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List: ALBSA-Info[ALBSA-Info] FAREWELL TO THE BALKANS-Vremya NovosteiGazhebo at aol.com Gazhebo at aol.comMon Oct 16 22:03:58 EDT 2000
Published in Johnson's Russia List/October 16, 2000.
Vremya Novostei
October 16, 2000
[translation from RIA Novosti for personal use only]
FAREWELL TO THE BALKANS
They Do Not Need Russia There Anymore
By Timofei BORDACHEV, senior researcher, Institute of Europe
of the Russian Academy of Sciences
This autumn Russia is withdrawing from the Balkans completely. Despite
Moscow's touching attempts at least to mark its presence, it will never again
be one of the determining factors of local politics for a number of objective
and subjective reasons.
The fall of Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia really winds up a whole period of
European history, making the entire political space from the Bug to the
Atlantic Ocean really homogeneous. Its nations are either already drawn into
the process of European integration or consistently working to become drawn
into it. In this context, the fate of Yugoslavia is in fact predetermined,
despite inevitable difficulties of the transition period. The prospects of
Serbia's and Montenegro's integration into the Euro-Atlantic space do not
depend on the desire of either their people or their political elites. The
importance of Yugoslavia for the entire Balkan region, which is
preconditioned by its geographical situation and scale, merely forces NATO
and the European Union into currying favors with the new Belgrade leader.
With such a line-up there is practically no room left for Russia.
Furthermore. After the change of regime Yugoslavia stopped being a player of
European politics and became part of internal European politics. That is why
Russia, as an outside player with regard to so-called Greater Europe,
automatically loses the possibility to take part in its internal affairs.
Under the new conditions, the rules of the game for Belgrade will be
determined in Brussels - the way it is with Poland, the Czech republic and
other candidates to EU membership. Using the fact that Moscow does not
understand this, the Belgrade smart alecks will undoubtedly try to continue
using Russia as a card in bargaining with the EU. Under such circumstances,
however, it will be a hundred times more difficult for Russian diplomats to
have a serious expression on their faces, which will deprive Moscow's
presence in the region of the smallest meaning.
Reasons of a subjective character, which are connected with certain
peculiarities of our national policy, have also had a no less important role
to play in the loss by Russia of what was left of its erstwhile influence in
that region. Practically throughout the whole of its almost 10-year-long
history Russian diplomacy has been senselessly knocking about in Yugoslavia.
Under three of its foreign ministers it repeatedly dared to open
confrontation with the West, flirting with Milosevic and desperately ignoring
the UN. Its declared aims were to take care of its "historical ally" and
preserve its political positions in the region, but unofficially it tried to
help Russian business to get hold on the Balkans. And this was against the
obvious historical facts, which show that relations between Moscow
(St.Petersburg before it) and Belgrade were ostentatiously friendly only when
temper and selfish interests pushed Serbs on the brink of military troubles.
No sooner had an outside threat retreated, than the Balkan "Slavic brothers"
forgot all about their Russian brothers in faith and preferred more
advantageous cooperation with the West. Now that the regime of Milosevic the
Terrible has collapsed, Serbia is swiftly turning to Europe, while Russia is
kicked out from the programs of Yugoslavia's restoration. By and large,
Moscow's many-year-long activities towards stopping bloodshed in the Balkans
have not reaped any concrete political and economic fruit.
The non-sanguine residue of the Yugoslav crisis, which has been one of the
most important international events of the late 20th century, has become a
not very comforting sentence for Russian diplomacy in the region and the
entire foreign policy activities of the new Russia. Moscow's failure in the
Balkans is explained not only by the non- professionalism of concrete Foreign
Ministry officials. Its fiasco in the Balkans and some other regions is the
result of the lack of new foreign policy ideas and strategy, which would
adequately reflect the present state of affairs and international situation.
For ten years since the disintegration of the USSR Moscow has clung to its
geopolitical legacy, looking at the world through the spectacles of Soviet
foreign policy. And this has naturally been leading it to new setbacks.
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