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List: ALBSA-Info[ALBSA-Info] FW: RUSSIA'S ALBANIAN CARDLukaj, Richard (Exchange) rlukaj at bear.comFri Apr 6 17:25:07 EDT 2001
Janusz Bugajski is a Balkan expert at the Center for Strategic International Studies in Washington. Richard Lukaj Please see below. 23 March 2001 RUSSIA'S ALBANIAN CARD Janusz Bugajski Published Nacionale in Croatia, and Kapital in Bulgaria Albanian insurgents in Macedonia are playing directly into the hands of the anti-Albanian lobby clustered around the governments in Belgrade and Moscow. This lobby is purposively turning the perceptions of Albanians from that of victims of ethnic war and barbarism into terrorists and conspirators hell-bent on destabilizing the entire region. What better proof, they claim, than the current rebellion in Macedonia? Such a propaganda strategy serves two essential purposes: first, to strengthen the case for preserving Milosevic's Yugoslavia, and second, to increase Russian influence throughout South East Europe where Moscow has lost significant ground following the collapse of the Soviet bloc. According to the Belgrade-Moscow axis, Albanian political leaders in each Balkan state are secretly plotting for a "Greater Albania." Consistent condemnations of guerrilla attacks in Macedonia by Albanian politicians and their recognition of Macedonia's borders are dismissed as duplicitous. The propaganda goal is to engender the negative image of Albanians as terrorists, criminals, drug-smugglers, and Islamic fundamentalists. Serbian and Russian propaganda is determined to retool public perceptions of Albanians in the West as Europe's Taliban menace. The anti-Albanian lobby claims that Albanians are incapable of democratic government but are primitive, patriarchal, violent, and fundamentally anti-Western. They point, as alleged proof, to developments in Albania itself in the past four years and the growth of the "terrorist" Kosova Liberation Army and its supposedly vast criminal empire. Moscow conveniently camouflages evidence that the Serbian mafia dominates the central Balkans. Instead, it alleges that any Albanian state generates instability throughout the region, undermines the process of European expansion, acts as a conduit of illicit materials into the continent, and provides a gateway for fundamentalist Islamic forces. With the demise of Milosevic, Moscow wants American and European policy makers to conclude that the major sources of insecurity and conflict in the region are radicalized Albanians. Militants and extremists have apparently hijacked Albanian politics throughout South East Europe and the democrats are either helpless bystanders or willing accomplices. Such contentions provide a useful cover for the state terror inflicted by Belgrade over the past decade designed to keep Yugoslavia together and which precipitated and perpetuated many of the nationality conflicts in the region. The scenario that has developed in the past few weeks in Macedonia could not have been better scripted by Belgrade or Moscow, whether they orchestrated the crisis through their extensive intelligence and criminal networks or are simply exploiting it to their advantage. First, it shifts attention away from the problems in Serbia and the unwillingness of Belgrade to surrender Milosevic and other high-ranking war criminals to The Hague tribunal. In fact, it buttresses those who are calling for greater economic and military assistance to Belgrade, regardless of its paltry democratic credentials, as an evident counterweight to growing "Albanian extremism." Second, the Macedonian crisis undercuts the position of those calling for Kosovar statehood and independence as this can now be depicted as promoting militancy and regional instability. It reinforces those who claim that Albanians are ill suited for self-government and must remain under international wardship and eventual Serbian-Yugoslav control. Macedonia's Albanian guerrillas are thereby described as an essentially Kosovar movement determined to provoke ethnic war inside the vulnerable Macedonian state, despite the fact that most recruits are locals. And third, attacks by Albanian guerrillas in Macedonia buttress calls for the preservation of the Yugoslav state as an important counterweight to the specter of "Albanian expansionism" throughout the region. Indeed, Belgrade will aim to forge closer political and military links with Macedonia and maintain pressure on Montenegro to stay within a "Yugoslav federation" as a supposed bastion against rising pan-Albanianism. So what does Moscow stand to gain from the conflict? With an internationally relegitimized Serbia, Russia is assured of a major ally in the Balkans from where it can exert influence further afield. Moscow has interests throughout a much wider region, and in particular it seeks to prevent any further NATO expansion or Allied success in a zone it considers to belong to its "sphere of influence." Under President Putin, the Kremlin has accelerated its attempts to unseat the democratic government in Bulgaria, as evidenced in the regular expulsion of Russian agents posing as diplomats in Sofia, to shore up the Kostunica administration in Serbia, and to create broader problems for NATO throughout South East Europe. Despite NATO's success in halting genocide in Kosova, the Kremlin brazenly charges K-FOR with failing in its mission, of allegedly tolerating Albanian militancy, and of promoting regional destabilization. It is thereby challenging NATO to either destroy the Albanian guerrillas and their support base or to abandon the Balkans altogether. This would of course open up the terrain to Serbian security forces to deal once and for all with the "Albanian question" without any humanitarian qualms, much as Russia has already demonstrated in Chechnya. During his recent trip to the region, Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov claimed that NATO's "passive reaction" to the spread of the Kosova conflict into Macedonia threatens peace in the entire region and encourages other ethnic and territorial conflicts. He asserted that NATO intervention had failed to solve the region's problems while indicating that Russia had the answer. Ivanov of course failed to mention how Moscow aided and abetted Milosevic over the past decade and was slow to recognize his overthrow last fall, fearing that it could lose influence in Serbia. Moscow is clearly intent on making the Balkans safe for its oligarchic lobbies and criminal cartels linked with the re-energized KGB structure promoted by President Putin. Given these objectives, funds channeled to mercenaries in the region (regardless of their ethnicity) through Russia's intelligence network can help deliver a bonanza for the Kremlin's political interests. Above all, it could prevent the final disintegration of Yugoslavia and bring Macedonia into a tighter Serbian-Russian orbit, thus increasing pressures on a currently pro-western Bulgaria. The guerrilla attacks in Macedonia fit perfectly into a strategy of deliberate destabilization and Muscovite "reimperialization" in the Balkans.
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