

Megjithate dhe pavaresisht nga te gjitha keto, mbetem i sigurte ne bindjen time se pasi te jene shuar natyrshem fshikullimet emocionale ndaj procesit zgjedhor dhe kontrollit verifikues institucional mbi te, nga te gjithe aktoret politik vendas, si dhe pasi te jene lexuar dhe kuptuar drejt arsyetimet ligjore e kushtetuese te vendimeve te Gjykates Kushtetuese, zgjidhjet e te cilave jane rrjedhoje dhe e aftesise apo paaftesise se mbrojtes ligjore te paleve ne proces, kuptohet se edhe qendrimet do te jene me te kujdesshme. 

8/20/2001



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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Mon Aug 20 09:54:51 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Mon, 20 Aug 2001 09:54:51 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Hyphenated Macedonians?
Message-ID: <F16300ktmzmVBCOWHJV0000e8fe@hotmail.com>

Hyphenated Macedonians

Slav, or not?
Aug 16th 2001
>From The Economist print edition

?Slav Macedonians?, most of the world calls them. Just ?Macedonians?, say 
they

Get article background

IS IT ?derogatory?, ?insulting?, indeed ?racist?, to use the phrase ?Slav 
Macedonians? to distinguish that sort of Macedonian from those of 
ethnic-Albanian culture? Yes, say some angry readers of The Economist: we 
are plain ?Macedonians?, and that's that. That's the name we give ourselves, 
use it.

But, hey, the ethnic Albanians are citizens too, aren't they?Macedonians, 
that is? And, alas, journalists have to distinguish one community from the 
other, and with clarity, not ambiguity. Why not like this? Lots of 
newspapers do.

Maybe, reply the angered Macedonians, but they shouldn't. Lots of people 
used to call Afro-Americans ?niggers?. Would you feel entitled to do that?

Certainly not, this paper would reply: it's a poisonous word. But ?Slav? is 
perfectly honourable: ask the 19th-century Russian Slavophiles or the 
creators of 20th-century Yugoslavia, the land of the south Slavs. And, 
applied to Macedonia's majority, it's accurate: their culture is manifestly 
Slavic. So why not?

Because we say not, reply that majority. You say it's inoffensive, but it 
offends us. You're denying our ethnic identity, and our idea of our own 
history

One reason for the discord is cultural. In Central and Eastern Europe, it is 
still common to speak of, say, ?Poles? as distinct from ?Jews?, even when 
all are Polish citizens; in Britain or France or the United States, the 
equivalent would sound and probably be deeply racist.

For Slav Macedonians, this way of thinking is melded with concerns peculiar 
to their own bitterly contested part of the Balkans. One is to affirm the 
existence of a historically distinct Macedonian nation, a nation extending 
far beyond the borders of the new Macedonia; and the more vigorously Serbs, 
Bulgars and Greeks deny this claim?Greece even objects to the new state's 
calling itself Macedonia at all?the more determined those who make it are. 
Another aim, to some Slav Macedonians, is to imply that their 
ethnic-Albanian fellow-citizens don't really belong?an implication, they 
remark, which many Albanians readily accept.

So what should western media do? The BBC has yielded to the complaints of 
Slav Macedonians, arguing from its principle of calling people what they 
call themselves, and ?given how raw this story now is,? as an internal memo 
said in May, ?and the BBC's profile in covering it.? The BBC believed that 
it could yield without compromising clarity. Its World Service almost daily 
proves it wrong, talking in one breath of ?Macedonian? and ?ethnic-Albanian? 
parties, and then, eg, of the latter objecting to the ethnic make-up of the 
?Macedonian? police. Meaning what?

Few are with the BBC. The New York Times refers to ?Slavic Macedonians?, Le 
Monde to ?Mac?doniens slavophones?, El Pais to ?los eslavos?. But the 
Corriere says ?i macedoni?. The choice is not easy in Germany: its cultural 
tradition is Central European, but history has taught where distinguishing 
?Germans? from ?Jews? can lead. The Frankfurter Allgemeine and many other 
newspapers speak of ?die slawischen Mazedonier?.


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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Mon Aug 20 10:07:03 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Mon, 20 Aug 2001 10:07:03 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Economist on Butrint
Message-ID: <F7wuVjtQUGUzLhG4Yal0000eaad@hotmail.com>

Mediterranean archaeology

Butrint preserved
Aug 16th 2001 | SARANDA, ALBANIA
>From The Economist print edition

Not long ago, Albania's archaeological sites were ill-kept or abandoned. Now 
they are helping to revive the economy





WHEN Aeneas was on his way to ancient Italy, he stopped at a settlement on 
the coast opposite the island of Corfu. There, according to Virgil, he saw 
before him ?Troy in miniature?: a city where the king received him and his 
followers in a court of towers and spacious colonnades. The city was 
Butrint, founded according to legend by Helenus, the son of King Priam, 
after the fall of Troy but dating back to at least the 8th century BC.

Today, Butrint is re-emerging from the obscurity in which it has languished 
for much of the past millennium. But it remains, in the words of John Julius 
Norwich, a British scholar of Byzantium, ?the least known, the least 
frequented and the least spoilt? of all the great classical sites of the 
Mediterranean. It owes that mainly to the fact that it sits in southern 
Albania. During the disagreeable regime of Enver Hoxha it had few visitors. 
Since Albania re-opened, Butrint has become the country's largest tourist 
destination. In 1996 it attracted 20,000 visitors. Then law and order 
collapsed in the wake of the country's disastrous pyramid schemes, and the 
visitors vanished. Today tourists are making a tentative return, and the 
figures this year are already close to their 1996 level.

The swell of visitors brings an opportunity and a threat. The opportunity is 
to create, on an undeveloped stretch of coast just north of Greece, a new 
tourism industry that can bring prosperity to one of Europe's poorest 
nations. The threat is that local greed, weak planning controls and powerful 
foreign investors will combine to create the common Mediterranean mess of 
badly built hotels, noise and pollution.




Aeneas and Mussolini
The outcome will depend on how well Albanians manage to work with the 
foreign archaeologists, aid agencies and do-gooders who have become 
involved. The main excavation of Butrint started in the 1920s when 
Mussolini, keen to pose as the new founder of Rome, sent an expedition to 
retrace Aeneas's footsteps. During the Hoxha years, little happened. Only in 
the early 1990s did a joint Albanian and British team start work in earnest 
again. They did so under the auspices of the Butrint Foundation, set up in 
1993 by two British grandees: Lord Rothschild, a banker whose villa on the 
shores of Corfu looks across to Butrint, and Lord Sainsbury of Preston 
Candover, a supermarket magnate. The foundation, directed by Sir Patrick 
Fairweather, a former British ambassador to Albania and to Italy, and 
financed mainly by grants from David Packard, heir to America's 
Hewlett-Packard fortune, has been leading the attempt to ensure that 
Butrint's development is adequately financed and sensitively handled. Last 
year, the Albanian government and UNESCO, which has designated Butrint a 
World Heritage site, turned the sparsely inhabited land around it into a 
national park.

Butrint is really several cities, each piled one on top of the last. From 
the late classical period of 300-200 BC dates a beautifully preserved 
theatre, where today's Albanians stage events from beauty contests to folk 
festivals, and a surrounding wall built of immense blocks of stone. From the 
same period, another wall has survived on whose stones are inscriptions 
recording the names of the city's inhabitants.

By the end of that millennium, however, Butrint was in the hands of the 
Romans who smartened up the theatre and installed (predictably) a new bath 
house by the ancient city wall. Along the opposite shores of the lake on 
which the settlement stands, the Roman equivalents of Lords Rothschild and 
Sainsbury built grand villas of their own: one, just starting to be 
excavated, may have belonged to Pomponius Atticus, a chum of Cicero's.

Among the most dramatic of the city's Roman remains is a vast palace, its 
floors covered with elaborate mosaics. Built in the 4th century AD, as the 
Roman empire was crumbling, the palace was squatted in for decades 
afterwards by fishermen who built huts on top of the mosaics.

However, Butrint revived: not just once, but several times. It was a 
Christian settlement in the 6th century, and its massive baptistery, one of 
the largest in the eastern Mediterranean after the baptistery of Hagia Sofia 
in Istanbul, still survives. It was also an outpost of the Venetian empire 
in the 15th century: a Venetian tower dominates the view of the site from a 
distance. And it was seized from the French in 1798 by Ali Pasha, an 
Albanian who entertained such intrepid visitors as Lord Byron and Edward 
Lear and built himself a fine triangular castle nearby.

Today, the site looks like one of those 18th-century etchings of romantic 
ruins. Trees have sprung up around the remains; lush wild flowers poke out 
of the stones; terrapins and water snakes splash about in the remnants of 
the bath house. But it is also being used as a training base by the Butrint 
Foundation, keen to teach young Albanians the pragmatic, hands-on traditions 
of British archaeology. And it is already visited daily by busloads of 
Albanian schoolchildren, who make the seven-hour drive along bumpy roads 
from Tirana, and by tourists, most of them British, who take the ferry from 
Corfu to the little Albanian port of Saranda.

How well Butrint survives tourist pressure will depend on collaboration 
between Richard Hodges, the foundation's scientific director and principal 
fund-raiser, and Auron Tare, head of the newly created national park. The 
foundation has drawn up a management plan, full of good ideas for involving 
local people and protecting the lovely vistas of mountains and sea. It has 
pleased Albanian archaeologists with a plan to dredge the silting channel 
that feeds fresh water into Lake Butrint, a wildlife haven, and it has 
pleased local villagers by persuading a Japanese philanthropist to build a 
new school.

But hungry developers are drooling at the thought of a new Corfu. The 
planners have flirted with various proposals for a casino, half a dozen golf 
courses and a bevy of hotels along the coast. The European Union is 
proposing to finance a road that at present looks alarmingly likely to run 
past the edge of the park. If Butrint and its surrounding region can grow 
prosperous but not polluted, the result could be a showpiece for using 
conservation and culture as engines for development. Even Aeneas might have 
balked at the challenge



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From korab_hoxha at hotmail.com  Mon Aug 20 18:13:57 2001
From: korab_hoxha at hotmail.com (Korab Hoxha)
Date: Mon, 20 Aug 2001 22:13:57 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KOMUNIKATĖ Nr.11- AKSH
Message-ID: <F1985B76WE7P5IEEi8T0000f027@hotmail.com>

Armata Komb?tare Shqiptare
Sh?rbimi p?r Informim pran? Shtabit Suprem
Shkup, m? 20 gusht 2001

KOMUNIKAT? Nr.11

Kthimi i ushtris? serbe n? kufinjt? e Kosov?s mund t? jet? shkas p?r nj? 
luft? t? re n? rajon.
Shtabi Suprem i Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare ?sht? i pak?naqur me 
konsensionet e vazhdueshme q? Bashk?sia
Nd?rkomb?tare po u b?n sllav?ve n? d?m t? interesave shqiptare n? rajon. P?r 
AKSH-n? lejimi i kthimit t? ushtris? serbe n? kufinjt? e Kosov?s, p?rb?n nj? 
akt t? pashembullt n? historin? bot?rore, sepse asnj? ushtri q? m? par? ka 
n?nshkruar kapitullimin, nuk ?sht? lejuar t? kthehet n? vendin prej nga ka 
ikur me turp. AKSH-ja konsideron se ky vendim i shpejtuar, mund t? jet? 
shkas p?r nj? luft? tjet?r n? Ballkan.
Shtabi Suprem ka urdhruar komand?n operative n? Kosov? q? t? paraqes? 
urgjentisht nj? projekt-parashikim t?
zhvillimit t? ngjarjeve q? mund t? pasojn? pas kthimit t? serb?ve n? 
kufinjt? e Kosov?s. AKSH-ja po ashtu i b?n thirrje faktorit politik shqiptar 
n? Kosov? dhe atij n? Shqip?ri q? t? reagoj? ashp?r dhe me t? gjitha metodat 
politike kund?r nj? vendimi t? till? absurd. Lidhur me situat?n n? IRJM, 
Shtabi Suprem ka konkluduar se edhe m? tej ushtria dhe forcat paramilitare e 
ato policore sllavomaqedonase mbeten k?rc?nim i vazhduesh?m p?r shqiptar?t 
dhe se ?aramtosja e U?K-s?, ka mundur t`i trim?roj? strukturat militare 
sllave, t? cilat jan? strukur p?rs?ri pas vendimit t? AKSH-s? p?r t? 
vazhduar luft?n deri n? fitore. Dit?ve t? fundit n? disa media n? Shkup e 
Prishtin? jan? hedhur hipoteza t? ndryshme rreth asaj se vall? kush q?ndron 
pas Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare, duke p?rhapur n? opinion emra t? partive 
politike apo individ?ve t? caktuar. Shtabi Suprem i AKSH-s? thekson me 
p?rgjegj?si t? plot? se Armata Komb?tare Shqiptare nuk ?sht? krah ushtarak i 
asnj? partie politike n? Kosov?, Maqedoni apo diku tjet?r,
dhe se asnj? nga emrat e p?rmendur n? shtyp se gjoja q?ndrojn? pas AKSH-s? 
nuk kan? t? b?jn? me k?t? formacion. AKSH-ja ?sht? formacion 
politiko-ushtarak i formuar n? dhjetor t? vitit `99, nga nj? grup 
atdhetar?sh (ish-ushtar? dhe epror? t? Ushtris? ?lirimtare t? Kosov?s nga t? 
gjitha viset shqiptare) q? vazhdojn? t`i p?rmbahen BETIMIT p?r luft? deri n? 
realizimin e Shtetit t? Bashkuar Shqiptar, gj? e cila ?sht? b?r? e ditur me 
komunikat?n ton? num?r kat?r t? vitit 2000. AKSH-ja ka lidhje t? mira me t? 
gjitha organizatat q? n? programin e tyre politik kan? Bashkimin Komb?tar. 
L?vizja Komb?tare p?r ?lirimin e Kosov?s (LK?K) dhe Komiteti Komb?tar p?r 
?lirimin dhe Mbrojtjen e Trojeve Shqiptare (KK?MTSH) jan? organizata shum? 
t? af?rta me pik?pamjet tona. Edhe Sigurimi Komb?tar Shqiptar (SKSH), 
poashtu. Armata Komb?tare Shqiptare ka operuar me nj?sitet e veta n? t? 
gjitha trojet shqiptare p?rfshir? edhe ato n? IRJM. Nj?sitet tona jan? 
p?rfshir? n? luft?n frontale t? zhvilluar q? nga muaji shkurt 2001 n? t?r? 
territorin e IRJM-s? dhe gjenden n? rajon edhe sot e k?saj dite.  Shtabi 
Suprem i AKSH-s?, me fillimin e zbatimit t? marr?veshjes p?r ?militarizim t? 
U?K-s?, t? arritur mes Boris Trajkovskit dhe Ali Ahmetit (me ndermjet?sim t? 
NATO-s) ka urdh?ruar nj?ist? e veta n? terren q? t? zbatojn? planin e ri t? 
veprimeve taktiko-ushtarake,  q? konsiston n? mbajtjen n?n v?zhgim t? pikave 
strategjike t? frontit deri n? momentin kur Shtabi t?
vendos? p?r sulme t? reja. Shtabi Suprem i AKSH-s? ka p?rcjell? me vemendje 
situat?n n? terren dhe v?ren se
qindra ushtar? t? U?K-s? jan? t? pak?naqur me m?nyr?n e veprimit t? 
p?rfaq?suesit t? tyre politik dhe t? nj? pjese t? ish-Shtabit t? Ushtris? 
?lirimtare Komb?tare.
AKSH-ja p?rs?rit q?ndrimin se ?sht? e hapur dhe mir?pret cilindo luft?tar t? 
liris? q? t`u bashkangjitet radh?ve t? saj. Nj?sitet tona jan? autorizuar t? 
pranojn? n? radh?t e veta ushtar?t e U?K-s? n? shp?rb?rje duke pas? si baz?  
vet?m nj? ideologji - at? komb?tare! Shtabi ka autorizuar Sh?rbimin p?r 
Informim t? rip?rs?ris? se lidhur me incidentin n? af?rsi t? Lubotenit ku 
nj? automjet i ushtris? sllavomaqedonase ka r?n? n? mina me ?`rast kan? 
vdekur 9 ushtar? e paramilitar? sllav?, AKSH-ja nuk ka asnj? lidhje me at? 
rast dhe demanton pohimet n? disa gazeta se  AKSH-ja ka marr? p?rgjegj?si 
p?r rastin e Lubotenit". N? asnj? komunikat? dhe n? asnj? vend personat e 
autorizuar t? AKSH-s? nuk kan? dal? me nj? pohim t? till?. P?rs?risim se 
?dokund ku AKSH-ja ka nd?rmarr? aksione, ka analizuar mir? situat?n, ka 
q?ndruar prapa atyre aksioneve dhe asnj?her? nuk ?sht? vepruar n? d?m t? 
popullat?s civile. Mediat shqiptare do t? ishte mir? q? t? heqin nga 
p?rdorimi tonet cinike kur ?sht? n? pyetje AKSH-ja dhe t? mos p?rs?risin 
p?rvoj?n tragjikomike t? viteve `96 - 98`, kur nga disa prej tyre Ushtria 
?lirimtare e Kosv?s etiketohej si "veg?l e Beogradit". Shtabi Suprem 
konsideron se q?llimi i luft?s speciale q? ?sht? nd?rmarr? kund?r AKSH-s? 
?sht? minimizimi i rolit dhe r?nd?sis? s? saj, dhe ruajtja e privilegjeve 
dhe e kontrollit mbi fondet nga nj? grup njer?zish kryesisht t? nj? force 
politike q? mendon se ka legjitimitetin absolut p?r t? vendosur p?r ??shtjen 
komb?tare shqiptare. Por ai grup duhet ta ket? t? qart? se nga askush nuk e 
ka dhe kurr? s`do t? mund ta ket?
legjitimitetin p?r t? mohuar vullnetin dhe t? drejt?n e 8 milion? 
shqiptar?ve n? Ballkan p?r t? pasur shtetin e tyre n? kufinjt? natyror? 
etnik?. AKSH-ja u b?n thirrje gjith? bashk?atdhetar?ve n?p?r bot?, t? cil?t 
vazhdimisht kan? dh?n? kontributin e tyre n? zgjidhjen e ??shtjes shqiptare, 
q? ta ndihmojn?  AKSH-n?. Ne nuk kemi programe t? komplikuara me shtesa dhe 
parashtesa. Ne luftojm? p?r nj? q?llim t? vet?m e ai ?sht? Bashkimi Komb?tar 
- ?ndrra e miliona bashk?atdhetar?ve tan? n? shekuj. N?se doni t? ndihmoni 
p?rkraheni Fondin Komb?tar Shqiptar. (FKSH).
Aktivist?t e Komitetit Komb?tar p?r ?lirimin dhe Mbrojtjen e Trojeve 
Shqiptare jan? t? autorizuar nga ana e AKSH-s? p?r t? krijuar rrjetin e 
p?rkrahjes. B?huni edhe ju pjes? e k?saj mb?shtetjeje. N?se s`mundeni t? na 
ndihmoni  at?her? mos na pengoni n? q?llimet tona. Shqip?ria e Bashkuar 
?sht? ?ndrra q? f?mij?ve duhet t`ua l?m? t? realizuar. Armata Komb?tare 
Shqiptare lufton p?r k?t? q?llim. (Vizitoni n? internet 
www.shqiperiabashkuar.cjb.net &  www.liriakombtare.com  p?r informata t? 
tjera). Shtabi Suprem i Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare ?sht? i bindur se 
mb?shtetja nuk do t? mungoj?. Ne jemi t? vendosur dhe asgj? s`mund t? na 
ndal? q? t? shkojm? deri n? fund.
Lavdi d?shmor?ve t? Atdheut!
Ja Vdekje ja Liri!

Shefi i Sektorit p?r Informim
Alban Berisha

Shefi i Shtabit Suprem t? AKSH-s?
Gjeneral "Shqiponja e Sharrit 1"


_________________________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Aug 21 08:26:46 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 21 Aug 2001 05:26:46 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Articles on Macedonia
Message-ID: <20010821122646.13265.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

August 21, 2001, Tuesday 

German commentator warns against "half-measure" NATO mission in Macedonia 

Die Welt web site, Berlin, in German 21 Aug 01 


Text of commentary by Herbert Kremp headlined: "No half-measures by NATO" from German newspaper Die Welt web site on 21 August 

Neither the government nor the opposition must view the decision on deployment in Macedonia as a prestige question of domestic policy. Only sober military analysis counts in the interest of both the issue and the troops. There is no guaranteed cease-fire. The Macedonians see NATO as the abettors of the Albanians, the guerrillas are split (following the IRA model). The agreement negotiated by the Skopje government under Western pressure, concerning an improved constitutional status of the Albanian minority, is nothing but a piece of paper. Chief of government Georgievski calls it a "shameful peace". The European detachment must expect to come under fire during the passive collection of weapons. This is an unreasonable (political) imposition on troops lacking massive battle gear and without prepared air cover. The USA provides only logistics and reconnaissance, not troops. They know why. The alliance axiom, not to conduct a war on land, nor secure peace by force, nor actively disarm the guerrillas, cannot apply in a hostile environment. NATO Commander-in-Chief Joseph Ralston (American!) will return from the field inspection with a split message. Politicians, if they are in their right minds, must not ignore the experience in the Balkans since 1991. Also, NATO has not yet decided about deployment. According to alliance rules, the decision must be made unanimously. Consensus is not ensured. Agreement to a "small harvest deployment" with 3,500 lightly armed soldiers for 30 days becomes less justifiable with every new breach of the cease-fire. The announcement that the troops would be withdrawn in case of fighting opens up an exit into humiliating disgrace - with nasty consequences for all of the Balkans. Only an effective combat unit is suitable for an open crisis. Even then, one must expect losses, but not embarrassing flight. The armed forces, for the effect and for their own security, must be capable of sealing off the borders to Albania, Serbia and Kosovo, and keeping the fighting cocks apart. If one does not want the full programme, one should refrain from trying doubtful experiments.

===========

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) 
August 21, 2001, Tuesday 


Disarmament in Macedonia: it's just a Balkan coffee break Mediators have been outflanked on all sides, says Andrew Apostolou. Now the involvement of Nato troops will make ethnic divisions worse 

By Andrew Apostolou. 


The Macedonian peace deal is a post-dated suicide note. All the elements of failure are present: futile disarmament and incentives for partition. Fumbling mediators have struggled to deal with venal and dishonest local politicians. The mediators have naively assumed that both the ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians want to keep Macedonia intact. 

In an unfortunate echo of 10 years ago, the cry has gone up that this Balkan calamity, like Yugoslavia in 1991, is an issue to be settled by Europeans. The EU and a reduced, British-led version of Nato under Lord Robertson have taken the initiative, due in part to a lack of interest in Washington. For all their griping, the Europeans crave American leadership. Without the committed weight of the US behind them, the mediators have been undermined. Great store has been set by what will probably be largely fraudulent disarmament, as in Kosovo and Northern Ireland. That new arms and explosives can be cheaply and easily procured has escaped the notice of the mediators. The ethnic Albanians can raise millions of dollars with ease from their American diaspora, to spend in the arms bazaar of Eastern Europe. The Macedonian police, supposedly now to recruit more ethnic Albanians, will probably be gradually disarmed while the army (dominated by ethnic Macedonians) goes on a buying spree. In Macedonia, disarmament is not the end, just a Balkan coffee break. 

The Western mediators have been manipulated and outmanoeuvred. Lord Robertson and Javier Solana's arrival provoked an outbreak of moderation from both sides. No sooner had this double act returned to Brussels, than the warring sides forgot their accommodating stance. 

Ethnic Albanians and ethnic Macedonians alike repeatedly lied to the mediators. For months, the mediators assumed that ethnic Albanian politicians in Skopje had no links to the Albanian rebel National Liberation Army (NLA). Lord Robertson loudly denounced the NLA as "terrorists". Then in May it emerged that the Albanian political leaders had agreed to give the NLA a veto over any agreement with the Macedonian government. Western diplomats still do not know if the rebels report to the politicians or the politicians to the rebels. Lord Robertson now calls the NLA "insurgents". 

The Macedonian government has called for an end to the fighting while handing out weapons to ethnic Macedonian civilians, knowing this means future atrocities. Similarly, the government encouraged attacks on Western embassies by blaming Nato for the NLA's military success, rather than admit the incompetence of its armed forces. The popular myth among ethnic Macedonians is that the NLA is simply the former Kosovo Liberation Army, trained and controlled by Nato. Although Nato failed to seal the Kosovo-Macedonia border, it provided military advice and training for the Macedonian army. It is the Macedonian army which decided to sit in the plains and shell the hills, rather than attempt to retake them. 

The mediators' clever gestures cut no ice with local politicians. A suggestion that the recent negotiations be held in the frontline city of Tetovo in north-western Macedonia, to concentrate the minds of ethnic Albanian and ethnic Macedonian negotiators, was rejected. Local politicians preferred the pleasant lakeside resort of Ohrid. Ethnic Albanian and ethnic Macedonian politicians may be willing to send others to pointless deaths, but they are not so stupid as to risk their own lives. 

Gruesomely, both sides secretly pray for the other to start committing mass atrocities so that they can call for foreign armed intervention. Restraining them so far is the sure knowledge that such atrocities will lead to indictments in The Hague. Although war-related deaths have been below 200, the conflict has displaced tens of thousands, laying the foundations of a future partition. 

The peace agreement will accelerate this trend towards ethnically concentrated populations. Under the agreement, Albanian becomes an official language in areas where ethnic Albanians are over 20 per cent of the population, a remarkably low threshold for a group which claims to be up to 40 per cent of Macedonia's inhabitants. There will now be endless arguments in some districts over whether ethnic Albanians meet the 20 per cent level. Macedonia's smaller Muslim minorities, such as Turks and gypsies, could be pressured to declare themselves ethnic Albanians. Tetovo, a mixed city, will become thoroughly Albanian. 

The EU will not wish to recall Javier Solana's promise on July 27 to defend Tetovo as a "melting pot of Macedonia". In ethnic Macedonian-dominated areas, such as Bitola, the intimidation of ethnic Albanians will continue, ensuring that they never reach the 20 per cent level. Each side wishes to dominate, not to co-operate, making partition a temptation for ethnic Albanians and ethnic Macedonians alike. 

The mediators failed to confront either side with the inconsistency of its position. The Albanians successfully demanded considerable minority rights. If, as many in Macedonia believe, the ethnic Albanians, who have a high birth rate, soon become a majority of the population, will these rights be transferred to the Macedonians? The answer is probably "no", but the question was not put. 

For years, the ethnic Macedonian majority strung the Albanians along with hints of changes which never materialised, with minimal pressure from the West. They have now conceded constitutional changes for no other reason than that they were losing the war. Wise after the event, Mr Solana claims that the EU had always told the Macedonian government that concessions were needed. According to Mr Solana, the ethnic Albanians are simply being given the rights of minorities in the EU - which will come as a surprise to minorities in France and Greece who receive almost no recognition. 

Kosovo was the catalyst for the conflict for the simple reason that it so publicly divided Macedonia. Many ethnic Macedonians cheered on the Serbs. The ethnic Albanians, unsurprisingly, supported Milosevic's victims. For ethnic Albanians in the former Yugoslavia, the Kosovo-Macedonia border will always be a meaningless boundary. 

There has been diplomatic babble about a "Belgian model" for Macedonia. Perhaps, if Macedonia becomes as boring as Belgium, then nobody will want to die for it. If only that were true. 

Andrew Apostolou is a historian at St Antony's College, Oxford Chicago Tribune 
=============

Chicago Tribune
 August 21, 2001 Tuesday, News; Pg. 3; ZONE: N 

NATO scoops up rebels' weapons; 
Troops battling supply lines from Kosovo, Albania 

By Alissa J. Rubin, Special to the Tribune. Alissa J. Rubin is a staff writer for the Los Angeles Times, a Tribune newspaper. 

MACEDONIA-KOSOVO BORDER 


As NATO tries to broker peace between ethnic Albanian rebels and the Macedonian government, NATO-led troops known as KFOR have hauled in a startling number of rebel weapons, indicating that the guerrillas were well-armed and, despite the seizures, may have stockpiled a large arms supply. 

Interdictions by NATO's Kosovo force during the last few months have collected more than 600 rifles, including 45 machine guns, 48,829 small-arms rounds, more than 1,000 anti-tank weapons, 2,438 anti-tank rounds, 658 mortar rounds, nearly 1,400 grenades and mines, and piles of support equipment such as uniforms, boots, medical supplies and flak jackets, according to a report. The interdictions may represent about 15 percent of the arms and supplies being smuggled from Kosovo into Macedonia, said one Western official who has been monitoring guerrilla activities. 

Arms are almost certainly also coming from Albania, where there are no NATO troops to capture them, the official added. 

KFOR soldiers have detained 484 people--and nabbed a couple of dozen horses and mules. In the Balkans, weapons smuggling still relies on animal couriers that are able to negotiate rocky mountain trails that would defeat even the most rugged all-terrain vehicle. 

Arms interception is the latest mission of the Kosovo peacekeepers, who arrived two years ago after an 11-week NATO bombing campaign against the regime of then-Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. 

The ethnic Albanian rebels who have taken up arms to fight for more rights for Macedonia's ethnic Albanian minority have been getting some of their supplies from Kosovo, where ethnic Albanians are in the majority. 

The number of arms seized suggests the difficulty NATO faces when it tries to disarm rebels, as it has agreed to do in a deal with the Macedonian government and the rebels. 

Brief mission 

The full NATO deployment in Macedonia, which is slated to begin as soon as there is an enduring cease-fire, is designed to last only 60 days and is aimed solely at disarming the ethnic Albanian rebels by collecting and destroying weapons that the rebels voluntarily bring in. 

At least one trail from the Kosovo woods south into Macedonia is a key arms smuggling route for ethnic Albanian rebels, who call themselves the National Liberation Army. 

"They are moving vehicles, mules, horses, laden with arms," said Capt. Daxs Stadjuhar, a native of Lubbock, Texas, who commands a company of about 140 soldiers based in Vitina, Kosovo, who alternate weapons interception with peacekeeping activities in the separatist Yugoslav province. 

Hiding places 

For Stadjuhar, the mission has been a lesson in the subtleties of guerrilla armies. 

"We're the cops from out of town," Stadjuhar says. "We don't know all the hide sites and the places where you can't be seen." 

Despite the United States' technological advantages, the guerrillas have two huge assets: the utter loyalty and commitment of the ethnic Albanian villagers who live on both sides of the Kosovo-Macedonian border and a deep knowledge of the rough mountain terrain. 

The Albanian villagers in Kosovo fully support the NLA fight in Macedonia. 

Amid white plaster farmhouses with terra-cotta roofs and bucolic herds of sheep wandering the hillsides, the villagers have supplied NLA rebels with safe houses, food and vehicles. A recent search by U.S. troops of a farmhouse on a dirt road high in the mountains revealed 30 futons that military sources believe were sleeping quarters for NLA soldiers. 

Often, soldiers observe large numbers of men walking into the woods to cut down trees. Later they see only a few of the men return to the village. No one knows for sure if the others have walked over the border to join the rebels to the south or are cutting wood elsewhere. 

Rebels leave signs 

High on the border, signs of the rebels are scattered over the hillsides. On a ridge, Sgt. John Trevino points out a tree with a number of Albanian names carved into its trunk. 

"Probably a signpost," he said. 

There may have been a weapons cache nearby, and the instructions to a new recruit might have been to go to the tree, turn right, pick up an AK-47 assault rifle hidden under some leaves, and keep to the path that winds south over the border, Stadjuhar said. 

Other signs of the rebels are large piles of charred wood, suggesting that people built campfires when they stopped for the night. 

But it's tricky for the U.S. soldiers who patrol this area to figure out when they're observing covert shipments to the guerrillas in Macedonia and when it's merely signs of rural life. 

They have to make a judgment every day whether to search trucks of hay and wagons with sacks of grain that may actually contain bullets. 

"Up here, they are UCK fanatics," Stadjuhar said, pointing to the village of Buzobik and using the Albanian initials for both the NLA and the former Kosovo Liberation Army, which disbanded after NATO troops entered Kosovo. 

When U.S. troops searched one of the houses, they found UCK memorabilia, patches and posters. 

Several times a day, the U.S. soldiers do reconnaissance, following trails that wind over the mountains to Macedonia. They check for signs that someone has been there recently. They look for footprints, mule or horse tracks, or motor oil. 

For every trail they go down, they pass another. 

Sgt. Jeremy Johnston, 28, a native of Syracuse, N.Y., who was spending the night on watch duty early last week, said: "There are so many trails, God knows which ones they are using. There're not enough of us to cover everything." 

But the soldiers, who keep 24-hour watch on the main routes, don't leave their post. They feel sure that if they did, word would get back to the rebels that the coast was clear. 

 



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From naac at naac.org  Tue Aug 21 10:17:58 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Tue, 21 Aug 2001 10:17:58 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 21, 2001
Message-ID: <004101c12a4c$189280a0$89521840@sold>

 
National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
August 21, 2001

ALBANIAN DAILY NEWS
SP Reconfirms Meta as New Premier
TIRANA - The ruling Socialist Party leadership reconfirmed on Monday, with a plebiscitary vote, Ilir Meta as the premier of the new government. Meta gathered 84 votes from the 117-member Steering Committee, leaving far behind the two other candidates Arben Malaj, and Spartak Poci. The Committee also elected Namik Dokle as the next Speaker of the Albanian Parliament.

RADIO 21
No problem during the fifth round of parliamentary elections in Kor?a
The elections went on without problems in Kor?a. The fifth round of parliamentary elections commenced at 08.00 on Sunday in four polling stations of constituency 82 in Korce district. Polling stations No. 17 in Orman-Pojan village and 34,35, 36 in Podgorie village were opened on due official time and will close at 18.00 in the evening. Some 2798 electors have been enrolled in these polling stations, where the largest part, nearly 2795 electors, are inhabitants from Podgorie village. The conduct of elections in four polling stations of constituency 82 marked the beginning of the fifth round of parliamentary elections and the third round among this constituency contesting candidates: Rahmi Mehmetllari, SP, and Alfred Olli, DP+UV. International and local observers as well as representatives of the candidates running for deputy monitored this round of elections, because of the several objections made by both sides in constituency 82.
UNMIK: Kosova-Macedonia border closure will continue
The border between Kosova and Macedonia was closed for the third consecutive day Monday. The closure by Macedonian authorities has caused problems for UNMIK, and if it continues, it will affect the general population as well, according to UNMIK spokeswoman Susan Manuel at Monday's news conference. "The border with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia remains closed and according to our security assessment may stay closed for a few days," Manuel said. She added that the closure had impeded UNMIK Police rotations. KFOR spokesman Howard Rhoades expressed concern that the closure did nothing to further the political process in Macedonia. "However, negotiations are ongoing and FYROM authorities have promised to do what they can to re-open the route as soon as possible," he said. Medical supplies are currently not affected, as shipments had come in just before the border closed. "[But] if it continues for several more days, it could be a problem, as the next shipments are due at the end of the week," said Manuel. Macedonian authorities shut down the Hani i Elezit crossing on Saturday. Macedonian villagers blockaded the main road to the border on the second day, preventing KFOR and UNMIK personnel and members of other organizations from entering Macedonia. The blockade also caused a number of refugees trying to leave Kosova to be turned back.

REUTERS
NATO Military Heads Tentatively OK Macedonia Force
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - NATO military officials have provisionally backed a plan to send thousands of troops to Macedonia, and alliance ambassadors are expected to give their final endorsement by Wednesday, sources said Tuesday.
``NATO's military committee met this morning and said it was okay to go ahead with the deployment,'' a NATO source said.
``The decision (to send the troops) will be taken by the ambassadors no later than tomorrow,'' the source said.
The military committee comprises representatives of the chiefs of staff of the 19 NATO member countries.
Their backing of the plan increases the likelihood of it winning the approval of the NATO ambassadors, who alone can trigger the launch of the so-called Operation Essential Harvest.
The NATO ambassadors were due to meet in Brussels at 3:p.m. (1300 GMT) to hear a report on the situation in Macedonia from U.S. General Joseph Ralston, the alliance's commander in chief, who paid a one-day visit to the ex-Yugoslav state Monday.
He is widely expected to advise that conditions have been met for the launch of Operation Essential Harvest, whereby NATO troops will collect weapons from ethnic Albanian guerrillas as part of a peace plan for the tiny republic.
The NATO source said the envoys might not be able to decide immediately whether to launch the operation, the alliance's third Balkan mission which is expected to involve 3,500 troops being deployed in Macedonia for a limited period of 30 days.
``Some countries may find it necessary to consult their capitals first,'' said the source.
Another NATO diplomat also said he expected the final decision to come Wednesday.
``Things could change at this afternoon's meeting, but the decision is most likely to be taken tomorrow to give some time to the capitals to reflect on (Ralston's) report,'' he said.
Under the recent peace plan, Macedonia's parliament will approve a series of reforms designed to improve the status of the country's large ethnic Albanian minority while the rebels voluntarily surrender their arms to the NATO force.
``If this parliamentary process is to get started we need to launch Operation Essential Harvest,'' the diplomat said.
Western diplomats fear that any big delay in sending the NATO force would create a vacuum which extremists from the two camps would be able to exploit, raising the specter of a wider Balkan conflict.

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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Tue Aug 21 12:01:50 2001
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Tue, 21 Aug 2001 12:01:50 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] What Did the CIA Know? NEWSWEEK
Message-ID: <9b.19d55f9a.28b3dfef@aol.com>

What Did the CIA Know?
 
Ante Gotovina stands accused of war crimes. Now the Croat wants his former allies in U.S. intelligence to help prove him innocent 
 
By Roy Gutman
NEWSWEEK

At a secluded military base on Croatia?s Adriatic coast, an unpiloted CIA plane rolled down the runway, then climbed slowly over tall pine trees and headed into hostile airspace. It was July 1995, and a new conflict was brewing.     

SERBIAN LEADER SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC had conquered Croatia?s Krajina border zone with Bosnia in 1991, and now Croatia was preparing a lightning assault to get it back. Americans in military uniform, operating from a cream-colored trailer near the runway, directed the GNAT-750 drone to photograph Serb troop positions and weapons emplacements. The images were transmitted back to base, analyzed and then passed on to the Pentagon. According to top Croat intelligence officials, copies were also sent to the headquarters of the Croatian general in command of "Operation Storm."
 
The classified reconnaissance missions continued for months, until long after Croat forces had pushed the Serbs into neighboring Bosnia. And the information proved vital to the success of Operation Storm, according to the Croats. Late in the 72-hour campaign, Croat officials say, the drone photos showed Serb forces massing for a counterthrust. The Croatian commander of the operation, Gen. Ante Gotovina, massed his own troops at the point of the Serb breakthrough and shattered the assault. Now the successful CIA operation is about to become defense exhibit A in a war-crimes case at The Hague tribunal. 

Last month prosecutors announced the indictment of General Gotovina for atrocities committed during and after Operation Storm, including the murder of 150 Krajina Serbs, the forced displacement of as many as 200,000 others and the torching of thousands of homes. Gotovina, 45, who once served in the French Foreign Legion, denies any role in the atrocities, most of which occurred in the three months after the military operation ended. Yet he has refused to surrender to the tribunal, complaining that he would have to spend years in jail awaiting trial.  Gotovina?s Chicago-based lawyer, Luka Misetic, argues that U.S. intelligence will be vital to his case. "He was in the chain of command, but there was this other set of eyes and ears watching this operation," says Misetic. "No one there [in the CIA] saw there was a problem with war crimes or a crime against humanity ... The information the United States possesses is relevant to establishing General Gotovina?s innocence."
 
Now a NEWSWEEK investigation has shown that U.S. intelligence cooperation with Croatia went far deeper than Washington has ever acknowledged. According 
to Miro Tudjman, son of the late president Franjo Tudjman and head of the Croatian counterpart to the CIA in the mid-1990s, the United States provided encryption gear to each of Croatia?s regular Army brigades. He says the CIA also spent at least $10 million on Croatian listening posts to intercept telephone calls in Bosnia and Serbia. "All our [electronic] intelligence in Croatia went online in real time to the National Security Agency inWashington," says Tudjman. "We had a de facto partnership." 

A ?LIAISON RELATIONSHIP?
 
American officials familiar with intelligence issues confirm that the CIA operated drones from a base near Zadar on the Adriatic coast, during and after Operation Storm. They also acknowledge what they describe as "limited sharing" of intelligence information with Croatia. (Two former senior administration officials, however, deny that such sharing was ever approved by the White House.) And although U.S. officials refuse to talk about encryption equipment, they confirm there was a "liaison relationship" with Croatia and other countries in the region to gather information.
 
They also insist American operatives did nothing that contributed to war crimes. The United States "knew of a military operation being planned," says Pierre-Richard Prosper, the U.S. ambassador-at-large for war-crimes issues, adding: "We did not know about planning for criminal activity." A former senior administration official says the White House had "the usual scatter of information about individual incidents," but no evidence "Croats were going out of their way to terrorize the Serb population."    
 
The charges against Gotovina could be difficult to prove. United Nations chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte says in her indictment that Gotovina has both personal and command responsibility for atrocities committed during and after Operation Storm. The indictment specifically argues that the "cumulative effect" of actions by the Croatian Army "led to the large-scale displacement" of Serbs. But to many people who followed events in Krajina, that charge seems dubious. "The fact is, the population left before the Croatian Army got there," says Peter Galbraith, who was U.S. ambassador to Croatia in 1995. "You can?t deport people who have already left." 

Skeptics have also questioned whether Gotovina had a role in the executions of Serb civilians. "I cannot find a single document or fact which points to Gotovina" as the man who ordered the atrocities, says Ivan-Zvonimir Cicak, a leading Croatian human-rights advocate. Sonja Biserko, a human-rights activist in Serbia who interviewed hundreds of refugees from Krajina, blames "paramilitaries, police and ordinary citizens" for the crimes.
 
Many Croats suspect Gotovina is being targeted because the tribunal feels pressure to prosecute people who are not Serbian. Milosevic himself, in jail awaiting trial in The Hague, has accused the tribunal of being one-sided.  Just last week, in a preliminary motion contesting the U.N. court?s legality, he asserted the tribunal was "selective and political" and "incapable of acting equally."    
 
The prosecutor?s office vigorously denies charges that it is aiming to achieve ethnic balance in its indictments. And while chief prosecutor Del Ponte will not discuss specifics, she dismisses criticism about the strength of her case. "Since we bear the burden of proof," she said through a spokesman, "it is reasonable to assume that we are confident about being in a mposition to make our point in court."
 
In Croatia, the Gotovina case has stirred passions. Billboards along the Adriatic coast proclaim gotovina: a hero, not a criminal. The current government (which, unlike Tudjman?s regime, is actively cooperating with The Hague tribunal) has sharply criticized the court over the indictment of Gotovina and another, lower-ranking general. And the country?s former intelligence chiefs have decided to speak out about their ties to the United States as a way of vouching for Gotovina?s innocence. "I always said that the only people in Croatia who know everything are the Americans," says Markica Rebic, the former head of military intelligence. When Gotovina stands trial, some of those Americans may be asked to testify about their country?s role in an ugly conflict.
 
 
____________________________________
 
 
Serbia's Most Wanted
 
Name: Radovan Karadzic, 56
Charges: 20 separate war crimes charges, including genocide and crimes against humanity during the Bosnian war.
Background: Leader of the Bosnian Serbs during the 1992-1995 Bosnian war, Karadzic is wanted for his alleged role in masterminding the ethnic cleansing of Bosnian Muslims. Specifically, he is accused of leading the siege of Sarajevo and of complicity in the massacre of more than 7,500 Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica in July 1995. 
Whereabouts: At large since the Bosnian war, reported to be hiding in
Montenegro or Bosnia. 
 
Name: Ratko Mladic, 58
Charges: 20 separate war crimes charges, including genocide and crimes against humanity during the Bosnian war.
Background: Mladic, considered Radovan Karadzic's right-hand man, was the head of the Bosnian Serb armed forces during the war. Jointly indicted with Karadzic, Mladic commanded marauding Serb troops during some of the conflict's worst massacres.
Whereabouts: Until Slobodan Milosevic's arrest in April, Mladic lived openly
in Belgrade. He is now in hiding. 
 
Name: Milan Milutinovic, 58
Charges: Crimes against humanity during the Kosovo conflict.
Background: Milutinovic succeeded his close ally Slobodan Milosevic as President of Serbia, Yugoslavia's dominant republic in 1997. The charges against Milutinovic center around the expulsion of more than 800,000 ethnic Albanians during the Serb crackdown in Kosovo.
Whereabouts: Milutinovic is still President of Serbia. 
 
Name: Dragoljub Ojdanic, 60
Charges: Crimes against humanity during the Kosovo conflict.
Background: Chief of Yugoslav army general staff during the Kosovo conflict, Ojdanic was indicted along with Milosevic in 1999 for war crimes. Troops under Ojdanic's control, along with Serb special police, organized the expulsion of hundreds of thousand of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo.
Whereabouts: Retired from the army and in hiding since Milosevic's ouster in April 2000. 
 
Name: Nikola Sainovic, 52
Charges: Crimes against humanity during the Kosovo conflict.
Background: A close advisor to Milosevic during a decade of Balkan wars, the former chemical engineer was allegedly a key planner of the Serb crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
Whereabouts: Currently a member of the Yugoslav parliament. 
 
Name: Vlajko Stojiljkovic, 59
Charges: Crimes against humanity during the Kosovo conflict.
Background: As Serbia's interior minister during the Kosovo conflict, Stojiljkovic is accused of deploying Serb special police to expel ethnic Albanians from the independence-minded Serb province. Indicted along with Milosevic, his former boss, Stojiljkovic is a former agricultural executive from Pozarevac, Milosevic's hometown.
Whereabouts: Currently a member of the Yugoslav parliament.




From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug 22 07:26:51 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 22 Aug 2001 04:26:51 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek courts on International Tribunal of FY
Message-ID: <20010822112651.53776.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

GHM Note: This is a comment from the coordinator of the political section
of Greece's leading daily, and former president of the Athens Journalists'
Union.

------------------------

Not detective, too!

(translated by GHM from the Greek original available at: 
http://www.enet.gr/online/online_p1_text.jsp?c=110&id=43364)

A grave charge has been made by Court of Appeals Prosecutor Athanasios
Kafiris. In a document to Justice Minister Mihalis Stathopoulos, he reveals
that the Chief Prosecutor Carla del Ponte of the Hague Tribunal is
essentially asking that the [Greek] judicial authorities become "informers"
to the Tribunal in order to create grounds for Slobodan Milosevic's "guilt."

According to the article appearing in yesterday's "Ethnos" daily, the
Prosecutor has written the following to the Minister:

"We wish to express the official opinion that, while Greece certainly is
obliged to provide whatever legal judicial cooperation is requested on the
specific topic, it is unthinkable to demand that this country be used as
though it were an "inestigator" or a potential "detective" for the
International Criminal Court."

What was the Minister's reply?

And, primarily, what actions did he take with the Chief Prosecutor of the
International Criminal Court?



NI.K.


ELEFTHEROTYPIA - 14/08/2001    

     


---------------------------------
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From naac at naac.org  Wed Aug 22 10:22:56 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Wed, 22 Aug 2001 10:22:56 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 22, 2001
Message-ID: <005c01c12b15$f4c0fb00$5c5a1840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
August 22, 2001

NEW YORK TIMES
Deployment of Troops to Macedonia Approved by NATO
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
BRUSSELS, Belgium-- NATO authorized the deployment of 3,500 allied troops to Macedonia, hoping the mission to collect and destroy rebel arms will nudge Macedonians and ethnic Albanians along the road to reconciliation.
An advance party of 400 troops has been in place since the weekend, following an earlier decision by NATO's ruling council. Wednesday's authorization means the main body of troops can be underway within 48 hours. The full deployment, including several hundred U.S. troops focusing on limited logistical duties, is expected within 10 days to two weeks.
Once the entire force is in Macedonia, the clock will start ticking on NATO's self-imposed 30-day time limit for the mission.
Macedonia's government welcomed NATO's decision on Wednesday and pledged its cooperation.
``We have big expectations from NATO's mission,'' said Stevo Pendarovski, an adviser to Macedonian President Boris Trajkovksi.
An ethnic Albanian rebel spokesman known as Besniku also cautiously welcomed the decision, ``provided that NATO will be evenhanded with both sides.''
``If not, we still have arms in our hands -- and more importantly, we have the will of the Albanian people to go until the end in order to gain their rights,'' he said.
The rebels took up arms six months ago, claiming they wanted more rights for the ethnic Albanian minority. NATO moves in under a peace accord signed last week by the country's ethnic Albanian and Macedonian leaders.
On Tuesday, the North Atlantic Council -- made up of ambassadors from NATO's 19 member nations -- authorized Gen. Joseph Ralston, supreme allied commander in Europe, to launch the full mission. But they gave members until noon Wednesday to object.
None did, and when the deadline passed the authorization was automatic.
Ralston will carry out the deployment, to be led by Britain, with about 1,800 troops, and another 1,700 drawn from 10 other European nations and the United States.
The Bush administration has made no secret of its desire to disengage from the Balkans, although it has promised not to make any dramatic troop reductions without consulting with its European allies. U.S. troops in Macedonia will likely play a behind-the-scenes role, such as monitoring unmanned reconnaissance flights, rather than collecting weapons
Roughly 9,000 Americans remain on patrol in Europe's most volatile region -- 500 in Macedonia, 5,000 in Kosovo and 3,500 in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Ralston, who is an American Air Force general, and NATO Secretary-General Lord Robertson assured the council that all the alliance's preconditions for deployment have been met, one diplomat said, speaking on condition he not be identified.
Ralston stressed that while nobody could promise the current cease-fire would hold, the risk of waiting was greater than the risk of moving quickly, diplomats and officials said.
Although violence has subsided since the cease-fire, an explosion early Tuesday rocked Sveti Atanasi Orthodox church in the town of Lesok, about five miles from Tetovo, Macedonia's second-largest city. Government officials blamed the rebels, who denied responsibility.
The Macedonian government claimed Wednesday that ethnic Albanian insurgents have an arsenal vastly greater than previously estimated, adding potential complications to NATO's arms-collection mission.
The Interior Ministry, which controls the police forces, said the rebels have 10 times more firepower than previously believed -- about 85,000 weapons, not counting individual rounds of ammunition. The rebels say they have only 2,000 weapons.
``There's been no decision or agreement'' on how many rebel arms will be collected, said Maj. Barry Johnson, a NATO spokesman. ``The figure must be agreed by all sides involved.''
The NATO mission, known as Operation Essential Harvest, will deploy troops to several locations. Headquarters will be near Skopje. One battalion will be northwest of Skopje and others will be at Petrovec Airport, Kumanovo and Krivolak.
Several sites will be established for collecting weapons. Locations probably will change frequently. Most of the weapons will be transported to a central point, from which they will be taken to Greece and destroyed.

RADIO FREE EUROPE / RADIO LIBERTY
MACEDONIAN AUTHORITIES RESPONSIBLE FOR UCK'S PROPAGANDA WINDFALL? 
"The Guardian" wrote on 21 August that "Skopje's bullying" of Western diplomats and journalists in recent weeks has given the UCK a "public relations coup." The daily suggested that Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski recently showed his opposition to the political settlement by "raging" against the UCK's political leader, Ali Ahmeti, when Ahmeti gave a press conference to announce that the UCK will disarm (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 20 August 2001). The government tried to force the cancellation of Ahmeti's press conference. An unnamed "Western official" told the government: "I hope you are not about to send a helicopter gunship up to Sipkovica [where the press conference was]. This [press conference] was bound to happen, and as long as [Ahmeti] is supportive of the agreement, [his conference] is actually helpful." The daily noted that the Macedonian side has frequently tried to intimidate Western journalists and officials, "draining sympathy for the counterinsurgency, which was initially viewed as a justified crackdown against terrorists." Now, "Western journalists are more likely to report from Albanian areas, where they are welcomed." PM 
PRESEVO ALBANIANS: NO CHANGE SINCE MILOSEVIC 
Several leaders of ethnic Albanian political parties in the Presevo valley and in Kosova told Deutsche Welle's Albanian Service on 20 August that NATO was too hasty in allowing Serbian forces to reoccupy the demilitarized zone along Serbia's border with Kosova, Deutsche Welle's "Monitor" reported (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 17 August 2001). Behlul Nasufi, the vice president of Presevo's Party for Democratic Activity (PVD), said that the Serbian and Yugoslav authorities proved very diligent in arranging for their forces to return to the zone, but have done nothing to help the region's ethnic Albanians. He added that "nothing has changed" for the Albanians since the collapse of former President Slobodan Milosevic's regime. PM 

RADIO 21
Ilir Meta, the 31 year old, to head Albanian Government for 2nd time in succession
Ilir Meta, the 31-year old socialist, on Monday was elected candidate for Premier of Albania for the second time in succession. Meta, born in 1969 in Skrapar, has been involved in the political life of the country in the beginning of the '90ies, where he became part of the Students Movement leadership which brought about the collapse of the 50 year long communist regime. He has been member of the Socialist Party General Steering Committee since 1992, while from 1995 up to 2000 he has been chairman of the Euro-Socialist Youth Forum of Albania. Member of the Socialist Youth International Ilir Meta has been vice/chairman of SP during 1993-1996 period. Meta was elected deputy for the first time in '92 winning also the regular elections in '96, '97, '01 respectively. In 1996-1997 he was vice/chairman of the Parliamentary Commission for Foreign Affairs. Ilir Meta was elected the 31st Prime Minister of Albania on October 29, 1999. Before being appointed to this office he was deputy/Premier. Ilir Meta has been also State Secretary for Integration in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Ilir Meta, is married and has two children. He was graduated from the University of Tirana, Faculty of Economy, Politic Economy branch. The candidate for Prime Minister, Ilir Meta, will be voted by the newly-elected Parliament of Albania.
Namik Dokle, member of Parliament since '90, elected candidate for Parliament Speaker
Namik Dokle, member of all legislations of Albanian Parliament after the 90's, was elected by Socialist Party as the main candidate for Speaker of Parliament of Albania. Dokle, 55, one of the principal authorities of SP, was born in 1946 in Durres. He was graduated in 1970 from the Agricultural Institute of Kamza, Agrarian Economy branch and in 1968-1970 attended studies in journalism. In 1970 he began to work as journalist in "Puna" (Labor) newsletter, leading this paper from 1983 to 1989. In 1991 he worked as editor in chief of "Zeri i Popullit", newspaper of the Socialist Party. Dokle, commenced politic activity in 1991, when he was elected member of Socialist Party chairmanship. Since 1992, he represents Parliament of Albania in the Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe. Dokle led the SP Parliamentary Group in the Legislation of 1992-1997, while during 1996-1997 he held the office of SP Organization Secretary. In the last legislation of Parliament of Albania, in 1997-2001, he was vice/chairman of Parliament of Albania. Namik Dokle, the candidate running for Speaker of Parliament of Albania is the deputy of Cerrik town.
Interim Administrative Council dissatisfied with progress of voter registration
Interim Administrative Council (IAC) representatives said Tuesday that the voter registration process was moving very slowly, and no double mandates will be permitted for deputies elected to assembly in the November general election. U.N. chief administrator Hans Haekkerup also expressed his concern about voter registration at a news conference. "We hope to get a response from Belgrade for Kosova Serbs to register," he said. Head of the Democratic League of Kosova (LDK) Ibrahim Rugova called upon the people of Kosova to register and complete their "civil duty," in order for the elections to be successful. At Tuesday's IAC meeting, it was also decided that members of the new Kosova assembly would not be permitted to hold two mandates. "A member of a municipal assembly can be a candidate for the Kosova-wide assembly, but if elected, they will give up their place on the municipal assembly, said Haekkerup. "This is a compromise solution, which is also in accordance with parliamentary regulations," said Arsim Bajrami, deputy head of the Democratic Party of Kosova (PDK). However, Bajrami expressed concern about how current power holders will use their positions during the campaign. Alliance for the Future of Kosova (AAK) representative Bajram Kosumi asked the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to require that municipal assembly representatives who run for the Kosova's assembly resign from their municipal positions before, and not after, the elections are held. The OSCE is responsible for elections in Kosova. Mr. Haekkerup and KFOR commander Lt. Gen. Thorstein Skiaker met with Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic last week. Albanian representatives have taken the position that "Belgrade can get interested and help Kosova Serbs to integrate into Kosovar society, but Belgrade cannot interfere in Kosova's affairs." According to Rugova, UNMIK's stand is the same as that of the Albanians. Bajrami said the IAC wants Haekkerup to voice his opposition to the current Serb tendency to establish parallel institutions in many fields, when he next meets with Covic. "We have information that UNMIK is talking with the Serbian government specifically about a project that would grant Serbs parallel institutions in education, especially higher education," Bajrami said. He demanded that UNMIK put pressure on the Serb minority to integrate into the political life of Kosova. Bajrami has also called for a detailed report on the use of violence against protestors by the police in Prizren, where several civilians were injured in demonstrations. "People in Kosova should learn to respect the decision taken by the institutions. Naturally, they also have the right to protest in a peaceful way against a decision taken by the institutions. However, when violence is used by the protestors, it is also the right of the institutions and police to protect [those] decisions," said Rugova. COMKFOR Skiaker has updated IAC members on the security situation, assessing a positive trend with fewer incidents.
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From mentor at alb-net.com  Wed Aug 22 10:54:32 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Wed, 22 Aug 2001 10:54:32 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] HRW: Police Abuse Against Albanians Continues in Macedonia (Human
 Rights Watch - 8/22/2001)
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.33.0108221050530.2441-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

---------------------------------------------------------------------

                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
  
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
  


    "Persistent police abuse in Macedonia is simply shocking. Macedonia
     must urgently address the violence in its police stations. Ethnic
     Albanians are being severely abused, and in some cases beaten to
     death, without the slightest prospect of accountability."

                                        Elizabeth Andersen
                                        Executive Director, HRW
                                        Europe and Central Asia division

http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/08/macedonia0822.htm

Police Abuse Against Albanians Continues in Macedonia
Peace Agreement Doesn't End Violence

(Skopje, August 22, 2001) Police abuse against ethnic Albanians remains a
serious concern in Macedonia despite the recent signing of a political
agreement aimed to end the six-month old conflict, Human Rights Watch said
today.

On August 13, 2001-the same day the Macedonian government and ethnic
Albanian leaders signed a framework peace agreement-police officers in
Skopje beat to death an Albanian man suspected of being a rebel.

"Persistent police abuse in Macedonia is simply shocking," said Elizabeth
Andersen, Executive Director of the Europe and Central Asia Division of
Human Rights Watch. "Macedonia must urgently address the violence in its
police stations. Ethnic Albanians are being severely abused, and in some
cases beaten to death, without the slightest prospect of accountability."

Human Rights Watch also urged that international organizations operating in
Macedonia dramatically increase their human rights monitoring presence in
the country.

On Monday, August 13, 2001, police officers guarding Skopje's main hospital
arrested four ethnic Albanians who had come to the hospital to pick up an
elderly Albanian relative undergoing kidney dialysis treatment. The police
searched their car and claimed to find a bullet in the trunk. The police
then proceeded to beat the four men in the street.

The men were then taken onto the hospital grounds and beaten continuously
for several hours with heavy metal cables, baseball bats, police
truncheons, and gun butts, amidst jeering from the civilian crowd that had
gathered. Following this, the four men were taken to the "Beko One" police
station, where they were subjected to more beatings, had urine and burning
cigarettes thrown at them, and were threatened with execution. Following
interventions from their ethnic Macedonian lawyer and a police officer who
knew the men, they were released the next morning. One of the men,
twenty-nine year old Nazmi Aliu, father of a six-year-old and a
two-year-old, died that day at the hospital from the injuries he received
from the police beatings.

Human Rights Watch researchers interviewed two of the surviving men, who
gave consistent and credible accounts of their ordeal, and inspected their
severe bruises from the beatings. One of the men, who was a week later
still unable to stand because of the injuries he received during the
beatings, told Human Rights Watch:

  [After claiming to find the bullet], they started beating us right there.
  One police officer hit me with a thick wire cable and slammed my head
  into the wall. My front teeth were in great pain. They were beating us
  for about one hour in the street, all of them, with cables, rubber
  truncheons, baseball bats, gun handles. There were lots of civilians
  there looking, they were swearing at us.

  We couldn't walk, so they dragged us inside the main gate [of the
  hospital] to some stores near a fountain. While they were dragging us,
  they were beating us very badly. I lost my consciousness there from the
  beating, and they took water from the fountain to revive us. . . .

  Then they dragged us out and put us in a police van and took us to the
  police station. They dragged us out of the van, and the commander said,
  "Who wishes to beat the UCK [rebels]?" They formed a column of police
  officers, some on our left and some on our right, and one of the officers
  would drag us through the column and they would beat us . . . .

  [In the cell,] the commander came and opened the door and everyone came
  inside. They beat us very badly, I couldn't move to protect myself, we
  were just lying like dead bodies there. Then the commander said, "OK,
  it's enough now, we will do it again after five minutes." He locked the
  door... One police officer grabbed a long metal stick and started beating us
  through the bars. We couldn't move, we just lay there and couldn't
  protect ourselves. They took a basket of water and urinated in it, and
  threw it on us. They kept pouring water on us, just to keep us conscious.
  They would swear at us, saying, "You UCK motherfuckers, we are going to
  kill you slowly."

Police abuse is an endemic problem in Macedonia, and was one of the main
grievances raised by the ethnic Albanian rebel National Liberation Army
(NLA; UCK in Albanian)) to justify its resort to arms. The framework peace
agreement signed last week provides for the gradual integration of ethnic
Albanians into the predominantly ethnic Macedonian police force.

"The peace agreement lays out a long-term plan for addressing the problem,"
Andersen stated. "What is also needed are immediate measures to curb abuse,
including international human rights monitors regularly visiting police
stations and insisting on accountability in cases like these."

Human Rights Watch has issued two reports on police abuse in Macedonia, in
1996 and in 1998. (See A Threat to Stability, June 1996; and Police
Violence in Macedonia, April 1998) The rights group has documented
widespread abuse at police stations since the beginning of the conflict.
(See Human Rights Watch release, Macedonian Police Abuses Documented, May
31, 2001).

Human Rights Watch also expressed concern about the safety of at least
twenty-seven ethnic Albanian men who were detained on Sunday, August 12,
2001 by the Macedonian police during an operation in the village of
Ljuboten. In addition to the detentions, the Ljuboten operation resulted in
the deaths of at least ten ethnic Albanian civilians. The Macedonian police
have claimed that the operation targeted an NLA stronghold, but they have
produced no proof to counteract mounting evidence that the victims of the
police action were civilians, not fighters.

On Saturday, August 18, relatives found the body of one man missing from
Ljuboten, thirty-five-year-old Atulah Qaini, at the morgue in Skopje. The
body of Qaini, who had last been seen in police custody in the village,
bore clear signs of severe beatings and had a cracked skull when inspected
by Human Rights Watch researchers. Most of the other men have been located
alive in police detention, but bear clear signs of severe beatings
according to relatives. A mother interviewed by Human Rights Watch who had
a thirteen- year-old son detained in the village said that his entire face
was bruised and swollen when she went to visit him in prison.

________________________________________________
To unsubscribe from this list visit:
http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news


From kbejko at hotmail.com  Wed Aug 22 13:22:25 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Wed, 22 Aug 2001 13:22:25 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Slav nations arming Macedonia
Message-ID: <F239DlmPJdcXqZqPypS0001185a@hotmail.com>

[14] 'SECRET ARMS SUPPLIES FOR MACEDONIA'
This is the headline of an article in "The Times" on 22 August. It notes 
that "huge planeloads of arms from Ukraine and Russia are being delivered 
secretly at night to Petrovec airport in...Macedonia as part of a buildup of 
arms by the government, according to [unnamed] Western defense sources." The 
article adds that the Macedonian security forces are not expected to disarm 
as the UCK is, and they are "rapidly increasing its stockpile of weapons." 
Ukraine, which is a major arms supplier to Macedonia, had promised the U.S. 
to "consider suspending" its arms deliveries during peace negotiations, "but 
since the settlement was signed, giant Antonov transport planes have been 
spotted landing at night at Petrovec" (see "RFE/RL Balkan Report," 31 July 
2001). PM

_________________________________________________________________
Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp



From kbejko at hotmail.com  Wed Aug 22 14:54:55 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Wed, 22 Aug 2001 14:54:55 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Mendime per Shqiptaret
Message-ID: <F102K5LqN33HFnwpGR8000119c7@hotmail.com>

?'p?rfaq?son Shqip?ria p?r Italin?

Nga Izedin Hajdini

P?r "Limes" (revist? e specializuar p?r ??shtjet e gjeopolitik?s), nuk 
ekziston ??shtja shqiptare. Ekzistojn? vet?m rreth tre milion? shqiptar? t? 
shp?rndar? n? Kosov?, Maqedoni dhe Mal t? Zi. Ekzistojn? edhe qytetar?t e 
Republik?s s? Shqip?ris?, n? nj? shtet q? nuk kontrollon pjes? t? territorit 
te vet dhe q? n? dhjet?vje?arin e fundit ?sht? braktisur nga qindra e mij?ra 
persona. Ekziston edhe nj? diaspor? q? v?shtir? t? num?rohet, pjesa m? e 
madhe e s? cil?s, rreth 250 mij?, jan? n? Itali. Secila nga k?to komunitete 
(!?) ka rivendikimet dhe rivalitetet e br?ndshme. Shum? shqiptar? kan? 
vdekur nga duart e shqiptar?ve n? Kosov?, n? Shqip?ri dhe tani n? Maqedoni. 
Pavar?sisht nga nj? ndjenj? e fort? identiteti, sipas "Limes", shqiptar?t 
jan? thell?sisht t? ndar? nga strukturat klanore, kodi antik i maleve, 
diferencat kulturore e gjuh?sore midis tosk?ve e geg?ve, q? ndahen nga lumi 
Shkumbin etj. Dhe konkluzioni i editorialit ?sht?: "I p?rkthyer n? kuptimin 
gjeopolitik: populli shqiptar nuk p?rfaq?son nj? komb". Riunifikimi i t? 
gjith? shqiptar?ve t? Ballkanit n? nj? shtet t? vet?m, i quajtur Shqip?ria 
etnike, Shqip?ria e madhe apo Panalbania ?sht? i destinuar t? mos 
realizohet.
??shtja komb?tare shqiptare mund t? ushqej? shpirtin patriotik p?r t? 
luftuar kund?r "shtypjes sllave", por n? t? nj?jt?n koh? ajo mund t? mbuloj? 
interesa e trafiqe t? drejtuar kund?r Evrop?s Per?ndimore dhe Italis?. Sipas 
editorialit t? "Limes", rreziku nuk q?ndron n? krijimin e Shqip?ris? s? 
madhe ose vet?m t? nj? Kosove t? madhe, por n? krijimin e nj? Boshll?ku t? 
Madh n? zemr?n e Ballkanit adriatik. Kjo do t? ?onte n? krijimin e nj? 
Mafialand n? kufirin lindor t? Italis?, di?ka q? do t? ishte m? e keqe se 
dhjet? vitet e kriz?s ballkanike. Shqip?ria dhe derivatet e saj nuk ngjallin 
oreksin e askujt. Ajo ?sht? e d?nuar nga gjeografia t? bjer? n? zon?n 
italiane t? influenc?s. Pa p?rballuar ndonj? risk t? tep?rt, Italia 
n?p?rmjet Shqip?ris? do t? mund t? fitoj? disa karta p?r t? luajtur n? 
tavolin?n e fuqive atlantike. Prandaj ajo duhet ta marr? seriozisht 
Shqip?rin? si kreun e ur?s italiane n? Ballkan, konkludon editoriali i 
revist?s. Docenti Karlo Zhan n? kontributin e tij n? k?t? botim shton se 
marr?dh?niet me Shqip?rin? nuk kan? t? b?jn? me ndonj? ndarjen t? pun?s n? 
nivel evropian, por "me interesa indirekte, q? nuk jan? t? lidhura me 
Shqip?rin?, por me pesh?n e vendit ton? n? Evrop?, n? Aleanc?n Atlantike dhe 
n? OKB,... me kredibilitetin e pak?t dhe zvog?limin e pesh?s q? vendi yn? ka 
n? kampin nd?rkomb?tar" (faqe 229). Sipas k?tij autori, Shqip?ria i ka dh?n? 
Italis? shum? raste p?r t? nd?rhyr? dhe p?r t? dal? n? plan t? par? n? 
sken?n nd?rkomb?tare. P?rve? k?saj, Italia nga eksperienca e saj n? Shqip?ri 
ka m?suar se "nuk mund t? b?sh politik? t? jashtme pa nj? komponent solid 
ushtarak dhe pa p?rcaktuar interesat komb?tare" (faqe 230). Docenti italian 
b?n gjithashtu nj? analiz? t? politik?s greke ndaj Shqip?ris?, t? 
rivalitetit italo-grek dhe t?rheq v?m?ndjen e italian?ve n? faktin "q? 
grek?t kan? nj? ndjenj? t? shtetit, t? identitetit dhe t? interesave 
komb?tare m? t? fort? se italian?t, e cila duhet t? merret parasysh n? 
politik?n balkanike t? Italis?". Karlo Zhan konkludon se Italia nuk duhet t? 
t?rhiqet nga Shqip?ria, as t'ua l?r? at? t? tjer?ve, ndryshe do t'i 
shkaktonte nj? d?m t? madh imazhit dhe influenc?s italiane n? Evrop? e bot?. 
P?r m? tep?r q? tani situata ?sht? p?rmir?suar dhe ndoshta ?sht? m? e mir? 
se n? vendet e tjera ballkanike, ekzistojn? premisat p?r konsolidimin e 
zhvillimit ekonomik dhe problemet gjeopolitike t? hapura, si Shqip?ria e 
madhe apo Kosova e madhe, nuk paraqesin nj? potencial p?r destabilizimin e 
situat?s s? brendshme politike. Por edhe Karlo Zhan ?sht? i mendimit se 
shoq?ria shqiptare mbetet klanore dhe nuk ka kaluar procesin e krijimit t? 
kombit, si? ka ndodhur n? vendet e tjera t? Evrop?s Juglindore. Dhe n? 
munges?n e kombit, nuk mund t? ekzistoj? as "shoq?ria civile", thot? ai.
Nj? spacio e gjer?, prej 8 faqesh, i ?sht? dh?n? artikullit t? grekut 
Angjelos Sirigos, i cili, me sa duket, ka shprehur m? tep?r d?shir?n e tij 
se sa realitetin kur e paraqet Shqip?rin? n? k?t? gjendje: "Shqip?ria 
karakterizohet nga nj? munges? e shtetit, kontrolli total i ekonomis? nga 
bandat kriminale, nga ?arje kulturore e psikologjike midis Veriut e Jugut 
dhe nga rreziku q? paraqet masa e emigrant?ve ilegal? shqiptar? p?r 
stabilitetin ekonomik t? vendeve fqinj?".
Po cili ?sht? vler?simi p?r banor?t e k?tij vendi, p?r shqiptar?t? M? qart? 
ky q?ndrim jepet n? editorialin e botimit. Sipas tij, shqiptar?t jan? 
fajtor?, sepse "kan? zgjuar tek italian?t ndjenjat raciste, se "inklinimi 
kriminal i mij?ra shqiptar?ve n? Itali ?sht? i dokumentuar", se ky 
kriminalitet duhet luftuar n? m?nyr? q? t? evitohet "konsolidimi i nj? 
racizmi q? shpejt a von? mund t? gjej? impreditor? politik? apo m? keq, mund 
t? hyj? pa dashje n? AND-n? e kultur?s politike" italiane. Sipas 
koordinatorit t? "Etnobaromet?r", Alessandro Silj, n? syt? e shumic?s 
shqiptari ?sht? b?r? sinonim i kriminelit. Sipas tij, ky ?sht? nj? problem 
q? nuk i p?rket vet?m emigracionit apo vet?m Italis?, por gjith? 
shqiptar?ve, jo vet?m atyre q? kan? emigruar, por edhe atyre q? jetojn? 
brenda Shqip?ris?. Sipas k?tij zot?rie, as m? shum? e as m? pak Shqip?ria na 
qenka nj? shtet ku jetojn? vet?m kriminel?. Sipas tij, t? nj?jtat 
paragjykime, frik? e urrejtje p?r shqiptar?t mund t'i has?sh kudo, "n? t? 
gjitha vendet e bot?s" ku banojn? komunitete t? konsiderueshme shqiptar?sh 
(faqe 260). Bile nj? fam? e till? p?r banor?t e Shqip?ris? ekziston edhe 
midis popullsis? etnike shqiptare n? rajonet e tjera. K?to ndjenja jan? m? 
t? forta se "ajo di?ka q? quhet kombi shqiptar". Jo vet?m kaq, por p?r z. 
Silj, vlerat e shoq?ris? per?ndimore n? syt? e nj? shqiptari rezultojn? t? 
pakuptueshme e p?r m? tep?r t? pavlefshme (faqe 261). K?to q?ndrime t? 
kujtojn? pik?pamjet raciste t? prof. Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza se raca = 
grup etnik = distanc? genetike (shih prof. Gunnar Adler-Carlson Super 
Hjarnornas Kamp, 1998 , f.220).


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From e_dusha at hotmail.com  Fri Aug 24 16:07:59 2001
From: e_dusha at hotmail.com (e_dusha at hotmail.com)
Date: Fri, 24 Aug 2001 16:07:59 
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] How many groups, how many guns?
Message-ID: <F13850wfQkYJHcDXDQW00018307@hotmail.com>

Both of Macedonia's communities are split between hawks and doves

Aug 23rd 2001 | SIPKOVICE
>From The Economist print edition

ALI AHMETI, the smooth-talking leader of Macedonia's ethnic-Albanian 
insurgents, has come a long way in the six months since his National 
Liberation Army (NLA) proclaimed its existence and was instantly denounced 
by western governments as a marginal group of bandits with whom no decent 
person could have dealings. This week Mr Ahmeti and his black-uniformed 
comrades were graciously playing host to senior NATO liaison officers, who 
swooped in by helicopter to visit them in a school classroom halfway up a 
mountain in rebel-controlled territory in western Macedonia.

As the negotiators shared chocolate biscuits and fine-tuned the procedure by 
which NLA fighters would hand over their weapons (or some of them, anyway) 
to NATO soldiers under a western-brokered peace plan, the atmosphere was 
businesslike and cordial. Outside, British paratroopers?the advance guard of 
a NATO force that will eventually number 3,500?chatted to NLA fighters.

But despite the apparently promising tone of these exchanges, it is still 
far from clear whether NATO can simply relieve some obliging guerrillas of 
their weapons?a process that is supposed to take only 30 days?and then leave 
Macedonia to let its people live happily ever after.

As NATO's exhaustive press releases make clear, the intervention force which 
the allies formally agreed to deploy on August 22nd?after being told a 
ceasefire was more or less holding?will be drawn from 13 countries, with 
Britain, France and Italy providing the lion's share and Germany still shaky 
about what it can do (see article). But it is much harder to find accurate 
information about the precise number and character of the local armed 
factions which the allies may encounter.

The conflict NATO is supposed to be ending has two main protagonists: 
government forces, led and dominated by the Slav Macedonian majority, 
against the NLA guerrillas whose declared aim is to secure enhanced 
political rights for Albanians. To a large extent, the NLA has stolen the 
show from the ethnic-Albanian political parties which have been pursuing 
similar aims by constitutional means.

But in the Balkans things are never that simple. There are acute tensions 
within both of Macedonia's main communities (to say nothing of the small 
Turkish, Gypsy and Serb minorities). The outcome of these micro-conflicts 
may well determine whether the broader peace effort works.

In the Slav Macedonian camp, President Boris Trajkovski, a Methodist 
minister, and his foreign and defence ministers are the main exponents of 
moderation. They reckon that Macedonia has more to gain from co-operating 
with the western world. But growing signs of cosiness between the NLA and 
NATO have enraged many Macedonian Slavs and made them warmer to the more 
nationalist faction under the aegis of Ljube Boskovski, the interior 
minister.

If NATO commanders feel nervous about their troops' security, it is mostly 
because of the hostility they sense from the Boskovski supporters in the 
VMRO party, which has several ultra-nationalist offshoots. Many of Mr 
Boskovski's followers?perhaps 10,000 of them, in a country where the regular 
army is only a little larger than that?have guns and are ready to use them. 
They also have money because their party is active in the black economy. 
They are seething with bitterness towards the whole Albanian community, and 
they are angry about NATO's apparent tolerance for misdeeds by the 
rebels?including the killing and expulsion of Slav Macedonian civilians.

Some apparently believe in tit-for-tat retaliation and have acted 
accordingly. Human-rights workers are convinced that VMRO sympathisers with 
links to the security forces have already been killing and maltreating 
Albanian civilians

Conscious of how hard it will be to win the hearts and minds of Macedonia's 
Slav majority, western governments have launched a propaganda campaign for 
peace. But it has started badly. An advance team of (mainly British) troops 
that arrived in Skopje were shielded from the press by junior officers with 
little training in how to deal with the media?let alone how to smooth the 
feathers of Macedonia's prickly pro-government journalists.

The private hope of western diplomats is that if the peace plan is seen to 
work and set Macedonia back on the path of normal economic development, 
voters will turn away from the VMRO school of nationalism and plump for 
moderates in elections early next year. But in the short term, more 
passionate feelings may be on the rise.




Real armies and fake
On the Albanian side, it is at least clear who speaks for most of the 
rebels. The hospitable Mr Ahmeti, though branded a war criminal by Mr 
Boskovski, has emerged from the shadows to give press conferences and 
declare (in language that could have been taken verbatim from speeches by 
politicians fronting for Northern Ireland's IRA) that ?the war is over?.

Unfortunately, the parallel with Ireland does not end there. Just as the 
?Real IRA? claims to be carrying on the anti-British struggle which the 
Provisional IRA has halted, the standard of militant Albanian nationalism 
has been raised by a new force calling itself the Albanian National Army 
(ANA), which is pledging to fight on?and which claims to have killed several 
Macedonian soldiers already.

Both NATO and the NLA are reluctant to acknowledge that any such force 
exists. One conspiracy theory holds that the ANA has been invented by Slav 
Macedonian diehards to discredit the Albanian cause. Another suggests that 
Mr Ahmeti and his cronies are keeping the ?new? army in reserve as a front 
behind which they can return to war if their demands are not met.

In between its amicable negotiations with the rebels, NATO is discreetly 
trying to find out how much weaponry the NLA is taking out of Macedonia for 
burial or storage. The Macedonian government is insisting that since there 
are about 7,000 rebels, they must hand over at least 7,000 guns. The precise 
numbers are still being negotiated. But it would be naive to imagine that 
all armed Albanians will put all their guns beyond use.




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From naac at naac.org  Fri Aug 24 18:13:31 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Fri, 24 Aug 2001 18:13:31 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Plastic Surgeon Brings Relief to Balkans
Message-ID: <000401c12ceb$cd342d50$955a1840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
Hands of Hope Campaign
 
FOR IMMEDIATE DISTRIBUTION                    Rubenstein Public Relations
                                                                             Contact: Heather Mangrum
                                                                Tel: (212) 843-8008
 
 
Park Avenue Plastic Surgeon Brings Relief to Balkans
---
Dr. Howard T. Bellin Volunteers Services To Aid Victims of War Torn Kosova and Albania
---
 
New York, NY, Aug. 24, 2001 - Dr. Howard T. Bellin, one of New York's most prominent plastic surgeons, will embark on a three-week pro bono mission to Kosova and Albania to aid war victims in those countries.  The excursion, which begins August 26, will be made in conjunction with The National Albanian American Council's Hands of Hope Campaign.  
 
Dr. Bellin will perform reconstructive surgeries on war victims, focusing particularly on the underprivileged and children.  He will also provide instruction to local doctors in advanced techniques.  
 
"Dr. Bellin is making a tremendous contribution of his time and talent to our community in Southeastern Europe," says Richard S. Lukaj, Chairman of the National Albanian American Council ("NAAC").  "It is a wonderful achievement for our Hands of Hope Campaign and I am grateful for his sacrifice."
 
In private practice for over 25 years, Dr. Bellin is a well-respected leader in the medical community.  He has written acclaimed consumer books on reconstructive surgery and is also an accomplished sculptor and inventor with eight U.S. patents and another one currently pending.
 
This mission to the Balkans is the latest in an ongoing personal commitment by Dr. Bellin to help people in underprivileged areas of the world.  For years, he has donated his time and services to aid those in need of medical assistance and training in the former Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Nepal, Ecuador and Guatemala.  He also served in the war in Israel in 1973.  Through this latest venture, he hopes to inspire other medical professionals to donate their time and talents to this and other worthy causes.
 
The Hands of Hope Campaign (www.handofhope.org) is the humanitarian division of the National Albanian American Council (www.naac.org).  NAAC is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to advocating for Albanians and promoting peace and economic development in the Balkans by fostering democratic policy, promoting respect for human rights and conducting educational and developmental programs.
###
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Aug 25 11:49:56 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 25 Aug 2001 08:49:56 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kathimerini, 25.08.2001
Message-ID: <20010825154956.51725.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

'Priests above kings'
Archbishop steps up attacks on government, stressing superiority

Archbishop Christodoulos and some of the bishops closest to him in his confrontation with the government over the identity card issue yesterday launched a new attack on secular authorities. Also, the Holy Synod announced officially that it will make public on Tuesday, August 28, the results of a petition calling for a referendum on whether citizens should have the option of declaring their religion on state identity cards. 
Speaking at a monastery dedicated to Saint Cosmas the Aetolian, Christodoulos quoted the firebrand 18th-century Orthodox missionary on the superiority of the sacred over the secular. 
"If you meet the priest and the king, you will greet the priest first, because the priest is superior even to the king," Christodoulos said. "But today most people have become secular and have traveled far from the truth of faith, they do not accept that priests are superior to kings and prime ministers and presidents." Christodoulos, however, said that he was not interested in playing a political role. 
This came just two days after the archbishop launched an attack on Prime Minister Costas Simitis, saying that he was not a political leader because, unlike his predecessor Andreas Papandreou, he did not bend in the face of public disapproval of his policies. The government responded to that attack by telling the archbishop to either stop meddling in politics or run for office. 
Yesterday, there was no official reaction to Christodoulos's comments but government sources accused him of trying to establish a theocratic state in Greece. "Just as he cannot distinguish between the signatures in his 'referendum' and the votes of the electorate, he is also mixing up the function of the priest with that of one who governs," one source said. Bishop Anthimos of Alexandroupolis, a keen advocate of the Church's position on ID cards, said that if President Costis Stephanopoulos does not take a stand on whether religion should be declared on the cards "we will have a crisis." Christodoulos is to meet with Stephanopoulos on Wednesday to inform him of the Church petition, which is said to contain about 3.5 million signatures. 
Opposition parties have avoided joining the fray. Only former Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis, the honorary president of the conservative New Democracy party, quoted the early 20th century statesman Eleftherios Venizelos yesterday, saying: "We must accept that there is no special 'God of the Greeks.' There is one God for all nations: Clear thinking, farsightedness, anticipation and staying in touch with reality."



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Aug 25 11:53:59 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 25 Aug 2001 08:53:59 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Editorial ne gazeten DITA, 21.08.2001
Message-ID: <20010825155359.63347.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

 
Mbreti Zog dhe Anastas Angjeli

Duke lexuar procesverbalet e mbajtura n? parlamentet e Zogut t? viteve ?25-?30, mahnitesh me qart?sin? dhe thjesht?sin? e koh?s. Ne eksportojm? n? Greqi thot? nj?ri prej deputet?ve n? baz? t? traktateve dhe ligjeve t? barabarta p?r t? dy pal?t. Por grek?t me n?nligje dhe urdh?resa e b?jn? t? pavlefsh?m k?t? eksportim. Pastaj vazhdon nj? seanc? e gjat? m? nj? seriozetet p?r t?u admiruar ku del rregulla p?rkat?se p?r t? rivendosur eikulibrin. P?r t? rivendosur dinjitetin. 

Mbreti Zog ishte shum? m? i qart? se Angjeli i sot?m. Mjafton t? shikosh eksportet dhe importet tona t? tanishme me Greqin? dhe Italin? dhe bindesh se ku po vemi gradualisht. Jemi vendi q? kemi gjoja partneritetn m? t? madh tregtar Italin? dhe pastaj Greqin?. Por po t? shoh?sh natyr?n e eksporteve dhe importeve bindesh p?r nj? realitet t? ndrysh?m. Greqia ?sht? shum? m? p?rpara Italis? dhe gjith? Evrop?s. Kjo jo vet?m n? importe dhe eksporte. Kjo jo vet?m n? sektor?t strategjik?, bankat, telekomunikacioni etj..  Tani s? fundi po preokupohemi t? zhdukim t? gjitha llojet e shifrave q? tregojn? vendin q? z?n? partner?t tan? n? shk?mbimet me ne.  Vendos?m t? zhdukim edhe at? ?ep?rsi n? shifra? n? shk?mbimet me Italin?. Kemi shtuar leht?sirat doganore p?r Greqin?. Shum?, edhe m? shum?. Shpejt do t? bindemi p?r rezultatet q? kan? filluar t? duken. 

?far? mund t? b?jm?? Thjesht t?i rekomandojm? Angjelit dhe deputet?ve t? lexojn? diskutimet e Parlamentit t? ?anadollak?ve? t? Ahmet Zogut p?r t? m?suar se si mbrohet realisht pavar?sia e nj? vendi. 

?Dita? do t? preokupohet p?r t? fotokopjuar k?to diskutime dhe shp?rndarjen e tyre n? tryezat e parlamentar?ve t? rinj. Thjesht q? ata t? m?sojn? si e mbronin vendin gjysh?rit tan? dhe si do ta mbroj? at? Anastas Angjeli.

 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Aug 25 11:56:47 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 25 Aug 2001 08:56:47 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta DITA - zbulime arkeologjike ne Diber
Message-ID: <20010825155647.66726.qmail@web11503.mail.yahoo.com>

 
 

 

Instituti arkeologjik, t? dh?na t? reja nga n?ntoka e zonave verilindore t? Shqip?ris?

Qendra e fortifikuar bizantine, zbulohet n? Dib?r

Nj? qend?r e fortifikuar bizantine ?sht? zbuluar n? rrethin e Dibr?s. Bashk? me t? ?sht? nxjerr? nga n?ntoka edhe nj? trase antike e rrug?s, q? lidhte Kosov?n me Dibr?n n?p?rmjet lugin?s s? Drinit t? Zi, si dhe disa vendbanime  prehistorike. K?to zbulime jan? pjes? e projektit t? k?rkimeve arkeologjike n? Shqip?rin? verilindore n? rrethet Has, Kuk?s, Tropoj?, Puk?, Dib?r... Projekti q? ?sht? konceptuar p?r nj? koh?zhgjatje pes? vje?are ka nisur qysh n? vitin 1994 dhe ?sht? financuar  nga Instituti Arkeologjik i Tiran?s. N? t? marrin pjes? Luan P?rzhita drejtor i k?tij projekti dhe dy arkeolog? t? fushave prehistorike dhe mesjetare G?zim Hoxha dhe Adem Bungu si dhe topografi P?llumb Naimi. Gjithashtu edhe  student?t e  Fakultetit Filologjik t? Tiran?s t? deg?s s? arkeologjis?.k?n? shprehur d?shir?n e tyre p?r tu b?r? pjesmarr?s n? k?t? project . Q?llimi i k?tij projekti  ?sht? evidentimi i t? gjitha qendrave arkeologjike  t? t? gjith periudhave n?p?rmjet nj? dokumentacioni bashk?kohor si? jan?, planimetrit? e vendbanimeve ose fortifikimeve, p?rcaktyimi kronologjik, cil?s koh? i p?rkasin.

Projekti me t? gjith? pjes?tar?t ?sht? pozicionuar n? rrethin e Dibr?s. Grazhdani vend ky q? i p?rket rrethit t? Dibr?s ?sht? ?sht? b?r? epiqend?r e k?rkimeve nga  projekti i Intitutit Arkeologjikt. N? Grazhdan ?sht? zbuluar qendra  m? e madhe  e fortifikuar  jo vet?m p?r Shqip?rin? por p?r t?r? Europ?n. Kjo ?sht? d?shmuar  nga zbulimi  i rrug?ve tregtare - ushtarake p?rgjat? pellgut t? Drinit t? Zi. Kjo qend?r ka nj? sip?rfaqe prej 34 hektar?sh, me perimet?r  t? mureve rrethuese afro 3 mij? metra, e p?rforcuar nga 44 kulla dhe tre porta nd?r m? t?  m?dhat?  t? konstatuara deri m? sot n? vendin ton?. Por gjer?sit? e mureve rrethuese af?rsisht 3.6 met?r, p?rmasat 20 x 8 metra t? kullave, l?n?  p?r t? kuptuar madh?shtin? e k?tij fortifikimi. ?Megjithat? k?rkimet jan? n? faz?n e tyre fillestare dhe shpresojm? q? t? rritet intensiteti i k?rkimeve n? muajt e ardhsh?m?, shpjegon Luan P?rzhita, drejtues i k?tij projekti. N? k?t? fortifikim fushor ushtarak sipas disa t? dh?nave q? ruhen n? Institutin e Arkeologjis? dhe q? jan? burime t? shkruara t? shekullit IV-VI nga autor? t? ndrysh?m t? asaj kohe, thuhet se dislokoheshin dy legjione af?rsisht 10-12 mij? ushtar?. K?rkimet n? lidhje me emrin  e vjet?r t? k?tij fortifikimi  madh?shtor jan? af?r p?rfundimit, ?s? shpejti do t? njihemi  me emrin e vjet?r t? k?saj  qendre? shpjegon P?rzhita.

Grazhdani ?sht? vizituar p?r her? t? par? nga studiuesi i madh austriak Han i cili d?shmon p?r rr?nojat e k?tij vendi . Por pas nj? heshtje disa shekullore ishin  disa arkeolog? t? Institutit  Arkeologjik q? dhan? disa t? dh?n? t? pakta. Ekspedita e Intitutit Arkeologjik n? Tiran? n? vitet 1996 ?2000 mori p?rsip?r rilevimin topografik t? k?tij fortifikimi. Nd?rsa viti 2001 sh?non p?r her? t? par? fillimin e k?rkimeve  arkeologjike  n? k?t?  qend?r t? fush?s m? pjellore  t? Maqellar?s. Sipas t? dh?nave t? hart?s antike thuhet n? shekullin IV- VI-t? se Grazhdani sh?rbente si pik? lidhjeje nd?rmjet rrug?s Egnatia dhe asaj Lisus ? Najsus , (Lezh? ? Nish). Nuk isht? rast?si, por aty kryq?zoheshin rrug?t  tradicionale q? lidhnin Dardanin? (Kosova e sotme) me provinc?n e Maqedonis? s? Dyt? (Dibra). Thuhet se pellgu i Drinit t? Zi ka dy qytete t? m?dha q? quhen Deyfrakos dhe Lyehnides t? p?rmendura  fillimisht nga Hierokli  dhe m? pas nga Prokopi, si qytete t? nd?rtuara nga perandori Justinjah. Ndon?se qyteti i par? Lyenides  ?sht? identifikuar, pra ?sht? Ohri, qyteti i Manastirit, p?r qytetin e Deyfrakos nuk ka t? dh?na identifikuese. Nisur nga madh?sia e Grazhdanit  dhe nga p?rputhja e t? dh?nave me ato  t? arkeologjis?  mendohet q? qyteti i Deyfrakos t? jet? Grazhdani, dhe se emri i sot?m i Dibr?s ?sht? pasardh?s i emrit Deyfrakos. Kjo vlen p?r t? hedhur posht? hipotez?n qe emri Dib?r vjen nga fjala Dob?r q? n? sllavisht p?rkthehet mir? edhe pse n? fund t? shekullit t? III-IV nuk kishte sllav? n? Ballkan.
Rajmonda Sakajani


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Aug 25 11:56:55 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 25 Aug 2001 08:56:55 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta DITA - zbulime arkeologjike ne Diber
Message-ID: <20010825155655.63549.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>

 
 

 

Instituti arkeologjik, t? dh?na t? reja nga n?ntoka e zonave verilindore t? Shqip?ris?

Qendra e fortifikuar bizantine, zbulohet n? Dib?r

Nj? qend?r e fortifikuar bizantine ?sht? zbuluar n? rrethin e Dibr?s. Bashk? me t? ?sht? nxjerr? nga n?ntoka edhe nj? trase antike e rrug?s, q? lidhte Kosov?n me Dibr?n n?p?rmjet lugin?s s? Drinit t? Zi, si dhe disa vendbanime  prehistorike. K?to zbulime jan? pjes? e projektit t? k?rkimeve arkeologjike n? Shqip?rin? verilindore n? rrethet Has, Kuk?s, Tropoj?, Puk?, Dib?r... Projekti q? ?sht? konceptuar p?r nj? koh?zhgjatje pes? vje?are ka nisur qysh n? vitin 1994 dhe ?sht? financuar  nga Instituti Arkeologjik i Tiran?s. N? t? marrin pjes? Luan P?rzhita drejtor i k?tij projekti dhe dy arkeolog? t? fushave prehistorike dhe mesjetare G?zim Hoxha dhe Adem Bungu si dhe topografi P?llumb Naimi. Gjithashtu edhe  student?t e  Fakultetit Filologjik t? Tiran?s t? deg?s s? arkeologjis?.k?n? shprehur d?shir?n e tyre p?r tu b?r? pjesmarr?s n? k?t? project . Q?llimi i k?tij projekti  ?sht? evidentimi i t? gjitha qendrave arkeologjike  t? t? gjith periudhave n?p?rmjet nj? dokumentacioni bashk?kohor si? jan?, planimetrit? e vendbanimeve ose fortifikimeve, p?rcaktyimi kronologjik, cil?s koh? i p?rkasin.

Projekti me t? gjith? pjes?tar?t ?sht? pozicionuar n? rrethin e Dibr?s. Grazhdani vend ky q? i p?rket rrethit t? Dibr?s ?sht? ?sht? b?r? epiqend?r e k?rkimeve nga  projekti i Intitutit Arkeologjikt. N? Grazhdan ?sht? zbuluar qendra  m? e madhe  e fortifikuar  jo vet?m p?r Shqip?rin? por p?r t?r? Europ?n. Kjo ?sht? d?shmuar  nga zbulimi  i rrug?ve tregtare - ushtarake p?rgjat? pellgut t? Drinit t? Zi. Kjo qend?r ka nj? sip?rfaqe prej 34 hektar?sh, me perimet?r  t? mureve rrethuese afro 3 mij? metra, e p?rforcuar nga 44 kulla dhe tre porta nd?r m? t?  m?dhat?  t? konstatuara deri m? sot n? vendin ton?. Por gjer?sit? e mureve rrethuese af?rsisht 3.6 met?r, p?rmasat 20 x 8 metra t? kullave, l?n?  p?r t? kuptuar madh?shtin? e k?tij fortifikimi. ?Megjithat? k?rkimet jan? n? faz?n e tyre fillestare dhe shpresojm? q? t? rritet intensiteti i k?rkimeve n? muajt e ardhsh?m?, shpjegon Luan P?rzhita, drejtues i k?tij projekti. N? k?t? fortifikim fushor ushtarak sipas disa t? dh?nave q? ruhen n? Institutin e Arkeologjis? dhe q? jan? burime t? shkruara t? shekullit IV-VI nga autor? t? ndrysh?m t? asaj kohe, thuhet se dislokoheshin dy legjione af?rsisht 10-12 mij? ushtar?. K?rkimet n? lidhje me emrin  e vjet?r t? k?tij fortifikimi  madh?shtor jan? af?r p?rfundimit, ?s? shpejti do t? njihemi  me emrin e vjet?r t? k?saj  qendre? shpjegon P?rzhita.

Grazhdani ?sht? vizituar p?r her? t? par? nga studiuesi i madh austriak Han i cili d?shmon p?r rr?nojat e k?tij vendi . Por pas nj? heshtje disa shekullore ishin  disa arkeolog? t? Institutit  Arkeologjik q? dhan? disa t? dh?n? t? pakta. Ekspedita e Intitutit Arkeologjik n? Tiran? n? vitet 1996 ?2000 mori p?rsip?r rilevimin topografik t? k?tij fortifikimi. Nd?rsa viti 2001 sh?non p?r her? t? par? fillimin e k?rkimeve  arkeologjike  n? k?t?  qend?r t? fush?s m? pjellore  t? Maqellar?s. Sipas t? dh?nave t? hart?s antike thuhet n? shekullin IV- VI-t? se Grazhdani sh?rbente si pik? lidhjeje nd?rmjet rrug?s Egnatia dhe asaj Lisus ? Najsus , (Lezh? ? Nish). Nuk isht? rast?si, por aty kryq?zoheshin rrug?t  tradicionale q? lidhnin Dardanin? (Kosova e sotme) me provinc?n e Maqedonis? s? Dyt? (Dibra). Thuhet se pellgu i Drinit t? Zi ka dy qytete t? m?dha q? quhen Deyfrakos dhe Lyehnides t? p?rmendura  fillimisht nga Hierokli  dhe m? pas nga Prokopi, si qytete t? nd?rtuara nga perandori Justinjah. Ndon?se qyteti i par? Lyenides  ?sht? identifikuar, pra ?sht? Ohri, qyteti i Manastirit, p?r qytetin e Deyfrakos nuk ka t? dh?na identifikuese. Nisur nga madh?sia e Grazhdanit  dhe nga p?rputhja e t? dh?nave me ato  t? arkeologjis?  mendohet q? qyteti i Deyfrakos t? jet? Grazhdani, dhe se emri i sot?m i Dibr?s ?sht? pasardh?s i emrit Deyfrakos. Kjo vlen p?r t? hedhur posht? hipotez?n qe emri Dib?r vjen nga fjala Dob?r q? n? sllavisht p?rkthehet mir? edhe pse n? fund t? shekullit t? III-IV nuk kishte sllav? n? Ballkan.
Rajmonda Sakajani


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Aug 25 23:04:09 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 25 Aug 2001 20:04:09 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone per Korcen
Message-ID: <20010826030409.3685.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

Bandat e Korces, tinguj zie ne qytetin e serenatave

Grupet rivale ne Korce 

"5 dyqanet" 

"Cobenet" 

"Radoneci" 

"1 Maji" 

Viktimat e vitit 1997 

160 te vrare 

38 prej tyre ishin kontigjent krimi 

Qindra te plagosur 

Gezim Ashimi 

Nje lume qe ndante Korcen dikur ne dy pjese, gati u ringjall ne nje perrua gjaku qe buronte prej hakmarrjes midis dy grupeve me te medha rivale ne kete qytet, atij te "cobaneve" dhe "5 dyqaneve". Fillimi i viteve _90-te shenon me pak peshe ekzistenca e te cileve u furnizua sa nga rruga e krimit qe zgjodhen protagonistet aq edhe nga politika, perkatesia fetare e turli instrumentash te nje opinioni provincial. Ne fund te fundit ishte nje gare ogurzeze atentatesh, te vraresh e te plagosurish qe mbajti peng qetesine e qytetit per gati 8 vite. Derisa aty nga fundi i vitit 1999 u arrit paqja e cila vazhdon te respektohet dhe sot e kesaj dite. Nje krahasim i Korces me Palermon, i perqasur nga shperthimi i krimit rreth vitit '95 tani ka mbetur vetem si nje shkrim arkivi negazeten "Koha Jone". Sepse "te fortet" e dy paleve kane tokur duart me njeri-tjetrin duke premtuar se nuk do tu kthehen me hesapeve te vjetra. 

Grupet rivale si shoqeri aksionere krimi 

Shumekush ne Korce kujton se nje vrasje e kryer ne vitin 1997 shenon te parin ekzekutim nga nje grup personash me prirje kriminale. Por duhet saktesuar se kjo ishte nje hakmarrje "brenda llojit" ne gjirin e shoqerise se "Cobeneve". Ajo qe promovoi armiqesine ndermjet dy grupeve rivale ishte vrasja e te riut Blendi Muslli nga radhet e shoqerise se "5 dyqaneve", jeta e te cilit u shua rreth vitit 1993 ne sheshin prane bustit te "ushtarit te panjohur" mu ne zemer te qytetit. 

Deri ne kete kohe, djemte e "5 dyqaneve" ishte nje grup shokesh qe po linin moshen e adoleshences duke shkruar per mburrje nofkat apo emrat e tyre ne hyrje te nje garazhi i cili sherbente si vendtakimi. Perballe ndodhej nje kompleks lokalesh me 5 dyqane nga i cili trasheguan emrin e grupit. Ndersa rivalet e tyre potencial ishin me te avancuar edhe si moshe, edhe si numer, por edhe me te rrahur me moshen e krimit. Aty nga viti 1994, kur Zamir Dule gazetari i paperseritshem i kronikes se zeze ne Shqiperi, botoi ne gazeten "Koha Jone" nje cikel shkrimesh mbi kriminalitetin ne Korce, ndoshta edhe vete personazhet e tij u habiten nga te vertetat e hidhura qe kerkonte te nxirrte ne shesh ky dossier. Tashme disa atentate te dyanshme kishin vulosur ekzistencen e bandave ne qytet. 

E vecanta e grupeve kriminale ne Korce eshte se ato nuk jaen ngritur me baze fisnore por nga afersia shoqerore e personave qe benin pjese ne te. Jo aq nga te qenit "familje te medha" se sa nga ndarja ne mysliman e ortodoks. Nje pale doli si mbeshtetese e PD-se, dhe pala tjeter u konsiderua si perkrahese e socialisteve, ndonese jo ne menyre te hapur. Keto grupe i ngjanin shoqerise aksionere ku kapot udhehiqnin duke investuar me shume risqe te jetes se tyre, aftesi dhe bema, ndersa te tjeret kush me shume e kush me pak investuan prirjet e tyre kriminale. Nese ne Shkoder, Vlore, Berat apo ndonje qytet tjeter, ne perberje te bandave ka vellezer, kusherinj etj, ne Korce grupet rivale lidhen me pjestare qe banojne ne te njejtat lagje. Grupi i "Radonecit" ose te "1 Majit" kane marre emrat e lagjeve ku banojne dhe ashtu si dy grupet e tjera me te fuqishme qe bashkojne interesat keqberese. 

Prapavija politike dhe mbeshtetja familjare 

Pohimi i nje pjestari te grupit "5 Dyqanet" pas pajtimit me rivalet e tyre ishte se nuk deshen te binin viktime e politikes. Ne fakt pervec bindjeve fetqare te ndryshme te dy ndryshme te dy grupet e Korces e kane ndare me nje hendek edhe politike. Djemte e "5 dyqaneve" u shfaqen si perkrahes te PD-se ne takime te ndryshme elektorale, ne ngjarjet e vitit 1997, apo ne zhvillime te tjera te rendessishme per qytetin e Korces qe jane kryer para ose pas kulisave. Nje nga vendtakimet e tyre eshte pikerisht nje lokal pak metra larg selise lokale te PD-se. Disa nga pjestaret e ketij grupi nuk ka munguar ne mitingje, fushata elektorale, apo shoqerime te personaliteteve politike, nje pjese e zanatit kjo per te fortet. Sic ndodh rendom ne kampet kundershtare, rivalet e 5 dyqaneve u pozicionuan ndonese pa shume reklamim ne krahun e majte te politikes, duke i bere hysmetin sipas rastit ndoje kandidati socialist. 

Megjithate, ne historikun ose profilin e ekzistences se ketyre grupeve angazhimi politik nuk ka ngjyrim fort te theksuar. Kjo spjegohet me faktin se ne plan te poare dilnin gjithnje aktivitete te tjera. Por gjate rruges se tyre plot peripecira te dyra grupet kane terhequr dashje pa dashur edhe te aferm te tyre, te cile jane perpjekur tu qendrojne prane ne dite te veshtira te atentateve, te burgosjeve apo kercenimeve te ndryshme. Keshtu ndodhi me nje grup nenash, djemte e te cilave ishin pjestare te grupit te Cobeneve, rreth vitit 1995. Ato protestuan ne komisariatin e policise per shoqerimin dhe keqtrajtimin e disa djemve duke provokuar nje tensionim te rendit pasi policia e kishte te veshtire nderhyrjen. Nga ana tjeter, prinderit e disa pjestareve te grupit "5 dyqaneve" protestuan kunder ish-prokurorit te rrethit Adnan Kosova, te cilin e konsideruan si te njeanshem ne rastet e dhenies se denimit per bijte e tyre. 

Por, edhe familjaret e grupit te "cobeneve" edhe ata te "5 dyqaneve" nuk hezituan te shprehin aprovimin kur te dy palet u pajtuan dhe u dhane fund merirave gjakatare te ushqyera e te yshtyra nga disa faktore. 

Korfuzi dora e hekurt mbi grupet kriminale 

Periudha njevjecare e drejtimit te komisariatit te policise ne Korce nga Pellumb Korfuzi, i njohur si Katani ishte koha e fashitjes se veprimtarise kriminale ne qytet. Qe nga viti 1995 Korfuzi drejtoi me dore te hekurt policine e Korces, duke i vene fre "xhupave te zinj", bandave te kapove te tyre. 

Shoqerimet e shumta, gjobat, ndjekjet dhe arrestimet bene qe grupet rivale te linin perkohesisht njeane repertorin e tyre. Ne ate kohe ndeshkohej si ai qe bente trimin ne shkollat e qytetit, dhe ai qe ecte me makine me shpejtesi te larte. 

E padyshim nuk falej grabitesi e venesi i gjobave ndaj tregtareve apo perdhunuesit. Nje situate e ngjashme e rendit ne Korce u shfaq edhe 3 vite me pare kur komisariatin e qytetit e drejtoi Nuredin Bega. Ai shfaqej vete ne aksion dhe nuk nguronte te mbyllte ne bagazhe makinash "te fortet" e bandave. Por edhe ky komisar policie nuk qendroi gjate ne Korce dhe ngjarjet iu kthyen rrjedhes se zakonshme. 

Viti '97 viti i bandave 

Trazirat e viti 1997 i gjeten ne kulmin e vepimtarise grupet kriminale edhe ne Korce. Drejtuesi i Komitetit te Shpetimit ne ate kohe, Guri Pejo tregon se kjo periudhe i takon taman ndarjes se influencave nga te dy grupet dhe kufiri ndares ishte lumi i qytetit. Tentativa me e rrezikshme ka qene ajo per grabitjen e Bankes se Kursimeve e cila nuk u realizua. 

Me sa duket informacionet e duhura bene qe rreth 39 miliard leke te kesaj banke te transportohen me urgjence me 8 furgona per ne Tirane. Gjendja paraqitej krejt e pashprese, nen kercenimin e vazhdueshem te bandave apo te individeve te tjere qe hiqeshin si pjestare te tyre. Pejo kujton se gjate trazirave, pati 160 te vrare, 38 prej viktimave ishin kontigjent krimi. Te shtrenguara nga rrethanat e kesaj situate qe mbillte vetem ankth, 9 parti politike dhe Komiteti i Shpetimit, organizuan nje mbledhje ne ish-keshillin e rrethit. Synimi kryesor i se ciles ishte pajtimi i grupeve rivale per ti vene fre hakmarrjes. Ketu u arrit marreveshja e paqes dhe demonstrimi u be nepermjet shfaqjes ne publik te pjestareve te bashkuar nga dy grupet rivale. 

Mbi kupolen e nje tankuata shetiten te gjithe qytetin per te treguar arritjen e paqes. Cuditerisht, te dy grupet rivale nuk u perzien ne ngjarjet me te turpshme qe kaloi qyteti i Korces ne vitin 1997. Historia qe perfshiu te madh te vogel, tek disa intelektuale ortodokse, u shfaq me idene e ndarjes se Korces dhe bashkimin e saj me Greqine. Duke imituar gjoja Themistokli Germenjin, i cili me 1914 shpalli Korces Republike Autonome, njafare Arben Micinoti thuhet se mbeshteti kete lloj ndarje. Nje deshmitar i kesaj mbledhje te zhvilluar ne biblioteken e qytetit, ne te cilen moren pjese rreth 70 vete, mes te cileve fondamentaliste, provokatore, spiune, te dehur, aventuriere e gjithe fare tipash tregon se nuk ishin te pranishem pjestare apo kapo te bandave. 

Ata do te vazhdonin te permbushnin qellimet e tyre per te perfituar sa me shume ne kete situate te turbullt nen petkun e brishte te marreveshjes se paqes. Marreveshja e cila nuk zgjati me shume se 8 muaj dhe rindezi hakmarjen midis dy grupeve rivale pas vrasjes se nje pjestar nga radhet e grupit te Cobeneve. 

Muri i krimit qe ndau Korcen 

Filloi me vrasjen e nje te riu nga grupi i "5 dyqaneve" qe perfundoi me vrasjen e nje tjetri nga kampi kundershtar rreth vitit 1998, historia e perplasjes se dy bandave ne qytetin e Korces. Muri i krimit qe ndau qytetin per gati 8 vjet rresht u ngrit mbi jetet e fikura te me shume se 10 djemve te vrare nga te dy palet. Vete krertet e grupeve u plagosen ne dy-tre atentate ku ishin ato autore ose te vene ne shinjester nga kundershtari i tyre. Gjate kesaj kohe Korca ishte e ndare ne dy pjese, per shkak te acarimeve qe sollen keto vrasje e plagosje. Rruga qe nga prefektura dhe deri tek Banka ishte kufiri ndares per levizjen e pjestareve te dy grupeve te vene shesh per hall ne levizje te detyruara autoret e te dy gryupeve qarkullonin me makina te armatosure dhe te shoqeruar per cdo te papritur. Nga njera ane "5 dyqanet" kishin ne zonen e tyre bashkine gjykaten, prokurorine, komisariatin e qytetit e ndonje institucion tjeter ndersa "Cobenet", Keshillin e Rrethit, konsullaten greke, drejtorine e policise, Universitetin etj. 

Probleme te ndryshme shpesh zgjidheshin me ndermjetes nga te dy palet, per te mos rrezikuar koken. Por edhe vete qytetaret e kufizonin qendrimet ne lokale apo pikat e nxehta, sepse ne jo pak raste u plagosen apo humben jeten njerez te pafajshem nga atentatet e grupeve rivale. 

Falja e gjaqeve pa faljen nga shteti 

Pajtimi i grupeve rivale ne qytetin e Korces, i atribohet nje njeriu me influence ne te dy palet. Gani Vila, personi me pervojen e nje ish-punonjesi sigurimi, me kontaktet edhe njohjet e tij arriti qe para se te largohej ne SHBA te mblidhte perfaqesues nga te dy grupet per te bere faljet e gjaqeve. Te lodhur nga jeta prej ilegalesh, nga rreziku i perhershem i atentateve, nen presionin e policise, familjareve e te njohurve te tyre, nga te dy palet u dhane shenja per arritjen e nje marreveshjeje te qendrueshme pajtimi. 

Pjesa me e madhe e eksponenteve te ketyre grupeve kishin krijuar tashme familjet e tyre ose ishin ne prag te krijimit te tyre, kishin forcuar pozitat ekonomike e shoqerore dhe nuk e shihnin me te udhes te mbanin gjalle luften e bandave. 

Megjithate u desh rreth nje vit perpjekje derisa ne muajin nentor te vitit 1999 te relizohej nje takim dy palesh nen kujdesin e Viles qe te arrihej falja e gjaqeve. Betimi ishte se krimet e kaluara do te hidheshin pas kraheve ne emer te jetes dhe te qetesise ne qytetin e Korces. Pjestaret e te dy grupeve e kishin te qarte se hasmerite do te shtonin vrasje te tjera, keshtu qe vendosen t'i vinin kapak historive te pergjakshme. 

Te ndergjegjshem se ne dosjet e policise nuk jane fshire krimet e bera prej tyre dhe se ndonjeri syresh ende mund te figuroje person i shpallur ne kerkim llogarite me shtetin mbeten te hapura per ata qe mbajne mbi kurriz vepra penale edhe pse ne vitin _97-en presionin dhe nevojat e kohes se trazirave u dha amnisti per disa autore krimesh ne keto grupe rivale. Realiteti eshte se tashme Korca ka fituar qetesine e humbur dhe rendi eshte kthyer normalisht.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Aug 26 00:02:41 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 25 Aug 2001 21:02:41 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Daily Telegraph on Macedonia
Message-ID: <20010826040241.5799.qmail@web11507.mail.yahoo.com>

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) 
August 25, 2001, Saturday 
SECTION: Pg. 22 

LENGTH: 455 words 

HEADLINE: 'We don't want war and neither do the Albanians' 

BYLINE: By Julius Strauss in Romanovce 

BODY: 
DIMITAR Serafimovski is a proud Macedonian farmer, but when his cow was ready to calve yesterday he did what his family have done for generations and fetched an ethnic Albanian neighbour. 

Sitting low on a stool in the dark shed Sami Ganiu, wearing a traditional Albanian skullcap, leant close to the cow's head and whispered an ancient Islamic incantation into her ear. 

"It's not a problem that I'm a Christian and he's a Muslim," Mr Serafimovski said. "I don't understand the words, but the prayer will stop my cow getting the evil eye." The ritual complete, Dimitar lifted Sami Ganiu on to a shabby red tractor and they drove together through the dusty village as women beat seeds from sunflowers with wooden sticks. 

For the tiny frontline village of Romanovce, Macedonia's western-backed peace plan and the deployment of Nato soldiers has come just in time. Although the village has been shared by Macedonians and Albanians for centuries, tensions had begun to gnaw at its social fabric. 

On three sides fighting had erupted between ethnic Albanian guerrillas and the Macedonian police and army. 

When the conflict began six months ago, both ethnic communities were confident that war would never come to them. The village appeared to epitomise the multi-ethnic Yugoslav ideal. 

In the centre a Church with peeling red and white paint serves the spiritual needs of Orthodox Macedonians. Barely a hundred yards away is a mosque with a rusty roof. "We have lived together for more than 300 years and will not be divided," said Pero, 64, a Macedonian shopkeeper. "We looked after and protected each other during two world wars." 

When the shooting and shelling came to the edge of the village, Albanians and Macedonians called a meeting in the village school and swore to protect each other. "But the trouble around us got worse," said Ramiz, 36, an unemployed ethnic Albanian. 

Tension rose when police began recruiting local Macedonians to fight as reservists against Albanians in villages nearby. Then refugees fleeing the fighting began arriving in Romanovce, bringing with them the bitterness of their experiences. "They reminded us that in this country the Macedonians have all the jobs," said Izair, 36. 

Albanian and Macedonian children were still together in the school playground, but Macedonians played football at one end, Albanians basketball at the other. Nationalist graffiti appeared on the school wall. But with a shaky ceasefire in place, tensions are subsiding in Romanovce. 

Marjan, 36, a Macedonian villager, said: "What is happening is all the fault of the politicians. 

We don't want war and neither do the Albanians here. This is the tragedy of the Balkans." 
[PS]News: [ES] 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Aug 26 08:28:37 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 26 Aug 2001 05:28:37 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Jobs
Message-ID: <20010826122837.35113.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

N? 68/2001 / A1/A2/A3 / Closing date: 5 October 2001
Two long-term temporary posts of Scientific Administrative Officers (Grade A1/A2/A3)   European Directorate for the Quality of Medicines (EDQM)

10 August 2001

In accordance with Article 8 of Rule 821 laying down the conditions of recruitment and employment of temporary staff, notice is hereby given of the above vacancy. The duties attaching to the vacant post and the qualifications required of candidates are set out below.

Applicants must be nationals of a member state of the Council of Europe.

The successful candidate will initially be appointed on a two-year contract. This contract may be renewed. 

Under its equal opportunities policy, the Council of Europe is aiming to achieve parity in the number of women and men employed in each category and grade. The successful candidate will be appointed at grade A1 or A2, depending on age and experience. 

The person appointed will work in Strasbourg.

Duties

Under the authority of the Director responsible for the European Department for the Quality Medicines and the Head of the Certification Unit, the post holder will be responsible for the following:

? Examining the acceptability of and participating in the assessment of the dossiers for applying to a certifcate of similarity for which he/she is responsible ;

? Preparing and sending the necessary correspondence ;

? Liaising with EDQM administrators responsible for monographs and with appointed experts at sessions for the assessment of dossiers ;

? Participation in the elaboration of a database for the management of dossiers.

Qualifications, professional experience, knowledge, skills and language proficiency

? Good university degree in pharmacy or chemistry or biology or an equivalent qualification ;

? Appropriate professional experience in dealing with dossiers for applications for marketing authorisation of medicines, either in a licensing authority or in the pharmaceutical or chemical industry ;

? Knowledge of monographs of the European Pharmacopoeia and of European legislation on medicines ;

? Very good knowledge of one of the official languages (English) and good knowledge of the other ; knowledge of other European languages desirable.

Other relevant competencies

? analytical skills;

? ability to draft clearly and concisely and to work rapidly under pressure;

? sense of responsibility and initiative;

? flair for human relations;

? discretion and ability to work in a team in a multicultural environment;

? adaptability;

? aptitude for using computer facilities.

Applications

Applications must reach by 5 October 2001

Directorate of Human Resources (Recruitment Office), 

COUNCIL OF EUROPE

F- 67075 Strasbourg Cedex

France

fax: 33 3 88 41 27 10

e-mail: Recruitment at coe.int, 

and be submitted in the form of:

an official application form available on the Council of Europe?s recruitment website (http://www.coe.fr/jobs), or

a detailed CV including the Vacancy Notice number, date of birth, nationality(ies), postal address and e-mail address (if applicable), telephone number, education and training, work experience and language skills.




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From mentor at alb-net.com  Mon Aug 27 07:46:11 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Mon, 27 Aug 2001 07:46:11 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] Massacre report names Macedonia interior minister
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.33.0108270740210.26543-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<

---------------------------------------------------------------------

                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
  
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
  


 "A tape filmed by Macedonian Television and seen by The Telegraph shows
  Mr Boskovski standing on the balcony of an empty house above Ljuboten and
  looking down into the village with other security officers. Houses can be
  seen burning and there is constant noise of shelling and machinegun
  fire."
 "The taped television narrative says: "Ljubce Boskovski was present during
  the whole operation of the Macedonian security forces.""

 "Outside, Fasli heard a baying mob shouting "Let us kill them. Gas
  chambers for Shiptars!" Shiptar is a derogatory term for an Albanian."


http://portal.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=%2Fnews%2F2001%2F08%2F26%2Fwmace26.xml

Massacre report names Macedonia interior minister

By Jessica Berry in Ljuboten (Filed: 26/08/2001)
The Telegraph (www.telegraph.co.uk)

MACEDONIA'S hardline interior minister will come under pressure this week
to explain his role in the worst alleged atrocity in the six-month conflict
with ethnic Albanian rebels, The Telegraph can reveal.

Ljubce Boskovski, an ultra-nationalist and a bitter opponent of the current
British-led Nato disarmament mission, will be accused by Human Rights
Watch, an American-based pressure group, of involvement in the incident in
Ljuboten.

The accusation will be made in a damning report to be submitted to the
Macedonian government, but its timing has alarmed some foreign diplomats
who fear that Mr Boskovski and his supporters could use it to rail against
the West and oppose the Nato mission to collect weapons from the rebels.
Operation Essential Harvest, which starts tomorrow, involves 1,900 British
soldiers at the head of a total deployment of nearly 5,000 Nato troops.

The Macedonian security operation in Ljuboten two weeks ago left at least
10 ethnic Albanians dead. In a series of interviews last week, villagers
described a three-day police operation in which civilians were tortured and
shot dead in cold blood.

The government claims that it was hunting down rebels from the National
Liberation Army (NLA) after 10 Macedonian soldiers were ambushed and killed
and eight servicemen were blown up by land mines.

A tape filmed by Macedonian Television and seen by The Telegraph shows Mr
Boskovski standing on the balcony of an empty house above Ljuboten and
looking down into the village with other security officers. Houses can be
seen burning and there is constant noise of shelling and machinegun fire.

The taped television narrative says: "Ljubce Boskovski was present during
the whole operation of the Macedonian security forces."

The interior minister has not replied to requests for comment by The
Telegraph, but he told journalists that there had been no massacre of
civilians.

Peter Bouckaert, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch who is writing
the report after a series of interviews with witnesses, said, however, that
the document would detail a massacre and raise questions about Mr
Boskovski's role.

The hardline interior minister controls not only Macedonia's uniformed
police force but also, according to diplomats, a renegade crew of
paramilitaries known as the Lions.

The Macedonian police claim that the Ljuboten operation was targeting an
NLA stronghold, and that eight NLA members were killed and 12 were
captured. Villagers, however, gave a dramatically different account to The
Sunday last week.

"There were children playing in the street. Suddenly a grenade hit one of
the kids. The boy flew in the air and there was smoke and blood. Everyone
ran," said Fasli, 25, a farmer.

When he tried to escape on Saturday he reached a checkpoint where, he said,
there were "many police, some wearing balaclavas, and dozens of civilians
with guns, axes and sticks".

He was then taken to a nearby police station where he and other men were
severely beaten by masked policemen. "The carpet was filled with blood," he
said.

Outside, Fasli heard a baying mob shouting "Let us kill them. Gas chambers
for Shiptars!" Shiptar is a derogatory term for an Albanian.

Elmas, 55, a paraplegic, watched his 33-year-old son, Rami Youssef, die in
agony. Unable to move, he could not help him. "They bombed my gate then
they came to my house. There were 20 police in my yard." An explosion blew
out his front door. This was followed by machinegun fire. He said his son
was hit in the side and stomach. "He died very slowly. It took two hours."

Aziz Barami said he saw his son, Suleyman, murdered after they were ordered
out of a basement where they had been hiding with other villagers. "They
took us through a small gate where there were eight men lying face-down on
the ground with their hands above their heads. We were told to lie down too.

" A policeman kicked Suleyman in the head. He was in pain and stood up and
then the policeman shot him and then everyone was shooting. I heard one
say: `This pig is still moving.' Then there was another single gunshot.
Suleyman tried to flee and then they shot him in the head."

________________________________________________
To unsubscribe from this list visit:
http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/amcc-news


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Aug 27 08:05:39 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 27 Aug 2001 05:05:39 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Guardian
Message-ID: <20010827120539.68329.qmail@web11508.mail.yahoo.com>

Exposed: man accused of Kosovo massacre 

Serbia agrees to act after Guardian tracks down wanted businessman 


Rory Carroll in Kraguljevac
Monday August 27, 2001
The Guardian 

A Serbian entrepreneur accused of one of the worst atrocities of the Kosovo war has been tracked down by the Guardian to the central Serbian town of Kraguljevac. 
Misko Nisavic is running a driving school, called Boss, from the ground floor of a seven-storey block at 19 Karadordeva street, in the town's commercial heart. 
He is wanted by the Serbian authorities and war crimes prosecutors from the Hague tribunal for his role in the slaughter of a family of 49 ethnic Albanians in the town of Suva Reka in March 1999. 
Nisavic, who owned a string of businesses, vanished into Serbia after enlisting three friends to help him wipe out a family called Berisha in a massacre that sickened the west. 
Until now his new life in Kraguljevac has been undisturbed. That could change today because police in Belgrade promised to act as soon as the suspects' whereabouts were known. 
Last week Dragan Karleusa, chief investigator for the Serbian interior ministry, said there would be no hiding place for the killers of Suva Reka. 
"If we find these men we will arrest and question them. They should pay for these crimes. If we get them it would take away the black spot of the Serbian nation." 
Nisavic visits his office several times a week, overseeing a fleet of Yugo cars in which local teenagers learn to drive during ?60 courses. His brother-in-law, Zivko Slavkovic, gives driving lessons and his sister takes care of administration. 
A small, heavily built man in his late 30s, he is identified on business cards as Milovan Nisavic, though in Kosovo Misko was assumed to be the diminutive of Milorad. 
He refused to speak to the Guardian but through his sister denounced the accusations as lies. "He told me to tell you he never did anything," she said. 
Her voice trembling, she added: "This is the first time I have heard about Misko being involved in something like that. I do not believe it." 
Suva Reka, in southern Kosovo, had a mixed population of Serbs and Albanians when forces loyal to the former Yugoslav president, Slobodan Milosevic, rampaged through the province to quell an Albanian insurgency. When Nato responded with air attacks, Serbs were mobilised into a militia. Nisavic seized the opportunity to punish the Berisha family, which rented houses, for supposedly poaching clients from his hotel, also called Boss, from among staff of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. 
According to depositions from witnesses given to the Hague, he enlisted three friends, Zoran Petkovic, Boban Vuksanovic and Slobodan Krtic, and on March 26 surrounded the Berishas' houses. 
They shot the men first and cornered the women and children, who fled into the Calabria coffee shop on Reshtan road. Gunfire and grenades turned it into an abattoir. 
Bodies were loaded into a truck but three Berishas were still alive: Vjollca, her son Gramos, and her sister Shyrete. They rolled off the truck and escaped and have briefed Hague investigators, who entered Kosovo with Nato two months after the massacre. 
Vjollca, 38, said she would not be satisfied until Nisavic and his friends followed Milosevic to the Hague, where she intends to testify. "It was not just him, there were many Milosevices." 
The devastated village is rebuilding but the coffee shop has been left untouched; scorched, covered in debris and dried blood, it gapes open like a cavity. A concrete pyramid to remember the dead is being erected outside. 
Nisavic joined Serb refugees in fleeing the Albanian vengeance that accompanied Nato into the province in June 1999. He packed possessions into a fleet of cars and fled across the border to his sister in Kraguljevac, a provincial town south of Belgrade. 
People in Kraguljevac recalled that Nisavic had no trouble affording a prime location for the driving school, one of what is thought to be several interests. 
Nisavic has done better than his accomplices. Zoran Petkovic is said to be struggling to make ends meet somewhere near Belgrade, Boban Vuksanovic has disappeared, and according to Newsweek magazine, Slobodan Krtic was killed by Albanian guerrillas weeks after the massacre. 
In Belgrade, Capt Karleusa promised to follow up all leads. "There is no hiding place in Serbia for war criminals." 
Capt Karleusa has helped investigators from the FBI and the Hague to sift through the mass graves of an estimated 1,000 Albanians dotted around Serbia. 
Those killed in Suva Reka were buried at a nearby rifle range but were later shuttled to Serbia in refrigerator trucks after Milosevic allegedly ordered evidence of war crimes to be concealed. 
The Berishas are thought to be among the bodies burned and buried in Batajnica, an army base north of Belgrade, which is now being exhumed. 
Documents and jewellery belonging to seven family members have been found but it could be a year before DNA tests confirm the identities. 
In the refugee centre in the Avala mountains outside Belgrade, where Suva Reka's Serbs have lived for two years, they shrugged, shook their heads and said they knew of no atrocities. However, asked about Misko Nisavic, they scattered. 





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From naac at naac.org  Mon Aug 27 10:00:41 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Mon, 27 Aug 2001 10:00:41 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 27, 2001
Message-ID: <007301c12f00$adda12a0$8b511840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
August 27, 2001

Exposed: man accused of Kosovo massacre 
Serbia agrees to act after Guardian tracks down wanted businessman 
By Rory Carroll in Kraguljevac
A Serbian entrepreneur accused of one of the worst atrocities of the Kosovo war has been tracked down by the Guardian to the central Serbian town of Kraguljevac. 
Misko Nisavic is running a driving school, called Boss, from the ground floor of a seven-storey block at 19 Karadordeva street, in the town's commercial heart. 
He is wanted by the Serbian authorities and war crimes prosecutors from the Hague tribunal for his role in the slaughter of a family of 49 ethnic Albanians in the town of Suva Reka in March 1999. 
Nisavic, who owned a string of businesses, vanished into Serbia after enlisting three friends to help him wipe out a family called Berisha in a massacre that sickened the west. 
Until now his new life in Kraguljevac has been undisturbed. That could change today because police in Belgrade promised to act as soon as the suspects' whereabouts were known. 
Last week Dragan Karleusa, chief investigator for the Serbian interior ministry, said there would be no hiding place for the killers of Suva Reka. 
"If we find these men we will arrest and question them. They should pay for these crimes. If we get them it would take away the black spot of the Serbian nation." 
Nisavic visits his office several times a week, overseeing a fleet of Yugo cars in which local teenagers learn to drive during #60 courses. His brother-in-law, Zivko Slavkovic, gives driving lessons and his sister takes care of administration. 
A small, heavily built man in his late 30s, he is identified on business cards as Milovan Nisavic, though in Kosovo Misko was assumed to be the diminutive of Milorad. 
He refused to speak to the Guardian but through his sister denounced the accusations as lies. "He told me to tell you he never did anything," she said. 
Her voice trembling, she added: "This is the first time I have heard about Misko being involved in something like that. I do not believe it." 
Suva Reka, in southern Kosovo, had a mixed population of Serbs and Albanians when forces loyal to the former Yugoslav president, Slobodan Milosevic, rampaged through the province to quell an Albanian insurgency. When Nato responded with air attacks, Serbs were mobilised into a militia. Nisavic seized the opportunity to punish the Berisha family, which rented houses, for supposedly poaching clients from his hotel, also called Boss, from among staff of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. 
According to depositions from witnesses given to the Hague, he enlisted three friends, Zoran Petkovic, Boban Vuksanovic and Slobodan Krtic, and on March 26 surrounded the Berishas' houses. 
They shot the men first and cornered the women and children, who fled into the Calabria coffee shop on Reshtan road. Gunfire and grenades turned it into an abattoir. 
Bodies were loaded into a truck but three Berishas were still alive: Vjollca, her son Gramos, and her sister Shyrete. They rolled off the truck and escaped and have briefed Hague investigators, who entered Kosovo with Nato two months after the massacre. 
Vjollca, 38, said she would not be satisfied until Nisavic and his friends followed Milosevic to the Hague, where she intends to testify. "It was not just him, there were many Milosevices." 
The devastated village is rebuilding but the coffee shop has been left untouched; scorched, covered in debris and dried blood, it gapes open like a cavity. A concrete pyramid to remember the dead is being erected outside. 
Nisavic joined Serb refugees in fleeing the Albanian vengeance that accompanied Nato into the province in June 1999. He packed possessions into a fleet of cars and fled across the border to his sister in Kraguljevac, a provincial town south of Belgrade. 
People in Kraguljevac recalled that Nisavic had no trouble affording a prime location for the driving school, one of what is thought to be several interests. 
Nisavic has done better than his accomplices. Zoran Petkovic is said to be struggling to make ends meet somewhere near Belgrade, Boban Vuksanovic has disappeared, and according to Newsweek magazine, Slobodan Krtic was killed by Albanian guerrillas weeks after the massacre. 
In Belgrade, Capt Karleusa promised to follow up all leads. "There is no hiding place in Serbia for war criminals." 
Capt Karleusa has helped investigators from the FBI and the Hague to sift through the mass graves of an estimated 1,000 Albanians dotted around Serbia. 
Those killed in Suva Reka were buried at a nearby rifle range but were later shuttled to Serbia in refrigerator trucks after Milosevic allegedly ordered evidence of war crimes to be concealed. 
The Berishas are thought to be among the bodies burned and buried in Batajnica, an army base north of Belgrade, which is now being exhumed. 
Documents and jewellery belonging to seven family members have been found but it could be a year before DNA tests confirm the identities. 
In the refugee centre in the Avala mountains outside Belgrade, where Suva Reka's Serbs have lived for two years, they shrugged, shook their heads and said they knew of no atrocities. However, asked about Misko Nisavic, they scattered. 

British Soldier Killed in Macedonia
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) -- NATO helicopters swooped into a clearing in northern Macedonia on Monday as the alliance began the risky mission of collecting weapons from ethnic Albanian rebels, just hours after suffering its first casualty -- a British soldier.
Marauding youths threw a block of concrete that hit and killed Ian Collins, 20, of the 9 Parachute Squadron Royal Engineers. He was driving an armored vehicle under an overpass on a main road outside Skopje, the capital, when the attack occurred, British military officials said. They said he suffered head injuries.
Collins was taken first to the U.S. Army's Base in Macedonia, Camp Able Sentry, and then on to the U.S. hospital at Camp Bondsteel in neighboring Kosovo. He was later transported back to Skopje University Hospital, where he died. Another person in the vehicle was uninjured.
The killing caused unease as NATO began the British-led mission to collect weapons from ethnic Albanian rebels. Though ethnic Albanians generally welcome the deployment, the country's majority Macedonians have been suspicious and sometimes hostile to the presence of foreign troops.
But NATO said it would press ahead with Operation Essential Harvest.
``This regrettable incident will not affect the resolve of Task Force Harvest to complete the mission,'' Brig. Barney White-Spunner, the top-ranking British commander, said in a statement.
French Puma and American Chinook helicopters ferried NATO troops near the village of Otlja, 6 miles west of the northern city of Kumanovo, to carry out the first collection of weapons. The area was secured before NATO moved in.
A leader of ethnic Albanian rebel forces in the area who goes by the name Commander Shpati said his men had started handing in their weapons and that everything was going smoothly.
About 1,400 British soldiers will take part in the overall mission, which will involve roughly 3,500 troops. Many of them have already arrived in Macedonia.
Further underscoring the tensions in the troubled Balkan country, a large crowd of angry Macedonians gathered in Tetovo, the second-largest city, in an attempt to block the army from withdrawing heavy weaponry along front lines.
A pair of bomb blasts rocked Skopje late Sunday and early Monday, but no injuries were reported.
Macedonians largely blame NATO for the country's six-month ethnic Albanian insurgency, accusing the alliance of failing to choke off weapons and supplies coming from Kosovo -- support that is widely believed to be helping the rebels.
The British soldier was killed just as Macedonian forces began pulling back from positions around sites where NATO will begin collecting weapons from the militants. The collection is part of a peace plan meant to avert a full-fledged civil war.
NATO is planning to collect 3,300 weapons from ethnic Albanian rebels in a mission scheduled to last for no more than 30 days.
Despite NATO's optimism about the mission, Macedonian government officials later said they did not agree with the alliance's figures on the number of weapons.
Premier Ljubco Georgievski called the figure ``ridiculous and humiliating,'' claiming the rebels have closer to 60,000 weapons. His statement underscored the problems the NATO mission will face.
The peace deal envisions a step-by-step process in which rebels hand over weapons to NATO in exchange for political reforms meant to improve the status of Macedonia's large ethnic Albanian minority.
Parliament is to begin debating the reforms once a third of the weapons are handed over, scheduled for the end of the week. The legislation is to be voted on only after all the arms have been collected.
But with the government insisting on higher weapons figures, it was unclear how or when parliament would begin its debate.
NATO officials acknowledge the mission is delicate but insist it is the only way to prevent further conflict.
``There are no guarantees and the path will not be easy and the alternative is clear,'' said Maj. Gen. Gunnar Lange, the military commander of Operation Essential Harvest. ``The alternative is war.''

Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty
PUTIN BACKS MACEDONIAN HARD-LINERS 
Continuing Russia's policy of supporting hard-liners among the Orthodox Slavs of the Balkans in order to gain influence there (see "RFE/RL Balkan Report," 23 March and 31 July 2001), Russian President Vladimir Putin told Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski in Kyiv on 24 August that the UCK are "terrorists, not rebels," dpa reported. He criticized NATO's mission as ill-conceived, said that the UCK will not surrender most of their weapons, and blamed the region's problems on poverty and crime. He added that "We should understand that we are confronted in Europe by fundamentalism, we are confronted by people with aggressive aspirations," RFE/RL reported. Trajkovski told newsmen that he agrees with Putin and wants NATO to take tougher measures to disarm the UCK. He added that both men agree that Kosova is the source of the problem. Western media have reported recently that Moscow and Kyiv are sending massive arms shipments to Skopje (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22 August 2001). Russia and Ukraine deny this. Russia has little to offer the region except weapons and natural gas, for which it drives a hard bargain. PM 

SHEKULLI (Albanian Daily)
What small parties will demand from PS
Today ends concern of small parties about posts in new Government
By Darina Tanushi
The PS senior officials, Ruci and Rama are receiving the small allies in the PS headquarters. Following the invitation from PS the previous week, the small allies are presenting today their requests, demands and suggestions for the new Government, the program and the governing structure. It is not sure whether the PM Meta will attend the meeting or contact the small parties on his own. 
The socialists have planned to discus the priorities for the four coming years, the way tat the ruling coalition is going to function, the governing structure and the improvements to the co-operation convention. 
The Social-Democrats have been the clearest in their demands and have even defined the main issues to be discussed. They have stated that other meetings are to follow the first one, not necessarily at the PS headquarters. They have suggested to new ministries to the actual structure, the Ministry of Environment, which presents an actual need for the country's future, and the Ministry of Tourism, which is actual at the level of a Committee of Tourism. Sources from the PS headquarters say that the Ministry of Health might be the one determined by the Socialists for their PSD ally. PS has considered to offer the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, the Ministry of Agriculture and as well as the Ministry of Health to the rest of their allies. 
The Democratic Alliance convened its Steering Council two days ago but no conclusion was reached at the end. The Secretary for Relations with Public, Gjergj Zefi said that things will be known after the meeting with the Socialists today. 
The PBDNJ is surely the only  party to offer new names for the Government. It is said to have the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. As for the PS. It is said to retain the Ministry of Agriculture. 
With regard to the Convention of CO-operation, signed in November 1999, the allies find it to be convenient, but they remark it should be applied into practice, with punishment included in case of non-compliance, on the part of PS mainly. 


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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Mon Aug 27 11:58:17 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Mon, 27 Aug 2001 11:58:17 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Longfellow Poem: Scanderbeg
Message-ID: <F236rNKBqujsclWXSZ3000166d0@hotmail.com>

Poetry of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow
Tales of a Wayside Inn

THE SPANISH JEW'S SECOND TALE; SCANDERBEG

The battle is fought and won
By King Ladislaus the Hun,
In fire of hell and death's frost,
On the day of Pentecost.
And in rout before his path
>From the field of battle red
Flee all that are not dead
Of the army of Amurath.

In the darkness of the night
Iskander, the pride and boast
Of that mighty Othman host,
With his routed Turks, takes flight
>From the battle fought and lost
On the day of Pentecost;
Leaving behind him dead
The army of Amurath,
The vanguard as it led,
The rearguard as it fled,
Mown down in the bloody swath
Of the battle's aftermath.

But he cared not for Hospodars,
Nor for Baron or Voivode,
As on through the night he rode
And gazed at the fateful stars,
That were shining overhead
But smote his steed with his staff,
And smiled to himself, and said;
"This is the time to laugh."

In the middle of the night,
In a halt of the hurrying flight,
There came a Scribe of the King
Wearing his signet ring,
And said in a voice severe:
"This is the first dark blot
On thy name, George Castriot!
Alas why art thou here,
And the army of Amurath slain,
And left on the battle plain?"

And Iskander answered and said:
"They lie on the bloody sod
By the hoofs of horses trod;
But this was the decree
Of the watchers overhead;
For the war belongeth to God,
And in battle who are we,
Who are we, that shall withstand
The wind of his lifted hand?"

Then he bade them bind with chains
This man of books and brains;
And the Scribe said: "What misdeed
Have I done, that, without need,
Thou doest to me this thing?"
And Iskander answering
Said unto him: "Not one
Misdeed to me hast thou done;
But for fear that thou shouldst run
And hide thyself from me,
Have I done this unto thee.

"Now write me a writing, O Scribe,
And a blessing be on thy tribe!
A writing sealed with thy ring,
To King Amurath's Pasha
In the city of Croia,
The city moated and walled,
That he surrender the same
In the name of my master, the King;
For what is writ in his name
Can never be recalled."

And the Scribe bowed low in dread,
And unto Iskander said:
"Allah is great and just,
But we are as ashes and dust;
How shall I do this thing,
When I know that my guilty head
Will be forfeit to the King?"

Then swift as a shooting star
The curved and shining blade
Of Iskander's scimetar
>From its sheath, with jewels bright,
Shot, as he thundered: "Write!"
And the trembling Scribe obeyed,
And wrote in the fitful glare
Of the bivouac fire apart,
With the chill of the midnight air
On his forehead white and bare,
And the chill of death in his heart.

Then again Iskander cried:
"Now follow whither I ride,
For here thou must not stay.
Thou shalt be as my dearest friend,
And honors without end
Shall surround thee on every side,
And attend thee night and day."
But the sullen Scribe replied
"Our pathways here divide;
Mine leadeth not thy way."

And even as he spoke
Fell a sudden scimetar-stroke,
When no one else was near;
And the Scribe sank to the ground,
As a stone, pushed from the brink
Of a black pool, might sink
With a sob and disappear;
And no one saw the deed;
And in the stillness around
No sound was heard but the sound
Of the hoofs of Iskander's steed,
As forward he sprang with a bound.

Then onward he rode and afar,
With scarce three hundred men,
Through river and forest and fen,
O'er the mountains of Argentar;
And his heart was merry within,
When he crossed the river Drin,
And saw in the gleam of the morn
The White Castle Ak-Hissar,
The city Croia called,
The city moated and walled,
The city where he was born,--
And above it the morning star.

Then his trumpeters in the van
On their silver bugles blew,
And in crowds about him ran
Albanian and Turkoman,
That the sound together drew.
And he feasted with his friends,
And when they were warm with wine,
He said: "O friends of mine,
Behold what fortune sends,
And what the fates design!
King Amurath commands
That my father's wide domain,
This city and all its lands,
Shall be given to me again."

Then to the Castle White
He rode in regal state,
And entered in at the gate
In all his arms bedight,
And gave to the Pasha
Who ruled in Croia
The writing of the King,
Sealed with his signet ring.
And the Pasha bowed his head,
And after a silence said:
"Allah is just and great!
I yield to the will divine,
The city and lands are thine;
Who shall contend with fate?"

Anon from the castle walls
The crescent banner falls,
And the crowd beholds instead,
Like a portent in the sky,
Iskander's banner fly,
The Black Eagle with double head;
And a shout ascends on high,
For men's souls are tired of the Turks,
And their wicked ways and works,
That have made of Ak-Hissar
A city of the plague;
And the loud, exultant cry
That echoes wide and far
Is: "Long live Scanderbeg!"

It was thus Iskander came
Once more unto his own;
And the tidings, like the flame
Of a conflagration blown
By the winds of summer, ran,
Till the land was in a blaze,
And the cities far and near,
Sayeth Ben Joshua Ben Meir,
In his Book of the Words of the Days,
"Were taken as a man
Would take the tip of his ear."



**********************************************************************
To be or not to be (Shakespeare)
To be is to do (Socrates)
Do be do be do (Sinatra)
**********************************************************************


_________________________________________________________________
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From naac at naac.org  Tue Aug 28 10:07:33 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 10:07:33 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 28, 2001
Message-ID: <007001c12fca$cced5650$c6511840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
August 28, 2001

Macedonian Pilgrims Behind Rebel Lines; NATO Wary
By REUTERS
SKOPJE, Macedonia (Reuters) - Macedonians driven out of guerrilla-held territory returned in convoy Tuesday for a religious holiday despite warnings of land mines, raising tensions as NATO tried to collect weapons from ethnic Albanian rebels.
But a Reuters reporter who arrived in the village of Lesok with the convoy said no mines or Albanian guerrillas were in sight and the Macedonians were having emotional reunions with the few compatriots still clinging to their homes.
British paratroopers stood guard anyway, pointing heavy machine guns up at nearby hills to deter any threat from the rebels.
Just days ago, the Lesok area was swarming with guerrillas. But by Tuesday they appeared to be lying low as part of a disengagement-of-forces pact NATO struck with both sides to improve security along front lines for its weapons collectors.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe mission in Macedonia had appealed to the refugees not to make the journey, saying the Lesok area could be mined and confrontations with Albanians, armed or not, could occur.
Western officials were also concerned by the presence of ultra-nationalists from the World Macedonian Congress in the Assumption Day pilgrimage to Lesok.
The 10-bus convoy entered the village as NATO troops on a mountain above prepared to gather up more weapons surrendered by the guerrillas in exchange for improved minority rights, under a precarious Western-mediated bargain.
Many of the Macedonians in the convoy said they not only wanted to pray at the monastery but also to inspect the homes they fled, saying they feared for their lives.
``There's been a lot of looting so this time I'm planning to load anything that's left at my house onto a tractor and bring it back to Skopje where I'm living temporarily with my heavily pregnant daughter-in-law,'' said Blagoja Bogdanovski, 50.
``But we can't live like this indefinitely. We have to go home,'' he told Reuters.
NATO MISSION UNPOPULAR IN MACEDONIA
Most Macedonians regard NATO's mission with skepticism or resignation, but others with deep animosity.
A British soldier died Monday after a chunk of concrete was thrown through his vehicle windshield, an attack that hinted at the angry conviction of some Macedonians that NATO's plan to collect only guns volunteered by the rebels is a sham.
The soldier's death was a sobering reminder of the risks to NATO's ``Operation Essential Harvest.'' But its commanders launched the first day of arms collections unperturbed and pronounced it a success with more than 400 weapons registered.
NATO hopes to have reaped a third of its total target of 3,300 weapons by Wednesday to give political impetus for Macedonia's parliament to start passing reform legislation when it reconvenes Friday.
The NATO mission aims to snuff out Macedonia's six-month-old ethnic conflict, so far confined to the far north, before it spreads into the sort of war that wrecked many parts of the former Yugoslavia over the past decade.
Nationalist hawks led by Macedonia's prime minister and interior minister believe the disarmament operation is a farce and that NATO's target figure only skims the surface of the rebel arsenal easily replenished by smuggling from Kosovo.
PRESIDENT OFFERS VOTE OF CONFIDENCE
But President Boris Trajkovski, a moderate in a divided coalition government, said after being briefed by NATO on the first day of arms collecting that it was a crucial aspect of the peace process and Macedonians should cooperate with it.
``NATO's assistance expresses the commitment of many countries to help Macedonia resolve its problems. It is expected to successfully complete its mission to provide basic conditions for bringing long-term peace to the citizens of Macedonia,'' he was quoted by state news agency MIA as saying.
But another potential flashpoint looms Thursday with displaced Macedonians reported to be planning a protest rally in the capital Skopje on the eve of parliament's session.
The August 13 peace accord will stand or fall on whether the nationalist-dominated chamber is ready to change the constitution and pass the new legislation it stipulates.
The deal aims to decentralize power, put ethnic Albanians into the police force in proportion to their share of the population and grant limited official status to the Albanian language, among other measures.
NATO insists most Macedonians are not hostile to its mission and points out that its task force is there at the invitation of the government.
NATO Secretary-General George Robertson will visit Macedonia Wednesday to inspect the operation, and besides talking with mission commanders will also seek to reassure political leaders.
``Lord Robertson has come down here many times at many phases of this process and has a personal interest in seeing peace come back to Macedonia,'' said spokesman Major Barry Johnson.
But many Macedonians see NATO as having sided with ethnic Albanian guerrillas in neighboring Kosovo during the 1998-99 war there and believe it has failed to stem a flow of weapons and personnel to the Albanians from Kosovo.
NATO counters that its peacekeepers in Kosovo have detained 750 suspected insurgents since clamping down along the porous border in June. The KFOR peace force said Tuesday it had detained 180 suspects since Friday alone.

KOSOVALIVE
Meetings With Families of Missing Serbs Aims to Eliminate Private Prison "Rumors," Says Haekkerup
PRISHTINA (KosovaLive) - A meeting was held between Kosova's Chief Administrator Hans Haekkerup, Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic and families of missing Serbs, aimed at the elimination of "rumors" of Serbs held in private prisons, or as slaves in Kosova. Covic's visit with Haekkerup Friday in Prishtina, as well as meetings scheduled for this week, were a main topic of discussion at the Interim Administrative Council (IAC) Monday.
At the regular IAC meeting, developments in Prizren with regards to last week's demonstrations were also addressed.
After the meeting, Haekkerup told reporters that any rumors of private prisons or mass graves in Kosova would be immediately investigated. 
Haekkerup reported that the establishment of a Serb representation in Kosova in order to facilitate communication between the Serbian government and Kosovar Serbs was discussed at the six hour-long meeting.
Ibrahim Rugova, President of the Democratic League of Kosova (LDK), agreed with Haekkerup that the meeting with Covic was "quite constructive and positive," and that Belgrade had a role to play in the re-integration of Kosovar Serbs into the institutional structure in Kosova.
According to Rugova, Haekkerup could maintain some contact with Belgrade in specific cases. However, Rugova opposed the idea that Belgrade "interfere in Kosovar politics because this is unacceptable even according to international documents."
Arsim Bajrami, Vice-President of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), said that he wished to avoid a comparison of crimes committed by Serbia during the war and violence committed after the war in Kosova. "Sometimes a comparison is made between these two," he said.
According to Bajrami, Haekkerup told IAC members that progress had been made in the humanitarian issue, and promised the prompt release of Albanian prisoners.
Muhamet Kelmendi, Vice-President of the Alliance for the Future of Kosova (AAK), disagreed with the idea that Serbia could participate equally in the resolution of any Kosovar issue. 
"According to the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, it is the U.N.'s responsibility, through UNMIK and KFOR, to address security, order and any other matter concerning Kosova. The formation of any other party equal to the international community is unacceptable to the AAK," said Kelmendi.
Haekkerup denied journalists' questions implying that such frequent meetings with Covic (they are to met again as early as next week) could be seen as the initiation of a Prishtina-Belgrade dialogue in the interest of deciding Kosova's future. He replied that a dialogue does exist, but only in "trying to solve some of the problems that are common to Kosovo and Serbia." 
Haekkerup repeated that UNMIK would not accept the establishment of parallel structures in Kosova. "UNMIK is [the only one] responsible for the civil administration in Kosovo and will not share that with anyone."
LDK head Ibrahim Rugova suggested that the Haekkerup-Covic meetings were not negotiations but "an effort by Belgrade to help Kosovar Serbs integrate into Kosovar society."
Regarding developments in Prizren after clashes between protestors and police forces, following a municipal assembly decision to halt the construction of two KLA war statues, Haekkerup confirmed that all IAC members supported the decision made by the municipal assembly in Prizren, as something done legally, and completely within their own authority. "Therefore, there are no reasons why IAC would interfere."
"We should learn to respect the decisions of the majority in the democratic institutions of Kosova," Rugova said. According to Rugova, no one was against the construction of the statues but the assembly thought it better to construct a larger complex, taking into account the specific demands and circumstances of the city. 
Rugova said he would support a decision made by the assembly in Prizren, "a decision which would respect the conditions and norms. because with pressure we would be working against the democratic institutions." "UNMIK is determined to respect the democratically [elected] institutions and also teach us how to respect them," he said.
PDK representative Bajrami said that he was in favor of a reasonable solution, "which would take into consideration the legality of the Assembly, but also the legitimate demands of the people."
According to Bajrami, the majority of the IAC members asked the Prizren assembly to make a decision which would incorporate statues of Ismet Jashari (Commander Kumanova), Xhevat Berisha, and Ekrem Rexha (Commander Drini), and the municipality's plan for a memorial complex. 
"This would be in the interest of everyone, as well as in the interest of Kosova, which now requires calm and political stability, because it is preparing for the elections and the installment of democracy at the highest institutional level," said Bajrami.

RADIO 21
Tomorrow begins the reconstruction of "Northern" Line, Kuk?s-Durr?s
Tomorrow sees the start of works to improve the "Northern" Line of Communication through Kukes to Durres in Albania, a UNMIK spokesman said. This is an important development for the region. It comes as a result of lengthy negotiations with the Albanian Ministry of Transportation. The represents a significant financial commitment by NATO, which is fully funding the first tranche of works at a cost of DM 930 000. There are seven projects in the first tranche of works, which is expected to be completed before the onset of winter. And finally, after a somewhat protracted deployment phase, the forces of the Operational Rehearsal, RAPID CHEETAH are now all in theatre. E Company of the 24th MEU took over from elements of the Polish / Ukraine Battalion at Camp Seminole yesterday. They will be joined, in their allocated Area of Responsibility, by the rest of the force and begin to conduct framework operations in the next 24 -48 hours.
Meta: Fight against trafficking is one of three priorities set by Albanian Government
Albanian Premier Ilir Meta stated that Albania without committing to the fight against organised crime and trafficking can not continue to play that important and constructive role it has played so far, in Vlore on Friday. "Regional co-operation in fight against organised crime and all kinds of trafficking, is one of the three priorities set by the government besides consolidation of regional integration and progress of the Stabilisation and Association Process, Meta said. The Prime Minister emphasised the indispensability of a closer and more sincere cooperation with all countries, in order that the responsibility does not fall unjustly on one country alone, as it occurs with Albania. He highlighted the readiness of the government he runs to take over the responsibility as regards facing this fight.
Meta stated that indices of illegal emigrants trafficking in one year have reduced more than five times, confirmed also by the data submitted by Italian partners. He informed the participants to have asked closer collaboration from the Region's and EU states, being also the destination countries. The Regional Centre of Fight Against Trafficking is part of this collaboration, already materialised with the agreement reached amongst Ministers of Interior of Albania, Italy, Germany and Greece that will soon become operational.

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Aug 28 13:01:08 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 10:01:08 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fellowships in Judaic-East European Studies
Message-ID: <20010828170108.12581.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

From: <HABSBURG at H-NET.MSU.EDU>

CENTER FOR ADVANCED JUDAIC STUDIES University of Pennsylvania
Post-Doctoral Fellowships 2002-2003
Application Deadline November 15, 2001


JEWISH HISTORY AND CULTURE IN EASTERN EUROPE, 1600-2000

For much of the modern period, the Jews of Eastern Europe constituted the
human reservoir of Jewish civilization, the source of many of the currents
that shape Jewish life even today. Scholars of literature and religion,
historians, and experts in allied fields, stimulated in part by the new
accessibility of long-hidden archival materials in Eastern Europe and the
former Soviet Union, have begun to re-envision East European Jewry and its
place in modern Jewish history and culture. In 2002-2003, the CAJS will
sponsor an interdisciplinary seminar devoted to assembling and placing in
perspective the fruits of the new scholarship.

Among the possible questions the seminar will consider are: What are the
limits of "crisis" as an explanatory model for individual and collective
change among East European Jews? In what ways did East European Jewry
remain a coherent entity across the periodic recastings of political
boundaries in the region? What were the lines of influence between Jews and
their mostly Slavic neighbors? The seminar will also consider neglected
issues of gender and economic life among East European Jews. What
historical contexts made possible the rise in Eastern Europe of Jewish
cultural modernism, with the ideal of the emancipated (male or female) self
at its center? How have the pioneering figures of Jewish scholarship in
Eastern Europe, with their pronounced populist bent, shaped the field's
intellectual lineage? How can attention to the intersection of elite and
popular culture illuminate such epochal developments as the rise of
Hasidism as a mass movement, the political mobilization of the Jewish
"silent majority" at the beginning of the 20th century, and the renewal of
Jewish national identity in the USSR during the Cold War?

The Center invites applications from post-doctoral candidates in the
humanities and social sciences. Outstanding graduate students in the final
stages of writing their dissertations may also apply. Stipend amounts are
based on a Fellows' academic standing and financial need with a maximum of
$32,000 for the academic year. A contribution may also be made towards
travel expenses. Application deadline is November 15, 2001. Awards will be
announced on January 15, 2002.

For more information and application forms:

http://www.cjs.upenn.edu/Program/2002-2003/announce.html

Or contact Sheila Allen:   allenshe at sas.upenn.edu


********************************
Benjamin Nathans
Watkins Assistant Professor in the Humanities
Department of History
University of Pennsylvania
Suite 352-B
3401 Walnut Street
Philadelphia, PA  19104-6228
Tel: (215) 898-4958
Fax: (215) 573-2089
Email: bnathans at history.upenn.edu
*********************************



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From albboschurch at juno.com  Tue Aug 28 14:46:35 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 14:46:35 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ordination Slated
Message-ID: <20010828.151336.-464585.12.albboschurch@juno.com>


Ordination of the Reverend Theodore Sakellar

   On Saturday, September 8, 2001 The Reverend Deacon Theodore Sakellar
shall receive the sacred "laying on of hands" in the Ordination to the
Holy Priesthood of the Orthodox Church. Services are scheduled for 10
a.m. at Saint Mary's Albanian Orthodox Church, 535 Salisbury Street in
Worcester, Massachusetts where the new priest is assigned. His Beatitude,
Metropolitan Theodosius, Archbishop of Washington, D.C. and Primate of
the Orthodox Church in America shall preside at the ancient rites,
assisted by diocesan clergy. 
      Father Theodore was born of Albanian ancestry in San Jose,
California and baptized at St.Thomas Albanian Orthodox Church in
Farmington, MI. His great grandfather served as a priest in the homeland
and his paternal grandparents arrived from Permet, Albania in the last
century, making their home in Lynn, Massachusetts. They were devoted
followers of the late Archbishop Fan S. Noli and worshipped at Saint
George Albanian Orthodox Cathedral. His maternal parentage descends from
Dardha, Albania eventually settling in Detroit.  
      After completing undergraduate studies, Fr. Theodore worked in the
field of Respiratory Technology on the West Coast. He and his wife
Cynthia have two children, Alexandra and Michael. In June, 2001, he
completed theological studies at Holy Cross Greek Orthodox Seminary in
Brookline, MA where he received a Master's Degree in Theological Studies
with High Distinction. During his priestly formation, he was attached to
Saint George Cathedral in South Boston.  
________________________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Aug 28 17:47:12 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 14:47:12 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] News blurbs from ADN
Message-ID: <20010828214712.80503.qmail@web11502.mail.yahoo.com>


Wednesday, August 29, 2001

Macedonia Chief Guerrilla Says War Is Over

SIPKOVICA, Macedonia - The armed struggle is finished in Macedonia, according to the leader of the ethnic Albanian guerrillas, who says the new task is to make sure the peace process holds. As NATO troops begin collecting the weapons of his National Liberation Army, guerrilla leader Ali Ahmeti said Macedonia?s government and the country?s ethnic Albanian minority in the end must ?continue to live together.More...

Notorious Gang Resurfaces in Lushnja

LUSHNJA - A notorious gang that had ravaged this district after 1997 only to disappear following some police arrests, has resurfaced, taking under its control the area of Karavasta Lagoon, one of Albania?s ecological pearls, daily Korrieri said. A bullet-proof car has blocked the entrance to the lagoon for the last five weeks, in attempts to retake control of the fishing industry of the area, which they had monopolized with gun threats up until October 1999.More...

ABA Increases Deposit Rates after BoA Warning

TIRANA - The American Bank of Albania is the first to raise deposit interest rates in the Albanian currency following the move by the central bank. ABA raised interest rates by 0.75 percent, to 8.75 percent, this week, a move causing some experts say that the other private banks in the country will shortly follow suit, according to a report in daily Shekulli.More...

Big Numbers for AMC Owner

ATHENS - Fast-growing mobile phone operator CosmOTE is expected to post a 546-percent year-on-year jump in first-half net income, a Reuters poll of analyst forecasts showed. CosmOTE, which has enjoyed strong subscriber growth since it became the third market entrant in 1998, is due to report first-half 2001 figures tomorrow.More...

 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Aug 28 23:08:07 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 20:08:07 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Article by Zef Preci
Message-ID: <20010829030807.6822.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>

 
Article by Former Minister Zef Pre?i

Exerpts

 

 

The third challenge (of the new government) is the road toward the economic reform in the country, especially the privatization process of the strategic sectors of the economy.  Some mainly political steps, which however carry an obvious background of economic interests of the outgoing government, such as the unjustified rush to privatize the Savings Bank and the financial sector in general, the dubious formula for the privatization of the public economy giant ?Albtelecom?, personnel nominations of many high functionaries in vital sectors of economy based solely on personal ties and on decisions of incompetent supervisory boards, etc, even when such steps are then presented as obligations of the Albanian state toward international financial organizations, such as IMF, bring to the conclusion that these will become the ?Nassreddin?s nail? not only for the relentless efforts to preserve the same governing team - at least in the vital sectors of the economy and finance of the country on behalf of the ?continuation of reforms? - but also because the efforts of this speculative reform will become a serious obstacle for a different government.

 

I do not believe that there is any na?ve citizen left in this country, who will trust the ?intelligent advices? of any individual or expert - be they local or foreigners ? including the current official representative of IMF in Albania, that ?Albtelecom must be privatized as soon as possible?, that ?the Albanian private capital is not yet mature to take part in the privatization of strategic sectors?, that ?this country can make progress and develop a market economy without necessarily having any national bank, i.e. Albanian-owned bank?.

 

That is why the preserving or changing of the government is, in one sense, a separation process from the efforts of certain segments of financial oligarchy to consolidate even further, to impose complete control upon politics OR the return in the institutional management of the state, in the promised values of democracy so much desired by the majority of the Albanian people.?

 
Zef Pre?i, Three challenges of the new governance, Illyria, # 1064, 17-20 August 2001


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From naac at naac.org  Wed Aug 29 10:15:27 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Wed, 29 Aug 2001 10:15:27 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 29, 2001
Message-ID: <007501c13095$24fa7a60$cf5a1840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
August 29, 2001


NEW YORK TIMES

Smoothly, NATO Collects More Arms in Macedonia
By CARLOTTA GALL
BRODEC, Macedonia, Aug. 28 - Hundreds of ethnic Albanian fighters lined up to hand in their weapons to NATO troops today at a rebel training camp in this village high in the hills above Tetovo, in western Macedonia. 
It was the second day of NATO's weapons collection operation and, without a hitch, several hundred more weapons, including three ground-to-air missiles, were consigned for destruction.
The operation so far, part of a phased operation to try to halt a civil war, is being described as a success by NATO officials. Both the Macedonian Army and rebel fighters are complying with NATO's requests, a NATO spokesman said. 
The Macedonian Army has been required to pull back about three miles from weapons collection points during the operation and has complied readily each time, he said. "They are trying to help," he added.
Macedonian government officials and the news media that direct coverage to the majority Macedonian Slavs expressed skepticism at the operation, however. The rebels have been handing in "museum pieces," scoffed the leading daily, Dnevnik. A government spokesman, Antonio Milosovski, said that what NATO is calling Operation Essential Harvest was a "theatrical harvest." 
And as NATO troops continued to arrive in this small and divided country, the complexities of their operation are becoming more apparent. Although they insist that they are only here to collect weapons, they are having to work hard to reduce tensions, avert confrontations and even patrol roads.
About 3,300 NATO troops have arrived so far. When at full strength, the force will number 4,500 - significantly more than the originally planned 3,500. The additional troops are mostly for logistical support, including administration and supply units, that individual member countries found they needed to back up the troops they were sending for the disarmament operation, said a NATO spokesman, Maj. Barry Johnson. 
They hope that by Wednesday they will have taken in a third of the 3,300 weapons they plan to collect during their 30-day operation. Then, under an agreement earlier this month between Macedonian Slav and ethnic Albanian leaders, Parliament should approve constitutional amendments to expand rights for the minority Albanians.
The rebel fighters were relaxed and cooperative as they arrived to disarm today. "We trust in NATO and the international community," said a rebel known as Commander Luli. But he said the NATO task force would be needed here for longer than the 30-day mission.
The potential for trouble is clear in Tetovo, scene of the worst fighting of the conflict, where rebels and the Macedonian police are still staring down their guns at each other. Rebels have sandbagged positions in the walled grounds of a hotel and a much revered Sufi shrine. Government police officers and paramilitary fighters are in a tall apartment building and at a sandbagged checkpoint.
The rebels said they expected to receive orders to pull out and dismantle their positions within days. They said they would obey because of NATO's involvement. Yet there is still tension in the air. 
"We are going to withdraw when the order comes in cooperation with NATO," said the commander of the rebel military police here. "But I am not sure about it. The problem is people are disarming up there in the hills, but here they are reinforcing." 
And he said he would hold back one weapon to keep at his home down the street in case the conflict flared, or in case the Macedonian police harassed civilians.
NATO officers admit that beyond their stated goal, building confidence between the two sides and persuading them to solve their problems politically is the much bigger task. "You have got to try to build the confidence," said one NATO official in Skopje, the capital. 
Two British officers crossed the front line today in Tetovo to do just that. They came from the Macedonian government side to ask rebels if they were holding any Macedonian Slavs in the grounds of the hotel. The rebels said no and took the two officers on a tour of the grounds. 
"We have liaison teams helping on the ground to prevent any misunderstanding and to make sure there is no shooting and stop it before it starts," Major Johnson said.
Elsewhere British troops were out in force watching as busloads of Macedonian Slavs visited the remote village of Lesok for a religious celebration. The Macedonian Slav village lies in a predominantly Albanian area, and most of its inhabitants fled the fighting and still do not dare return except on organized visits.
Albanian refugees have been rushing home since the NATO operation started. About 600 arrived over the weekend and 900 crossed into Macedonia on Monday, said Maki Shinohara, spokeswoman for the United Nations refugee organization.
"We are really concerned about them returning to places that are not stable," she said. If NATO makes the two sides disengage and pull back, who will be in charge in the areas in between, she asked. "There will be a security vacuum and the situation is fairly unpredictable almost daily." 
RADIO FREE EUROPE / RADIO LIBERTY

MIXED SIGNALS FROM MACEDONIAN AUTHORITIES OVER COLLINS' DEATH 
In a statement in Skopje on 27 August, Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski condemned the killing of British sapper Ian Collins by a gang of youths (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 27 August 2001), Deutsche Welle's "Monitor" reported. Trajkovski stressed that such violent incidents only help those who want to attain their political goals through violence. He later told British Prime Minister Tony Blair that there will be a full investigation, "The Independent" reported. Macedonian government spokesman Antonio Milosovski, however, criticized NATO for not informing the Macedonian authorities quickly of the killing, "Monitor" reported. He added that NATO hampered the police investigation by moving Collins' vehicle before police arrived. Milosovski said that it is "too early" to catch the killers. Observers note that in most cases of violence, the authorities are quick to blame and hunt for "Albanian terrorists" without much of a prior investigation. It is not clear why the security forces, whose supporters feel are capable of crushing an armed insurgency, cannot identify and catch a group of teenagers. PM 
WITNESS SAYS MACEDONIAN TEENAGERS KILLED BRITISH SOLDIER 
"The Daily Telegraph" on 28 August quoted a local teenager with a Slavic name as saying that he saw the killing and that "a group of Macedonian teenagers" had been throwing stones at passing vehicles. A NATO spokesman said that the youths surrounded Collins' Land Rover "in a threatening manner" after hitting it. "The Independent" reported that a Macedonian policeman was 500 meters from the scene of the attack. It is not clear why he did not intervene and arrest the youths. The same daily quoted Macedonian Television as identifying the youths as ethnic Macedonians. PM 
BRITISH SOLDIER'S DEATH THE RESULT OF MACEDONIAN GOVERNMENT 'HATE CAMPAIGN'? 
The "Daily Telegraph" reported from Skopje on 28 August that "the death of sapper Ian Collins after a mob attack in the suburbs of Skopje follows a venomous anti-Western campaign orchestrated by hard-line ministers in the Macedonian government." The daily specifically mentions Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski and Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski in this respect (see "RFE/RL Balkan Report," 5 June and 24 August 2001). One Macedonian special forces vehicle has "NATO Killers" painted on it. Some individual local people told the British reporter that "NATO has done a lot of evil things here" and "we've seen what they've done in Kosovo and Bosnia. They helped the Albanians and Bosnian Muslims and banished the Serbs. They're playing the same game here." "The Independent" quoted an unnamed off-duty Macedonian army captain as saying, "If I saw NATO soldiers here now, I would kill all of them myself." PM 
SAPPER'S DEATH PART OF ORGANIZED ANTI-WESTERN MACEDONIAN VIOLENCE 
British Major Neil Peckham told RFE/RL in a telephone interview from Skopje on 27 August that Collins' death fits into an emerging pattern of violence. "There are indications that it is part of a pattern against NATO vehicles that has been building up over the past few weeks... There have been other instances of NATO vehicles, i.e., green [colored] military vehicles, being targeted by unknown individuals, the dropping of projectiles off road bridges, and throwing projectiles at the vehicles as well." Peckham added that "the [NATO] military police are in close coordination with the Macedonia police, and the investigation is ongoing." Security precautions for NATO personnel have been stepped up. PM 

PRO-BELGRADE PARTY SAYS ALBANIANS TRYING TO SPLIT MONTENEGRO 
Dragan Koprivica of the pro-Belgrade Socialist People's Party (SNP) said in Podgorica on 27 August that a recent violent robbery at Plav near the Kosova border by persons who did not speak Serbo-Croat shows that "Montenegro is unstable. Mentors from Kosovo and Albania have instructed local Albanians to push for an independent Montenegro," dpa reported (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 27 August 2001). But Igor Luksic, a spokesman of President Milo Djukanovic's Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) said, "Koprivica is in the twilight zone." Gazim Hajdinaga, an ethnic Albanian political leader and the government's minister for minorities, stressed that the "Albanians will push for their goals only in legal institutions." PM 

KOSOVALIVE
No Donors to Finance Small Parties' Campaigns 
PRISHTINA (KosovaLive) - Small political parties will have no one to rely on but themselves, given that no donors have offered to support them during the campaign leading up to the November 17 general election.
Some small parties complained that if they were not offered financial support from the OSCE or others, they would be at a disadvantage even before the campaign began, considering that larger political parties already have funds at their disposal. 
"The fact that parties will have to secure funds by themselves is nothing new, while financing has always been a challenge," OSCE spokesman Sven Lindholm told KosovaLive Tuesday, confirming that no donors have yet expressed a willingness to support small parties in the election campaign. Lindholm also said that small parties would have to work harder this year in order to convey their message to the electorate. 
"It is true that bigger parties have an advantage over smaller parties because of the financing issue. That is why the OSCE saw it as very important last year to help find donors to finance the election campaign."
According to Lindholm, these funds had a specific destination - the production of video-clips that would enable small parties to effectively communicate their message to the people. "This was aimed at helping people determine whom they were going to vote for, which is very important in every democracy," he said. 
Last year, the Central Election Commission (CEC) approved a regulation that obliged political parties to outline their funds before and after the elections. Another regulation limited the amount of money parties could spend during the election campaign.
Lindholm said that the regulation was quite important since it ensured greater transparency, by allowing the public to see how each party used their financial resources during the elections campaign, thus permitting voters to draw their own conclusions with regards to how each political party spends their money. 

ATA (Albanian News Agency)
NATO troops start improvement of road Durres-Kukes
President of the Republic Rexhep Meidani on Tuesday in Fushe-Arrez participated at the opening ceremony of the intervention projects of NATO troops in improvement of the road Durres-Kukes. The senior leader of KFOR general Lutc highlighted the importance of Albania to KFOR and the region considering the road Durres-Kukes as an important line joining the "endless interests for stability in the region with the economic development and consolidation of democracy in Albania." President Meidani, placing the beginning of today's operations in a context of regional events, stressed those in Macedonia saying that "the beginning of the operations by your part coincides with a very important moment for peace, security and stability in the region." Further on, he appraised the role and presence of NATO, EU and USA in the achievement and guaranteeing of Peace Agreement. The state leader appraised in general the military contribution to the civil projects and expressed the support of the state in the success of NATO's engagement on the road Durres-Kukes. Afterwards, President Meidani along with the deputy/commander of KFOR in Kosova Lutc, commander of COMMZ West Cekone, placed a stone symbolizing this way the start of the operations. 
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From albboschurch at juno.com  Wed Aug 29 10:40:03 2001
From: albboschurch at juno.com (albboschurch at juno.com)
Date: Wed, 29 Aug 2001 10:40:03 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Baby Carriage
Message-ID: <20010829.104048.-394749.0.albboschurch@juno.com>

 Available free to newcomer Albanian immigrant family
 with newborn baby or small youngster.
 Beautiful infant carriage stroller and car seat.
 Like new.  Call Saint George Cathedral: (617) 268-1275.
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From naac at naac.org  Wed Aug 29 15:03:02 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Wed, 29 Aug 2001 15:03:02 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] FYI
Message-ID: <007f01c130bd$3f0f3d00$5e511840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information

WASHINGTON POST
Out of a Job, but Not Out of Opinions 
By Nora Boustany
Wednesday, August 29, 2001

The Yugoslav ambassador to Washington, Milan St. Protic, was unceremoniously fired last Thursday while he was home on vacation, but he only learned about it from the media, he said in a telephone interview from Belgrade on Monday. The envoy, who Belgrade said was recalled after six months on the job for statements contrary to government policy, vowed to continue to speak his mind rather than be someone else's loudspeaker.
"No one from the government or the official side contacted me to let me know," he said. "I was never informed of anything."
Protic, a U.S.-educated historian who was one of the leaders of the democratic opposition that toppled Slobodan Milosevic, said there had been "disagreement from the very beginning and dissatisfaction all along" with the government of President Vojislav Kostunica, whose party he helped found and which he later quit over political differences about Bosnian Serbs. The ambassador will return to Washington with his family Saturday to pack up.
"There was an orchestrated, Communist-type campaign against me and I had to react, so I made some public statements," he said. Protic had accused top officials in the government of not keeping him informed of policy or developments at home. He said he first learned through the press that Kostunica was to visit Washington in May.
The campaign against him, he said, "tells you that the political transition has not ended yet. There are still people adhering to the mind-sets of Tito and Milosevic."
Yugoslav sources said several interviews Protic gave in Belgrade aggravated the tension between him and the leadership. Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic said last week that Protic was a prominent person whose contributions he appreciated very much but who had strayed far from the norms of diplomatic behavior.
"Essentially, there has been a deep misunderstanding between us on what our policies toward the United States should be. The same day the prime minister announced I was being recalled, President Kostunica, who was standing next to him, said: 'There are some people who want to replace communism with Americanism.' He was referring to me," Protic said, explaining that he was perceived by some officials in Belgrade as trying too hard to please Washington.
>From March 6, when he said at a congressional hearing that Milosevic would be arrested on March 31 -- the date by which Belgrade had to comply with Washington's demand that he be detained to obtain certification for international aid -- the ambassador said he was at cross purposes with Kostunica. "When Milosevic was arrested that day, proving me right and him wrong, from that point on things got worse," he added. Protic said he also signaled to the Americans in an indirect way that a "major breakthrough" was afoot one week before Milosevic was handed over to the tribunal, where he now awaits trial.
"I have no regrets. You win some, you lose some. This is part of the struggle," he said.
"I never wanted to be anybody's man in Washington, but the man of an idea dedicated to victory against Milosevic and change toward an open, democratic society," he added.
Protic insists he paid a high price for his good connections and high profile here. "I have been speaking my own mind for 10 years and I will continue to do so because it is something that is precious to me," he said. "I was not ready to sacrifice my beliefs; they were too important to give up, even for an ambassadorial post."

RADIO FREE EUROPE
SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
August 29, 2001
WEAPONS COLLECTION ENTERS THIRD DAY IN MACEDONIA. 
NATO officials said near Gostivar that weapons collection is proceeding "very well" and that the guerrillas of the National Liberation Army (UCK) "are
compliant," BBC Television reported on 29 August (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 28 August 2001). Guerrillas lined up to hand in weapons and uniforms
near Tetovo the previous day. The UCK issued demobilization papers to its fighters, "The Independent" reported. One commander, known as Xhaxhi, warned, however, that the guerrillas will rearm if NATO leaves. It is not clear whether he spoke for other commanders or only for himself. Many ethnic Albanians fear that Macedonian security forces and paramilitaries will launch revenge killings when Operation Essential Harvest ends (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 27 August 2001). NATO stresses that its main aim is to promote mutual self-confidence between Macedonians and Albanians so that the political settlement can work. 
ROBERTSON ARRIVES IN MACEDONIA. 
NATO Secretary-General Lord George Robertson arrived in Skopje on 29 August to assess the progress of Operation Essential Harvest, dpa reported. He will meet with President Boris Trajkovski, Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski, Defense Minister Vlado Buckovski, Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski, and parliament speaker Stojan Andov. The legislature is scheduled to begin discussing the comprehensive political settlement on 31 August. Georgievski, Boskovski, and Andov have publicly stated their reservations about the agreement (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 28 August 2001). 
MACEDONIANS RETURN TO LESOK FOR ASSUMPTION DAY. 
Several hundred ethnic Macedonians attended an Orthodox Assumption Day celebration in Lesok on 28 August, RFE/RL's South Slavic Service reported. British
paratroopers looked on, as did UCK fighters in the hills above. The celebration took place amid the ruins of a church, which was largely destroyed recently under unexplained circumstances (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21 August 2001 and "RFE/RL Balkan Report," 28 August 2001). Many of the Macedonians who attended the celebration said, however, that they do not feel safe enough to return permanently to their homes in Lesok, from which the UCK drove them in July (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 27 July 2001). Elsewhere, UNHCR officials in Skopje warned displaced persons against returning to their homes in rural areas before the
security situation sufficiently improves. 
NATO DETAINS ALBANIANS ON KOSOVA-MACEDONIA BORDER. 
In what is becoming almost a daily occurrence, KFOR troops stopped and arrested 32 ethnic Albanians entering Kosova from Macedonia, AP reported from
Prishtina on 29 August (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 27 and 28 August 2001). A KFOR spokesman said that unidentified persons fired on U.S. troops in the same area in a separate incident. The troops had responded to a call of "NATO, NATO help!" from unidentified persons in a forest. The gunmen then "fled the scene."
SERBIAN COALITION TO STAY TOGETHER -- WITH PROBLEMS UNRESOLVED. 
Leaders of the 18-member governing Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) agreed in Belgrade on 28 August to remain a coalition, RFE/RL's South Slavic Service reported. They failed to resolve the mutual recriminations arising from what has become known as the Gavrilovic affair (see "RFE/RL South Slavic Report," 30 August 2001). Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica said that his Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) will work with DOS but not participate in the Serbian cabinet. He added that "tonight's long discussion was encouraging because it pointed at corruption and crime as phenomena which shake many
societies in transition and particularly ours." Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic warned that "spreading slander and uncorroborated claims
undermines the country's credibility, makes it difficult to attract foreign investment, and slows down the country's economic recovery," Reuters reported.
U.S. AGREES TO LIFT SERBIAN ARMS EMBARGO. 
The U.S. has joined France and Russia in calling for an end to the UN arms embargo against Belgrade, "The Washington Post" reported on 29 August (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 24 August 2001). Critics charge that lifting the embargo will deny the international community needed leverage to encourage Serbia to cooperate with The Hague-based war crimes tribunal. PM
MONTENEGRIN FOREIGN MINISTER: YUGOSLAV EMBASSIES DO NOT SPEAK FOR PODGORICA. 
Montenegrin Foreign Minister Branko Lukovac said in Podgorica on 27 August that he and Yugoslav Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic have failed to resolve differences between their two ministries regarding Montenegro's diplomatic representation abroad, RFE/RL's South Slavic Service reported. He added that Yugoslav diplomatic missions abroad were set up and staffed without the approval of Podgorica, which does not recognize the federal government as legitimately elected. Lukovac stressed that Yugoslav ambassadors abroad have no right to speak in Montenegro's name. Montenegro previously established its own "offices" in several foreign countries and former Yugoslav republics.
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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Wed Aug 29 16:55:24 2001
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Wed, 29 Aug 2001 16:55:24 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] North Epirus Lecture:Oct 21. Brookline, MA
Message-ID: <F262aJY4kJSFsxf4yp800000104@hotmail.com>

Minas Paras - 46 Years in Prison: A Human Rights Tragedy

For further information contact
Hellenic Business Network

tel: (888) 251-5568
hbngroup at hbngroup.org
www.hbngroup.org

Register for this Event

Available Resources

Description:  The Northern Epirus Issue as seen through the eyes of a Greek 
school teacher in his 46 years of imprisonment.



Date:  Sunday October 21, 2001


Time:   3:30PM



Place:  Maliotis Cultural Center
   50 Goddard Avenue
   Brookline, MA


Introduction by:  Nicholas Gage
   Author, Journalist



Activity:  Background:

Imprisoned for 46 years, a native of North Epirus who fought for human 
rights issues in the region concerning the Greek Orthodox minority of 
Southern Albania (North Epirus). As a young teacher, he became greatly 
concerned with basic human rights issues such as the freedom of speech, 
religion, and press and to petition the government for a redress of 
grievances (assembly). The endless efforts of this glorious living hero of 
democracy resulted in his bitter prosecution by the communist regime of 
Emver Hodja. Emver Hodja, a notorious communist dictator that was 
responsible for the prosecution, torture and murder of hundreds of thousands 
of Greek Orthodox Christians inhabiting the land of their ancestors for 
thousands of years.

Minas Paras was born on October the 26th of 1914, in Politsiani of Pogoni in 
North Epirus. At a very young age he immigrated to the city of Ioannina 
because of his parents immigration to the United States. He studied at the 
School of Commerce from 1925 to 1930. From 1930 to 1931 employed by the 
Greek government he served as a Greek teacher in Politsiani. In 1936 and 
1937 he studied at the Pedagogical School of Ioannina and from 1937 to 1941 
he served as a Greek teacher in Pogoni of North Epirus. During the time of 
the German-Italian occupation, he became the leader of a guerrilla 
resistance movement that helped defend Pogoni until his capture and 
imprisonment by the Germans in Ioannina. After the retreat of the German 
forces, he was captured by the communists of Emver Hodja and convicted for 
his endless efforts to liberate North Epirus of Southern Albania.

In 1945, at the age of 31, Minas Paras was imprisoned for the next 46 years 
of his life for attempting to organize an assembly against the oppressive 
communist government of Albania. In prison, he suffered from torture, 
starvation and gastrointestinal disease however with his impeccable courage 
he overcame illness and death. In 1991, at the age of 77, he was finally 
freed from prison by a presidential decree and has been living in Portland, 
Maine, for the past ten years as a US citizen.



Price:  Open to the Public


Promotion:



Refreshments
/Food:  Reception to follow



Parking:   Free parking available



Event Comittee
Chairperson(s):  Dennis Tsilimingras, MD (617) 264-8843




Members:  Anna Jasonides (781) 646-0604
Aristea Souliopoulos (781) 340-7510
Tina Papadopoulos (617) 522-2800
Demetrios Tsoubanos (781) 396-4145
Former President of The Panepirotic Federation
of America, Canada and Australia

Mariam Pyliotis
George Stathas







_________________________________________________________________
Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Aug 29 19:09:27 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 29 Aug 2001 16:09:27 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zbulim arkeologjik ne Lezhe
Message-ID: <20010829230927.78538.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


Koha Jone identifikon gabimisht emrin e arkeologut shqiptar Lorenc Bejko.

Zbulohet qyteti i panjohur...


Rrenoja antike ne qender te Lezhes. Gjate germimeve ne kete pjese te sheshit jane shfaqur pjese amforash, copeza qeramike, si dhe disa kafka apo kocka, te cilat nuk dihet sakte se kujt i perkasin ne kohe, por qe fadroma i ka larguar pasi jane gjetur thuajse ne siperfaqe 

Te perhumbur ne dukje, por jashtezakonisht te vemendshem, te ngarkuar me nje turre aparatesh fotografike dhe mjetesh te tjera matese, duke filluar nga shkumesi dhe derrasa e zeze, deri tek aparatet e teknologjise digitale, nje grup arkeologesh kane zbarkuar ne sheshin qendror te qytetit te Lezhes, paraditen e djeshme. Shkaku ka qene shfaqja e disa rrenojave antike, gjate germimeve per rregullimin e Sheshit te Institucioneve. 

Grupi i perbashket i Institutit Arkeologjik Tirane dhe i Qendres Nderkombetare te Studimeve Arkeologjike Shqiptare, per Shpetimin e Monumenteve te Kultures, per rreth dy ore, nen syte e kureshtareve te shumte, kane bere matjet dhe kane vezhguar rrenojat arkeologjike, ne pjesen verilindore te sheshit qendror, vetem disa hapa larg portes antike te qytetit, ne afersi te vendvarrimit te Gjergj Kastriotit (Skenderbeut). Treshja e arkeologeve, dr. Ilir Gjipali, dr. Lorenc Vangjeli dhe bashkeshortja e tij, italiania, Maria Grazia Amore, thane se mund te kete dicka shume me interesante nese germohet me ne thellesi te mureve q- kane nxjerre rastesisht germimet. 

8/29/2001



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug 30 07:43:29 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 04:43:29 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Jobs at Un. pf Prishtina
Message-ID: <20010830114329.27520.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

University of Prishtina  Social Sciences Department                        31.07.2001
Political Science/Public Administration
Sociology


VACANCY ANNOUNCEMENT

By a decision of the Academic Senate of the University of Prishtina on 14. 
June 2001, a section of Political Science/Public Administration will open 
at the Faculty of Philosophy with studies commencing with the start of the 
academic year 2001/2. Simultaneously, the structure of the existing 
Department of Sociology will be comprehensively revised to fit together 
with the above section in a Department of Social Sciences.

Vacancies for several posts of lecturer and assistant lecturer are hereby 
announced. In the first year, the successful candidates will be expected to 
contribute to teaching on a range of introductory modules in Political 
Science/Public Administration and/or Sociology. There will also be a course 
on study skills.

Candidates who apply should submit the following documentation:
?      Proper degrees (preferably at least an MA) in the relevant field

?      Academic Publications (preferably in foreign academic journals)
?      Teaching experience
?      English Language skills
?      Proposed syllabus and reading list for the course/s they wish to teach, 
specifying area (module) and contact hours per week (See further particulars.)
?      Reasons for applying
?      Resume of current and future research plans

The selection procedure will be carried out according to the Interim 
Statute of the University of Prishtina. Starting salary will be according 
to experience and the existing salary structure of the University.

All applicants are asked to submit their applications via E-mail to the 
following addresses: dia_unikos at yahoo.se (please note the underline after 
?dia?) and/or rektorati at uni-pr.edu or in a hard copy with floppy disk 
enclosed to the Rectorate of the University of Prishtina. The closing date 
for applications is September 15, 2001.

Further particulars

The Department's aim is to provide high quality teaching so that its 
students obtain a deep understanding of the relevant field and a range of 
distinctive skills. One of the Department?s main objectives is to provide a 
friendly and supportive environment for both undergraduate and postgraduate 
students. The Department is characterised overall by a pluralistic approach 
to questions of theory and methods, and a balance of age, experience and 
interest.

Main duties

The post holders will become responsible for the following areas of activity:

Teaching:
?      Teaching on the Department?s undergraduate degrees
?      Any other teaching duties as specified

Research:
?      Development of a personal research programme
?      Development of relevant research links with external institutions

Administration:
?      Participation in meetings of the Faculty Council
?      Any other areas of administration as specified

End results:
The post holders are expected:
?      To provide high quality teaching and show innovation in the design and 
delivery of new courses

Modules:

Political Science/Public Administration:
?      Statistics
?      Introduction to Political Science
?      Models of Democracy
?      History of Political Thought
?      Introduction to Public Administration

Sociology:
?      Statistics
?      Introduction to Sociology
?      History of Sociology
?      Socialisation Theories
?      Sociological Theory part I

Modules common to both sections:
?      Study skills/academic writing
?      English for Academic Purposes
?      Fundamentals and Methods of Scientific Research
?      Elective modules on topics such as: Culture in Society and Politics; 
Conflict and Conflict Resolution; Human Rights; Environmental Studies

Each module comprises four contact hours per week except the first  two 
hrs. Over the following two years, teaching in other modules will become 
possible.




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug 30 07:47:48 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 04:47:48 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fellowships at Harvard
Message-ID: <20010830114748.28130.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

From: <ETHNOPOLITICS at JISCMAIL.AC.UK>

Cross-posted from East-West-Research [EAST-WEST-RESEARCH at JISCMAIL.AC.UK]

Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies
Pre- and Postdoctoral Fellowships

The purpose of the Academy Scholars Program is to identify bright scholars
who are at the start of their careers and whose work combines disciplinary
excellence in the social sciences with an in-depth grounding in particular
countries or regions outside the United States, Canada, and Western Europe.

The Academy Scholars are a select group of individuals who show promise of
becoming leading scholars at major universities. Predoctoral applicants
must
have completed all course work and general examinations by the beginning of
the first year for which they plan to apply and are expected to have made
some significant progress on their dissertations. Scholars are appointed
and
supported by the Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies to
provide opportunities for advanced work while in residence at Harvard
University, although travel for research is allowed. Academy Scholars are
given time, guidance, access to Harvard facilities, and substantial
financial assistance as they work for two years conducting either
dissertation or post-doctoral research in their chosen fields and areas.
The
Senior Scholars, a distinguished group of senior Harvard faculty members,
act as mentors to the Academy Scholars to help them achieve their
intellectual potential.

To Apply

Applications for the 2002-2003 class of Academy Scholars are due by October
15, 2001. There is no application form. The following materials are
required
for a complete application:

a current curriculum vitae, including a list of publications (include 3
copies)
a statement of the applicant's planned research and intellectual objectives
for the next two years and how appointment as an Academy Scholar will
contribute to his or her career goals - no more than 10 pages double-spaced
(include 3 copies)
an official copy of each graduate transcript
three letters of recommendation in sealed, signed envelopes placed inside
the application packet
a cover letter which sufficiently states the applicant's academic field,
country of origin or region of specialization, and proposed or actual
research topic (include 3 copies)

Please do not staple materials.

Faxed or e-mailed applications will not be accepted.

Finalists will be invited to Cambridge for interviews with the Senior
Scholars in December 2001.


Applications should be mailed to:
The Academy Scholars Program
Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies
1737 Cambridge Street
Cambridge, MA 02138


All materials must be received by October 15, 2001. The selection process
begins immediately thereafter. Applicants whose materials are late or
incomplete are at a disadvantage when considered by the Selection
Committee.
Announcements of the awards will be made in January 2002.


In addition to the Scholars Program, the Academy sponsors a Global Cultures
Program involving research and conferences on the interactions,
similarities, and differences among the world's major cultures. The Academy
is an autonomous institution within Harvard's Weatherhead Center for
International Affairs. A research institution within the Faculty of Arts
and
Sciences, the WCFIA houses scholars and practitioners of international
affairs conducting independent research on current issues in international
relations. The Center sponsors numerous seminars and academic workshops on
a
broad variety of topics in international relations, as well as supporting
the publication of scholarly works generated by resident researchers.

Program details and application guidelines are now available from the
Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies at the WCFIA for the
academic year 2002-2003. For additional information contact:
Email: bbaiter at cfia.harvard.edu
or
James Clem, Executive Officer
jclem at cfia.harvard.edu
Phone: (617) 495-2137 Fax: (617) 495-1384
Web Address: http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/academy/



Terms
The competition for these awards is open only to doctoral candidates (Ph.D.
or comparable professional school degree) or recent recipients of these
degrees who may already hold teaching or research positions. Candidates for
advanced degrees must have completed all course work and general
examinations by the time of application. Historically, competitive
candidates have already made significant progress on their dissertations.

Each year, about 275 individuals submit applications for Academy
Scholarships. From this pool four to six Academy Scholars are named for
two-year appointments. Scholars are expected to reside in the
Cambridge/Boston area for the duration of their appointments unless
traveling for approved research purposes.

Pre-doctoral Scholars will receive an annual stipend of $24,000 and
post-doctoral Scholars will receive an annual stipend of $36,000. This
stipend is supplemented by funding for conference and research travel, and
some health insurance coverage.

Applications are welcome from any qualified person without regard to
nationality. 



---------------------------------
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From naac at naac.org  Thu Aug 30 10:12:37 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 10:12:37 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 30, 2001
Message-ID: <007701c1315d$d7500630$54521840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
August 30, 2001

KOSOVALIVE

Rail Journey by UNMIK and KFOR Chiefs Symbolizes Return to Normalcy in Kosova
PRISHTINA (KosovaLive) - A rail journey to symbolize the return to normal life in Kosova was organized for Wednesday by UNMIK, KFOR and UNMIK Police. UN Special Representative of the Secretary General Hans Haekkerup boarded a train Wednesday afternoon in Lipjan for the short trip to Fushe Kosova/Kosovo Polje. Kosova's chief administrator was accompanied by COMKFOR Thorstein Skiaker and UNMIK Police Commissioner Christopher Albiston. According to KFOR, the journey illustrates the continuous process towards normalcy in the region. Journalists were invited to join the tour and chat with Kosova's top three international officials. Perhaps surprisingly, the rail system has been little used since the end of the war, mainly by Serbs traveling from Leposavic to Fushe Kosova/Kosovo Polje. However, more than two years after the arrival of NATO troops, UNMIK and KFOR consider the security situation satisfactory, which bodes well for rail travel in Kosova.

Every Third Candidate for Kosova Assembly Should Be Female, says OSCE
PRISHTINA (KosovaLive) - Traditionally, few Kosovar women have been involved in politics.  The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) aims to change that picture.  The OSCE is looking forward to one in three candidates for the new Kosovo Assembly to be female.  In support of this goal, the OSCE launched a seminar Wednesday for female candidates running for the post of deputy in the Kosovo Assembly.  
The point of the seminar it is to empower female candidates to join political parties, coalitions and citizens initiative, according to Carolyn McCool, Director of the OSCE's Department of Democratization.  Speaking to journalists on Wednesday in Prishtina, McCool said that a further goal was to train women candidates to take the leadership in political activities and to hold down the post, once elected.
McCool said that females are in the majority in Kosova and OSCE was taking the correct steps to raise the number of females working in the political sphere.  The OSCE has decided that one-third of the first 67 percent of political candidates designated by each party must be women.  This means every third candidate should be female.
"We do trust that Kosovar females will be able to take over the duties in the political sphere as well as in the social sphere," said seminar leader Audrey McLaughlin, adding that women can bring new meaning to politics.
Jennifer Mauro, who has previous experience in Canadian elections, said despite progress since the municipal elections, Albanian females are still involved very little in the political process.
"This is a long process and we need involvement from political parties and from the voters," she said.
The three-day seminar headed by McLaughlin, a member of the Canadian Parliament until 1997, and Jennifer Mauro, former adviser to the prime minister of the Yukon.

NEW YORK TIMES

A Macedonian Hawk Vows to Extend Pursuit of Rebels
By CARLOTTA GALL
SKOPJE, Macedonia, Aug.29 - Macedonia's interior minister, Ljube Boskovski, said today that NATO's operation to collect weapons from rebels was only a "symbolic disarmament," and he warned that his anti-terrorist police would seize any remaining illegal weapons as soon as NATO was finished with its 30-day mission.
While Mr. Boskovski promised to deal definitively with any continuing threats from the rebels, it was not clear if Macedonia's coalition government would ultimately take such action. Mr. Boskovski wields considerable influence in the government, particularly through his association with the prime minister, Ljubco Georgievski, who shares his views.
But Mr. Boskovski, who is a founding member of the nationalist Macedonian party that leads the government coalition, also represents the hard-line faction within that coalition. Ultimately, the government might not go along with Mr. Boskovski's ideas as it tries to find common ground in carrying out a peace plan with the rebels.
Despite the government's backing of the peace plan, Mr. Boskovski and Mr. Georgievski have continued to criticize international efforts to head off a civil war here, and they have blamed the West for supporting the ethnic Albanian insurgents. They have also been seen to encourage anti-Albanian sentiment in Macedonia and among the police, which Mr. Boskovski, through his ministry, has the power to order into action.
Mr. Boskovski, 40, made it clear today that he would use that power to begin anti-terrorist operations against rebel bases after NATO finished its operation to disarm the insurgents.
"Basically we have to clear the field of weapons according to our laws," Mr. Boskovski said, "and take weapons away from those who illegally possess them. That would be done and is done by every democratic state, because weapons threaten the stability of democracy." 
His comments, of course, were not expected to go down well with the rebels, or with NATO mediators, who have already complained that his hard-line positions have only complicated the peace process. A NATO task force of 4,500 troops is trying to help that process along by collecting 3,300 weapons in the next 30 days. NATO hopes that its operation will defuse tensions and end the rebel insurgency.
Mr. Boskovski is a hawk who has supported a military solution to the ethnic Albanian insurgency, and who has been accused of allowing his police forces to inflict violence on ethnic Albanian civilians. Human rights organizations and even government officials have criticized him for arming thousands of Macedonian Slav reservists, encouraging attacks on ethnic Albanian properties and the Macedonian Parliament, and organizing paramilitary units that, among other things, have hindered NATO troop movements around the country.
Mr. Boskovski's promise of further action against the rebels came as NATO's secretary general, Lord Robertson, was visiting Macedonia today to assess the NATO operation. Lord Robertson, who met with Mr. Boskovski, urged Macedonian politicians to adopt political changes that are a crucial part of the internationally mediated peace plan to end the six-month conflict.
After the meeting, Lord Robertson said that Mr. Boskovski had agreed to prevent any illegal paramilitary groups from operating in the country - something the secretary general stressed was an important commitment. 
In an interview today, Mr. Boskovski voiced support for President Boris Trajkovski's peace plan and for NATO's presence in Macedonia.
"There are no dilemmas regarding this issue," he said. But he said he would pursue the rebels "to the end," because, he said, they were set on creating a greater Albania and seizing control of territory from the government.
He expressed his distrust of NATO's special envoy in Macedonia, Pieter Feith, who has negotiated with the ethnic Albanian rebels in southern Serbia and in Macedonia. He blamed Mr. Feith and the rebel leader, Ali Ahmeti, for failing to ensure that the July cease-fire agreement was observed by the rebels, and for allowing attacks on as many as 20 Macedonian Slav civilians in western Macedonia.
And one diplomat made it clear that Mr. Boskovski was not trusted, saying: "We are concerned about him and his stunts and tricks. There is a lot that could knock this thing off its tracks."

German Troops Head to Macedonia
BERLIN, Aug. 29 - Chancellor Gerhard Schr?der won a large majority in Parliament today on a vote to send 500 German soldiers to help NATO troops in Macedonia.
Parliament must approve any troop deployments outside Germany, and in special session voted 497 to 130, with 8 abstentions, to support the government. 

WASHINGTON POST

Worried Macedonians Weigh Public Vote on Peace Accord 
Officials Fear Legislative Rejection of Pact, Seek Alternative 
By Peter Finn, Washington Post Foreign Service
SKOPJE, Macedonia, Aug. 29 -- Phase one of NATO's effort to disarm ethnic Albanian rebels ended today at an army base in a small Macedonian town. But in the capital, opponents of the country's peace plan signaled they will try to vote it down when it is put before parliament in coming days.
Western and moderate Macedonian officials, fearful this effort might succeed, are examining the possibility of stalling the vote in the legislature and taking the agreement directly to the people in a referendum.
That could force NATO to prolong its operation, which is supposed to be limited to the collection of arms over a strict 30-day period. A referendum could take at least 60 days to organize after a parliamentary vote authorizing one, or the collection of 150,000 signatures from among the population.
A referendum is "an option we're looking at," said a source close to President Boris Trajkovski, whose aides have indicated that approval of the peace accord is on a razor's edge in the 120-member parliament. Western officials have discussed the possibility of a referendum with Trajkovski and say public opinion is swinging toward support of the peace agreement.
Political leaders of the Slavic majority and the ethnic Albanian minority signed the accord two weeks ago. It calls for Albanian guerrillas, who have launched sporadic attacks on Slav-dominated government forces since February, to turn in their arms to NATO in return for enactment of a package of measures meant to increase rights for ethnic Albanian citizens.
A telephone opinion poll of 1,055 adults conducted last weekend by the Skopje-based Institute for Democracy, Solidarity and Civil Society showed that a bare majority of respondents, 50.3 percent, support the agreement. But it represented a significant jump from a poll conducted by a different organization immediately after the accord was signed.
A U.S.-funded media campaign to build support among Macedonians for the agreement began this week with television, radio and print advertisements. A Western-sponsored voter survey showed there is very little understanding in both ethnic groups of what the agreement actually says or means, and a major goal of the campaign is to increase public knowledge about the terms.
Among Macedonian Slavs, support for the agreement stands at 43.7 percent, according to the weekend poll; opponents generally contend the deal gives too much to the Albanians and that a full military assault against the guerrillas is the best alternative. Seventy-eight percent of ethnic Albanians favor the deal, the poll found.
Members of parliament, meanwhile, are coming under intense pressure to support the agreement or risk full-scale civil war and the country being globally isolated. Western diplomats are visiting with legislators and municipal leaders to build support for a yes vote.
"The pressure is overwhelming," one lawmaker said today.
NATO Secretary General George Robertson visited an army base in the town of Krivolak in southern Macedonia, where some of the 750 weapons surrendered so far by guerrillas of the National Liberation Army were displayed, and pronounced the program on track. "It is not just the number of weapons that matters," Robertson told reporters today, referring to claims that the guerrillas are giving up only a tiny portion of their cache, "it is the fact that the so-called NLA is handing over these weapons and disbanding as an organization."
"The members of parliament hold the future of this country in their hands," Robertson said, following lengthy talks with political leaders. "I can't tell whether this historic project is going to succeed, but the alternative will be horrifying."
The rebels are meant to disarm completely in three phases under the agreement, while parliament simultaneously initiates a three-step legislative process to adopt constitutional amendments, prepare drafts of the amendments, then vote on each amendment. The first step begins Friday and its successful conclusion requires a yes vote by 80 members of the 120-member assembly. The vote is to follow a debate that could extend into next week.
Attempts to scuttle the accord in parliament focus on a rump group in the party of Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski, according to Western officials, local leaders and a key legislator.
"I would not like it to be my destiny that a Macedonian killed me because I betrayed the nation," Danilo Gligorski, a member of Georgievski's governing party, said in an interview today. He described himself as leaning strongly toward voting against the agreement. "If I choose to be killed, I would rather be killed by a terrorist in the mountains."
According to Gligorski, the overwhelming majority of his colleagues in parliament oppose the accord, and its defeat is likely. 
He estimated that the agreement will get only 50 to 55 favorable votes.
Western officials and other analysts dismissed those figures as exaggeration and said a group of about 10 young hard-line members of Georgievski's party could defy the leadership and vote no. But that would still allow the agreement to squeak through, analysts said.
"This is a small country not known for defiance," said Edward P. Joseph of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels research organization. "At the end of the day, they always roll."
And Ivica Bocevski, executive director of the democracy and solidarity institute, said parties here are disciplined and hierarchical, and that Georgievski can secure enough votes for passage while allowing a small group to dissent for symbolic purposes.
The prime minister, a reluctant signatory to the agreement, plans to meet with his parliamentary group Thursday night to urge them to at least allow the process to go forward from Friday even if they reserve the right to vote no at the end, legislators said. That would provide some breathing space for further lobbying and allow the return of displaced refugees to their homes, a critical issue for the dissenters.




-------------- next part --------------
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From naac at naac.org  Thu Aug 30 10:12:37 2001
From: naac at naac.org (National Albanian American Council - NAAC)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 10:12:37 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Today's Articles on Albanian Issues, August 30, 2001
Message-ID: <007e01c1315d$e5727e50$54521840@sold>

National Albanian American Council
1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 1201, Washington, DC  20006
(202) 466-6900    Fax: (202) 466-5593
Email: naac at naac.org
_______________________________________________________________________
For Your Information
August 30, 2001

KOSOVALIVE

Rail Journey by UNMIK and KFOR Chiefs Symbolizes Return to Normalcy in Kosova
PRISHTINA (KosovaLive) - A rail journey to symbolize the return to normal life in Kosova was organized for Wednesday by UNMIK, KFOR and UNMIK Police. UN Special Representative of the Secretary General Hans Haekkerup boarded a train Wednesday afternoon in Lipjan for the short trip to Fushe Kosova/Kosovo Polje. Kosova's chief administrator was accompanied by COMKFOR Thorstein Skiaker and UNMIK Police Commissioner Christopher Albiston. According to KFOR, the journey illustrates the continuous process towards normalcy in the region. Journalists were invited to join the tour and chat with Kosova's top three international officials. Perhaps surprisingly, the rail system has been little used since the end of the war, mainly by Serbs traveling from Leposavic to Fushe Kosova/Kosovo Polje. However, more than two years after the arrival of NATO troops, UNMIK and KFOR consider the security situation satisfactory, which bodes well for rail travel in Kosova.

Every Third Candidate for Kosova Assembly Should Be Female, says OSCE
PRISHTINA (KosovaLive) - Traditionally, few Kosovar women have been involved in politics.  The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) aims to change that picture.  The OSCE is looking forward to one in three candidates for the new Kosovo Assembly to be female.  In support of this goal, the OSCE launched a seminar Wednesday for female candidates running for the post of deputy in the Kosovo Assembly.  
The point of the seminar it is to empower female candidates to join political parties, coalitions and citizens initiative, according to Carolyn McCool, Director of the OSCE's Department of Democratization.  Speaking to journalists on Wednesday in Prishtina, McCool said that a further goal was to train women candidates to take the leadership in political activities and to hold down the post, once elected.
McCool said that females are in the majority in Kosova and OSCE was taking the correct steps to raise the number of females working in the political sphere.  The OSCE has decided that one-third of the first 67 percent of political candidates designated by each party must be women.  This means every third candidate should be female.
"We do trust that Kosovar females will be able to take over the duties in the political sphere as well as in the social sphere," said seminar leader Audrey McLaughlin, adding that women can bring new meaning to politics.
Jennifer Mauro, who has previous experience in Canadian elections, said despite progress since the municipal elections, Albanian females are still involved very little in the political process.
"This is a long process and we need involvement from political parties and from the voters," she said.
The three-day seminar headed by McLaughlin, a member of the Canadian Parliament until 1997, and Jennifer Mauro, former adviser to the prime minister of the Yukon.

NEW YORK TIMES

A Macedonian Hawk Vows to Extend Pursuit of Rebels
By CARLOTTA GALL
SKOPJE, Macedonia, Aug.29 - Macedonia's interior minister, Ljube Boskovski, said today that NATO's operation to collect weapons from rebels was only a "symbolic disarmament," and he warned that his anti-terrorist police would seize any remaining illegal weapons as soon as NATO was finished with its 30-day mission.
While Mr. Boskovski promised to deal definitively with any continuing threats from the rebels, it was not clear if Macedonia's coalition government would ultimately take such action. Mr. Boskovski wields considerable influence in the government, particularly through his association with the prime minister, Ljubco Georgievski, who shares his views.
But Mr. Boskovski, who is a founding member of the nationalist Macedonian party that leads the government coalition, also represents the hard-line faction within that coalition. Ultimately, the government might not go along with Mr. Boskovski's ideas as it tries to find common ground in carrying out a peace plan with the rebels.
Despite the government's backing of the peace plan, Mr. Boskovski and Mr. Georgievski have continued to criticize international efforts to head off a civil war here, and they have blamed the West for supporting the ethnic Albanian insurgents. They have also been seen to encourage anti-Albanian sentiment in Macedonia and among the police, which Mr. Boskovski, through his ministry, has the power to order into action.
Mr. Boskovski, 40, made it clear today that he would use that power to begin anti-terrorist operations against rebel bases after NATO finished its operation to disarm the insurgents.
"Basically we have to clear the field of weapons according to our laws," Mr. Boskovski said, "and take weapons away from those who illegally possess them. That would be done and is done by every democratic state, because weapons threaten the stability of democracy." 
His comments, of course, were not expected to go down well with the rebels, or with NATO mediators, who have already complained that his hard-line positions have only complicated the peace process. A NATO task force of 4,500 troops is trying to help that process along by collecting 3,300 weapons in the next 30 days. NATO hopes that its operation will defuse tensions and end the rebel insurgency.
Mr. Boskovski is a hawk who has supported a military solution to the ethnic Albanian insurgency, and who has been accused of allowing his police forces to inflict violence on ethnic Albanian civilians. Human rights organizations and even government officials have criticized him for arming thousands of Macedonian Slav reservists, encouraging attacks on ethnic Albanian properties and the Macedonian Parliament, and organizing paramilitary units that, among other things, have hindered NATO troop movements around the country.
Mr. Boskovski's promise of further action against the rebels came as NATO's secretary general, Lord Robertson, was visiting Macedonia today to assess the NATO operation. Lord Robertson, who met with Mr. Boskovski, urged Macedonian politicians to adopt political changes that are a crucial part of the internationally mediated peace plan to end the six-month conflict.
After the meeting, Lord Robertson said that Mr. Boskovski had agreed to prevent any illegal paramilitary groups from operating in the country - something the secretary general stressed was an important commitment. 
In an interview today, Mr. Boskovski voiced support for President Boris Trajkovski's peace plan and for NATO's presence in Macedonia.
"There are no dilemmas regarding this issue," he said. But he said he would pursue the rebels "to the end," because, he said, they were set on creating a greater Albania and seizing control of territory from the government.
He expressed his distrust of NATO's special envoy in Macedonia, Pieter Feith, who has negotiated with the ethnic Albanian rebels in southern Serbia and in Macedonia. He blamed Mr. Feith and the rebel leader, Ali Ahmeti, for failing to ensure that the July cease-fire agreement was observed by the rebels, and for allowing attacks on as many as 20 Macedonian Slav civilians in western Macedonia.
And one diplomat made it clear that Mr. Boskovski was not trusted, saying: "We are concerned about him and his stunts and tricks. There is a lot that could knock this thing off its tracks."

German Troops Head to Macedonia
BERLIN, Aug. 29 - Chancellor Gerhard Schr?der won a large majority in Parliament today on a vote to send 500 German soldiers to help NATO troops in Macedonia.
Parliament must approve any troop deployments outside Germany, and in special session voted 497 to 130, with 8 abstentions, to support the government. 

WASHINGTON POST

Worried Macedonians Weigh Public Vote on Peace Accord 
Officials Fear Legislative Rejection of Pact, Seek Alternative 
By Peter Finn, Washington Post Foreign Service
SKOPJE, Macedonia, Aug. 29 -- Phase one of NATO's effort to disarm ethnic Albanian rebels ended today at an army base in a small Macedonian town. But in the capital, opponents of the country's peace plan signaled they will try to vote it down when it is put before parliament in coming days.
Western and moderate Macedonian officials, fearful this effort might succeed, are examining the possibility of stalling the vote in the legislature and taking the agreement directly to the people in a referendum.
That could force NATO to prolong its operation, which is supposed to be limited to the collection of arms over a strict 30-day period. A referendum could take at least 60 days to organize after a parliamentary vote authorizing one, or the collection of 150,000 signatures from among the population.
A referendum is "an option we're looking at," said a source close to President Boris Trajkovski, whose aides have indicated that approval of the peace accord is on a razor's edge in the 120-member parliament. Western officials have discussed the possibility of a referendum with Trajkovski and say public opinion is swinging toward support of the peace agreement.
Political leaders of the Slavic majority and the ethnic Albanian minority signed the accord two weeks ago. It calls for Albanian guerrillas, who have launched sporadic attacks on Slav-dominated government forces since February, to turn in their arms to NATO in return for enactment of a package of measures meant to increase rights for ethnic Albanian citizens.
A telephone opinion poll of 1,055 adults conducted last weekend by the Skopje-based Institute for Democracy, Solidarity and Civil Society showed that a bare majority of respondents, 50.3 percent, support the agreement. But it represented a significant jump from a poll conducted by a different organization immediately after the accord was signed.
A U.S.-funded media campaign to build support among Macedonians for the agreement began this week with television, radio and print advertisements. A Western-sponsored voter survey showed there is very little understanding in both ethnic groups of what the agreement actually says or means, and a major goal of the campaign is to increase public knowledge about the terms.
Among Macedonian Slavs, support for the agreement stands at 43.7 percent, according to the weekend poll; opponents generally contend the deal gives too much to the Albanians and that a full military assault against the guerrillas is the best alternative. Seventy-eight percent of ethnic Albanians favor the deal, the poll found.
Members of parliament, meanwhile, are coming under intense pressure to support the agreement or risk full-scale civil war and the country being globally isolated. Western diplomats are visiting with legislators and municipal leaders to build support for a yes vote.
"The pressure is overwhelming," one lawmaker said today.
NATO Secretary General George Robertson visited an army base in the town of Krivolak in southern Macedonia, where some of the 750 weapons surrendered so far by guerrillas of the National Liberation Army were displayed, and pronounced the program on track. "It is not just the number of weapons that matters," Robertson told reporters today, referring to claims that the guerrillas are giving up only a tiny portion of their cache, "it is the fact that the so-called NLA is handing over these weapons and disbanding as an organization."
"The members of parliament hold the future of this country in their hands," Robertson said, following lengthy talks with political leaders. "I can't tell whether this historic project is going to succeed, but the alternative will be horrifying."
The rebels are meant to disarm completely in three phases under the agreement, while parliament simultaneously initiates a three-step legislative process to adopt constitutional amendments, prepare drafts of the amendments, then vote on each amendment. The first step begins Friday and its successful conclusion requires a yes vote by 80 members of the 120-member assembly. The vote is to follow a debate that could extend into next week.
Attempts to scuttle the accord in parliament focus on a rump group in the party of Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski, according to Western officials, local leaders and a key legislator.
"I would not like it to be my destiny that a Macedonian killed me because I betrayed the nation," Danilo Gligorski, a member of Georgievski's governing party, said in an interview today. He described himself as leaning strongly toward voting against the agreement. "If I choose to be killed, I would rather be killed by a terrorist in the mountains."
According to Gligorski, the overwhelming majority of his colleagues in parliament oppose the accord, and its defeat is likely. 
He estimated that the agreement will get only 50 to 55 favorable votes.
Western officials and other analysts dismissed those figures as exaggeration and said a group of about 10 young hard-line members of Georgievski's party could defy the leadership and vote no. But that would still allow the agreement to squeak through, analysts said.
"This is a small country not known for defiance," said Edward P. Joseph of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels research organization. "At the end of the day, they always roll."
And Ivica Bocevski, executive director of the democracy and solidarity institute, said parties here are disciplined and hierarchical, and that Georgievski can secure enough votes for passage while allowing a small group to dissent for symbolic purposes.
The prime minister, a reluctant signatory to the agreement, plans to meet with his parliamentary group Thursday night to urge them to at least allow the process to go forward from Friday even if they reserve the right to vote no at the end, legislators said. That would provide some breathing space for further lobbying and allow the return of displaced refugees to their homes, a critical issue for the dissenters.




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From mentor at alb-net.com  Thu Aug 30 10:45:56 2001
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 10:45:56 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [AMCC-News] Foto FACTS: 1) Macedonian police brutality, abuse and massacres in
 Luboten/Ljuboten on Aug 11-12th, 2001; 2) Destruction of Albanian property
 and Islamic cultural objects
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.33.0108301023560.22366-100000@alb-net.com>

>>>>>>>>>>>>> PLEASE READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
---------------------------------------------------------------------
                Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
              http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/humanrights.htm

           Macedonian police brutality, abuse and massacres
            http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/abuse_violence.htm
---------------------------------------------------------------------
 


1. Photographs from Luboten/Ljuboten

   Macedonian police brutality, abuse and massacres in Luboten/Ljuboten on
   Aug 11th and 12th, 2001.

        http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/abuse_violence.htm

   Note: The pictures are very disturbing.

   You can view more photographs at the following location:
        http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/pics/ml/
        http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/pics/ml/gb
        http://www.alb-net.com/amcc/pics/ml/aq

   Some of this pictures correspond directly to the Human Rights Watch
   Report from Aug 22nd, 2001: "Police Abuse Against Albanians Continues in
   Macedonia".
	URL: http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/08/macedonia0822.htm


2. Destruction of Albanian property and Islamic cultural objects

   Nikushtak:    http://www.inter-liber.com/chom/images/foto2.htm
   Likove:       http://www.inter-liber.com/chom/images/foto3.htm
   Shkup:        http://www.inter-liber.com/chom/foto1.htm

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug 30 22:27:25 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 19:27:25 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Gazeta Shqiptare - 31 gusht 2001
Message-ID: <20010831022725.91692.qmail@web11504.mail.yahoo.com>


Ministria e Rendit: E v?rteta 
e tenderit t? pasaportave

Ministria e Rendit Publik tregon se cila ?sht? e v?rteta e tenderit t? pasaportave. Pas protestave t? b?ra nga ana e Ambasad?s Britanike n? Tiran?, por edhe atyre t? vet? firmave q? nuk kan? fituar sipas vendimit t? komisionit t? k?tij tenderi, Ministria e rendit tregon n? detaje se si q?ndron e gjith? kjo histori. N? dataje flitet edhe p?r skualifikimin e nj? shoq?ris? greke Euroget Technologies SA. 

N? njoftimin thuhet se Ministris? s? Rendit i ?sht? paraqitur edhe nj? dokument nga Emiratet e Bashkuara Arabe, n? lidhje me k?t? shoq?ri, q? mban dat?n 12, shkurt 1996 n? lidhje, kur Euroget Technologies ?sht? krijuar n? 5, gusht 1999 me vendim t? gjykat?s s? Athin?s. N? gar?n e tenderit t? pasaportave n? fillim kam qen? De La Rue nga Anglia, FTS SAS nga Franca, Bundes Druckerei nga Gjermania dhe Polaroid nga SHBA. 


Konkurent?t
"Jan? shoq?ri t? cilat kan? demostruar n? Ministrin? e rendit Publik n? lidhje me aktivitetin dhe reputacionin e tyre n? drejtim t? prodhimit t? pasaportave", thuhet n? njoftimin e k?saj ministrie. M? pas tregohet se si u fut n? gar? edhe shoq?ria Euroget Technologies SA nga Greqia. "Ajo u p?rfshi n? konkurrim n? momentet e fundit n? saj t? nd?rhyrjes s? p?rfaq?suesve t? disa ambasadave", thuhet n? njoftim duke vazhduar se "me interesimin e Ambasad?s s? Shteteve t? Bashkuara t? Amerik?s n? Tiran? p?r shtyrjen e afatit t? hapjes s? procedur?s s? prokurimit, komisionet e prokurimit vendos?n q? t? shtyjn? afatin e hapjes s? pro?edur?s s? prokurimit".


Skualifikimi
"Nga verifikimi i dokumentacionit administrativo-ligjor t? shoq?rive rezultoi se shoq?ria Euroget Technologies SA, nuk i plot?sonte k?rkesat e p?rcaktuara n? kapitullin II K?rkesat p?r Kualifikim", sqaron ministria e Rendit Publik. Kjo ka qen? arsyeja q? unanimisht ?sht? marr? vendimi p?r skualifikimin nga gara t? k?saj shoq?rie. Ministria e Rendit Publik tregon edhe cilat pika nuk plot?sonte kjo shoq?ri. Sipas saj n? dokumentat e paraqitura prej Euroget Technologies SA v?rtetohet krijimi i shoq?ris? p?r aktivitetin e aplikimit t? teknolojis? s? p?rparuar dhe jo prodhimin e pasaportave apo t? dokumenteve t? tjera me elemente t? larta sigurie. "Objekti i veprimtaris? s? k?saj shoq?rie nuk p?rputhet me objektin e prokurimit p?r t? cilin zhvillohet procedura e prokurimit. Gjithashtu n? vendimin e gjykat?s nuk p?rcaktohet q? shoq?ria Euroget Technologies SA ?sht? nj? deg? apo an?tare e grupit GET", thuhet nga Ministria e Rendit Publik. Grupi GET ?sht? amerikan. Nj? nga pikat q? e ka ?uar n? skualifikim k?t? shoq?ri, sipas ministris?, ka qen? li?ensa, "e cila nuk tregon se kjo shoq?ri ka li?ens?n e nevojshme, q? ti p?rgjigjet objektit t? prokurimit, prodhimit t? pasaportave". Nga Ministria thuhet se kjo shoq?ri nuk kishte dokument q? v?rtetonte prodhimin e pasaportave. Ministria e Rendit Publik tregon se nga kjo shoq?ri jan? dh?n? dy dokumente, nj? nga Qeveria kanadeze dhe nj? nga ajo e Emirateve t? Bashkuara Arabe. Dukumenti i par? sipas ministris?, "v?rteton se qeveria e Kanadas? ka lidhur kontrat? me shoq?rin? GET n? Amerik?, p?r prodhimin e multiprinterit TOPAN MP 300, p?r printimin e pasaportave n? kanada n? vjesht?n e k?tij viti. Ky v?rtetim ?sht? l?shuar p?r shoq?rin? amerikane GET dhe jo p?r shoq?rin? greke Euroget Technologies SA". M? pas shtohet se "ky dokument ?sht? i pasakt?", sepse nuk l?shohej p?r shoq?rin? n? fjal?. P?r dokumentit e dyt? nga Emiratet e Bashkuara thuhet se "jo vet?m q? nuk dihet se kujt i drejtohet, por n? t? nj?jt?n koh? nuk v?rteton se shoq?ria Euroget Technologies SA realizon prodhimin e pasaportave. Ky v?rtetim mban dat?n 12.02.1996 n? nj? koh? kur shoq?ria Euroget ?sht? krijuar n? dat?n 05.06 1999 me vendim t? Gjykat?s s? Athin?s". N? njoftim tregohet edhe p?r nj? takim me p?rfaq?suesit e Ambasad?s s? SHBA ku ?sht? sqaruar gjith?ka. "Gjat? takimit p?rfaq?suesi i Ambasad?s kontaktoi me telefon me drejtuesin e shoq?ris? nga i cili konfirmoi se ajo nuk kryente prodhimin e pasaportave", dhe m? tej thuhet se ajo k?t? do ta b?nte me shoq?rit? e tjera.



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug 30 23:09:38 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 20:09:38 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Minorities in Greece
Message-ID: <20010831030938.86601.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP - GREECE (MRG - G)
Address: P.O. Box 60820, 15304 Glyka Nera
Telephone: (+30-1) 347.22.59. Fax: (+30-1) 601.87.60.
e-mail: office at greekhelsinki.gr website: http://www.greekhelsinki.gr
_________________________________________________


Minorities and Media in Greece

(Prepared for the Article XIX/Minority Rights Group International 
project on Media Law and Minorities within the Council of Europe area)

May 2000

Table of Contents

1. Recognition/Definition/Citizenship
2. Language/Culture
3. Access to the Mainstream Media
4. Minorities' Own Media
5. Recruitment/Discrimination/Accreditation
6. Legal Restrictions on the Content of Publications
7. Tolerance/Portrayal
8. Independence/Manipulation of the Media
9. Informal Censorship


Section 1: Recognition/Definition/Citizenship

Greece is a unitary state. "The official ideology of the Greek State has been built almost exclusively around the concept of a single nation, with a common creed and language. This incontrovertible fact is reflected in, amongst other things, all the constitutions by which the country has been governed in its 160-year history, including the one currently in force" (Stavros, 1996:117). Thus, the Greek state has been acknowledging the existence of only one, religious in character, minority, that of the Muslims of Thrace whose rights have been guaranteed by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. No other minority is acknowledged. The Greek state argues that it fully respects the rights of the Muslim minority, implicitly accepting though past discrimination: "The basic guiding principles of the policy followed by Greek Governments in recent years, vis-a-vis the handling of minority issues have been those of moderation and consensus. This is especially true since 1991, when the Government solemnly reaffirmed the principles of "isonomia" i.e. equality before the Law and "isopoliteia", equality of civil rights, in the relation between Christians and Moslems. These views are also shared by Non-Governmental Organizations which closely follow developments in the minorities field. The whole issue is being handled as belonging to domestic affairs" (http://www.mfa.gr/foreign/musminen.htm). It need be noted, however, that there is no genuine NGO that shares that view of the government.

Reality is different though. "Minorities existing today in Greece (?) [fall into] two main categories: first, those bearing one major distinctive feature (religion, language, cultural ties) and second, those which are more complex in character, namely presenting more than one major difference with regard to the rest of the population (the majority). In the first category we may clearly include Catholics, Protestants, Jehovah's Witnesses (all religious minorities) and the Arvanites [and the Vlachs] (linguistic minorit[ies]). In the second category we may include all those who are traditionally linked with ethnic origins other than the predominant Hellenic origin: Muslim Turcophones, Pomaks, Gypsies, Slavophones and Jews." The quote comes from a study by Professor Christos Rozakis, currently vice-president of the European Court of Human Rights and at the time of its publication Deputy Foreign Minister (Rozakis, 1996:101 -we have added the Vlachs whom the author omitted in that paragraph but clearly identified elsewhere in the study, in p. 99). "The category of minorities existing in Greece today are easily discernible, mainly though their collective activities, their distinctive presence in some parts of the country, or even the presentation of their claims before public and other competent for a. What is not easily discernible is the exact number of members belonging to each one of them. This phenomenon is due to the fact that, unlike the 1951 census, more recent censuses have not addressed issue of national/ethnic origin, language and religion. (?) It may be assumed that this attitude of not including questions in recent censuses about even the linguistic and religious preferences of the population is consistent with a more general policy to discourage discussion on issues concerning ethnic, linguistic, or religious differences in Greek society" (Rozakis, 1996:98). 

The issue of minorities has remained very sensitive in Greece, as -if not more than- elsewhere in the Balkans. Acknowledging the presence of Turks, let alone Macedonians, in the country is widely perceived as a near-treason, and may lead to castigation, persecution or even prosecution of those who make such arguments. It is characteristic that even most of the -mere handful of- scholars like who mention the presence of such minorities feel compelled to use the terms "Turcophones" or "Slavophones" rather than Turks or Macedonians (Rozakis, op.cit. and Kourtovik, 1997 -the latter is a human rights activist and has even been the lawyer of many minority activists). Or, they call Greece's neighbor "state of Skopje" (London School of Economics Professor Nikos Mouzelis in "The pluses and minuses of Greek democracy" -"To Vima" 15/8/1999). Just as almost all media, politicians and intellectuals have constantly been referring to the "Albanophones" of Kosovo, even if the Belgrade regime, including Milosevic himself, calls them "Albanians." In fact, when foreigners use any one of those three "inappropriate terms" they are frequently "corrected" or "edited" -with the use of quotation marks- in the television translation, the newspaper story, or even the scholarly publication. This happens almost always with the term Macedonia and Macedonians, near always with the Turkish minority and frequently with the Kosovo or Macedonia's Albanians. 

This sensitivity became evident in late July 1999, when, suddenly and for the first time in its modern history, there was a debate on the possible modernization of the country's minority and citizenship policies. Under the impetus of Foreign Minister George Papandreou, a renowned supporter of multiculturalism, public opinion was informed that Greece was finally moving towards the application of the internationally-accepted norms for national minorities. In repeated interviews (Papandreou, 1999a,b&c), Papandreou said that the country had nothing to fear from the right to self-identification of its minority citizens: "If a Greek citizen feels that he belongs to some ethnic group, international treaties allow this. And Greece is a country that respects international agreements. (?) No one challenges the fact that there are [in Greece] many Muslims of Turkish origin. Of course, the [Lausanne] treaties refer to Muslims. If the borders are not challenged, it concerns me little if someone calls himself a Turk, a Bulgarian or a Pomak. (?) Whoever feels he has such a [Macedonian] origin, Greece has nothing to fear from it and I want to stress this is not just my thought. It is a well-established practice that allows the integration of minorities throughout Europe, as well as in other countries like Canada, Australia, and the USA. Such an attitude defuses whatever problems might have existed, allows the real blossoming of democratic institutions, as well as gives these people the feeling that they too are citizens of this country." At the same time, the Ministry of the Interior leaked to the media a plan to radically change the citizenship policy, so as to allow immigrants, after some years or residence, to qualify for it, without excluding, as was the case until now, those from neighboring countries or of a Muslim faith. Even the thorny issue of allowing the return of ethnic Macedonian political refugees, who fled as a result of the civil war in the late 1940s and have been banned from Greece since then, was to be finally settled. Coincidentally, a few days before the Papandreou statements, a public appeal for the recognition of a Macedonian and a Turkish minority, the unconditional ratification by Parliament of the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, and the respect of these minorities' rights was made by the three Turkish minority deputies in the Greek Parliament, three Macedonian, seven Turkish and three human rights NGOs (including GHM and MRG-G which initiated the appeal). 

The reaction to these three cases showed how, in Greece but probably everywhere else in the Balkans, public opinion but also opinion leaders consider such policies inapplicable or undesirable. First, there was a near unanimous verbally violent reaction to the appeal, enriched with xenophobic and other hate speech and even some defamatory personal attacks against the signatories. Papandreou aptly called these reactions "harsh, an indication of fear and panic." His statements, as well as the coverage of the attempts to change the citizenship policy, were also met with similar harsh reactions. The reputed as authoritative morning dailies, in their editorials, called the Minister's statements "a lapse" (pro-opposition "Kathimerini" 30/7) and an attitude of "submissiveness" (pro-government "To Vima" 30/7). The latter elaborated further: "There could not be even one Greek citizen, however conciliatory, ready to even discuss the presence or racial [sic] minorities. The Greek people is one and indivisible. With various religious beliefs that do not however affect the unity of the total population. The government should immediately rectify a lapse, even involuntary, that gestates obvious and less obvious dangers." While a column by Stavros Lygeros on "The sorcerer's apprentices" in "Kathimerini" added that "George Papandreou is expressing a whole attitude that seems to prevail in the Simitis government circles. The view that minorities should be recognized, as well as the view that citizenship should be granted to the economic migrants, stems from the same attitude. Basically it is a naive, but nationally dangerous attempt to apply half-baked ideology. With parochial fanaticism they are trying to apply the model of the multicultural society in a national state. Yet Greece is not a country that was created by immigrants, like the United States and Australia, nor is it a former empire, like Britain, which incorporated some of its former subjects. After all, these countries don't recognize minorities. Greece is the country of an historic nation, which lives in a region full of ethnic prejudice and disputes and which has to face direct threats. That's why it can't afford to have sorcerer's apprentices at the helm." Many leading politicians called for Papandreou's resignation while there were even voices which called him a "minister of Ecevit [Turkish PM] and Clinton" [President of the US which is supposed to mastermind the stirring up of minority problems in the Balkans so as to subsequently then exploit them as it did in Kosovo]. Closing the debate, Papandreou gave an accurate albeit optimistic description of the situation: "Greece has gained a new self-confidence and has nothing to fear. The intensity of the opinions expressed is unrelated to the country's official policy; it rather reflects the perception of society and political parties on minority issues. I am thus glad that a fertile debate on this issue has started." As NGOs have abundantly documented, this old-fashioned and intolerant perception dominates the daily practice which then runs counter to the, new, official policy. In fact, almost a year later, the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities has yet to be ratified, while in the meantime Papandreou himself, in an answer to a parliamentary question, partly retreated, by stating that his views on self-identification of minorities were merely his "personal" views (Papandreou, 1999d).


Section 2: Language/Culture

"With one dubious exception, Greek laws appear to encourage the assimilation of persons of non-Greek ethnic background. (?) Although direct religious discrimination is not easily tolerated by the majority of the Greek courts, most notably the Council of State, there exists a number of laws which fail to take into account religious diversity. (?) The only exception to the policy of linguistic uniformity has again been dictated by foreign policy considerations. (?) It emerges clearly (?) that the enjoyment of several constitutional rights can vary depending on ethnic origin, religion and language " (Stavros, 1996: 120-3). "The preceding analysis has indicated the rudimentary character of the protection of minorities in Greece, with the exception, of course of the Muslim Turcophones. (?) The degree of homogeneity of its society, the composition of the latter and its rather limited exposure to alien elements (?) have contributed tot he creation of a low degree of tolerance and of a high degree of fear of external threats" (Rozakis, 1996:109). 

Consequently, there is no policy to promote diversity and minority cultures; nor any substantial subsidies granted to minority associations. On the contrary, national Greek cultural associations in areas inhabited by non-ethnic Greeks tend to be lavishly subsidized. And when, for the first time in 30 years, an amateur theater company of exclusively Turkish minority actors, wanted to perform a Turkish language play, the theater of the state minority school in Komotini was refused to them, and they had to perform in a private association's premises.

Moreover, until the 1980s, the public use of Macedonian was discouraged if not persecuted. Until the mid-1990s, the singing of Macedonian songs was suppressed by police, and even in the late 1990s, pressure is occasionally exerted against it. Even today, "at school pupils are still censored by teachers as their accent betrays them. This they cannot hide. This is the reason why at school pressure is exerted so that the language not be spoken at home" (National Center for Social Research, 1998:364). The public use of the Macedonian language has been prosecuted in at least one occasion in recent years, that od the Macedonian minority party "Rainbow." It opened an office on 6/9/1995 in Florina, with a sign mentioning "Rainbow - Florina Committee" in both Greek and Macedonian. On the evening and night of 13 (and early hours of 14)/9/1995, the office was attacked and eventually sacked by a 'mob', led by the mayor of Florina. Before the sacking, police acting on the prosecutor's order removed the sign, while the prosecutor announced the indictment of the Rainbow leaders for having incited discord among citizens through the use of the Macedonian language in their sign. No political party, nor any media condemned the sacking of the party offices. On the contrary, it was praised by extreme right nationalistic papers like "Stohos" and "Chrysi Avghi," whose members reportedly took part in the sacking. And the use of the bilingual sign was condemned by all mainstream political parties and other social groups. Greek courts never indicted the perpetrators: the charges brought against them were dropped by the courts which justified the perpetrators' hostile actions. However, "Rainbow" leaders did face trial for "causing and inciting mutual hatred among the citizens" through that public use of their mother tongue. It is noteworthy that the witnesses of the prosecution included the local leaders of all five main Greek parties at the time (PASOK, ND, Political Spring, KKE, and Coalition); as well as leaders of professional associations (lawyers, merchants, priests, taxi drivers). Most of them, in their pre-trial depositions characterized the defendants as "paid agents of Skopjan propaganda", "anti-Greeks", etc. Following international outcry, the defendants were eventually acquitted in September 1998.

The case of the Macedonian cultural association "Home of Macedonian Civilization" is also characteristic. It first filed for registration in April 1990. The request was rejected by the Multi-Member First Instance Court of Florina (73/296/26/1990); the Court of Appeals of Salonica (1558/1990); and the Supreme Court (795/1994). The European Court of Human Rights (case of Sideropoulos et al.), on 10/7/1998, convicted Greece for the violation of freedom of association (Article 11 of the relevant European Convention). The most important argument of the Court decision was its position towards the Greek courts' and state's view that the Home of Macedonian Civilization was not allowed to be established as its founding members did not aim simply at a cultural activity but at supporting the view that there is a Macedonian minority. The latter's alleged "non-existence" was "documented" by the Greek courts and state with evidence full of "scholarly" quotes even from texts dating from the Nazi occupation period: "a guide to Salonica written by German historians and archaeologists during the last world war states that?." Such minority was considered by the courts "ethnologically non-existent and historically repulsive." In countering such arguments, the European Court mentioned the binding character for Greece of the OSCE documents which the country has signed and which have usually been considered merely declaratory and without any legal value. The Court stated that the aims of the Home were "clear and legitimate" and added: "Even supposing that the founders of an association like the one in the instant case assert a minority consciousness, the Document of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the CSCE (Section IV) of 29 June 1990 and the Charter of Paris for a New Europe of 21 November 1990 - which Greece has signed - allow them to form associations to protect their cultural and spiritual heritage." The "Home of Macedonian Civilization"'s registration was subsequently pending before the courts by mid-1999. 

The Macedonian names of nearly all Macedonian families were forcibly changed in the 1920's into Greek ones. Nowadays, it is in theory possible to revert to the old names, but as the example of Stoidis showed, it is practically not only difficult but also risky, hence hardly anyone is using it. On 16/8/1996, the prefect of Pella rejected the request of Nicholas Stoidis to change his last name back into Stojanov -his 'indigenous Bulgaromacedonian' -as N. Stoidis calls him- grandfather's name that was forcefully "Hellenized" in 1913. The rejection was based on three citizens' objections which though were never given to N. Stoidis. In the meantime, Stoidis' request, though classified 'top secret' by the administration- was leaked to the media with the obvious purpose that Stoidis be harassed by those objecting to his request, which did in fact happen in both local and national media.

Turkish is formally admitted in court, as it is guaranteed by the Treaty of Lausanne. However, it is hardly ever used and when GHM & MRG-G asked the Ministry of Justice for list of accredited interpreters in Thrace in 1997, they received a decision of appointment only for the following year 1998, which indicated that there was none before. No other use of minority languages in official communications or administrative proceedings is available.

As for the Turks' names, Greek authorities in practice impose their own transliteration into Greek and then a transliteration back into any Latin scripture (in passports) that makes them very different from the way the Turkish language is written a the Latin alphabet. In theory, Turks have the option to ask for changes but they are not aware of that possibility and, when informed, are persuaded, not unjustifiably, that this will put them in trouble with the authorities. 

No inscriptions in minority languages are found in either Thrace or Western Macedonia (where though inscriptions in Russian to attract potential tourists can be found). Although again in theory there is no law against them, the example of the violent reaction against such an inscription of the "Rainbow" party and the ensuing prosecution of its leaders indicates that the authorities are still discouraging the use of minority language signs or inscriptions.

Consequently there is no use of traditional local names and/or names in minority languages. On the contrary its occasional use draws the strong criticism by most media and politicians.

The E.U. does not provide the member-states with an explicit obligation to establish (ethnic) minority media: The European Council Directive for "the co-ordination of several legislative, regulative and administrative provisions of the member-states regarding their exercise of television activities" ["Official Gazette of the European Communities", n. L 298/23, Directive 89/552/ European Community, October 3, 1989], in one of its articles (Article 19) simply recognizes the need for the securing of pluralism in the media. The same stands for the common directive of the European Parliament and Council with which, the former directive was amended. [Directive 97/36, Luxembourg, June 30, 1998]. However, within the frame of these directives, there are provisions for transnational, multicultural, multilingual programs and for the necessary co-ordination of the member-states for common productions. These provisions are, by far, "ethno-nationally centered". For example, article 31 of the second directive, recognizes the need for protection of the least spoken languages within the Union and the encouragement of independent producers to create programs in these languages. Paradoxically enough, although article 3, paragraph 19, of Law 2328/95, states that "public broadcasting as well as privately owned radio and television stations shall emit a series of programs (at least 15, of minimum 30 minutes each and for every six months) aiming at the promotion of the correct use of the Greek language or for its instruction to foreigners or illiterate people," there are no similar provisions for other languages besides Greek. The only relevant special provisions concern deaf people. 


Section 3: Access to the Mainstream Media

The 1995 Greek Law (Law n. 2328), on private television and local radio stations, similarly to the previous ones, has absolutely no provision for minority media or access of minorities to the media. Apart from a vague reference to the principles of both common interest and pluralism, there is no legal framework institutionalizing minority media into the Greek media spectrum: "The [TV] stations, which will be given licenses, will also have the obligation to take care of the quality of the program, the objective information, the securing of pluralism as well as the promotion of culture through the emission of programs which will be dedicated to art". (...) "Licensing [for local radio stations] is granted on the basis of the principle of common public interest and constitutes public function. The stations, which will be given licenses, will have to take care of the quality of the program, the objective information, the securing of pluralism as well as the promotion of culture through the emission of programs which will be dedicated to art" [Law n. 2328, on the Legal Status of Private Television and Local Radio, the Regulation of the Radiotelevision Market and Other Provisions, in "The Official Gazette of the Hellenic Republic", first issue, number 156, August 3, 1995: 1, 16]. 

As a result, minorities have almost no access to the mainstream media, which are on the contrary hostile to them (see section 7 below). In such a framework, the rare exceptions should be noted. The Greek state radio launched, in February 2000, half-hours programs in 12 non-Greek languages (mostly immigrants' languages and not including Macedonian or Romanes), usually produced by persons belonging to the respective linguistic groups. Moreover, it has been running Turkish language programs for three years in its regional outlet in Thrace, using again a minority journalist. While, in Komotini, the daily "Paratiritis" introduced in late 1999 Turkish and Russian language weekly supplements (Russian is commonly spoken by refugees of Greek origin -"Pontics"- from former Soviet countries), later turned into daily supplements. The local radio with the same name also introduced news bulletins in the same languages. Needless to say that the foreign language news content in these programs and pages does not reflect the real debate within the respective community, as it includes only what can be said to be non-controversial viz the prevailing policies towards the respective communities. 


Section 4: Minorities' Own Media

The superficial impression one gets after reading the law (see section 3) is that the licensing is open to anyone who fulfills the necessary standards: technological infrastructure, financial viability, experience and special knowledge of the media flow managers, quality of the program, respect of the journalistic code of ethics [Ibid., 7 - 9, 19 - 20]. However, taking under consideration the required standards, one can realize how difficult might be for a minority, with limited resources (including human resources) to fulfill them. The fact that Greek media law has no provision for partial state subsidization of independent minority media and use of the public broadcasting infrastructure for the production of independent minority programs, makes it even more, practically difficult for minority groups to have their own share into the Greek media spectrum. 

Formally, the Greek state would argue that: : Paragraph 1: Paragraph 1persons belonging to national minorities have free access to the media; and that the right to impart and receive information is based on generally binding laws. It would then mention a score of publications in Turkish, published in Thrace. It may even add that the regional Thrace outlet of the national state radio has Turkish-language news bulletins and a couple of radio programs in Turkish.

Reality is as usual very different. Turkish-language media do exist but in smaller numbers. Only two or three newspapers are published at most once a week and, even those, with occasional longer breaks. State radio programs in Turkish are of cultural content and the newscasts are exact translations of the Greek newscasts. So minority community news cannot be broadcasted neither from the private Turkish language radio stations, that are not allowed to have newscasts. 

Besides the Turkish language papers, there is a Catholic fortnightly, a publication (in Greek and Macedonian) of the Macedonian minority published occasionally, and hafl a dozen newspapers catering some immigrant communities in their own languages.

Moreover, there are 6 Turkish language stations in Thrace and two Evangelical radio stations in Larisa and in Athens. Like all private radio stations, they are operating without license as the license system installed in 1989 has never been implemented. Nevertheless, the -hence formally illegal- minority radio stations are occasionally selected by police and the courts for legal actions against them, quite unlike the unhindered functioning of the other, majority -and equally illegal-, radio stations.

Recurrent convictions for articles in minority newspapers make their publishers very cautious as to their content. References to possible human rights violations and discrimination against a minority can lead to prosecution. 

In 1974, Selahedin Galip was convicted for dissemination of false information (Article 191) and subsequently stripped of his citizenship (on the basis or Article 19 and then Article 20 of the Code of Citizenship). 

Salih Halil, publisher of the minority newspaper "Ileri" has been repeatedly prosecuted between 1975-9. First, for having used the Turkish name of Komotini (Gumulcine) -acquitted. Then, for having published in Turkish a 1914 editorial of well-known writer Spyros Melas critical of Greek gendarmerie -convicted to seven months by both first and appeals courts. Or for having alleged injustices again minority citizens -convicted to seven months (of which he served 72 days) by first, appeals and supreme courts. Likewise, for having criticized land expropriations to create a university -convicted to three months at first instance and served 35 days until acquitted by the appeals court. Finally, for having issued a tract opposing the participation of minority shopkeepers to a strike -convicted along with communal leader Ibram Onsunoglu to seven months at first instance and acquitted by the appeals court.

Abdulhalim Dede, one-time correspondent of Istanbul-based "Hurryet," occasional publisher of the minority newspaper "Trakyanin Sesi" and owner of "Radio Isik," has also been repeatedly prosecuted between 1985-1998. First, for dissemination of false information in Hurryet -convicted to 13 months at first instance, crime prescribed before reaching the appeals court. For satirical sketches -convicted to ten months at first instance, acquitted by the appeals court. For dissemination of false information and defamation of an ultra-nationalist activist from Thrace, through an article denouncing the "shadow state" in Thrace -acquitted for the first charge and convicted to a six-month suspended sentence for the second. For trying to install a radio antenna for "Radio Isik" in his back yard -convicted to eight months in prison. While two cases are pending for illegally operating radio stations. Over three thousand radio stations operate in Greece without licenses, several of which have also installed antennae without permission and without been prosecuted.

The late former minority parliamentarian Sadik Ahmet had been prosecuted not only for calling the minority Turkish but also for expressing his opinion on the minority's human rights problems in his newspaper or his political publications. 

Macedonians' freedom of expression in their own language and/or about possible human rights issues has been prosecuted too. Two Macedonian activists, Christos Sideropoulos and Tasos Boulis, were convicted in Athens, on 1/4/1993, of "disseminating false information and atempting to incite citizens to commit acts of violence upon each other" (Article 191 of the Penal Code) for having declared in an interview to the weekly magazine "Ena" (issue of March 1992) that they feel Macedonian and that there is a Macedonian minority in Greece. They were sentenced to five months in prison and 100,000 drs. (then about $440) fine and were set free on appeal. The appeal court in Athens, on 28/1/1994, dropped the charges because an amnesty clause in law 2172/16-12-1993 prescribed all crimes by the press still pending at the penal or civil courts. 

Christos Sideropoulos participated in the CSCE meeting in Copenhagen in 1990 and reported there about human rights violations against ethnic Macedonians in Greece, referring to himself as "Macedonian". In 1994, he was charged with violating article 191.1 of the Greek Criminal Code for "disseminating false information, which can cause disruption of the international relations of Greece. Greek Helsinki Monitor observed the trial of Christos Sideropoulos and concluded that there were significant contradictions with the indictment and the newspaper article on which it was said to be based. Greek Helsinki Monitor also noted that the prosecution was actually based on a document classified as secret by the Greek Foreign Ministry and which was not made available to the defendant. This fact, according to Greek Helsinki Monitor, watered down the attempts of the Greek government to distance itself from the prosecution by claiming that it was an act of the independent judiciary, the opinions of which were not necessarily identical with those of the government. Moreover, the prosecution against Sideropoulos should have been legally inadmissible because Article 6 of the Greek Penal Code states that a Greek citizen can be prosecuted for a criminal act committed in a foreign country only if this act is punishable under the laws of that country, or there is "an application from the government of the country wherein the misdemeanor was committed". In addition, Sideropoulos' right to legal defense was curtailed due to the denial of lawyers in Florina to take up his defense. Eventually, in 1995, the charges were dropped as inadmissible on the basis of Article 6.

On 19/11/1998, Traianos Pasois was tried in Florina for "dissemination of false information" (article 191 of the Penal Code) in the Greek-Macedonian border in Niki, Florina on 17/2/1996. At that time he was a leading member of "Rainbow." According to the indictment, he was carrying "two wall calendars which he intended to circulate" and which "featured photographs of pure Greek towns and areas, under or next to which were captions written in a foreign idiom." Indeed, the names of the localities were written in Macedonian. The indictment further stated that the captions "praised clearly controversial and provocative actions and decisions by political parties, groups and organizations which took part in the civil war. [These] actions and decisions disputed the Greek character of [the province of] Macedonia, aiming at its dismemberment, secession and annexation by a neighboring state then enemy of Greece". The party implied here was the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) which was illegal during the civil war but is legal today. There was no evidence in the indictment to suggest that the calendars contained any advocacy of violence. Pasois was eventually acquitted.

In mid-1990s, there were credible reports that the postal distribution of Macedonian minority publications "Zora" and "Moglena" was obstructed by postal authorities.


Section 5: Recruitment/Discrimination/Accreditation

With the exception of those producing the state radio and local Thrace newspaper and radio programs, there are no ethnonational minority members employed in majority media. On the contrary, one may found members of religious minorities employed, but not to deal with minority issues. There are no laws or regulations either facilitating or hindering the recruitment of minority members in the media. 


Section 6: Legal Restrictions on the Content of Publications

Greece has a law 927/1979 that prohibits racial, national or religious discrimination or violence. However, it has hardly ever been used in courts, mainly because it presupposes that only the victim can bring charges using that law, while the prosecution has no ex officio jurisdiction to act in obvious cases of racial violence or hate speech. As in at least one case, the Jewish community that used it against a neo-fascist newspaper was not able to gain cause, the law is considered a dead letter.


Section 7: Tolerance/Portrayal

Mainstream media, with rare exceptions, at best ignore minorities, if they do not cover the related issues in a way extremely hostile to them. After all, a written statement, the "Journalists' Union of the Athens Daily Newspapers" (ESIEA) delivered in June 1999 in an international conference organized by the International Federation of Journalists in Ohrid (Macedonia), included no less than the following passage: "In Greece no different ethnic Media exist since the Greek nation is single. Moreover it is unique in Europe reaching 100% homogeneity according, to findings by international organisations and other official forums dealing with such issues".

Even when formal rules and regulations are broken, the competent authorities refrain from applying the law, as two recent example will show. On 11 June 1999, the private "Mega Channel" censored its mandatory pre-electoral program devoted to presentations by small parties, by removing the presentation of "Rainbow," the Macedonian minority party, while keeping all other presentations including the one made by the extreme-right "National Front". The National Radio and Television Council did not impose the prescribed by law sanction, while no one condemned this act of censorship.
On 21 October 1999, two journalists from Halkidiki's "Super Channel" were beaten by a mob led by Mayor Costas Papayannis, in Kasandra, Halkidiki (Northern Greece). Costas Glykos and Michalis Katsamiras were covering the mob's attempt to prevent the local Jehovah's Witnesses (JWs) from starting the construction of their house of worship, construction that had been authorized by the authorities. During the violent incident, JWs as well as two representatives of the Ombudsman's office were harassed by the mob. The two journalists and the JWs pressed charges against the mayor and some alleged accomplices. On 22 October, the prosecutor formally indicted the mayor and his accomplices for crimes that included inciting to religious hatred. Nevertheless, neither during the incident, nor in the ensuing forty-eight hours, did the police arrest the alleged perpetrators of the crimes as called for by the code of criminal procedure.

Another example of biased journalism were recent stories on the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), on the 50th anniversary of the respective Convention. Useful description of the Court was certainly given, as well as statistics about the caseload, but the illustrative examples tended to come mostly from Turkey. The reader of the four-page dossier on the ECHR in the glossy magazine Tachydromos, an insert in the highest circulation daily Ta Nea (6 May), for example, would not find there any information on even one case in which the European Court convicted Greece. A regular reader of Greek newspaper was of course hardly surprised. A month earlier, after all, on 6 April, the Court published its latest conviction on Greece, in the case of the Jehovah's Witness Iakovos Thlimmenos. The latter was a certified accountant who was denied civil service employment because of his prior conviction for conscientious objection: naturally, the Court found discrimination based on religious affiliation. With the usual few exceptions, Greek newspapers ignored the news. However, all newspapers exhaustively covered Turkey's convictions by the same Court in about the same time.

On 20 April, Greek neo-Nazis "celebrated" in their own way Jewish Passover: they painted anti-Semitic slogans on the Holocaust memorial and the Synagogue in Salonica, some in German: Juden Raus! (Jews Out!). A shocked Jewish community issued an emotionally strong statement. With the exception of Avghi, the Greek press kept silent. So did almost all others, with the exception of a couple of very belated statements by the Greek foreign ministry and the small leftist Coalition party, themselves sent only to Avghi on 25 April and not even made available in the respective websites. 

On 26 April, the state-appointed mufti of Komotini was issuing a statement denouncing a state agency's refusal to issue a necessary certificate to some vakif property the Muslims in Thrace had been owning since the 15th century. Here, there was not one newspaper to report the problem. Just as, years ago, there was not even one newspaper to report that a Cretan court had denied that the Catholic Church, with a half-millenary presence, had a legal personality allowing it to own a church in that island. A few years later Greece was to be convicted by the ECHR on that issue: only then a few newspapers devoted a couple of articles?

So, when it comes to minority issues, the Greek press is reminiscent of that of authoritarian regimes where "nationally sensitive issues" are reported only in a "nationally correct" way, if at all. One can list an endless series of additional examples of what is often outright "hate speech" against the minorities (see Lenkova 1998 and Balkan Neighbours 1996-1998). Especially when it concerns the "non-existent" Macedonians. The few times they are mentioned, they are usually referred to as "autonomists" which in Balkan jargon means separatists, or as Skopjans or Skopjanophiles, which is understood as manipulated by Skopje [the way the Greek press calls the [Republic of Macedonia]. While raising the issue of the existence of that minority, let alone of related human rights violations is considered "provocative" ("provocative allegations on the existence of a 'Macedonian minority'" [state-owned] Macedonian Press Agency, 21 April).


Section 8: Independence/Manipulation of the Media

When Greek media deal with minorities, especially the nationally "sensitive" ethnonational Macedonian and Turkish ones, they usually do it to portray them negatively if not challenge the legitimacy of whatever claims they may have and question the motivation of their -naturally "unfounded"- demands. Many times such stories seem to be almost identical in content in all newspapers and they result either from a story published by a state news agency or, less frequently today, by "information" given to the journalists by some state agencies. It is characteristic that, during the heated debate on minorities in July 1999 (see section 1), the state radio and television were among the most hostile to the petition of the minority deputies, and the minority and human rights NGOs. While the state radio's director, in his weekly column in a newspaper, strongly attacked the initiative and challenged the credibility of those NGOs. While the government spokesman occasionally denies any allegations of minority rights problems in ways that often aim at undermining the credibility of those who made them.


Section 9: Informal Censorship

The prevailing situation described above makes it impossible for the handful of journalists who would like to report minority issues in a professional way to do so. Articles that are not conforming to the "nationally correct" norm are simply not published and their authors may be warned against doing such things again. Editorial control is tight and there are cases where a journalist work in a print or electronic medium is edited in such a way as to distort the content. Again during the debate on minorities in July 1999, for example, besides the open hostility of almost all media to the NGO and minority advocates who initiated it, there were cases where the latters' interviews where truncated in such ways as to be distorted with the purpose, in the case of the country's most popular television channel, "Antenna" to demonstrate that there was a conspiracy behind the initiative? 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Aug 30 23:42:02 2001
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2001 20:42:02 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US Congress on Greece's Human Rights Record
Message-ID: <20010831034202.90897.qmail@web11501.mail.yahoo.com>

:  US Helsinki Commission on Greece's Sober Human Rights Record (20 March 2001)


     United States     of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 107th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION   Vol. 147 Washington, Wednesday, March 21, 2001 No. 0 http://www.csce.gov/crs_display.cfm?crs_id=104 House (Legislative day of Tuesday, March 20, 2001) CELEBRATING GREEK INDEPENDENCE DAYHon. Christopher H. Smithof New JerseyMadam Speaker, 180 years ago the Greek people rose against the OttomanEmpire to free themselves from oppression and to reestablish not only afree and independent state, but a country that would eventually regain herancient status as a democracy. In congratulating the people of Greece onthe anniversary of their revolution, I join in recognizing the distinctionearned by Greece as the birthplace of democracy and her specialrelationship with the United States in our fight together against Nazism,communism and other aggression in the last century alone. Yes, democratsaround the world should recognize and celebrate this day together withGreece to reaffirm our common democratic heritage. Yet, Mr. Speaker, whilethe ancient Greeks forged the notion of democracy, and many Greeks of thelast century fought to regain democracy, careful analyses of the politicaland basic human freedoms climate in today's Greece paint a sobering pictureof how fundamental and precious freedoms are treated. Taking a look at theissues which have been raised in the Organization for Security andCooperation in Europe (OSCE) Human Dimension Review Meetings and will beconsidered over the next week at the United Nations Committee on theElimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), a few of the mostcritical human dimension concerns about contemporary Greece affect thefreedom of expression, the freedom of religious belief and practice, andprotection from discrimination. Legal restrictions on free speech remain onthe books, and those convicted have typically been allowed to pay a fineinstead of going to jail. In recent years, though, Greek journalists andothers have been imprisoned based on statements made in the press. This wasnoted in the most recent Country Report on Human Rights Practices preparedby the Department of State. The International Press Institute has alsocriticized the frequent criminal charges against journalists in cases oflibel and defamation. Religious freedom for everyone living in Greece isnot guaranteed by the Greek Constitution and is violated by other lawswhich are often used against adherents of minority or non-traditionalfaiths. Especially onerous are the provisions of Greek law which prohibitthe freedom of religious These statutes have a chilling impact on religiousliberty in the Hellenic Republic and are inconsistent with numerous OSCEcommitments which, among other things, commit Greece to take effectivemeasures to prevent and eliminate religious discrimination againstindividuals or communities; allow religious organizations to prepare anddistribute religious materials; ensure the right to freedom of expressionand the right to change one's religion or belief and freedom to manifestone's religion or belief. Over the last ten years, the European Court ofHuman Rights has issued more than a dozen judgments against Greece forviolating Article 9 (pertaining to Freedom of Thought, Conscience andReligion) of the European Convention on Human Rights. One positivedevelopment was the decision made last summer to remove from thestate-issued national identity cards the notation of one's religiousaffiliation. In May 2000, Minister of Justice Professor MihalisStathopoulos publicly recognized that this practice violated Greece's ownLaw on the Protection of Personal Data passed in 1997. The decisionfollowed a binding ruling made by the relevant Independent Authority whichasked the state to remove religion as well as other personal data(fingerprints, citizenship, spouse's name, and profession) from theidentity cards. This has long been a pending human rights concern and anissue raised in a hearing on religious freedom held by the Commission onSecurity and Cooperation in Europe (which I Co-Chair) in September 1996. Iam pleased to note that Greece has acknowledged in its most recent reportto the UN CERD that the problems faced by the Roma community (which hasbeen a part of Greek society for more than 400 years), migrant workers andrefugees are ``at the core of the concern of the authorities.'' Therecognition that issues which need attention is always the first stepnecessary to addressing the problem. The Commission has received manyreports regarding the Roma community in Greece, including disturbingaccounts of pervasive discrimination in employment, housing, education, andaccess to social services, including health care. With a very highilliteracy rate, this segment of Greek society is particularly vulnerableto abuse by local officials, including reports of Roma being deniedregistration for voting or identity cards that in turn prevents them fromgaining access to government-provided services. Particularly alarming areincidents such as the forced eviction of an estimated 100 families by orderof the mayor of Ano Liossia and the bulldozing of their makeshift housingin July of 2000. Similar incidents have occurred in recent years in AgiaParaskevi, Kriti, Trikala, Nea Koi, and Evosmos. Our Founding Fathersrelied heavily on the political and philosophical experience of the ancientGreeks, and Thomas Jefferson even called ancient Greece ``the light whichled ourselves out of Gothic darkness.'' As an ally and a fellowparticipating State of the OSCE, we have the right and obligation toencourage implementation of the commitments our respective governments havemade with full consensus. I have appreciated very much and applaud thewillingness of the Government of Greece to maintain a dialogue on humandimension matters within the OSCE. We must continue our striving togetherto ensure that all citizens enjoy their fundamental human rights andfreedoms without distinction.  



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From rlukaj at bear.com  Thu Aug  9 07:48:57 2001
From: rlukaj at bear.com (Lukaj, Richard (Exchange))
Date: Thu, 9 Aug 2001 07:48:57 -0400 
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] INVITATION TO DINNER!!!
Message-ID: <A96FB38C510FD511A1180003473BBF1C0105DC69@whmsx35.is.bear.com>

The National Albanian American Council

Cordially Invites You to Attend

An Intimate Dinner and Policy Briefing on the Situation in Macedonia

Special Guest

Paul Williams, Esq.
Legal Advisor to the Albanian Delegation in Macedonia

Plus 

Other Congressional Delegate(s)

5:00 p.m. - 7:00 p.m., Saturday, August 11, 2001
Lumi's Restaurant, 963 Lexington Avenue 0n 70th Street, New York City

Please RSVP with Martha Vedder at NAAC's Washington Office at (202) 466-6900

Tax-Deductible Donation of $1,000 per Person Required for Participants

Make checks payable to: 
The National Albanian American Council 



 <<Macedonia Ad, August 2001.doc>>  <<Macedonia Ad, Aug 01 Albanian.doc>> 






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From korab_hoxha at hotmail.com  Sun Aug  5 06:45:10 2001
From: korab_hoxha at hotmail.com (Korab Hoxha)
Date: Sun, 05 Aug 2001 10:45:10 +0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] PĖR OPINIONIN KOMBĖTAR SHQIPTAR - AKSH
Message-ID: <F100elpwbJKkp7pD5kK00006692@hotmail.com>

ARMATA KOMB?TARE SHQIPTARE

P?R OPINIONIN KOMB?TAR SHQIPTAR
( KOMUNIKAT? Nr. 07 / 01 )

- Nj?siti Special i Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare - AKSH, n? ora 2.oo t? dt.03 
gusht 2001 n? fshatin Muhoc t? Bujanocit me sukses kreu aksionin kund?r 
forcave armike serbe, n? t? cilin aksion u vran? 2 polic? dhe 2 t? tjer? u 
plagos?n, ku m? von? vdiq edhe nj?ri nga 2 polic?t e plagosur serb? . Pra, 
bilanci 3 polic? serb? t? vdekur, nj? tjet?r polic serb i plagosur; 
kurse,nga ana jon? nuk pat?m asnj? t? l?nduar.
- Aksioni i kryer ?sht? nj? paralajm?rim p?r pushtuesit e tokave shqiptare 
n? Anamorav? dhe miqt? e tyre t? huaj? dhe ato shqipfol?s, se lufta n? k?to 
troje shqiptare nuk ka p?rfunduar, ashtu si? nuk do t? p?rfundoj? as n? 
trojet shqiptare n?n "Maqedoni" dhe kudo ku buk?s i thuhet buk? e ujit-uj?. 
P?rkundrazi, tani e tutje ajo do t? jet? edhe m? e fort? dhe e organizuar 
edhe m? mir?.
- Lufta n? Kosov?, ajo n? Anamorav? dhe s? fundi n? Ilirid? ishin luft?ra 
lokale, t? cilat p?r luft?tar?t e Armat?s Komb?tare Shqiptare ishin poligone 
st?rvitjeje p?r nj? Kryengritje t? P?rgjithshme Mbar?shqiptare, p?rmes s? 
cil?s populli shqiptar i Shqip?ris? Veri-lindore (t? pushtuar) do t? 
realizoj? Bashkimin Komb?tar Shqiptar n? nj? Shqip?ri t? Bashkuar.

Dib?r (Mali Korab)
05 gusht 2001 Shefi i Shtabit Suprem t? AKSH-s?
Shqiponja e Sharrit


_________________________________________________________________
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From cici.1 at osu.edu  Fri Aug 17 23:11:27 2001
From: cici.1 at osu.edu (Fatmir Cici)
Date: Fri, 17 Aug 2001 23:11:27 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Simbolika greke...Miti "Janullatos" (Illyria)
Message-ID: <000d01c12793$7acb3ca0$4272fe8c@1.acs.ohiostate.edu>


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