[ALBSA-Info] FW: Interview with Macedonian Prime Minister

[Lukaj, Richard (Exchange)]

There, regrettably, seems no desire to address the issues of the ethnic
Albanian citizens any time soon from the tone of this interview.  I hope
more pressure can be used than is suggested in the interview to achieve some
constructive progress in the region.

Richard


Interview of the week: Macedonian prime minister

Wednesday, 4 April 2001 19:16 (ET)
Interview of the week: Macedonian prime minister 
By SAM VAKNIN

SKOPJE, Macedonia, April 4 (UPI) -- The prime minister of Macedonia is a 
youthful, 35-year-old poet and man of letters, who has published three books

of experimental literature. He describes himself as sad and disappointed at 
the recent conflict that has erupted in his country, shattering his dream of

peaceful co-existence. Ljubco Georgievski was the first deputy-premier of
his 
country in 1991, and was elected prime minister in November 1998. He gave 
this exclusive interview to United Press International in his office in the 
Macedonian capital Wednesday.
Q. You are the prime minister who did the most for inter-ethnic tolerance in

Macedonia. Are you disappointed?
A. We are very shocked by events in the last month. Macedonia until a month 
ago was an example of a multi-ethnic state, the recipient of compliments
from 
the international community as proof of the possibility of peaceful 
multi-ethnic co-existence in the Balkan. The appearance of terrorists 
shattered this image and Macedonia has become a problem of multi-ethnic life

rather than a model. We have never evaded these issues, but we will not
allow 
anyone to annul everything we have achieved in the last 10 years. We also 
believe in evolution -- and not in revolutionary changes overnight.
Q. You disagree with violence and terror. But do you agree with some of the 
demands of the (ethnic) Albanians?
A. Everything is open to discussion, as long as it is done democratically.
We proved this in the last decade. But we cannot accept demands backed by 
weapons. This breaks every principle, international and national. The 
terrorists must leave Macedonia and abandon their weapons, to allow us to 
proceed with our discussions. We will sit at the table and each party will 
present its reasoned demands and we will consider them together: Are the 
(ethnic) Albanians living in Macedonia subject to international standards, 
what more do they want, and how can it be resolved? None of their demands in

the last decade was presented either to the Macedonian parliament or to the 
government. They (the demands) may have constituted the position of the 
Albanian political parties but until now they have not been formally 
presented to the proper institutions.
Q. The Albanians demand changes in the constitution (for instance, to make 
them a "constituent nation"). Do you think this question can be resolved, 
even in principle?
A. As I said, all issues can be discussed. What will be decided depends on 
the mood of all the political parties and, finally, on parliament. I am 
prepared to interpret the constitution creatively, as we have done in the 
case of (ethnic) Albanian high education. Though the constitution does not 
state decidedly that high education can be conducted in another language, we

do have high education in Albanian. Similarly, we can creatively interpret 
many other issues.
Q. Macedonia is a young state. Many in Macedonia feel that their existence
is 
insecure. Can it be that, as a result, you are over-sensitive to Albanian 
demands?
A: The Macedonian people are afraid for their country and for peace. It is 
understandable. They lived here under the same conditions for centuries, and

in the last decade, we witnessed four wars in this region, the last one
being 
the Kosovo crisis. This fear is normal. Should the Balkans normalize and 
survive in peace for 10 to 15 years, people's minds may change and they
would 
not be so sensitive to such issues.
Q. Mr. Arben Xhaferi (leader of the biggest Albanian party, DPA, and a
member 
of the coalition) presented a demand to resolve all the outstanding issues
in 
one month. Do you regard this as an ultimatum? Do you think it is a 
productive approach?
A. I believe that he intended to speed things up but I am pessimistic that 
any issue can be resolved in one month. In any case, it is very bad to 
present any ultimatum at the beginning of the discussions. We showed that we

are ready for discussions, for their intensification -- but without any 
additional conditions.
Q. Do you feel pressured by the West?
A. It is obvious that the West needed time to understand what is happening 
here. Following the first phase, in which they faced many unknowns, 
communication has improved and is functioning maximally. We are especially 
content that they augmented the KFOR contingent in Kosovo. They present no 
special demands except to intensify the discussions with the (ethnic)
Albanian political parties within our institutions. This is acceptable to us

and we feel no special pressure. We are particularly happy that the 
international community -- having studied the situation -- has accepted the 
thesis that we are faced with terrorism, that we cannot negotiate with 
terrorists, and that we should unite to eliminate terror.
Q. But in your speech you criticized both the West and Western media...
A. Our criticism of some Western countries was because the border between 
Macedonia and Kosovo was not sufficiently controlled by KFOR. This,
probably, 
encouraged the terrorists to enter Macedonia. Now, having realized their 
mistake, things improved. The very fact that they enhanced their forces 
proved that they understand the situation. Regarding the Western media, we 
reject only their formulation -- which goes against the terminology used in 
other countries with similar problems -- that we are dealing with rebels. 
This legitimizes a group of terrorists, encourages and strengthens them and 
lets them think that they have international support.
We also dislike the exaggeration of the situation by the international
media. 
Skopje, for instance, contrary to media reports, is very peaceful as is the 
rest of the country. Macedonia has been attacked only in three places, all 
very close to the Kosovo border. This serves to prove that the aggression 
against Macedonia was initiated from the Kosovo protectorate.
We should call a spade a spade.
Q. Serbia has negotiated with the KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army). Why won't 
Macedonia negotiate with the NLA (National Liberation Army in Macedonia)?
A. In Macedonia we would not consider, even for one moment, negotiating with

the KLA regarding Macedonian territory because we really consider them to be

a classic terrorist organization and because Macedonia was always 
complimented for its multiethnic cooperation. In Macedonia, there are legal 
(ethnic) Albanian political parties represented in the government by many 
ministers. They can present every question in both parliament and
government. 
We don't intend to promote terrorists to the position of political 
co-discussants.
Q. Do you believe that what happened in Tetovo (the fighting between 
Macedonian security forces and ethnic Albanian gunmen) can happen again?
A. We are awaiting now, according to all information, for a second wave of a

massive terrorist attack toward the middle or the end of this month. I 
believe that this second wave can be prevented only with very active
pressure 
by the international community on the political structures in Kosovo and
with 
a clear statement that it does not stand behind such elements.
Q. The new administration in the United States displays isolationist 
tendencies. The United States has withdrawn 800 soldiers from Bosnia. Do you

think that this is a wrong orientation?
A. It is too early for the Americans to leave Kosovo and Macedonia. We
expect 
the region to remain unstable for some time to come, and we would like this 
instability ameliorated by both NATO and the American Army. We don't see any

risk in their presence but there is a risk in their withdrawal.
Q. A few weeks ago the Serbs were allowed back to the security zone around 
Kosovo to counter Albanian terrorism in that area. Was the whole Kosovo war 
of 1999 a mistake?
A. The security zone is in Serb territory bordering on Kosovo and the Serbs 
should receive it back. We think it is the right policy. Serbia should 
control its border up to Kosovo. The faster this is done, the faster the 
problem in the frontier valley will be overcome. Regarding the return of the

Serbs to Kosovo as a whole, it is a more complex issue. It is a fact that in

Kosovo today, there is the opposite oppression. (Ethnic) Albanians created 
there the most ethnically cleansed space by "cleansing" not only Serbs, but 
(ethnic) Turks, Romas and others. The international community now has a 
reverse problem: how to pacify Albanian extremism there.
Regarding whether the war was necessary or not -- again, this is a very 
complex issue. First, Milosevic was a big Balkan problem and for ten years 
has held the Balkan hostage. His aspiration for a "Great Serbia"
involved not only other republics but also Macedonia. This would not have 
been solved without NATO intervention, which opened possibilities and 
perspectives for a new future of the Balkans.
But on the way to realizing this main goal, a secondary error was committed 
(as it was in other places) and this is the creation and support of the 
so-called (Kosovo Liberation Army) KLA by the Western powers. In the KLA, I 
see a new European Taliban.
Many (ethnic) Albanian criminals and bandits were armed and militarily 
trained, and now no one can control them. They cause trouble mostly in 
Kosovo. There are hundreds of examples of (ethnic) Albanians murdered by the

very structures that initiate aggression against south Serbia and western 
Macedonia. This power mostly consists of dismantled gangs of the former KLA.
The West may face this problem, perhaps not in the form of terrorism, but by

way of crime. Today, Albania and Kosovo are the biggest centers of drugs
that 
are directly distributed further to Europe. These facts are recognized by 
many European states.
Q. You keep blaming KLA and Kosovo but Western media reports that many of
the 
Albanian extremists are Macedonian citizens...
A. Macedonian Albanians are members of these structures. But all the 
military, logistics and financial support come from Kosovo. And Western 
countries possess proof of this. The main leaders are Macedonian Albanians 
who two years ago joined KLA structures. Now they are returning to Macedonia

through Kosovo.
Finally, Macedonia, in the last 10 years, granted citizenship to
160, (ethnic) Albanians from Kosovo and south Serbia who fled the tortures
of 
Milosevic. (About) 90 percent of Macedonian Albanians who participate in 
these terrorist groups are these refugees from Yugoslavia.
--
Copyright 2001 by United Press International.
All rights reserved.