From albboschurch at juno.com  Sun Oct  1 06:01:54 2000
From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church)
Date: Sun, 1 Oct 2000 06:01:54 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Job Opportunity: Concierge & Security Services
Message-ID: <20001001.062746.8966.0.albboschurch@juno.com>


[ Pass info to Albanian friends ]

PALLADION CONCIERGE SERVICES

Palladion is a concierge & security services business and we have  need
for hourly front desk personnel. We work at high end properties in
Cambridge, Downtown Boston, Allston & Malden.  Salary range: $8.50 -
$11.00 per hour plus paid benefits.

No previous security experience is required. Customer service experience
preferred. Candidates must have a High School Diploma and a clean
criminal record. All applicants will be required to pass a confidential
background investigation as well as a pre-employment drug test.

If qualified &  interested, contact Patrick Knight at (617) 482-1119

--------- End forwarded message ----------
--------- End forwarded message ----------


From albania at netzero.net  Sun Oct  1 10:11:20 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Sun, 1 Oct 2000 10:11:20 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Fw: UN Troops, Serbs Clash After Blackout (AP, 30 September 2000)
Message-ID: <003501c02bb1$7b95e240$244cf6d1@albania>

----- Original Message -----
From: "Wolfgang Plarre" <wplarre at bndlg.de>
To: "ALBANEWS" <ALBANEWS at LISTSERV.ACSU.BUFFALO.EDU>; "alb-information-list"
<alb-information at egroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, October 01, 2000 4:21 AM
Subject: NEWS: UN Troops, Serbs Clash After Blackout (AP, 30 September 2000)


> http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/ap/20000930/wl/kosovo_clash_1.html

Saturday September 30 11:06 PM ET

UN Troops, Serbs Clash After Blackout

By ELENA BECATOROS, Associated Press Writer

ZVECAN, Yugoslavia (AP) - U.N. peacekeepers clashed with Serbs hurling
rocks and bottles early Sunday after a factory fire in this northern
town destroyed an electrical transformer relaying power to the area.
     A group of about 50 Serbs gathered outside the Trepca factory
complex in Zvecan, hurling rocks, bottles and paving stones at Danish,
French and Pakistani peacekeepers. There was no immediate report of
injuries.
     Peacekeepers in full riot gear, supported by four armored personnel
carriers, dispersed the crowd.
     Fire crews from nearby Kosovska Mitrovica and the provincial
capital Pristina extinguished the blaze, which started late Saturday,
said Barry Lynch, spokesman for the U.N.-run police force in the
northern sector of Kosovska Mitrovica.
     The blaze knocked out power to Zvecan and several surrounding
villages, said local Serb leader Oliver Ivanovic. Bystanders said one
man was arrested in connection with the fire.
     Kosovo has been run by a U.N.-led administration and NATO (news -
web sites)-led peacekeepers since the end of NATO airstrikes last year,
aimed at ending the Yugoslav government's crackdown on ethnic Albanians.

Copyright ? 2000 The Associated Press.


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sun Oct  1 22:23:49 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sun, 1 Oct 2000 22:23:49 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Voting Polls Close/Socialists Claim Gains in Albanian Polls
Message-ID: <3b.aa0bb2f.27094bb5@aol.com>

1. Albanian Voting Polls Close

By MERITA DHIMGJOKA

TIRANA, Albania (AP) - Security forces were on full alert for violence Sunday 
after Albanians voted in local elections, but a U.S. envoy said the voting 
appeared calm. 

Robert Frowick, the U.S. special adviser for Balkan elections, indicated 
``signs of very strong progress'' toward fair and peaceful voting - another 
test of democracy in Albania's volatile mix of deep poverty and rough 
political rivalries. 

His assessment supported that of Prime Minister Ilir Meta, who said the 
elections for 400 municipal posts around the country were held in ``total 
calm and freedom.'' 

The opposition Democratic Party, led by former President Sali Berisha, 
claimed some members were arrested and accused the governing Socialists of 
``political manipulation'' that allegedly kept 100,000 people from casting 
ballots because of inaccurate voter lists. 

The claims raised the possibility Berisha could contest the results, which 
are expected Monday. Turnout was modest, about 50 percent in large towns. 

Albanian authorities had prepared for the worst in a nation where political 
contests often turn ugly. The army took over security of state institutions, 
and the national guard watched government buildings in Tirana, where the 
mayoral race is one of the key posts up for grabs. 

At final rallies Friday, the main parties in the elections described each 
other in mutually derogatory terms - ``criminals'' and ``thieves'' and 
``mental cases'' - stoking worries of a repeat of the political clashes that 
have followed many previous elections in Europe's poorest nation. 

The results are considered an important bellwether for next year's national 
elections. 

In Tirana, the fierce mayoral campaign was waged between a prominent writer 
and former ambassador, Besnik Mustafaj of the Democratic Party, and the 
Socialists' Edi Rama, a prominent painter and culture minister. But the two 
became the first political rivals in Albania to hold a televised debate 
without insulting each other. 

Berisha asked his supporters to gather shortly after polling stations closed 
to celebrate victory. But Western officials worried such gatherings could 
spark unrest. 

The ambassador of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, 
Geert Ahrens, warned Berisha to call off the rallies and wait for the 
election results. 

The OSCE, which is overseeing the elections, also rejected Berisha's claim 
that many people were left off voting lists. 

The last local elections were held in October 1996. Western observers 
described them as marred by irregularities and intimidation. 

Berisha resigned as president and his government stepped down in 1997 after 
popular unrest caused by the collapse of investment schemes that cost many 
Albanians their life savings. 


******

2. Socialists Claim Gains in Albanian Polls

By Benet Koleka

TIRANA, Oct 1 (Reuters) - Albania's ruling Socialists said on Sunday they 
were heading for solid gains in local elections which marked the country's 
first major political test since it plunged into anarchy three years ago. 

Police and international monitors said the vote at 5,000 polling stations 
across this impoverished Balkan nation was orderly and there was no repeat of 
the violence that marred the general election in 1997. 

Final results were not due for several days but Prime Minister Ilir Meta's 
Socialists said the early count showed them gaining ground, including in the 
capital Tirana where they expected to claim the mayor's office for the first 
time. 

``In Tirana, our candidate has won the ballot in 100 polling stations, 
whereas his rival has won only in 23 stations with a small margin,'' 
Socialist Party Secretary-General Gramoz Ruci told reporters. 

However, the opposition Democrats of former President Sali Berisha said they 
were also heading for victory in Tirana. 

International observers, relieved that the elections passed off peacefully, 
have urged whichever party emerges as the loser from Sunday's vote to accept 
defeat gracefully. 

``Everything reported by our observers is positive,'' said Giovanni Porta, 
spokesman for the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), 
a 54-nation security and human rights watchdog which brought in several 
hundred observers. 

The polls, in which some 2.7 million people were entitled to vote, closed at 
1600 GMT. The Central Election Commission said preliminary figures suggested 
nationwide turnout had been nearly 61 percent. 

REHEARSAL FOR GENERAL ELECTION 

Both the Socialists and the opposition Democrats treated the election of 65 
mayors and 309 commune chairman as a trial run for the 2001 general election. 

Berisha was ousted in 1997 in a general election after months of anarchy 
caused by the collapse of fraudulent pyramid investment schemes in which 
countless Albanians lost their life savings. 

Order was restored after the intervention of an Italian-led multinational 
force, but an estimated half a million weapons are still in private hands and 
parts of the country remain lawless. 

Berisha complained of irregularities in drawing up electoral registers and 
accused the government of trying to bar as many as 40 percent of voters from 
casting their ballot. 

But international observers said that, while not perfect, the voting 
arrangements had been generally fair. 

``There is no proof of any manipulation of the lists whatsoever,'' Porta 
said. 

Security was tightened in the capital Tirana, with army commandos guarding 
government buildings and a strong police presence on the streets. 

Meta was determined to avoid a repeat of Albania's last bout of political 
violence in September 1998, when Democratic supporters stormed official 
buildings during the funeral of a murdered politician and almost brought down 
the government. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sun Oct  1 22:32:48 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sun, 1 Oct 2000 22:32:48 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Schroeder, Putin Agree Serbs Voted for Change/Albright Says `Milosevic Must Go'/Yugoslav Opposition Vows to Paralyse Serbia/Serbian Police Seal off Striking Coal Pit
Message-ID: <66.7eb5303.27094dd0@aol.com>

1. Schroeder, Putin Agree Serbs Voted for Change
2. Albright Says `Milosevic Must Go'
3. Yugoslav Opposition Vows to Paralyse Serbia
4. Serbian Police Seal off Striking Coal Pit


******


#1.
Schroeder, Putin Agree Serbs Voted for Change

By Douglas Busvine

BERLIN, Oct 1 (Reuters) - The leaders of Germany and Russia have agreed that 
the victory of opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica in Yugoslavia's 
presidential election reflects the will of the Serbian people for democratic 
change, the German government said on Sunday. 

Government spokeswoman Charima Reinhardt said Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder 
and President Vladimir Putin agreed the common position in a telephone call 
on Saturday, which followed Schroeder's visit to Moscow last Monday. 

``They agreed that, in the election victory of Vojislav Kostunica, the will 
of the Serbian people for a democratic change in Yugoslavia had been clearly 
expressed,'' government spokeswoman Charima Reinhardt said in a statement. 

Significantly, the statement went further than Schroeder's comments after he 
met Putin in Moscow, where he said that Serbia had voted for change but made 
no explicit mention of a victory by Kostunica. 

Putin said then that he agreed with Schroeder's remarks. 

Schroeder's conversation with Putin appeared to mark a further step towards 
bringing Russia, Serbia's traditional ally, behind Western efforts to bring 
about a peaceful change of government in Belgrade after a decade of war and 
turmoil in the Balkans. 

``This is remarkable, and it is an important signal to the leaders around 
Milosevic that they cannot count on the support of Russia,'' one senior 
Western diplomat said. 

COMMON POSITION 

The Western powers appeared to be pressing ahead with efforts to build a 
common position with Moscow, and overcome the mistrust still lingering after 
NATO's air campaign drove Milosevic's forces out of Kosovo last year. 

But it may be too much to expect Moscow to come out openly and call for 
Milosevic to stand down. 

Though Germany has endorsed the common Western view that Kostunica won an 
absolute majority in last Sunday's first round, Berlin's statement on Sunday, 
bearing Moscow's blessing, was not so categorical. Russia is not prepared to 
go so far in public. 

``The Russian side has much further to go. So there will have to be a 
step-by-step approach,'' the diplomat said. 

The six countries of the so-called Contact Group -- the United States, 
Russia, Britain, France, Germany and Italy -- were expected to hold talks in 
Paris on Monday night to discuss their next steps on Yugoslavia. 

But scheduling problems meant that Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov, who 
is due to accompany Putin on a trip to India, would not be able to attend and 
no full ministerial meeting has been scheduled yet. 

RUSSIANS IN BELGRADE 

Meanwhile, a pair of Russian diplomats arrived in Belgrade on Sunday for 
talks, but western expectations of results were low after Milosevic refused 
to receive Ivanov. 

The German statement said that Schroeder and Putin had discussed how the 
international community could help ensure that a change of government could 
be ``realised in a peaceful way.'' 

``They warned against any steps that could lead to violence,'' the statement 
emphasised, adding that the two leaders would stay in close contact on develop
ments in Yugoslavia. 

The supporters of Kostunica say he won an outright majority over Milosevic, 
but official results put him just short of the minimum 50 percent required. 

Kostunica has vowed to boycott a run-off vote called for October 8 and his 
supporters have mounted a campaign of protests and civil disobedience to 
loosen Milosevic's grip on power. 


#2.
Albright Says `Milosevic Must Go'

By PAULINE JELINEK


WASHINGTON (AP) - Secretary of State Madeleine Albright says Yugoslavia's 
embattled president, Slobodan Milosevic, should step aside and let the 
political opposition begin rebuilding the war-ravaged nation. 

``Milosevic must go,'' Albright said in a Newsweek essay released Sunday. 
``The opposition should be allowed to get on with the many jobs it has been 
elected to do: restoring democracy, reviving the economy, rooting out 
corruption and bringing Serbia back into the European family of nations.'' 

Milosevic was facing a showdown Monday as opposition forces planned what they 
hoped would be nationwide work stoppages and blockades to force him to accept 
defeat by challenger Vojislav Kostunica in the Sept. 24 election. 

The opposition claims Kostunica won outright, but the government insists he 
failed to take enough votes to avoid a runoff next weekend. The Federal 
Electoral Commission on Saturday formally rejected all opposition challenges 
of alleged vote irregularities. 

Asserting that ``Milosevic's machine'' is falling apart, Albright wrote that 
``the sooner Milosevic leaves, the better it will be, and the quicker the 
process of recovery can be.'' 

On ABC's ``This Week,'' retired Gen. Wesley Clark, a former NATO commander, 
said, ``Monday and Tuesday will be key moments'' in deciding what happens in 
Yugoslavia. 

``It's up to the people of Serbia whether they are going to stand for this or 
not,'' said Clark, who led NATO's war against Milosevic in 1999. 

National Security Council spokesman P.J. Crowley said it appears ``the 
opposition is getting stronger, gaining even greater support from the Serbian 
people.'' 

``They are sending a strong message to Milosevic: `Your time in office is 
over,''' he said Sunday. 

On Saturday, President Clinton and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed in 
a telephone conversation that ``it is important for Milosevic to accept the 
will of the Serbian people,'' Crowley said. 

The White House official said Putin told Clinton that his offer to send 
Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov to meet both Milosevic and Kostunica had 
been rejected by Milosevic. 


#3.
Yugoslav Opposition Vows to Paralyse Serbia

By Fredrik Dahl

BELGRADE, Oct 2 (Reuters) - Opposition parties vow to bring Serbia to a 
standstill on Monday at the start of new nationwide protests to force 
President Slobodan Milosevic to accept election defeat and quit after 13 
years in power. 

The opposition campaign of civil disobedience comes amid mounting 
international pressure against Milosevic, with U.S. Secretary of State 
Madeleine Albright urging Russia to use its full influence on Yugoslavia, a 
nation of fellow Orthodox Slavs. 

``At 5 a.m. (0300 GMT) on Monday Serbia will come to a halt,'' said one 
opposition leader, Vuk Obradovic. 

The opposition in Serbia, federal Yugoslavia's main republic, is trying to 
force the man blamed by the West for a decade of Balkan wars to leave office 
after his defeat by Vojislav Kostunica in September 24 presidential 
elections. 

The state-controlled Yugoslav Electoral Commission has called a second round 
for October 8 despite opposition evidence that Kostunica won outright. 

Outlining plans for protests in a race against the clock before the scheduled 
runoff vote, Obradovic said state institutions and municipalities would be 
paralysed although not their essential services. 

``All institutions will carry out essential functions; the post office will 
work for (that purpose), hospitals will accept urgent cases,'' said 
Obradovic, a former Yugoslav army general. 

Acting to prevent Serbia being plunged into darkness by opposition strike 
action, Belgrade police sealed off the main pit on Sunday at the country's 
biggest coal mine, mineworkers said. The mine is the only supplier to the 
Obrenovac thermal power station that provides half of Serbia's power needs. 

``We are dealing with unreasonable people and we have to apply drastic 
methods,'' said Milan Protic, another opposition leader. ``We will do 
everything in our power to avert violence. However, we will have to keep 
pushing with civil disobedience as this is the only language the regime 
understands. 

``They (the authorities) did not want to count our votes, so now they have to 
count us on the streets,'' he said. 

Protic is an academic and future mayor of Belgrade, where the opposition 
swept the board in municipal elections that accompanied the presidential 
vote. 

PROTESTS IN MILOSEVIC'S HOME TOWN 

In Milosevic's home town Pozarevac, thousands of opposition backers took to 
the streets on Sunday night chanting, ``He's finished.'' Amid rumours that 
they had left the country, the wife and son of Milosevic both made defiant 
appearances there at the weekend. 

In Belgrade, protesters blocked roads in a ``dress rehearsal'' for 
country-wide civil disobedience. 

``Tomorrow we shall block the roads for three hours, on Tuesday for four 
hours and on Wednesday begins the general blockade of Serbia,'' Protic said 
on Sunday. 

Taking lessons from last year's NATO air strikes, the West is trying to bring 
Russian weight to bear on Milosevic, who is believed to have let NATO into 
Kosovo after 78 days of bombing partly because Moscow told him it was no 
longer on his side. 

Russia's special envoy to the Balkans, Vladimir Chizov, has begun a mission 
in Belgrade and the United States wants him to deliver a clear message to 
Milosevic: accept defeat and go. 

``What we would like the Russians to do is say very explicitly that the 
evidence indicates that the opposition won the first round,'' said a State 
Department official travelling with Albright, who was due to see French 
President Jacques Chirac and Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine in Paris on 
Monday. 

RUSSIAN DIPLOMACY 

The German government said on Sunday Russian President Vladimir Putin had 
agreed with German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder that Kostunica's electoral 
victory a week ago reflected the will of the people for democratic change. 

Russia, a traditional ally of Serbia, has declined publicly to take sides in 
the dispute between Milosevic and his foes. Putin had offered to send his 
foreign minister to mediate but, opposition sources say, Milosevic has 
rejected the offer. 

In other protests around Serbia on Monday, a general strike was planned in 
the central town of Gornji Milanovac and in the western town of Uzice, where 
all 3,200 workers have been striking at the Sevojno copper mill. 

A total blockade of Mladenovac, near Belgrade, was planned from noon. 

The campaign of disobedience recalled protests after local elections in 1996, 
when the opposition also said the authorities had falsified the results. 
Milosevic eventually acknowledged opposition victories in a string of towns, 
but only after three months of continuous street demonstrations. 

This time the opposition wants him to back down in days. 

The United States has ruled out any deal with Milosevic, who has been 
indicted for alleged war crimes in Kosovo by the international criminal 
tribunal in The Hague. 



#4.
Serbian Police Seal off Striking Coal Pit

By Gordana Kukic

BELGRADE, Oct 1 (Reuters) - Belgrade police on Sunday sealed off the main pit 
at Serbia's biggest coal mine where a strike in support of the opposition 
threatens to plunge large parts of the country into darkness, mineworkers 
said. 

``Strong police forces have sealed off the pit area,'' Miodrag Rankovic, a 
member of the strike committee, said by telephone. 

But another mine official said tension had eased with reports coming in that 
some police had withdrawn. 

``Miners, members of their families and other citizens are here. We will all 
stay here until morning,'' Milutin Bobic said. ``The pit will not work until 
our demand is met.'' 

On Friday night, around 4,000 workers at Kolubara laid down their tools as 
part of a campaign of civil disobedience aimed at forcing President Slobodan 
Milosevic to quit after he came second to challenger Vojislav Kostunica in 
September 24 elections. 

Dragan Sijan, another strike committee member, reported a large police 
presence near Tamnava, the largest pit at Kolubara accounting for 70 percent 
of the mine's output. ``They have blocked all the access roads to the pit.'' 

A two-line police cordon set up some three kilometres (two miles) from 
Tamnava pit had been preventing people from going to the mine. 

But Sijan said the number of people in Tamnava rose to several thousand by 
Sunday night. ``They were coming from everywhere.'' 

An opposition leader, Nebojsa Covic, said around 5,000 people gathered at the 
exit to Tamnava pit off the main Serbian road linking Belgrade with 
Montenegro in support of striking miners. 

``It is an ugly and a sad picture where two groups of the same people -- one 
in uniforms and the other in civilian clothes -- are confronting each other 
because of one man who does not want to recognise his (election) defeat,'' he 
said by telephone. 

Kolubara, with a daily output of 70,000 tonnes, is the only supplier to the 
thermal power station in nearby Obrenovac, which produces half of Serbia's 
power needs. 

The state-run power company, Elektroprivreda Srbije (EPS), urged the miners 
to return to work. ``Due to the break in coal production, EPS is forced to 
introduce restrictions in the supply of electricity,'' EPS said on state 
television. 

RAISED TENSION 

The increased police presence raised tension in the nearby town of Lazarevac. 
A column of around 25 private cars was seen driving towards the mine, and 
Rankovic said other people were heading there on foot. 

Nikola Simic, another committee member, said he believed the Belgrade 
authorities had sent special police to end the strike because local police 
had refused to intervene. 

On Saturday workers at Kolubara were given compulsory work orders, meaning 
they can be automatically fired if they disobey. 

Three of the six generators at Obrenovac power station have already been shut 
down due to a lack of coal. 

In Kostolac, a coal mine in eastern Serbia, some 4,500 miners began a strike 
on Sunday. They too have received compulsory work orders. 

The management of Kostolac thermal plant, the second biggest in Serbia after 
Obrenovac, were discussing when to shut down the plant completely, a local 
opposition leader told Reuters. 

Workers at the Pancevo oil refinery and the Petrohemija petrochemical plant 
said they would go on strike from Monday, according to independent Radio 
B2-92 in Belgrade. 

The Sevojno copper smelter in the west of the country has been on strike 
since Saturday.


From shkrelim at aol.com  Mon Oct  2 09:48:52 2000
From: shkrelim at aol.com (shkrelim at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 02 Oct 2000 09:48:52 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Re: Message rejection
Message-ID: <f5.33a7a82.2709ec45@aol.com>

Kushdo qe eshte moderator i "ALBSA-Info mailing list"? - Te lutem del nga pas perdes dhe na trego pse po i ndalon mesazhet nga e-grupi juaj???? Asnje nga ato nuk eshte banale as fyese! PSE?


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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Mon Oct  2 16:12:22 2000
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja)
Date: Mon, 2 Oct 2000 16:12:22 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} =?X-UNKNOWN?Q?Fwd=3A_{QIKSH_=ABALBEUROPA=BB}_Re=3A_Message_reje?= =?X-UNKNOWN?Q?ction_=28fwd=29?=
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.10.10010021607110.10163-100000@is04.fas.harvard.edu>

qe te vendosesh mesazhe tek ALBSA-INFO duhet te jesh 'subscibed' ne liste.
Kete mund ta beni tek <www.alb-net.com> ... pastaj shkoni tek Mailing
Lists, dhe pastaj tek ALBSA-INFO.

ALBSA-INFO moderator.

>From: shkrelim at aol.com
>Reply-To: albeuropa at egroups.com
>To: <albeuropa at egroups.com>, <alb-information at egroups.com>, 
><albeuropa at egroups.com>
>Subject: {QIKSH ?ALBEUROPA?} Re: Message rejection
>Date: Mon, 02 Oct 2000 09:48:52 EDT
>
>Kushdo qe eshte moderator i "ALBSA-Info mailing list"? - Te lutem del nga 
>pas perdes dhe na trego pse po i ndalon mesazhet nga e-grupi juaj???? Asnje 
>nga ato nuk eshte banale as fyese! PSE?
>
>
>
>N?se don t? ?regjistrohesh nga ALBEUROPA, d?rgo nj? Email n?:
>
>albeuropa-unsubscribe at egroups.com
>
>
>

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From alb2001 at beld.net  Mon Oct  2 16:36:04 2000
From: alb2001 at beld.net (ALBANIA 2001)
Date: Mon,  2 Oct 2000 16:36:04 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [2001ajs] This Debate Must Have Been No Fun to Watch -- Maybe Gore/Bush will be Better
Message-ID: <200010021636.AA155779410@f155.beld.net>

A fierce mayoral campaign was waged between a prominent writer and former ambassador, Besnik Mustafaj of the Democratic Party, and the Socialists? Edi Rama, a prominent painter and culture minister. The two became the first political rivals in Albania to hold a televised debate without insulting each other.

--
ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Suite #417
160 Commonwealth Avenue
Boston, MA 02116
Telephone:  781-843-1056
Telephone:  617-262-6665
Fax:  617-262-2340
E-Mail:  alb2001 at beld.net

ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Rruga Asim Vokshi
Pallati #141
Tirana, Albania
Telephone:  355-42-40842
Telephone:  355-42-39748
Fax:  355-42-39748
E-Mail:  alb2001 at icc.al.eu.org

--


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct  2 20:21:43 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 2 Oct 2000 20:21:43 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Tension Surrounds Albania Elections
Message-ID: <11.9e76207.270a8097@aol.com>

Tension Surrounds Albania Elections

By MERITA DHIMGJOKA        October 1,  2000

TIRANA, Albania (AP) - The elections are about municipal officials. But 
something more is being put to the test Sunday - whether Albanians can hold 
an important vote without violence. 

At final rallies Friday, the main parties in the elections described each 
other in mutually derogatory terms - ``criminals'' and ``thieves'' - stoking 
worries of a repeat of the political clashes that have followed many previous 
elections in Europe's poorest nation. 

The United States and other Western governments have expressed concern over 
the level of tension between the rival groups - the governing Socialist Party 
and the opposition Democratic Party of former President Sali Berisha. 

The U.S. State Department called on all parties to seek ``a calm electoral 
atmosphere.'' 

But Albanian authorities prepared for the worst. The army took over security 
of state institutions, and the national guard watched government buildings in 
Tirana, where the mayoral race is one of the key posts up for grabs. 

In total, the voting covers about 400 local offices. The results, expected on 
Monday, are considered an important test in advance of next year's national 
elections. 

Berisha asked his supporters to gather shortly after polling stations close 
to celebrate victory. But Western officials worry such gatherings could spark 
unrest as they have in the past. In 1998, a mob stormed government buildings 
and burned the prime minister's office following the killing of a prominent 
opposition leader. 

The ambassador of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, 
Geert Ahrens, warned Berisha to call off the rallies and wait until the 
election results. 

The OSCE, which is overseeing the elections, also rejected Berisha's claim 
that many people were left off voting lists and could be ``impossible for us 
to recognize the outcome of this process.'' 

The last local elections were held in October 1996. Western observers 
described them as marred by irregularities and intimidation. 

Berisha resigned as president and his government stepped down in 1997 after 
popular unrest caused by the collapse of investment schemes that cost many 
Albanians their life savings. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct  2 20:23:29 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 2 Oct 2000 20:23:29 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] INTERVIEW-Albanian elections fairest ever -PM
Message-ID: <a0.a644d07.270a8101@aol.com>

INTERVIEW-Albanian elections fairest ever -PM

By Richard Murphy

TIRANA, Oct 2 (Reuters) - Albania's weekend local elections were the fairest 
and most peaceful it has held since communism was overthrown in 1991, Prime 
Minister Ilir Meta said on Monday. 

``These were not only the fairest, most democratic and most transparent 
elections the country has ever had, but also the calmest,'' the 31-year-old 
Socialist told Reuters in an interview. 

``The main test for the government was not the result of the elections but 
their fairness and correctness. Yesterday's elections were a strong 
demonstration of the Albanian people's desire to strengthen democratic 
institutions. They marked an important step towards European democracy.'' 

Some 2.7 million people in this impoverished Balkan nation were entitled to 
vote in Sunday's local elections, which international observers said were 
fair and orderly. 

They were also peaceful, in marked contrast to the bloodshed that marred the 
general election of 1997 which helped to end months of anarchy that followed 
the collapse of fraudulent pyramid investment schemes. 

Meta, who became prime minister almost a year ago, said partial unofficial 
results suggested a strong swing towards the Socialists which augured well 
for his party in a general election expected in May 2001. 

Major cities including the capital Tirana, which had been bastions of former 
President Sali Berisha's opposition Democrats, looked likely to fall to the 
Socialists. 

``I am pleased that the Socialist Party won a clear and very strong majority 
all over the country, especially in the major cities,'' Meta said. ``Some 
very important cities will be run by the Socialist Party for the first time 
in 10 years.'' 

Official election results are expected by Wednesday. 

INSTITUTIONS, ECONOMY ARE PRIORITIES 

Meta said his priorities remained strengthening Albania's democratic 
institutions and developing its economy. 

Since he took over, he said, there has been a marked improvement in the 
collection of customs duties, the main source of government revenue. The tax 
administration had also been improved and corruption reduced. 

``When I came, the customs system was in crisis. Today it is completely 
different,'' Meta said. 

Albania completed its first major privatisation in July, after years of 
delay, selling the mobile phone mopoly AMC to a consortium of Greece's OTE 
Telecoms subsidiary Cosmote and Norway's state-owned Telenor for $85.6 
million. 

``Albania still depends for its development on foreign aid but we are 
increasing our own resources as well,'' Meta said. ``Albania has a lot of 
potential and possibilities.'' 

A new package of tax incentives to encourage investment would be finalised in 
January, he added. 

In a country still suffering the scourge of emigration, Meta said it was 
important that ordinary people saw ``obvious and concrete'' evidence of 
improvement in things like the basic infrastructure to give them hope for the 
future. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct  2 20:25:28 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 2 Oct 2000 20:25:28 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Election Results Contested
Message-ID: <bf.765c488.270a8178@aol.com>

Albanian Election Results Contested

By MERITA DHIMGJOKA

TIRANA, Albania (AP) - The governing Socialists on Monday claimed victory in 
nationwide local elections, but the main opposition party refused to accept 
defeat, denouncing the vote as ``totally manipulated.'' 

Releasing what they said were partial official results, the Socialists said 
their candidates won 27 of the 65 mayoral races, while the main opposition 
Democratic Party won only nine. The rest would go to a second round Oct. 15, 
because no candidate got more than 50 percent in Sunday's voting, said Gramoz 
Ruci, the general secretary of the Socialist Party. 

Of the 409 seats in town councils nationwide, the Socialists won 110, the 
Democrats 33 and other parties three, said Ruci. The rest also would be 
contested again Oct. 15, he said. 

But the Democratic Party, led by former President Sali Berisha, claimed that 
party members were arrested and that inaccurate lists prevented thousands 
from voting. 

``It was a totally manipulated process,'' said Vili Minarrolli, the party's 
leader in Tirana. ``There were zero chances for a free and fair process.'' 

Official results were not slated for publication before Monday evening. But 
both main parties were given results as they came in from different polling 
stations across the country - a tally on which Socialists based their victory 
claim and that Berisha's party rejected. 

International and local observers said the elections were largely free and 
fair. 

Geert Ahrens, a senior representative of the Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe, called the irregularities with voters' lists 
``administrative problems.'' 

``We have no evidence that there has been political manipulation,'' Ahrens 
said. 

Prime Minister Ilir Meta, a Socialist, denied that there were problems and 
called the voting ``the most free, democratic, transparent, calm and normal 
elections held in Albania until now.'' 

``We invite the opposition forces to ... respect the free vote of the 
Albanian citizens, ... and to understand that dialogue is the only way to 
move the country forward,'' said Meta. 

Local police officials said the arrests of Democratic party members came 
after they attempted to distribute election propaganda at the polls, and that 
they were released soon after. 

The vote was considered a test of democracy amid the country's volatile mix 
of poverty and harsh political rivalries, and a bellwether for next year's 
national elections. 

It also was considered a test of Berisha, who organized a strong nationwide 
campaign. His iron grip within the party is often blamed for its decreasing 
support. 

Turnout was about 60 percent in large towns, the Central Election Commission 
said. 

The last local elections were held in October 1996 and won by Berisha's 
Democrats. Western observers described them as marred by irregularities and 
intimidation. 

Berisha resigned as president and his government stepped down in 1997 after 
popular unrest caused by the collapse of investment schemes that cost many 
Albanians their life savings. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct  2 20:26:43 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 2 Oct 2000 20:26:43 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Socialists claim victory in Albania polls
Message-ID: <24.b3ca789.270a81c3@aol.com>

Socialists claim victory in Albania polls

By Linda Spahia

TIRANA, Oct 2 (Reuters) - Albania's ruling Socialists on Monday claimed 
victory in weekend local elections seen by international observers as a 
welcome step towards political normality in the often volatile Balkan nation. 

The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the 
Council of Europe, which deployed around 250 observers for Sunday's ballot, 
said it marked ``significant progress towards meeting the (international) 
standards for democratic elections.'' 

Official results from the elections, Albania's first big political test since 
it plunged into anarchy in 1997, were expected by Wednesday. 

But Socialist Prime Minister Ilir Meta said the vote showed a clear swing 
towards his party in many areas, including the capital Tirana, where a 
Socialist looked set to capture the mayor's office for the first time. 

``I am pleased that the Socialist Party won a clear and very strong majority 
all over the country, especially in the major cities,'' Meta told Reuters. 

``Some very important cities will be run by the Socialist Party for the first 
time in 10 years.'' 

OPPOSITION ALLEGES MANIPULATION 

But former President Sali Berisha's opposition Democrats said they would not 
accept the result of the ballot, describing the result in Tirana as ``an 
electoral farce that was totally manipulated.'' 

International observers said they were satisfied with the conduct of the 
election, which, in contrast to the 1997 general election, was not marred by 
bloodshed. 

The Council of Europe and the OSCE said voting had taken place in ``a tense 
but remarkably peaceful atmosphere, with only a few isolated incidents of 
violence.'' 

``Voting was carried out in an orderly manner in a majority of 
municipalities,'' they said in their preliminary report. 

``Almost all voters were able to cast ballots despite some initial concerns 
with the voter registers. Some irregularities were noted but none seemed 
significant enough to impact on the outcome.'' 

Some 2.7 million people were entitled to vote in the polls, which the 
government and opposition treated as a trial run for next year's general 
election. Turnout was around 61 percent. 

Berisha was ousted in 1997 in a general election after months of anarchy 
caused by the collapse of fraudulent pyramid schemes in which countless 
Albanians lost their life savings. 

Order was restored after the intervention of an Italian-led multinational 
force, but an estimated half a million weapons are still in private hands and 
parts of the country remain lawless. 

Diplomats said the successful conduct of the election would boost the 
authority of the Meta government, which had tightened security to avoid 
political bloodshed. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Tue Oct  3 00:28:07 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Tue, 3 Oct 2000 00:28:07 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic challenger slams U.S. and Russia
Message-ID: <a8.b47f0e6.270aba57@aol.com>

Milosevic challenger slams U.S. and Russia

By Julijana Mojsilovic

BELGRADE, Oct 2 (Reuters) - Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's election 
challenger slammed Russian and the United States on Monday, accusing Moscow 
of indecision and Washington of indirectly helping Milosevic's cause. 

Vojislav Kostunica, hoping popular demonstrations will force Milosevic to 
concede defeat in the September 24 poll, said the Russians, who have offered 
to mediate but issued ambiguous statements, had not made up their minds what 
to do. 

``The Russian policy has so far been indecisive and reluctant, I would say 
unnecessarily so. It could be described as taking one step forward and one 
step back,'' Kostunica told a news conference. 

``The Russians don't have a specific and concrete position on the situation 
in Yugoslavia,'' he added.'' 

Russian President Vladimir Putin issued a statement earlier on Monday in 
which he offered to mediate between Milosevic and Kostunica, referring to 
them as candidates in a second election round. Kostunica insists he won 
outright in the first round. 

``We caught Milosevic pickpocketing us and he will have to give us back our 
votes,'' Kostunica said. 

``Any elections held on October 8 will be illegitimate.'' 

He also said the United States had helped to turn the presidential election 
into a matter of survival for Milosevic by insisting he stand trial for war 
crimes before a U.N. tribunal. 

``The policy of the current U.S. authorities, whether they praise Milosevic 
as they have in the past or threaten him with The Hague tribunal as they are 
doing now, actually supports him but I think this support will be 
short-lived,'' Kostunica said. 

``In fact, it could be a matter of life and death for some figures of the 
current U.S. administration,'' he added of Washington's apparent 
determination to oust Milosevic before the U.S. presidential election. 

BIGGER PROTEST WAVE? 

Kostunica said protests launched by his supporters across Serbia on Monday 
were much more effective than demonstrations after local elections in 1996, 
which took three months to persuade Milosevic to accept an opposition 
victory. 

``The whole of Serbia is on its feet now and this is a situation where people 
lead the parties rather than vice versa,'' he said. ``The people's will for 
change has grown into discontent that can't be stopped.'' 

Protests brought a string of towns to a halt on Monday, but failed to make 
much impact on key state institutions in the capital, where sporadic road 
blockades lasted just a few hours. 

Kostunica said he would travel through Serbia later on Monday to express 
gratitude to all those who voted for the main opposition bloc and to 
``appease'' those who voted for Milosevic. 

But he poured cold water on a suggestion that Milosevic could become prime 
minister, an idea put forward by a senior official from the ruling coalition 
and also by Milosevic's brother, who is envoy in Moscow. 

Kostunica said the post rightfully belonged to Predrag Bulatovic, the deputy 
leader of the pro-Belgrade Socialist People's Party in Yugoslavia's smaller 
republic Montenegro. Bulatovic, the party's most popular figure, is a 
moderate who has shown signs of being at odds with Milosevic. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Tue Oct  3 00:29:46 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Tue, 3 Oct 2000 00:29:46 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic Decries Opposition
Message-ID: <79.a558a65.270ababa@aol.com>

Milosevic Decries Opposition

By DUSAN STOJANOVIC
 
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - In his first address to the nation since a 
disputed election, Slobodan Milosevic on Monday branded his opponents puppets 
of the West. A wave of unrest aimed at driving him from power swept 
Yugoslavia, and the government responded by arresting dozens of strike 
leaders. 

The general strike and road blockades brought Yugoslavia to a virtual halt in 
the most serious challenge yet to Milosevic's 13-year rule. Even the 
government weather bureau said it would stop issuing forecasts until he 
concedes defeat in the Sept. 24 presidential election. 

In at least two towns, protesters broke into television stations - among the 
pillars of the Milosevic regime. 

The strikes even spread to Milosevic's birthplace, Pozarevac, where about 
20,000 protesters blocked roads and stopped public services, the independent 
Beta news agency said. 

A spokesman for the opposition coalition, Cedomir Jovanovic, reported several 
incidents including a clash with police in Surcin, 12 miles west of Belgrade, 
in which four people were injured. 

Dozens of strike leaders were arrested, opposition officials said. The 
opposition called for people to converge on the capital Thursday in a push to 
drive Milosevic from power. 

Vojislav Kostunica, the opposition leader who says he won the election 
outright, told reporters ``what is happening now is a revolution - a 
peaceful, nonviolent, wise, civilized, quiet and smart democratic 
revolution.'' 

Milosevic has admitted finishing second to Kostunica and called a runoff on 
Sunday. But in his televised speech, he accused his opponents of seeking to 
plunge the country into a ``foreign occupation'' in which ``Yugoslavia will 
inevitably break up.'' 

State radio reported that the government printing office has started making 
ballots for Sunday's vote. However, Kostunica told striking miners on Monday: 
``There will be no runoff.'' 

White House press secretary Jake Siewert said the United States supports the 
opposition in its decision to boycott the runoff, saying, ``It's time for the 
government to recognize that they lost in the first round and the opposition 
prevailed.'' 

Milosevic said in his speech: ``A puppet government guarantees violence, the 
possibility of a war lasting for years - everything except peace. Only 
governing ourselves guarantees peace.'' 

Strikers clogged roads across Serbia, which with the smaller Montenegro 
republic makes up Yugoslavia. 

After blockades and a student rally in Belgrade during the day, about 10,000 
people assembled in the city center after sundown in what participants called 
a spontaneous protest in response to Milosevic's speech. 

``I am here, waiting in the streets of Belgrade where he can't even show his 
face,'' opposition campaign manager Zoran Djindjic told the crowd, which 
booed at every mention of Milosevic's name. ``Let him come here and tell us 
why he has been doing all the terrible things for more than 10 years.'' 

In Novi Sad, Serbia's second-largest city, protesters broke into the state 
television building, interrupting programming. 

Hundreds of employees of state-run firms in Novi Sad joined a column of tens 
of thousands of opposition protesters carrying banners reading ``He's 
Finished.'' 

Protesters in the southern town of Prokuplje seized a local TV station, 
prompting authorities to cut electricity. 

And in the southwestern town of Uzice, railway workers walked off the job and 
thousands of industrial workers joined them, cutting the country's main 
north-south railway link. 

In a veiled threat to tens of thousands of strikers, Milosevic said ``Serbia 
is obliged ... to defend itself from the invasion prepared through various 
means of subversion.'' 

The opposition scoffed at the speech, saying in a statement that it 
``epitomizes a dictator facing ouster, who is begging for help from the 
people he terrorized for 10 years.'' 

``Milosevic made a threatening, very nervous and very unstable speech,'' 
Djindjic said. 

Kostunica visited strikers Monday at the Kolubara coal mine, 30 miles south 
of Belgrade, and urged them to hold out. 

``We're only days away from getting rid of Milosevic when the flames of 
change will engulf the whole country,'' he said. ``There will be no runoff 
because if we had agreed to it, we would be stomping on the will of the 
people.'' 

``Long live the President!'' the miners shouted back, addressing Kostunica. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has resisted Western calls for 
Milosevic to accept defeat, offered to mediate between the two men at a 
meeting in Moscow. There was no immediate response. 

But Kostunica criticized Moscow and Washington for their handling of the 
crisis. 

``Russia is too cautious,'' Kostunica said. ``Russia is defending the 
indefensible.'' 

Kostunica said Washington's insistence on prosecuting Milosevic for war 
crimes had strengthened ``Milosevic in his belief that these elections are a 
question of life and death for him.'' 

In Washington, Siewert said: ``We have several aims. We want to see Milosevic 
out of power. We believe he's been a destructive force for his own people and 
for the region generally. 

``We also want to see him out of Serbia and we'd like to see him in the 
Hague.'' 

Road blockades snarled traffic on a bridge in Belgrade, while city bus 
drivers staged a two-hour walkout. At one intersection, protesters stood in 
pouring rain to link hands and form a human chain after police broke up a 
blockade of four trucks. 

``We have no other option until Milosevic leaves power voluntarily,'' said 
Nebojsa Zdravkovic, a teacher. ``If they want to use force against us, let 
them.'' 

In a sign that Milosevic's grip on media may be ebbing, 86 employees of 
state-run Radio Belgrade demanded a change in its pro-Milosevic editorial 
policies. Similar petitions were reported in the Vecernje Novosti newspaper, 
the official Tanjug news agency and the Serbian TV networks. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Tue Oct  3 00:30:42 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Tue, 3 Oct 2000 00:30:42 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Putin mediation offer on Yugoslavia spurned
Message-ID: <c1.767f865.270abaf2@aol.com>

Putin mediation offer on Yugoslavia spurned

By Philippa Fletcher

BELGRADE, Oct 3 (Reuters) - Russia's offer to mediate in Yugoslavia's 
stand-off has drawn an implicit rebuff from both sides, and the Belgrade 
opposition vowed to step up a general strike on Tuesday to force President 
Slobodan Milosevic to quit. 

Milosevic voiced defiance in a rare address to the nation on Monday, making 
clear he would not concede defeat and wanted a second round of voting after 
last month's presidential poll. 

He also pointedly failed to mention Moscow's offer to host mediation talks. 

The opposition's Vojislav Kostunica, who claimed outright victory in the 
September 24 presidential poll, likewise would not be drawn on whether he 
would take up Russian President Vladimir Putin's invitation and accused 
Moscow of sitting on the fence. 

``The Russian policy has so far been indecisive and reluctant, I would say 
unnecessarily so. It could be described as taking one step forward and one 
step back,'' Kostunica said. 

Putin's statement implied the need for a runoff vote, which Belgrade's Federa
l Election Commission has set for this Sunday. But Kostunica insists, along 
with Western countries, that there is no need for it as he won well over 50 
percent of the vote. 

In a sign of divisions among Milosevic's normally fiercely loyal supporters, 
Serbia's government-controlled trade union threatened on Monday to call a 
general strike if the election results were not re-examined within two days, 
the independent Beta news agency said. 

At the launch of the opposition's nationwide civil disobedience campaign on 
Monday, protesters blocked roads, miners staged strikes and children skipped 
school across Serbia, the main republic in Yugoslavia, which also comprises 
Montenegro. 

Signs of dissent have also reached Yugoslavia's tightly controlled state 
media. More than 60 journalists at Tanjug news agency urged their management 
to ``respect the principles of full, objective and truthful informing,'' Beta 
said. 

MILOSEVIC SLAMS OPPONENTS 

Milosevic lashed out at opponents in his televised address in a way his foes 
said smacked of desperation. He accused them of trying to grab power through 
blackmail, intimidation and violence, and implied they would yield Yugoslavia 
to foreign control. 

``I believe I have a duty to caution the citizens of our country of the 
consequences of activities financed and supported by the governments of the 
NATO countries,'' he said. 

``By yielding their country to others, to a foreign will, they are also 
yielding their own lives and the lives of their children and many other 
people to a foreign will.'' 

Opposition protests were due to be stepped up on Tuesday and in the most 
serious stoppages, coal miners serving Serbia's two largest thermal power 
plants continued strikes started at the weekend. 

The state electricity firm warned of immediate power cuts, prompting an angry 
response from miners who said there was no shortage of coal and the outages 
were aimed at turning public opinion against the strike. 

Kostunica received a warm welcome when he visited striking coal miners, who 
shouted ``Long live the president'' after he spoke. 

He later addressed a rally of 40,000 in the town of Cacak, one of several 
towns blocked by his supporters during the day. Demonstrators showed their 
contempt for Milosevic by chanting ``He's finished.'' 

Kostunica responded: ``He's finished but only he doesn't know or doesn't want 
to know but he will know in a few days.'' 

He said both the army and police were with the people. ``There is no one left 
with him any more.'' 

SANCTIONS PLEDGE 

As well as criticising Moscow, Kostunica earlier said the United States had 
helped to turn the presidential election into a matter of survival for 
Milosevic by insisting he stand trial for war crimes before a U.N. tribunal. 

``The policy of the current U.S. authorities, whether they praise Milosevic 
as they have in the past or threaten him with the Hague tribunal as they are 
doing now, actually supports him, but I think this support will be 
short-lived,'' he declared. 

At a meeting in Paris, the United States and the European Union said on 
Monday they would lift sanctions against Yugoslavia quickly and give it a big 
financial boost once Milosevic was out of power. 

There was no mention of numbers or specific actions but their comments were 
seen as clear support for Kostunica. 

``The U.S. and the EU have already indicated a willingness to lift sanctions 
once a democratic government takes office in Belgrade,'' U.S. Secretary of 
State Madeleine Albright said after meeting French Foreign Minister Hubert 
Vedrine and Europe's top men in foreign and security policy, Chris Patten and 
Javier Solana. 

In further international action against Belgrade, Switzerland has frozen 
about 100 bank accounts belonging to allies of Milosevic. None of them was in 
the name of the Yugoslav president himself. 


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Oct  3 22:32:24 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 3 Oct 2000 19:32:24 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noli ne Muzeun Historik
Message-ID: <20001004023224.17870.qmail@web116.yahoomail.com>

Pavioni ikonografik kushtuar Nolit

Ka perfunduar realizimi i stendes kushtuar figures se
Fan Stilian Nolit, e vendosur prane Pavionit
Ikonografik, ne Muzeun Historik Kombetar. "Ne stende
jane ekspozuar objekte origjinale qe i perkasin
figures se njohur te Fan Nolit", tha Moikom Zeqo
drejtor i Muzeut Kombetar. Stenda perfshin nje veshje
prej ari e Nolit, si kryepeshkop i Kishes Ortodokse
Autoqefale te Shqiperise te derguar nga At Artur
Liolin, kancelar i Kishes Ortodokse ne SHBA, si dhe
nje instrument muzikor, flaut, nje kapele si dhe nje
pikture origjinale e Nolit e pikturuar nga Vangjel
Zengo ne vitin 1924. "Vlera e ketij portreti eshte
unikale, jo vetem per faktin se Fan Noli, kryepeshkopi
i pare i Shqiperise, mban te veshur rroben e
kryepriftit, por edhe se eshte rasti i vetem kur ai
paraqitet ne pikture", tha Moikom Zeqo. Atdhetar,
demokrat, burre shteti, dijetar, poet, perkthyes,
historian Fan Stilian Noli, lindi ne vitin 1882 ne
qyteze Ibrik-Tepe, fshat i banuar nga shqiptare ne
rrugen Edrenese dhe vdiq ne vitin 1965. Me
veprimtarite e shumeanshme dha ndihmese te cmuar ne
formimin e kultures demokratike shqiptare ne vitet
'20-30. Nje pjese te forcave te tij Fan Noli ia
kushtoi gazetarise dhe publicistikes.


__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Oct  3 22:33:30 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 3 Oct 2000 19:33:30 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Zgjedhjet ne Himare
Message-ID: <20001004023330.17947.qmail@web116.yahoomail.com>

Shqiptarizma, gjuha e fitores ne Himare

Nga Himara Romelda Bozhani

Pirro Dhimes nuk i ka mjaftuar marrja e medaljes se
arte ne Lojrat Olimpike ne Sidnej. Ai ka kerkuar te
marre medalje te arte edhe ne politiken e vendlindjes
se tij, ne Himare. Ne zgjedhjet e te dieles, si
simpatizant i Omonia-s, ka sponsorizuar 11 autobuze,
nje traget e dhjetra vetura te mbushura me refugjate
te ardhur nga Greqia vetem e vetem qe te votonin per
Omonian. Por, mjeshtri madh qe nderroi flamurin
shqiptar me ate grek, harroi qe votimet ne Himare, ne
kete perle te natyres shqiptare, nuk jane si nje gare
ngritje peshe. Socialisti Viktor Mato, duke marre 32
per qind te votave kundrejt 36 per qind te Omonias,
pra ne balotazh, tregoi se perhere kjo treve do te
qeveriset vetem nga shqiptaret. 

Sponsorizimi " O Piros"

Fale sponsorizimit te Dhimes, njembedhjete autobuse,
dhjetra makina te vogla e nje traget, kane mbushur
rruget e boshatisura te Himares ne ditet e zgjedhjeve
elektorale per pushtetin vendor. Flamurtare te zjarrte
te Omonias, ose sic quhet ndryshe, te Partise se
Bashkimit te te Drejtave te Njeriut, te ardhur nga
Greqia fqinje, nxitonin e zhurmonin te votonin fale
"atdhetarizmes" se tyre. Vjeshta e blere e himarioteve

Himara, vendi ku edhe politikaneve shqiptare u shijon
deti e peshku me shume se politika, ka geluar nga
njerez te shumte edhe ne keto dite vjeshte. Himara
perjeton fatin e saj te menxyrshem prej kohesh, duke u
pare nga te gjithe si nga syri i njerkes. Ne vere duke
bere adetin e perles se bregdetit shqiptar, ndersa ne
vjeshte e dimer, duke u mbyllur ne dhimbjen e
braktisjes e shkretimit te saj. Ne dyzimin e
perjetshem te fantazmes se helenizimit dhe trungut te
shendoshe e fares shqiptare qe me fanatizem dhe
krenari mbillet ne cdo pellembe toke dhe ne cdo
kokrrize rere, himariotet votuan edhe kete fundjave.
Autobusi i linjes Vlore-Himare te shtunen e javes se
kaluar duket se jetonte nga ditet me te mira dhe me
fitimprurese te tij. Shoferit i duhej te ndalte ne
fshatrat perreth Himares per t'u ngarkuar me
pasagjeret e ardhur nga Greqia qe ne te njejten dite
do te ktheheshin ne nxitim e siper per nga ku ishin
nisur. Kishin votuar "greqisht" qe ne pike te
mengjesit per kete toke, duke mos harruar te
ngarkoheshin me kazane rakie e vaj ulliri, suveniret e
vetem nga Shqiperia. 

Balotazhi, fitorja e sigurt e flamurit shqiptar

"Patriot i madh, njeri i mrekullueshem dhe
kryebashkiak i denje per nje Himare shqiptare" -keshtu
e pershkruanin himariotet demokratin Dhimojani qe ka
perfaqesuar deri ne 1 tetor 2000 bashkine e Himares.
Vetem tri ore perpara mbylljes se kutive te votimit,
Dhimojani u shpreh per fitoren e sigurt te tij. "Sepse
une jam shqiptar dhe e dua Himaren"- tha Dhimojani, i
cili kandidonte serish per kryebashkiak te qytetit te
tij. Se bashku me te, radhiteshin edhe pese kandidate
te tjere, por si rivalete forte shiheshin
perfaqesuesit e PS-se Viktor Mato dhe i PBDNj-shit,
Vasil Bollano. Himara eshte vendi i mrekullueshem qe
ka luftuar dhe mbrojtur perhere pozicionin e tij si
toke shqiptare. Qytetaria e madhe, dashuria dhe
mikepritja e pashembullt e ka bere Himaren te njihet
si vendi i pacenueshem edhe pse perhere eshte
rrezikuar nga helenizimi. Kurajoja qytetare dhe paqja
demokratike, kane vendosur vulen edhe ne keto zgjedhje
te fundit, ku ka mbizoteruar gjakftohtesia dhe
largpamesia e himarioteve, ku nuk duhet harruar te
permendet mprehtesia dhe urtesia e Kryetarit te
Komisionit Zgjedhor, Jorgo Tatos. Megjithate, nuk kane
munguar castet e ngarkuara dhe te acaruara qe
krijoheshin nga flamurtaret e flakte te Partise se te
Drejtave te Njeriut, qe shkonin deri ne kercenime te
tilla si:"Kallashi ju pret nese nuk i gjeni votat",
"Nuk levizim nga vendi nese nuk fitojme", etj, ne
kohen kur dukej se fitorja e sigurt e PDNJ-shit, po
mposhtej nga Partia Socialiste. Megjithate, ne te
trembedhjete qendrat e votimit qe u hapen ne bashkine
e Himares, votimet u kryen me qetesi te plote, duke
lavderuar ketu edhe gatishmerine shembullore te
forcave te rendit te qytetit. Mund te thuhet se Himara
eshte vendi me i shenjte i shqiptarizmes, duke u bere
shembulli i dashurise se madhe dhe vendosmerise per
kompaktesine e Shqiperise. Nese Shqiperia qe prej
fillimit te demokracise, eshte familjarizuar me luften
e ashper te dy forcave politike kryesore: socialisteve
dhe demokrateve, Himara e ka zgjidhur denjesisht.
Qofshin socialiste, a demokrate, gezohen njesoj per
fitoren e njeres pale, apo tjetres, mjafton te jete
shqiptare. Lufta e perhershme eshte kunder forcave qe
nuk e duan Himaren pjese te Shqiperise. Pikerisht per
kete arsye, himariotet, socialiste a demokrate, thone
se balotazhi i arritur fundjaven e kaluar eshte fitore
e flamurit shqiptar.

Viktor Mato, simboli i fitores

Kandidati i Partise Socialiste Viktor Mato perfaqeson
intelektualin e urte, te shtruar dhe patriot qe i
duhet me shume se kurre Himares. Rreth te tridhjete e
pesave, Mato gezonte simpatine e te gjithe
himarioteve. Nje dite me pas, kur rezultati tashme u
be i qarte ne favor te PS-se, Viktorin e pergezonin
rrugeve te qytetit. Himariotet nuk hezitojne te
shprehnin kenaqesine per nje fitore te sigurt te
forces qe aspiron per interesa kombetare. Ne nje vend
ku Partia e Bashkimit te te Drejtave te Njeriut ka
fituar bashkine dy here, duket si fitore e shumefishte
e Partise Socialiste. Balotazhi 36% i PBDNJ-isht me 32
% e PS-se, ia ka mprehur me teper nuhatjen dhe ia ka
shtuar me teper forcat Matos, shqiptarit qe lufton per
nje Himare te kultivuar mire dhe denjesisht, ashtu sic
e meriton. A e priste nje perfundim te tille Viktor
Mato? "Balotazhin jo, por fitoren po, sigurisht, sepse
himariotet gjithmone e kane dashur Himaren te jete
shqiptare", thote pas perfundimit te zgjedhjeve Viktor
Mato.
 
  
     
 
 


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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct  4 06:38:40 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 06:38:40 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Gore, Bush Debate Russian Role in Yugoslavia
Message-ID: <00af01c02def$43fc0f40$5861f6d1@albania>

Gore, Bush Debate Russian Role in Yugoslavia 

BOSTON, Oct 4, 2000 -- (Reuters) Republican George W. Bush called on Tuesday for a bigger Russian role in pushing Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic to leave power, a position Democratic Vice President Al Gore opposed.

The situation in Yugoslav was one of the few specific foreign issues that came up during their first presidential debate.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has invited Milosevic and his opponent Vojislav Kostunica, for talks in Moscow to resolve their dispute over presidential elections on Sept. 24.

Kostunica says he won an outright victory by gaining more than 50 percent of the votes. The government says Kostunica won 48 percent and must face Milosevic in a second round run-off.

Bush said the Russians should "step up and lead" by convincing Milosevic that "it's in his best interests and his country's best interests to leave office."

"The Russians have got a lot of sway in that part of the world, and we'd like to see them use that sway to encourage democracy to take hold," Bush said.

Gore disagreed.

He said since Russia has not been willing to recognize Kostunica as the winner, "I'm not sure that it's right for us to invite the president of Russia to mediate this dispute there, because we might not like the result that comes out of that."

Gore said the United States should support the people of Serbia and "put pressure in every way possible to recognize the lawful outcome of the election."

The Yugoslav government has ignored Western appeals to recognize Kostunica as the winner.

Gore said "measured steps" are called for because many Serbs still oppose the United States because of the 78-day NATO air war last year to force Serb troops out of Kosovo.

The United States has said it will push for a lifting of economic sanctions against Yugoslavia if Milosevic will step down and give way to a democratic government.

"Even if they don't like Milosevic, they still have some feelings lingering from the NATO action there. So we have to be intelligent in the way we go about it," Gore said.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct  4 06:41:29 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 06:41:29 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Kostunica More Dangerous Leader than Milosevic
Message-ID: <00c501c02def$a8afc8a0$5861f6d1@albania>

Kostunica More Dangerous Leader than Milosevic 

PRISTINA, Oct 4, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Vojislav Kostunica -- championed by the West as Yugoslavia's new leader -- has greater nationalist ambitions and is "more dangerous" than incumbent President Slobodan Milosevic himself, according to Kosovo's budding new political classes.

Kostunica, who defeated Milosevic in September 24 presidential elections but faces a second round of voting on October 8, "is more dangerous than Milosevic because he has led the international community to believe he is a moderate politician," the secretary general of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), Jakup Krasniqi, told AFP.

"But he cannot be a moderate because he has warned that he will not turn Milosevic over to the International Criminal Tribunal (for the former Yugoslavia)," added the secretary of the PDK, one of the leading political forces in post-war Kosovo.

Milosevic has been indicted by the international tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity during the 1998-1999 Kosovo war.

Yugoslavia's election commission has called for a second vote, claiming Kostunica did not secure an absolute majority in the first round, beating Milosevic with only 49 percent of the vote.

Kostunica, who claims to have won over 52 percent, has refused to return to the polls and called national strikes this week, with heavy backing from the West, to force Milosevic to accept defeat.

"Kostunica and Milosevic are both creatures of extremist Serb nationalism. They are for a Greater Serbia," the PDK secretary general said, explaining that Kostunica supported the Bosnian Serb ultranationalist leader, Radovan Karadzic, one of the international tribunal's most wanted war criminals.

"Kostunica focused his campaign on nationalism, accusing Milosevic of having lost Macedonia, Croatia, Bosnia, Slovenia (all former Yugoslav republics) and Kosovo", the president of the Liberal Centrist Party (PQLK), Naim Maloku said.

Not only is Kostunica labeled as a dangerous nationalist in this mainly ethnic Albanian province, but he is also accused of taking part in the war between separatist fighters and Serbian forces which ended in June 1999.

A picture of the would-be Yugoslav president clutching a Kalashnikov, allegedly taken during the war, appeared all over Kosovo's Albanian language newspapers recently.

"If Milosevic goes, a man accused of war crimes will be replaced by a former (Serb) paramilitary in Kosovo," Maloku, who fought himself with the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in the war, said.

Several ethnic Albanian politicians here believe Kostunica has tricked the European Union and the United States, who have promised to lift sanctions on Yugoslavia if Kostunica is recognized as its new president.

"If Kostunica arrives in power, he will trick the international community for a while. Independence for Kosovo will be delayed and we will get impatient. With him, there is a risk of another war," said the secretary general of the PDK, led by the former political leader of the KLA Hashim Thaci.

"The international community knows Milosevic's politics and will not be taken for a ride. It will be easier for us to have independence with him in power," he added.

Ethnic Albanians here may secretly hope Milosevic will stay in power but not enough to actively vote for him. They boycotted the first round of voting, continuing their tradition that began in 1989 when Belgrade denied Kosovo its autonomy, and if a second round goes ahead they will not turn out to vote.

"Yugoslav elections are foreign to us," the ethnic Albanian politcians say. For them, Kosovo, which has been run by the UN since June 1999, is no longer part of Yugoslavia. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct  4 06:50:34 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 06:50:34 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Albanians Win Four Medals
Message-ID: <011201c02df0$ed067c00$5861f6d1@albania>

Albanians Win Four Medals 

TIRANA, Oct 4, 2000 -- (Reuters) Albanian athletes won four medals at the Sydney Olympics - all for neighboring Greece.

Albanian-born Pyrros Dimas won a gold in weightlifting, Leonidas Sabanis and Viktor Mitrou took silvers in the same sport while Mirela Maniani-Tzelili won a silver for javelin.

Albania's own team of four - one weightlifter, one pistol shooter and two runners - returned empty-handed.

It is saddening but no surprise for sports officials in this impoverished Balkan nation, who are resigned to seeing their finest talent leave home to find better facilities and rewards abroad.

"We should be proud of them anyway," said Gudar Beqiraj, president of the Albanian weightlifting federation. "They have only transferred our culture to another country."

That sympathetic view is not shared by the Albanian media who tend either to ignore the achievements of their expatriate athletes or brand them traitors.

The weekly news magazine Klan this week ran a picture of Dimas on its front cover with the punning headline "A Pyrrhic victory." Inside, it called him a renegade who had denied his roots.

Many Albanians are offended that their athletes changed their names to make them sound more Greek - Dimas, for example, started life as Pirro Dhima.

Born in Tirana, he emigrated to Greece in 1991 and brought that country its first gold medal for 85 years at the 1992 Barcelona Olympics. Dimas repeated his triumph in 1996 and this year to become a national hero in his adopted country.

Weightlifting is particularly popular in Albania because it does not require expensive equipment or facilities for training.

No fewer than five members of Greece's eight-man weightlifting team are Albanians who became naturalized Greeks and changed their names.

Albania's best performance in Sydney under its own flag was by weightlifter Ilirian Suli, who ranked fifth in the 77-kg category.

Suli, who won silver in the European championships this year, briefly emigrated to Greece but now lives in Albania.

In a recent interview with Reuters, Suli said his dream is to win a medal at the 2004 Olympics in Athens - for Albania.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. All rights reserved. Republication or redissemination of the contents of this screen are expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of Reuters Limited.

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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Wed Oct  4 12:06:55 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 12:06:55 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Balkans Forum: Assistant Secretary Harold Koh and Dr. Aleksa Djilas
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05b24293.0970675595.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

An embedded message was scrubbed...
From: ngoodrich at sfcg.org
Subject: The Balkans Forum: Assistant Secretary Harold Koh and Dr. Aleksa Djilas
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 11:19:07 -0400
Size: 77510
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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Wed Oct  4 15:14:14 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Wed, 04 Oct 2000 19:14:14 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Unpaid Internship
Message-ID: <LC6-LFD17FZIPOf6Bmp000007dc@hotmail.com>

ABA/CEELI
RESEARCH INTERN



Number Date Type Wage
718695 09/25/2000 Intern  Volunteer Position, Possible Credit
Start Openings Location Hours
ASAP 1 Washington, DC Flexible Schedule

Company Description
CEELI, a public service project of the American Bar Association, promotes 
the rule of law in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.
Job Qualifications
Undergraduate or graduate student who is professional-minded, poised, reads 
widely, and is very interested in the region's history and politics. 
International relations academic background is not required.
Job Description
Research political, historical, economic and foreign relations involving 
Albania, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Hungary, Macedonia, Moldova, 
Romania, Slovenia, and Turkey for a lawyer advising the U.S. State 
Department on regional infrastructure matters in the Balkans and Southeast 
Europe.

This is an Equal Employment Opportunity
Contact Information
How to Apply FAX RESUME-NO PHONE CALLS
When to Apply ASAP
Contact Glenn Levine
Director, SECI Program
ABA/CEELI
740 Fifteenth Street, NW
Washington, DC 20005-1022
202-662-1597 FAX
glevine at abaceeli.org


_________________________________________________________________________
Get Your Private, Free E-mail from MSN Hotmail at http://www.hotmail.com.

Share information about yourself, create your own public profile at 
http://profiles.msn.com.



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct  4 15:17:41 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 12:17:41 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kostunica vs. Milosevic & NATO
Message-ID: <20001004191741.15970.qmail@web122.yahoomail.com>

18] SERBIA'S KOSTUNICA: MILOSEVIC IS 'NATO'S
MERCENARY'
Kostunica said in Cacak that it is wrong for Milosevic
to charge that the opposition is working for NATO,
"Vesti" reported on 4 October (see "RFE/RL Newsline,"
3 October 2000). Kostunica added that "Milosevic is
NATO's mercenary. Who brought NATO to Kosovo if not
Milosevic?" Kostunica asked. "It doesn't matter
whether it's because he loves them or because they
paid him. [The point is that] Milosevic is NATO's
mercenary." Meanwhile in Prague, UN human rights envoy
Jiri Dienstbier called for exempting Milosevic from
prosecution for war crimes in return for his
peacefully leaving office, the BBC reported. PM 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct  4 21:37:24 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 18:37:24 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Onufrin
Message-ID: <20001005013724.27168.qmail@web122.yahoomail.com>

#Zeqo: 30 vjet per te hedhur drite mbi Onufrin

I permendur ne radhet e pakta te historikut te
ikonografise shqiptare, me i madhi ikonograf, Onufri
nga Elbasani, do te gezoje nje emer me shume prej
studimit 30 vjecar te Moikom Zeqos. Perkushtimi i
ketyre viteve nxjerr ne drite te paren veper studimore
ne _98-en per "mjeshtrin e ngjyres se kuqe" "Onufri"
ne dy gjuhe, shqip dhe frengjisht. "Mes Laokontit dhe
Krishtit" ose Onufri II eshte pjesa e dyte e asaj qe
ngadale do te shkonte drejt nje triologjie, nderkohe
pjesa e trete "Ungjilli sipas Shen Onufrit", pritet te
dale ne botim. 

Deshmite jane mbledhur ne vendqendrimet, te cilat
ishin njekohesisht vendkrijimet e Onufrit, si kisha e
Beratit, dy te tilla ne Shpat te Elbasanit, si dhe
kisha e Shen Apostujve ne Kostur te Greqise. Nga
ardhja e tij ketu, ne vitin 1547, citohet e vyer
fraza: "Vij nga qyteti i shumeshkelqyer, Berat". Por
detajet e studimit nuk e ngopin Zeqon edhe atehere kur
e di se cfare i mungon. Behet fjale per nje te dhene
bibliografike per Kishen e Shperfytyrimit, e pikturuar
nga Onufri me 1535. Kjo prove e fundit e ngritur 1000
meter mbi nivelin e detit ne manastirin e Zerces ne
Maqedoni eshte vizituar, por jo shfrytezuar nga nje
ekspedite maqedonase ne vitin 1961. Vetem dy jave me
pare Zeqo zbret vet atje, ku gjendej dhe nje kishe e
panjohur e Shen Nikolles. 

"Me keto dy kisha dhe gjendjen shume te mire te
afreskeve te tyre, dyfishohet krijimtaria e Onufrit",
shprehet M.Zeqo. "Nuk eshte folur asnjehere dhe per
asnje prej tyre, qofte dhe nga studiuesit maqedonas". 

E pajisur me fotografi, kjo triologji do te
prezantohet ne fund te nentorit ne sesionin "2000 vjet
krishterim". Zeqo shkon dhe me tej deri n- skenarin e
nje filmi dolumentar, me regji te Esat Musliut, i cili
eshte ne proces dhe ndjek te njejtin shtegtim te
Onufrit dy shekuj e gjysem me pare.


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct  4 22:07:37 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 22:07:37 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] UPDATE 2-Yugoslav opposition head rejects Moscow talks
Message-ID: <43.b1cde16.270d3c69@aol.com>

UPDATE 2-Yugoslav opposition head rejects Moscow talks

In MOSCOW datedlined story headlined ``Yugoslav opposition head rejects 
Moscow talks,'' please read in seventh para...Milosevic did not respond to 
the Russian offer...instead of...Milosevic did respond to the Russian offer. 

(adds dropped word ``not'') 

A corrected version follows. 

By Peter Graff 

MOSCOW, Oct 4 (Reuters) - Opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica rejected 
Moscow's offer on Wednesday to host talks to resolve Yugoslavia's election 
dispute, saying it would be ``irresponsible'' for him to leave his country. 

The remarks, made to Russian television, killed off the most important 
diplomatic initiative left on the table for ending confrontation ahead of 
Sunday's second round presidential poll, which Kostunica says he will 
boycott. 

``We are now in a situation in which I would consider it irresponsible to 
leave the country because of the tension in the country, the strikes and 
protests,'' he said in a live interview through a translator. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin, on a trip to India this week, had offered 
on Monday to host Kostunica and incumbent President Slobodan Milosevic in 
Moscow to end their standoff. 

Kostunica thanked Putin and the Russian government for their offer, but said 
the proposal was too vague and criticised Moscow for failing to back his 
claim that a first round poll held on September 24 was flawed. 

``A great country like Russia cannot but have tremendous influence in the 
Balkans. But its position has to be made more clear,'' he said. He made 
similar comments in an earlier interview with Spanish radio. 

Milosevic did not respond to the Russian offer. 

MOSCOW STEPS GINGERLY 

Russia has been stepping carefully since entering the Yugoslavia fray with 
mediation offers at the weekend. 

Yugoslavia's electoral commission says Kostunica fell just short of an 
outright 50 percent majority in the first round, and has ordered a runoff to 
take place on Sunday. Kostunica and most Western countries say he won 
outright and that the official first-round result includes bogus votes for 
Milosevic. 

But Moscow says the official results are valid unless a Yugoslav court rules 
otherwise, and has given its blessing to a second round. Russia has left open 
the possibility that the sides could negotiate for a recount of the first 
round. 

Western diplomats say the Kremlin believes in private that Kostunica won 
outright in the first round, but is reluctant to say so openly for fear of 
losing leverage on Milosevic. 

They say Russian officials may think Kostunica would win the runoff, and that 
such a victory would give him more legitimacy than he would have if he 
challenged the first round result. 

The issue has stirred emotions in Russia, where ordinary people as well as 
their government strongly opposed NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia last year. 
Russian officials say the West has made the situation worse by picking sides. 

``Those who bombed Yugoslavia are now trying to dictate who will be president 
there!'' nationalist parliamentarian Alexei Mitrofanov told the State Duma 
lower house. 

``What insolent snouts!'' 

The Duma unanimously adopted a resolution saying the first round was ``fully 
in keeping with Yugoslav law and international norms'' and calling on the 
West to end ``all forms of pressure.'' 

A small number of Russian liberal leaders have said that Moscow should back 
Kostunica and distance itself from Milosevic. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct  4 22:08:36 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 22:08:36 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Yugoslavia's Kostunica rules out Moscow talks
Message-ID: <b6.b6d7719.270d3ca4@aol.com>

Yugoslavia's Kostunica rules out Moscow talks

MOSCOW, Oct 4 (Reuters) - Yugoslav opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica ruled 
out on Wednesday a Kremlin proposal to attend talks in Moscow to resolve 
Belgrade's election impasse, saying it would be ``irresponsible'' to leave 
the country. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin, currently visiting India, offered on 
Tuesday to host both Kostunica and incumbent president Slobodan Milosevic in 
a bid to prevent a slide into bloodshed in Yugoslavia. 

``We are now in a situation in which I would consider it irresponsible to 
leave the country because of the tension in the country, the strikes and 
protests,'' he told Russia's ORT public television in a live interview 
through a translator. 

``The offer I received -- with all due thanks to President Putin and the 
Russian government for their help in this situation -- the invitation is not 
fully clear.'' 

Kostunica says he won the election's first round outright on September 24 and 
has declared this Sunday's runoff illegal. Milosevic, backed by election 
officials, says a decisive second round is needed as neither hopeful got the 
required 50 percent. 

In his interview, Kostunica criticised Russia for accepting the first round 
electoral process as lawful. 

Russia has said only Yugoslav courts can rule whether the official first 
round results -- putting Kostunica just short of the 50 percent mark -- are 
valid. 

``A great country like Russia cannot but have tremendous influence in the 
Balkans. But its position has to be made more clear,'' he said. 

``The steps being taken now depend on official Russian policy. I have to say 
that although these steps are important they are not sufficiently clear and 
set down.'' 

Kostunica, declared the winner by many Western countries, said the opposition 
would continue to use non-violent protests against Milosevic and renewed 
calls for the president to accept defeat and leave office. 

``The sole correct act that Milosevic could undertake but has not done for 
years is, under pressure from the democratic opposition, to bow to the will 
of the people,'' he said. 

``I would like to believe that he will find the strength to say simply 'I 
lost the elections'. You can't always win. There are losers too...If 
Milosevic did this, it would be a great act for Serbia, his party and for 
himself.'' 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct  4 22:09:26 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 22:09:26 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nations Look To Help in Yugoslavia
Message-ID: <fb.bed6719.270d3cd6@aol.com>

Nations Look To Help in Yugoslavia

By JEFFREY ULBRICH

BRUSSELS, Belgium (AP) - Some Western nations, looking for a way to help the 
Yugoslav opposition oust President Slobodan Milosevic, want to resurrect the 
Balkans ``Contact Group'' to give diplomacy a shot in the arm, but diplomats 
say no progress can be made without Russia. 

So far, the Russians have balked at the idea of a Contact Group meeting, 
according to a Western diplomat who asked not to be identified. 

The Contact Group - the United States, Russia, France, Britain, Germany and 
Italy - was largely a tool of the Bosnian conflict and the post-Dayton 
agreement that ended the conflict there. It was also a means of coordinating 
policy during the Kosovo crisis. 

High-level consultations on the Yugoslav situation have been going on among 
the allies and efforts were under way Wednesday by Germany and other nations 
to arrange a meeting of the Contact Group to work out a way to end the crisis 
in Yugoslavia that followed the Sept. 24 elections. 

Challenger Vojislav Kostunica won the most votes. Kostunica claims victory, 
but Milosevic says he didn't win more than half the vote and must face a 
runoff. 

U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright was in Paris Wednesday, deeply 
immersed in trying to end the outbreak of bloodshed between Israel and the 
Palestinians, but she was expected to contact Russian Foreign Minister Igor 
Ivanov to try to enlist Moscow's help with Milosevic. 

Ivanov, who was in India Wednesday with President Vladimir Putin, said 
Putin's offer to meet with Milosevic and Kostunica still stands, according to 
the Interfax news agency. 

Such a meeting could be held at any time convenient to both parties and 
intensive consultations on this offer are underway, the agency quoted Ivanov 
as saying. 

However Kostunica appeared on Russia's government television Wednesday night, 
saying through an interpreter than he couldn't go to Moscow right now. 

``We are in a situation where it is difficult, I would say irresponsible, to 
leave the country,'' he said. 

The Russians agree there was fraud in the Yugoslav elections, but, as one 
diplomat put it, they are undecided about whether to help the West or leave 
Serbia as a thorn in the side of the allies. 

Moscow long was considered one of Yugoslavia's few friends in the world - a 
special Slavic relationship - but that relationship has cooled. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct  4 22:10:13 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 22:10:13 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Part Of Yugoslav Elections Annulled
Message-ID: <49.1ac1318.270d3d05@aol.com>

Part Of Yugoslav Elections Annulled

By JOVANA GEC

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - In an apparent attempt to buy time for Slobodan 
Milosevic, Yugoslavia's highest court invalidated parts of the presidential 
election on Wednesday after thousands of opposition supporters forced police 
to back off from seizing a strikebound mine. 

The constitutional court ruling, reported by the state news agency Tanjug, 
came in a case brought by the opposition - which sought to have Vojislav 
Kostunica declared the winner of last month's election. 

Instead, the court, dominated by loyal Milosevic supporters, annulled 
``parts'' of the election, the agency said, adding details of the ruling 
would be made public Thursday. If the presidential vote - or even parts of it 
- must be repeated, it means Milosevic retains power longer. 

``At first this may seem like a concession by Slobodan Milosevic, but I'm 
afraid this is a big trap,'' Kostunica said. ``In any case, I believe 
Milosevic is weaker than ever before, which is clear from the fact that he 
has to do various tricks to gain time.'' 

The announcement was issued after a stunning and swift turn of events at the 
strikebound Kolubara mine, the largest of the protests that the opposition 
launched to force Milosevic to accept defeat. 

It began with riot police swooping down on the compound. But they were forced 
to back off when 10,000 townspeople swarmed to the complex ``defend'' the 
strikers. The turnout gave opposition forces hope that the Milosevic regime 
was mortally wounded. 

``The battle for Serbia was won here,'' cried one jubilant opposition leader, 
Dragan Kovacevic. The independent Beta news agency reported police left the 
compound late Wednesday. 

The confrontation at Kolubara, one of the country's major mines with 7,000 
workers, was unprecedented in Yugoslavia, a former communist nation with no 
history of major worker uprisings. It dramatically illustrated the commitment 
of those seeking to topple Milosevic's regime. 

It caught even top opposition figures off guard. They rushed to join more 
than 10,000 protesters at the mine and predicted Milosevic's quick demise. 

The independent Beta news agency reported police left the compound late 
Wednesday. But Sinisa Savkovic, a miner reached early Friday, said that 2,000 
to 3,000 police remained, mingling with miners. 

The atmosphere at the mine was relaxed, Savkovic said by telephone, with the 
police ``doing their job only when their bosses come around.'' He added, 
`They come to us, and we talk.'' 

The court announcement was made on the eve of a planned mass rally in 
Belgrade that the opposition hoped would force Milosevic to concede defeat, 
and opposition leaders saw the ruling as a desperate attempt to undercut 
their campaign. 

Milosevic acknowledges Kostunica finished first in a five-candidate field on 
Sept. 24 but without a majority needed to avoid a runoff Sunday. The 
opposition has rejected a runoff. 

``He saw that he cannot push through the second round against the majority of 
the people,'' opposition campaign manager Zoran Djindjic told reporters. 
``His solution is ... to create a new situation for totally new elections... 
(so) he can stay in power for two or three more months and then try to 
organize new elections.'' 

Opposition official Goran Svilanovic said he believes the opposition will 
also not agree to take part in a rerun of the first round. 

``We have our elected president,'' he said. ``These are things we can 
discuss, but my initial reaction is that there can be no bargaining.'' 

The opposition, challenging the official findings of the Federal Electoral 
Commission, went to Yugoslavia's highest court earlier Wednesday, appealing 
to the justices to grant them victory in the presidential elections. 

The court met in emergency session Wednesday to hear complaints by the 
18-party opposition coalition, maintaining Milosevic's supporters manipulated 
election results by using a sophisticated software program. 

Opposition leaders said they had obtained a copy of the program and would use 
it to illustrate how the vote was rigged to favor Milosevic's candidacy. 

In advance of Thursday's rally, opposition leaders issued an ``ultimatum'' 
for Milosevic to resign by 3 p.m. (9 a.m. EDT) Thursday - the time set for 
the Belgrade demonstration. 

``This flame will engulf the whole of Belgrade,'' said Vladan Batic, an 
opposition leader. 

In an open letter Wednesday to Milosevic before the court's ruling, Kostunica 
said ``it will be better for you to recognize'' electoral defeat or risk 
``the danger of open clashes'' nationwide. 

>From the beginning of the civil disobedience campaign launched this week to 
force Milosevic to concede defeat in the election, the mine was a pivotal 
point. It employs 7,000 workers and supplies major power plants. 

On Tuesday, the Milosevic government had threatened ``special measures'' 
against leaders of strikes and road blockades, and Belgrade's prosecutor 
issued arrest orders for 13 opposition leaders involved in organizing the 
walkout at the Kolubara mine. None of the arrests has been carried out. 

The mine walkout was the forerunner of other strikes: the state 
telecommunications company workers announced they would stay off the job and 
city bus drivers and garbage collectors in Belgrade refused to work. 

``This is (Milosevic's) end,'' said a Kolubara mine worker, Dragan 
Stamenkovic. ``Now the workers have risen.'' 

Prime Minister Momir Bulatovic, meanwhile, repeated the position that 
regardless of the election outcome, Milosevic can remain in office until his 
current term expires in June. 

There were also signs that Milosevic's control over the media, until now the 
principal propaganda pillar of his regime, was fraying. 

The main state-run daily in the northern province of Vojvodina declared 
Wednesday that its editorial policy would switch from following the 
government line to reporting on events objectively. Its Wednesday edition for 
the first time carried numerous reports on opposition activities. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct  4 22:10:59 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 22:10:59 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Opposition sees Yugoslav poll court ruling as trick
Message-ID: <3d.1c36917.270d3d33@aol.com>

Opposition sees Yugoslav poll court ruling as trick

By Philippa Fletcher

BELGRADE, Oct 5 (Reuters) - Yugoslavia's Constitutional Court said it had 
annulled part of the presidential election which the opposition has accused 
President Slobodan Milosevic of rigging, in what his rival said was a trick 
to gain time. 

Vojislav Kostunica, who insists he defeated Milosevic outright at the 
September 24 poll, said he feared the court ruling, announced briefly late on 
Wednesday, might be a trap. 

``At first glance it might look like a concession by Slobodan Milosevic, but 
I am afraid that it's a question of a big trap and so there's no need to be 
euphoric,'' Kostunica told the independent Beta news agency. 

Kostunica, a constitutional lawyer, said he had not seen the original of the 
court's decision, which was announced in a brief report by the state news 
agency Tanjug. 

``In any case, I think that Milosevic is weaker than ever today, which is 
evident from the fact that he must use various tricks to gain time,'' he 
said. 

The ruling came in response to a complaint by the opposition, which says the 
vote was rigged to rob Kostunica of a first round victory. 

Legal experts said it was not clear if it meant a recount -- what the 
opposition wants -- or a rerun of the whole vote. 

Zoran Djindjic, leader of the opposition Democratic Party, said he had 
information that the decision actually meant the annulment of the entire 
first round, which the authorities would try to rerun in a few months' time. 

He did not say where the information came from. 

CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE CAMPAIGN 

The opposition launched a country-wide civil disobedience campaign this week 
to try to force Milosevic to back down and at the same time lodged a 
complaint with the Constitutional Court -- the legal body of last appeal -- 
on Monday. 

The deadline for the court to rule was 48 hours after the opposition 
complaint was lodged but it was not immediately clear at what time the 
complaint actually reached the court. 

The opposition has called on people from all over Serbia to come to Belgrade 
on Thursday to put pressure on the authorities. 

Tanjug said the details of the decision would be published on Thursday. Some 
opposition activists said they thought the authorities were waiting to see 
how many people turned up at the demonstration before deciding what to do. 

Earlier on Wednesday the court had held what it called a public debate with 
opposition representatives, who said court representatives had been very 
polite and had given them some of the controversial voting records they had 
sought. 

``The Federal Constitutional Court, after a public debate, unanimously 
decided...to annul a part of the election procedure for the election of the 
president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia which relates to voting, 
establishing and publishing results of the ballot from September 24, 2000,'' 
Tanjug said. 

Djindjic said the ruling meant the authorities, who are under pressure from 
the protest campaign, would declare the whole election invalid and crack down 
on any protests. 

``According to the information I have they annulled the first round,'' 
Djindjic told Reuters Television News. 

``Now they are trying to annul the whole thing and have elections in two or 
three months and in the meantime excercise repression against all these 
people who are part of the protests and strikes,'' he said. 

Tanjug said the court's decision was still being written and could be 
expected to be published in detail on Thursday. 

``Then all details of the unanimous decision will be known.'' 

Djordje Mamula, from the party led by Milosevic challenger Vojislav 
Kostunica, said it looked deliberately ambiguous. 

``They are buying time because there is a possibility that the entire 
presidential vote will be postponed,'' he said. 

Dragor Hibir, who was at one point on the Federal Electoral Commission as an 
opposition representative, said it could mean any one of three things. 

``It could mean cancelling the first round, cancelling part of the vote in 
Kosovo, or only be related to the work of the Federal Electoral Commission.'' 

Nenad Milic, the head of the opposition bloc's legal team, said the complaint 
it had lodged with the court concerned the results from the two towns where 
votes from the province of Kosovo -- now under international control -- were 
counted. 

The opposition also complained about the decision to hold a runoff vote 
between Milosevic and Kostunica on October 8. The opposition insists 
Kostunica won outright in the first round. 

Milic stressed that they had not asked for a revote.


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct  4 22:11:46 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 22:11:46 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic Immunity Proposal Knocked
Message-ID: <10.31fae9a.270d3d62@aol.com>

Milosevic Immunity Proposal Knocked

By JEROME SOCOLOVSKY

THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) - War crimes tribunal officials on Wednesday 
denounced a proposal by a U.N. human rights envoy to grant immunity to 
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic if he agrees to step down. 

Jiri Dienstbier, the U.N. human rights representative in the former Yugoslav 
republics, has suggested that dismissing the U.N. war crimes indictment 
against Milosevic might serve the interest of Balkan stability. 

Milosevic, who has refused to accept defeat in the Sept. 24 elections, has 
been indicted for war crimes in Kosovo that triggered NATO's 78-day bombing 
campaign last year. 

Dienstbier told reporters in Prague after returning earlier Wednesday from 
Belgrade that punishing Milosevic should not take precedence over ``the 
future of 10 million Serbs and probably the whole Balkans.'' 

``The only possible deal, and the most important thing for Mr. Milosevic, is 
to have guarantees that if he leaves power, he will not be prosecuted and 
will not spend the rest of his life somewhere in prison,'' the former Czech 
foreign minister said. 

Jim Landale, a spokesman for the tribunal's 14-judge panel, called the 
reported comments ``extremely disturbing.'' He stressed that the indictment 
could only be withdrawn by a judge at the request of U.N. Chief Prosecutor 
Carla Del Ponte. 

``It is not possible for anyone to negate an indictment by the tribunal - no 
individual, no state, no group of states,'' Landale told a news conference. 

Del Ponte's spokesman, Paul Risley, noted her repeated refusal even to 
consider dropping the indictment. 

On the contrary, he said, she is working to expand the indictment to include 
charges of war crimes allegedly committed earlier during the ethnic conflicts 
in Bosnia and Croatia. Del Ponte also has said she plans to charge Milosevic 
with genocide, the most serious crime under international law. 

Risley said the new indictment is intended ``to underscore the severity of 
the tribunal's view of Slobodan Milosevic as an actor in the conflict that 
was created in Yugoslavia.'' 

Wolfgang Petritsch, the top U.N. official in the former Yugoslav republic of 
Bosnia, insisted that Milosevic should not be treated any differently from 
the other 26 publicly accused war crimes suspects still at large. 

``The rule of law must apply to everybody - whether we like it for political 
and tactical reasons, or not,'' Petritsch told reporters after meeting with 
tribunal President Claude Jorda. 

``Nobody has the right to really suggest that there is now a political 
opportunity to waver from this principle,'' he added. 

The officials also backed Washington's calls for Russia to hand over 
Milosevic if he should show up in Moscow. Russian President Vladimir Putin 
has invited Milosevic and his challenger, Vojislav Kostunica, to Moscow for 
talks to resolve their dispute over the election, but Milosevic refused the 
mediation offer. 

``He is a fugitive from this court,'' Risley said. ``Any country that 
Milosevic may travel to would be requested to make the arrest of a 
fugitive.'' 

Under the U.N. Security Council resolutions that established the tribunal in 
1993, Russia is ``legally obliged to detain and transfer any individual who's 
indicted by the tribunal to The Hague,'' Landale said. 

Milosevic has called a runoff election for Sunday despite international 
support for the opposition claims of victory. 

In Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the court's deputy prosecutor Graham Blewitt 
said Milosevic may face more war crimes indictments besides the one for 
Kosovo 

He said tribunal investigators have been gathering evidence of atrocities 
committed during wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and ``it is highly 
likely that indictments will be coming out in respect of those later this 
year or early next year.'' 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct  4 22:28:12 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 4 Oct 2000 22:28:12 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] TOP RUSSIAN MP SLAMS WEST'S "CRUDE INTERFERENCE" IN YUGOSLAVIA
 ITAR-TASS-From JRL
Message-ID: <2d.1c21a1d.270d413c@aol.com>

The following article was published on Johnson's Russia List on on October 2, 
2000

TOP RUSSIAN MP SLAMS WEST'S "CRUDE INTERFERENCE" IN YUGOSLAVIA

ITAR-TASS 


Moscow, 2nd October, ITAR-TASS correspondent Aleksey Kravchenko: The crude 

interference of the West in the Yugoslav electoral contest may make Slobodan 

Milosevic "ultimately the only possible candidate in the eyes of the majority 

of the population". 


The chairman of the State Duma's International Affairs Committee, Dmitriy 

Rogozin, said this today in an interview for ITAR-TASS. He said Russia was 

adhering to a principled position of non-interference in the internal affairs 

of Yugoslavia, thereby contributing to the establishment of a dialogue 

between the sides. This was precisely the aim of the proposal by the Russian 

president "to receive in Moscow in the next few days both candidates who have 

gone into the second round of the elections", he stressed. 


Dmitriy Rogozin considers that in the current situation it is worthwhile for 

the opposition to take part in the second round. "Kostunica has nothing to 

fear. After all, judging by the results of the first round he got at least 49 

per cent of the votes, and even if one takes into account the various claims 

of possible rigging there is still a need to agree to a second round, while 

at the same time stepping up control over the work of the electoral 

commissions," the Russian parliamentarian said. "The only way to put a stop 

to the crisis in the Balkans is with the participation of a strong, united, 

democratically developing Yugoslavia." 


"In order for this to become possible, Belgrade must have a president who has 

been legitimately elected and who will come to power not thanks to foreign 

bayonets nor as a result of a counter-revolutionary coup by the governing 

regime," Rogozin stressed. At the same time it is necessary to insist that 

the further development of the situation in Yugoslavia should pass off 

exclusively in conformity with the country's constitution, laws and decisions 

by the supreme judicial bodies, Rogozin said.


From ipilika at hotmail.com  Thu Oct  5 09:23:43 2000
From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 06:23:43 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Lajmet greke per zgjedhjet ne Shqiperi
Message-ID: <200010051323.GAA13419@mail.supersig.com>

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Oct  5 11:28:02 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 08:28:02 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Veprimtari ne Gjirokaster
Message-ID: <20001005152802.21974.qmail@web117.yahoomail.com>

04 October 2000 19:09 ora sipas meridianit t?
grinuicit  
Gjirokastra perkujton r?nien e Murit t? Berlinit 
GJIROKASTER,4 tetor
"R?nia e Murit t? Berlinit ishte sinjali i par? i
r?nies s? perdes s? hekurt ideologjike q? mbante t?
ndezur luft?n e ftoht? n? Europ?". Kjo u n?nvizua n?
veprimtarin? e organizuar t? mart?n n? mbr?mje nga
shoqata e miq?sis? Shqip?ri - Gjermani n? Gjirokast?r
n? kuadrin e fest?s komb?tare t? Gjermanis?.

Astrit Recka kryetar i deg?s s? k?saj shoqate p?r
Gjirokastr?n mbajti ligjerat?n me tem? "Bashkimi i dy
Gjermanive dhe ndikimi i k?saj ngjarje t? madhe
historike n? ndryshimet politike n? Shqip?ri dhe n?
Kosov?".

T? pranishmit pedagog? t? Universitetit Eqerem Cabej,
gazetar? re rajonit te jugut, shpreh?n vler?simet e
tyre p?r ngjarjen e madhe historike t? kombit gjerman
dhe p?r kontributin e k?tij vendi aleat n? zhvillimin
e proceseve demokratike ne Evropen juglindore


 


__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Yahoo! Photos - 35mm Quality Prints, Now Get 15 Free!
http://photos.yahoo.com/


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Oct  5 13:31:35 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 10:31:35 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Graduate Student Workshop-Call for Papers.
Message-ID: <20001005173135.19181.qmail@web114.yahoomail.com>


Note: forwarded message attached.


__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Yahoo! Photos - 35mm Quality Prints, Now Get 15 Free!
http://photos.yahoo.com/
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From mehollim at hotmail.com  Thu Oct  5 14:11:13 2000
From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli)
Date: Thu, 05 Oct 2000 18:11:13 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] FW:[BPT-R-K] Summer Reports from members of the Balkan Peace Team-Kosovo/a
Message-ID: <F44LAztxc1o8yfogkJX0000d206@hotmail.com>



>==============================================================
>This is the mailing list "BPT-Reports-Kosovo-a"
>It is a distribution mailing list for the BPT public reports.
>==============================================================
>Summer Reports from members of the
>Balkan Peace Team-Kosovo/a
>
>Summer 2000
>
>
>Balkan Peace Team in Kosovo/a
>Rruga N?na Tereze 72-A/9 or Vidovdanska 72-A/9
>Prishtina, Kosovo
>Tel/Fax: ++381-38-42 708
>E-mail: BPT-K at BalkanPeaceTeam.org
>
>*******
>
>International BPT Office
>Ringstr 9a, D-32427 Minden, Germany
>Tel: ++49-571-20776
>Email: BPT at BalkanPeaceTeam.org
>
>*******
>
>If you wish to use or require clarification of any of the information
>included below, please contact the
>Balkan Peace Team at the above address. Please forward this report to
>anyone you think may be
>interested.
>
>*******
>
>
>The following articles were written by BPT-Kosovo/a team members
>for the BPT Newsletters No. 19 and No. 20
>
>
>
>CONTENTS
>Our Idea is Simple  -  the Situation is Complex
>
>Something Special Happened in Dragash/s
>
>Dragash/s Youth Centre Project - Involving the Whole Family, the Whole
>Community
>
>Images, Sounds, Stories: Appreciating Kosovo/a
>
>Dragash/s Summer Program
>
>DRAGASH / DRAGAS
>
>*******
>
>
>Our Idea is Simple  -  the Situation is Complex
>
>Our idea is simple. We want to create a youth centre, a neutral meeting
>space where we can have meaningful and fun activities together with Gorani
>and Albanians.  We believe that this will lead to increased cooperation and
>decreased tension between these two groups living in Dragash / Dragas*.
>
>Compared to the rest of Kosovo/a Dragash/s is a very multiethnic place.
>Both Albanians and Gorani (Slavic Muslims who speak "Goranian,") live in
>Dragash/s town. In the surrounding villages the Albanians live in the
>region of Opoja, north of  Dragsh town and  the Gorani live in Gora, south
>of Dragash/s town.   About one third of the municipal population is Goran.
>
>A local friend of mine once said that, "Dragash is so far out there that it
>is behind the legs of god."  It is located in the southern most tip of
>Kosovo/a. My first visit there was made when there was still a lot of snow
>and ice on the winding road that leads up from Prizren into the mountains
>around Dragash/s.  One of the people that we first came to know is the
>principal of the secondary school.  He spoke proudly about his
>school.  When the Albanians regained control of the school facilities after
>the war and after ten years of running the parallel school system, he also
>opened the school to the Gorani.  He talked about his "responsibility as an
>Albanian intellectual to create a Kosovoa for everybody, including the
>Gorani.  Even if the new circumstances were difficult in the beginning, the
>Goran and Albanian teachers are now drinking coffee together." This is a
>nice first impression for a peaceworker who wants to support existing
>cooperation in a postwar Kosovo/a!
>
>After living in Dragash/s for a several months, it has become obvious
>that  behind the  pretty picture of teachers having coffee together, there
>is a more complex and multi-faceted reality.  The BPT-Kosovo/a Team has
>visited Goran villages where no one wants or dares to go to the secondary
>school, though it is the only one in the region. They are afraid to be hit
>or harassed, either on the street or in the school.  From other Goran
>villages, students do come to school, but leave directly after classes,
>taking taxis back to their villages.
>
>The school recently had it's 30th anniversary  and the team was officially
>invited to take part in the celebrations. There was an outdoor concert in
>the schoolyard and the principal had talked proudly about how this event
>was prepared  by both Goran and Albanian students.  I was standing there in
>the sun watching how the Albanians sang, recited poems and danced. Finally,
>a Goran song was also to be presented. The Albanian announcer could not
>pronounce it correctly in Goranian and the audience started to laugh.  A
>Goran girl who I knew from visiting her village took the microphone and the
>audience started to heckle and boo.  The principle got up and timidly asked
>the audience to be quiet. The audience continued to heckle, which made me
>feel very uncomfortable.  The young girl saw that I was there and waved  at
>me as she started to sing her song.  Afterward  the applause was weak.  I
>looked for the other Goran students and saw them standing, watching from
>open windows behind the stage.
>
>The red Albanian flag with the eagle blows in the wind and the nationalism
>is present even in Dragash/s.  If I were Goran, that flag would scare me.
>But if I were Albanian, that flag would represent my new freedom and
>opportunities, like the chance to go to a real school.  It is hard to be
>part of an ethnic minority in Kosovo/a today, a Kosovo/a that becomes more
>and more nationalistic.  But it has also been hard to be Albanian in the
>last 10 years of Serbian oppression and war. Nationalism is used as a
>bandage or plaster on wounds that no one seems to know how to heal.
>
>The heart of BPT's project is to bring Albanians and Gorani together and
>create a youth centre that is community- owned.  To do so, the team is
>creating a coordination group in which both communities will make decisions
>together about the centre's management.  This is "grass-roots" peace work
>in a society where cooperation exists, but is limited and fragile.
>
>Kajsa Svensson, BPT-Kosovo/a Team
>
>Dragash is the Albanian spelling and Dragas is the Serbian spelling. To
>include both spellings, we will use Dragash/s.
>******************************************************************
>
>
>
>          Something Special Happened in Dragash/s
>
>Dear all,
>
>This is Cristina, writing from Prishtina on this sunny Sunday afternoon.  I
>recently had the most significant experience since I came to Kosovo/a, and
>I would like to share it with you.  Last week I taught English to our
>Albanian and Goran students for the first  time.  Our students (both youth
>and teachers) are really special and they immediately made me feel at ease
>by welcoming me with interested questions about where I am from, how old I
>am, if I am married or not, and if I like swimming.  (They had just learned
>the verb "to like + ing" during the previous lesson!).
>
>The best moment of the week happened on Wednesday when I went to the class
>on my own because my colleague, Kajsa, was confined to bed due to a
>terrible muscular pain in her neck.  I went through the first lesson to our
>Goran students without any major catastrophe happening. I was alone in the
>class, tidying up my papers during the break before the lesson with the
>Albanian students, when four Goran boys came in and shut the door behind
>themselves.  In any other European school I would have probably panicked -
>to be alone with four youngsters I didn't know, who were staring at me in
>an odd way, in a semi-deserted school.  It's not exactly my ideal kind of
>setting.  In this case though, the only feeling I had was sheer
>curiosity.  .I must admit that I have never seen as many non-threatening
>looking, and well-behaved students as I have seen in the Secondary school
>of Dragash.  This is probably the main reason why I didn't feel in danger
>at all.  Anyway, the four guys each take a chair  and they come to sit
>around me, without saying a single word.  I smile at them, they sort of
>smile back in a half shy, half uncertain way.  "Hello!" I say. "Hello!"
>they say - but still their smiles don't tell me much about their
>intentions. "Is there anything I can do for you?" I ask, testing the 
>ground.
>
>They look at me as if I had just spoken Gibberish. Then, they talk in
>Goranian among themselves for a few seconds, and finally ask me something
>in their language which I don't understand.  I have been learning Albanian
>since I came, and there is only so much my brain can take, as far as
>difficult foreign languages go. "I'm sorry, I don't speak Goranian.  Can
>you speak English?" I say. "A littel", says one of them.
>
>I am relieved. At least we are not completely finished. But after a patient
>wait, I realise that our conversation might have come to a very premature
>end.  In the meantime, the boys go on looking at me as if I was a strange
>creature from another planet.  I feel that they would like to ask me things
>and talk to me but they don't know how.  They seem to be looking for
>English words among themselves which might help us out of the ditch. They
>look at me in a way which says: "Hey, you could give us a hand here instead
>of staring at us!"
>
>"What's your name?" I finally ask one of them.  Their faces light
>up...finally something they understand.  "Me nem is A." says one.  "Nice to
>meet you A!" I say shaking his hand.  It takes a couple of seconds for him
>to recover from the surprise of me taking his hand but eventually, he
>enthusiastically returns the handshake.  The others do the same, telling me
>their names and very visibly relaxing. This seems to be the beginning of
>our real conversation.  "How meny jears have you?" asks the most talkative
>of the four.  "I am twenty-nine years old. And how old are you?"  "I am one
>six" he says. One six?  I guess that he means sixteen and  I write it on
>the board for confirmation "Sixteen?", "Da, siixtiin!".
>
>It's at this point that D., one of our Albanian students, opens the door of
>the class and peeps in.  He is about to come in when he realises that I am
>in the company of four Gorans.  He turns and prepares to leave
>again.  "D.!" I call him. "Please come in, come in!" I try to sound as
>welcoming and reassuring as possible. I can see that the last thing he
>wants is to come in and find himself in the same room with four Goran
>students.  But I don't give up: "Yes D., come in and join us, we are
>speaking English together." You should have seen D.'s face: torn between
>the sense of duty to meet the request of one of his teachers, and the wish
>to be ten thousand miles away from there.  He lingers at the door for a few
>seconds and then gives in to the sense of duty, reluctantly coming into the
>room.  He doesn't look at the four Gorans and he comes to position himself
>right beside me.
>
>"Hello D., it's nice to see you a little bit early today.  We were just
>practising our English together here.
>Do you know each other?".  I ask, addressing them all. They must have
>passed each other  in the school corridors hundreds of times before,  but
>they all shake their heads and say: "No".   The atmosphere is quite strange
>now.  The guys keep avoiding looking at each other. (This is the practice:
>Gorans and Albanians mostly ignore each other in Dragash/s.)  I start
>introducing them to one another and then ask them questions.  With the help
>of some silly drawings on the board to make myself understood,  I ask them
>if they have girlfriends.  They laugh and their stiffness seems to go away
>a little.  I ask the same question to each of them,  and they each take
>pride in telling me: "Yes, I hev a giirlfrind". They look at each other
>now, waiting for each to answer.  I feel that they are relaxing.  Even D.
>doesn't look as suspicious as at the beginning.  We go on with other
>questions and they try to ask me the same questions, mimicking my
>English.  We draw, we try to speak English, and we laugh a lot.  They laugh
>together and I think that this is the most beautiful thing that  happened
>to me since I arrived in Kosovo/a.
>
>We stay and talk together for fifteen minutes until the other Albanian
>students arrive for their lesson.  They also look very uncertain about the
>situation at first, but eventually, they enter the room and sit down
>together with D. and the four Goran students.  I confess I was tempted to
>invite the Gorans to stay for the whole lesson but I decided not to push my
>luck at that point.  The Goran students had to leave us but not before
>having said "Goodbye" to everybody and receiving a farewell from all the
>others in a very nice, spontaneous chorus of "Byeeeeeeeee!".
>
>That gave me a very good feeling and confirmation that it's not impossible
>to bring Albanian and Goran students together. They just need to feel that
>it is safe to do so, and that there is no danger in having fun with 'the
>other'.  BPT can  provide them with this safe space because they seem to
>trust and like us.
>
>We had our first, mixed English lesson and believe me, it was priceless.  I
>hope I managed to make you feel a part of it too.
>
>All the best,
>Cristina
>(Cristina Bianchi, BPT-Kosovo/a Team)
>******************************************************************
>
>
>
>
>Dragash/s Youth Centre Project-
>Involving the Whole Family, the Whole Community
>
>A compliment to our work
>Enver (name changed) is the middle child in his family  often an awkward
>position in which to be. He has to live up to his old brother's
>accomplishments and be a role model for his younger brother.
>
>As a nineteen-year-old Goran who just graduated high school, he carries a
>far heavier burden than most. Although his father is employed as a shop
>assistant, he feels a personal and familial responsibility to support his
>family  especially since his older brother is off at medical school.
>
>I met Enver during our first set of English courses. He was shy and quiet
>but seemed to grasp concepts quickly. During my evening walks in Dragash/s,
>I often would see him walking back and forth by the road with his friends
>in a tradition called korzo. Sometimes he would teach me a few words in
>Gora, pointing out the differences from Serbian. Other times he would show
>me a tattered "new" book from which he was learning English.
>
>He was a diligent student and was looking for any and every way to improve
>his English  a skill that would give him a goldmine of opportunities in the
>Kosovo/a's job market.
>
>When Balkan Peace Team began the second round of courses this summer, Enver
>came to every lesson. Looking through the student roster, I began to notice
>the duplication of certain surnames. Enver's last name appeared on a few
>class lists.
>
>After a few inquiries, I realised  that we had many of the younger siblings
>of the students in our first round of courses  including Enver's younger
>brother. And in the course for Flaka, a local multi-ethnic women's
>organisation, we even had Enver's mother.
>
>I was initially a bit resistant to conducting our outreach to members of
>the same families, but I soon realised that it was a compliment to our
>work. The combination of education and entertainment that we could provide
>was a welcome addition to our students' lives  so much so that they wanted
>other members of their family to share the experience.
>
>Although the Dragash/s Youth Centre project is intended for young people,
>the involvement of families is essential for the project to be sustainable
>beyond the period of BPT's presence in Dragash/s. In fact, the young people
>are more likely to eventually move away for school or work. It is their
>parents who will continue to live in the same community who are actually
>the ones to hold a long term interest in the Youth Centre and be able to
>shape it's future.
>
>The family is the core of Kosovo/a culture. The process of building
>relationships with more than just the youth  with their mothers, fathers,
>sisters and brothers as well  will prove invaluable in the long run. When
>families are involved, the community has a far greater sense of ownership.
>People take more steps to ensure the project's success.
>
>Seeing the value of family involvement
>During the summer, we taught the classes at a location donated by community
>members who wanted to see  that the Youth Centre programs continued. We had
>mentioned to our students our need for a place where we could provide more
>programming. One student in the classroom piped up and said, 'I'll talk to
>my father.'
>
>Class sizes are limited, so the involvement of siblings in the courses
>means we are reaching far fewer families. But this arrangement is actually
>encouraging the attendance of young women. With their brothers in the
>classes, the young women are more likely to attend the course. Parents do
>not have to worry for their daughters' safety.  The trust between BPT and
>the community is growing as families perceive the Youth Centre as a safe
>place for their children.
>
>In the past few months, the BPT-Kosovo/a has taken steps that are crucial
>to our future success. The slow process of building trust and long-lasting
>relationships is establishing the groundwork for the project. The Youth
>Centre project is progressing and the involvement of families like Enver's
>are instrumental in shaping the project.
>
>By Liz Abraham, BPT-Kosovo/a Volunteer
>******************************************************************
>
>
>
>
>Images, Sounds, Stories: Appreciating Kosovo/a
>
>Jane Vernon, originally from the US, has been living in Germany for 25
>years and teaching English in the German school. When she heard about
>BPT's  Dragash/s Youth Centre project and the English classes being offered
>to the community, she volunteered her services and skills to Balkan Peace
>Team during her summer vacation. She spent five weeks with
>BPT-Kosovo/a  team this July and August, teaching classes and providing
>team members with support in this aspect of the project. .
>
>I am just a sneeze short of five weeks in Kosovo/a. What does that mean for
>a middle-aged American English teacher, a woman already culturally removed
>from her roots by having lived more than twenty-five years in Germany? My
>purpose was to teach two English classes but at the same time there was the
>personal adjustment to a new environment.
>
>During my stay, here's what I have taken in:
>
>Images
>
>More than likely it is the influence of my life in Germany that determines
>that my first impression is dominated by the unresolved rubbish problem
>here. Wherever you look there are pockets of tidiness - not the other way
>around. And the inadequate and overflowing containers for the deposit of
>rubbish mean that much lands on the streets or along the otherwise
>beautiful mountain roads. Or the rubbish simply lands wherever it occurs to
>people to relieve their immediate personal surroundings of trash by
>throwing it elsewhere. Interestingly, I have felt a seductive pull to
>accept the  situation, to fit in. When unnumbered empty plastic bottles lie
>along the road, it becomes a real effort to remember that it would be
>incorrect behaviour to toss that empty can in one's possession out of the
>car window. Many staircases of apartment buildings are similarly neglected.
>The awareness and flexibility necessary to create a solution have not yet
>been found.
>
>But from the intense activity visible on every side one can reach the
>conclusion that other priorities are of higher ranking. The population is
>up and working at seven in the morning and stalls and businesses in
>Prishtine/a do not close down until very late in the evening. Those who are
>not lucky enough to have a shop or a stall of their own wind their way
>between guests at restaurants, or walk through the aisles of buses just
>before departure, offering cigarettes, CDs, or telephone cards.
>Unfortunately many of them are boys.Traffic is intense. It requires care to
>manoeuvre the intersections. There is a problem with reliable electric
>power which would account for some of the traffic lights not working. There
>are so many that do not function, and so many cars in the middle of the
>crossings negotiating who will be the next to get through. When I did see
>an operable traffic light, with cars actually waiting for a red light to
>turn green, gave me an elated sense of a victory for civilisation.
>
>The other obvious presence on the streets is that of the international
>organisations. The huge white four-wheeled vehicles of UNMIK (United
>Nations Mission in Kosovo/a) and those of the hundreds of relief
>organisations, all with a purpose and intention of stabilising the
>situation here, are a marker of the traumas recently experienced.
>
>There are numerous children. The evening hours are especially precious when
>the temperature has somewhat dropped. This is the time when the little ones
>can play in front of the houses. Or if they are lucky enough to have
>wealthier parents, they can run between the tables set up at the terrace
>cafe of the Grand Hotel. There is a gentle interest and politeness people
>show in their dealings with children,  but also with one another in
>general.  This is a balm to one who is used to the harsh distance that
>often seems to be the preferred method for dealing with the public or
>'strangers' in Germany.
>
>The sounds of Prishtine/a
>
>In the evening, there are great numbers of wonderful circling blackbirds
>with their noisy calls to one another. (The word 'kos' means blackbird in
>Serbian.) One hears the humming sound of generators supplying that elusive
>good: electricity. There are the vibrations from motorised vehicles moving
>at swift speeds and car horns announcing every swing of intention and mood:
>that their drivers are either overtaking, or annoyed, or are just greeting
>friends. Then there is the occasional penetration, through the din of every
>day life, of the call to prayer from a mosque. This is best heard in the
>evening or early morning. During the day, the plaintive music of the
>Balkans is mixed with the latest sounds from Europe and America blasted
>from street vendors who are plying their wares. These copies of CDs sell
>for DM 5 each and are of surprisingly good quality.
>
>Then there is the softer sound of the personal experiences, shared in
>various ways often at unexpected times. In an English lesson the task at
>hand was to describe a room using "There is ..." The students, secondary
>school teachers, were describing their living-rooms. One teacher hesitated,
>puzzled, apparently not knowing what to say, and finally said, "Everything
>was stolen."
>
>To be there when opportunities arrive
>
>This is a place of great activity, great friendliness, and great intensity.
>Unfortunately, it is also a place of great belief in rumour and of great
>clinging to the negative stories told by others or promoted in the press.
>After five weeks' stay and after listening to the sights and sounds of
>Kosovo/a and hearing numerous personal stories, I am beginning to
>understand more clearly the mission of the Balkan Peace Team: To be on the
>spot when opportunities arise, when people are able to let down their
>defences. To facilitate in the growth of the tender plant of a renewed
>tolerance.
>
>by Jane Vernon, short term volunteer with the BPT Kosovo/a Team
>******************************************************************
>
>
>
>Dragash/s Summer Program
>
>During the summer, we offered six courses. Two courses were the
>continuation of the last round of classes for secondary school students,
>and two courses were new classes for young people in the Dragash/s
>community. In these early stages, the classes are still separated for Goran
>and Albanian youth. For our adult students, we have been providing mixed
>courses  with Goran and Albanians together. We offered two intensive
>language courses: one for a mixed class of teachers from the secondary
>school with whom we had previously been working and an introductory course
>for a mixed class of women in the community (offered through Flaka). The
>adult students were taught by a temporary volunteer who worked for BPT
>during the summer.
>
>******************************************************************
>
>
>DRAGASH / DRAGAS
>
>Dragash/s town is the capital of the Dragash/s municipality, a mountainous,
>geographically isolated region in southern Kosovo/a.  Dragash/s town has
>approximately 2.000 inhabitants. It is 30 kilometres south-west of Prizren
>and about 80 kilometres from Prishtina. Dragash is the Albanian spelling of
>the name and Dragas is the name in Serbian/Goranian. In our reports, we use
>the name Dragash/s.
>
>The municipality of Dragash/s includes 36 towns and villages. The
>municipality consists of two regions.  Opoje is populated by ethnic
>Albanians and Gora is inhabited by Gorani. The Gorani are Slavic Muslims
>who identify their language, which is similar to Serbo-Croatian,  as
>"Bosnian" or "Goranian".  March 2000 population surveys found 24.856
>Albanians (72% of municipal population) and 9.706 Gorani (28% of municipal
>population) living in the municipality.  It is estimated that there are
>approximately 4.000 Albanian youth and 2.000 Goran youth. While Opoje and
>Gora are not ethnically mixed, Gorani and Albanians do live among one
>another in Dragash/s town.
>
>Currently, the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo
>(UNMIK) defines Dragash/s municipality as  Dragash/s town and Gora while
>Opoje is officially included in the Prizren municipality.  This separation
>of Gora and Opoje into two different administrative municipalities was
>carried out by the Yugoslav authorities (or Serbian regime) in 1991.  UNMIK
>is expected to adopt the pre-1991 municipal boundaries for Dragash/s (which
>include both Gora and Opoje) in the near future. Dragash/s town has in fact
>continued to serve as the administrative and cultural centre for both Opoje
>and Gora.  For these reasons, this project considers Dragash/s municipality
>to include both areas.
>
>Besides the usual infrastructure of stores, cafes/restaurants, and civic
>administration buildings,  Dragash/s town has a post office, local radio
>station, and bus station. There is also a textile factory and a hotel.  The
>textile factory  previously employed more than 600 people from the region
>but now has only 86 workers.  The hotel is currently used by the Turkish
>KFOR troops and is therefore not functioning.
>
>The Dragash/s post office has not yet been reopened since the NATO bombing,
>although postal service within Kosovo/a has resumed. The NATO bombing also
>destroyed a mountain top microwave link that connected the region's
>telephone system to the rest of the world.  As a result, even though the
>telephones work within Dragash/s town, one cannot ring anyone outside of
>the area.  There are two private businesses which, through a radio link
>between Dragash/s and Prizren, are able to provide a very noisy phone
>connection to other parts of Kosovo/a and the world. After the transmitter
>was repaired, the local radio station was able to go back on the air.
>
>On the main street in Dragash/s, next to a  primary school, there is the
>cultural centre that is yet to be completed. Lack of funds halted the
>construction just after the new walls and roof went up. The secondary
>school, located behind the primary school, serves the entire municipality.
>The town currently also houses  the regional offices of UNMIK, which is
>responsible for establishing the legal status and structures of post-war
>Kosovo/a, and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe
>(OSCE), which is responsible for developing democratic structures and
>instituting civil society in Kosovo/a.
>
>******************************************************************
>
>**************************************************************
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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:27:41 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:27:41 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Yugoslavia nothing to do with us - Kosovo Albanians
Message-ID: <50.bbe59b4.270e767d@aol.com>

Yugoslavia nothing to do with us - Kosovo Albanians

By Jeremy Gaunt

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, Oct 5 (Reuters) - Ethnic Kosovo Albanians watched the 
uprising against Slobodan Milosevic in neighbouring Serbia on television in 
their homes and bars on Thursday, but deemed it none of their concern. 

``It could be in Romania,'' shrugged Zeka Emrlla as he sipped an evening 
drink in a bar off Mother Theresa Avenue in central Pristina. ``It's nothing 
to do with Kosovo. It's not part of our country.'' 

His friend, Nijazi Ahmetti, expressed even less excitement. 

``To Kosovo Albanians, it's not interesting,'' he said of the prospect that 
Milosevic could be driven from office by hundreds of thousands of protesters 
on the streets of Belgrade. 

A year ago during NATO's bombardment of Yugoslavia, Kosovo's provincial 
capital was all but emptied of its predominantly ethnic Albanian population, 
which was crammed into refugee camps in Macedonia and Albania. 

On Thursday, many of the same people, who returned under the protection of 
more than 40,000 NATO-led troops, were strolling along Pristina's streets and 
relaxing in restaurants and bars as Belgrade boiled over. 

Hundreds of thousands of people from Belgrade and all over Serbia gathered in 
the capital on Thursday to demand that Milosevic step down after the 
September 24 presidential vote. 

In Pristina, many feigned to shrug off the events, saying they would make no 
difference to internationally administered Kosovo, which many locals want to 
see become completely independent. 

``Nothing will change. It's nothing to do with us,'' Ilir Grapci said as he 
caroused with a group of young friends. 

Some said replacing Milosevic with opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica would 
do nothing to ease what they saw as Serb antagonism to ethnic Albanians. 

Kostunica was seen as a Serb nationalist who opposed Kosovo autonomy and 
would want to bring the province back into the fold. 

``Milosevic and Kostunica want the same bloody thing for us,'' said Genc 
Meraku. 

``It will be just the same. Serbians are all the same,'' said his wife, 
Ariana, expressing the ethnic bitterness still felt throughout Kosovo. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:06:48 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:06:48 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] We May Need Moscow To Deal With Milosevic-From JRL
Message-ID: <4b.1b7d130.270e7198@aol.com>


Wall Street Journal

October 5, 2000 

[for personal use only]

We May Need Moscow To Deal With Milosevic


By Anatol Lieven. Mr. Lieven, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment 

for International Peace in Washington, is author of "Chechnya: Tombstone of 

Russian Power" (Yale University Press, 1999).


The exchange on Yugoslav policy in Tuesday's presidential debate had a 

curious twist. George W. Bush essentially declared support for the old 

Clinton-Gore policy of seeking Russian help in the Balkans, which Al Gore was 

automatically forced to deny. Mr. Bush in turn was forced to agree with Mr. 

Gore that he would only enlist Russian mediation if Moscow agreed fully with 

U.S. policy.

 

The problem with their accord is that this is not what "mediation" means, and 

that there is little chance of Russia agreeing to mediate without its own 

policies and interests being taken into account. This is a pity, because on 

the basic goal of removing Mr. Milosevic, the position of the U.S. and much 

of Russian President Vladimir Putin's administration is the same. And it may 

well be that, as during the Kosovo War last year, a role for Russia could be 

the best or even the only way of forcing Mr. Milosevic to go into exile 

without further bloodshed.


Russia and the U.S. do have differences, as Mr. Gore noted. But a central one 

has been not Russian support for Mr. Milosevic as such, but Moscow's 

opposition to his indictment as a war criminal. This is not only Russia's 

attitude, nor is it necessarily politically wrong. As other writers have 

pointed out on this page recently, on numerous occasions the U.S. has helped 

remove wicked dictators from power not by promising to put them on trial, but 

by guaranteeing them safe and comfortable exiles.


By doing so, it avoided bloody civil wars that the democratic opposition 

would not necessarily have won. This is not a pretty business, least of all 

when dealing with someone as vile as Mr. Milosevic. But before it is 

denounced as morally unacceptable, it should be remembered that the Western 

commentators doing the denouncing are not those who will pay with their blood 

if their moral policy fails.

 

Mr. Bush was absolutely correct in his opposition to the use of U.S. force. A 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization invasion of Serbia to overthrow Mr. 

Milosevic is out of the question. It is impossible to organize on short 

notice, would almost certainly unite a majority of Serbs in violent 

hostility, and would be strongly opposed by both European members of NATO and 

the Pentagon. This means that the U.S. has to seek alternatives, of which the 

obvious one is to go on supporting the opposition in its campaign to get Mr. 

Milosevic to step down.


But despite some encouraging signs, at the time of writing it is still not 

certain that this alone will work. The cold, subtle monster in Belgrade may 

still be able to mobilize enough resources to crush the opposition and remain 

in power.


There is even a risk that Mr. Milosevic may launch some form of attack on the 

government of Montenegro in order to try to force a NATO intervention there. 

As so often before, this would allow him to portray himself as a Serbian hero 

fighting the aggressive West. In recent weeks, U.S. officials have admitted 

that they were relying on Moscow to deter Mr. Milosevic from such a course.


But Moscow is by no means sure that it wishes to be used in this way again. 

One reason for the Russian government's ambiguous stance concerning the 

present crisis is the presence of pro-Milosevic hardliners, especially in the 

Russian military. More important is that even Russian officials who 

desperately want to be rid of the Milosevic incubus resent the way Russia has 

been treated for its role in ending the war in Kosovo. Seen from Moscow, it 

was Russian pressure on Mr. Milosevic that brought him finally to agree to 

NATO's terms in June of last year -- pressure that took real courage given 

the fury of many Russians over NATO unilateralism.


If the mission of former Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and 

former Finnish President Marti Ahtisaari had failed, NATO might well have 

been forced to launch a ground war. It would have won, but the strains this 

would have caused between the NATO allies would have risked destroying the 

alliance from within.


Russia believes it has received no tangible rewards for saving NATO from 

potential disaster in this way. (The Russian elites have received large 

amounts of International Monetary Fund money as a Western geopolitical bribe, 

but neither we nor they can admit that this is what it was.) Moreover, after 

brief expressions of gratitude by Western governments, the response of a 

majority of Western commentators has been a continued vilification of 

Russia's role in the Balkans.


As a Russian official told me bitterly: "To judge by the past, Western 

gratitude lasts about two weeks. So if we did help get Milosevic out of power 

peacefully, two weeks later there would be calls in the U.S. Senate to bring 

sanctions against us for protecting a war criminal."


So while there is considerable division in Moscow over what policy to follow 

with regard to Yugoslavia, there is a consensus that Russia must not simply 

be the channel for a new Western ultimatum. And if Russia is to provide 

asylum for Mr. Milosevic or facilitate his peaceful departure to some third 

country, it wants written guarantees that it will not then be subjected to 

future Western pressure for extradition.


Secondly, as Mr. Gore stated, Moscow wants Yugoslavian opposition leader 

Vojislav Kostunica to win through internationally supervised second-round 

elections, rather than Western-backed street protests. This is admittedly a 

tricky question, given Mr. Milosevic's capacity for clever ruthlessness in a 

tight corner; but it is not wholly unreasonable and is at least a point on 

which we can talk with the Russians.


Of course, we may decide that these Russian positions are unacceptable, and 

that we will act without consulting Moscow. Fine. But in that case, if the 

Serbian opposition is defeated, how precisely do we mean to act? On this, 

Messrs. Bush and Gore have an identical position. They don't know.


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:08:17 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:08:17 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Clinton Won't Intervene In Crisis
Message-ID: <57.c120130.270e71f1@aol.com>


Clinton Won't Intervene In Crisis

By ROBERT BURNS

WASHINGTON (AP) - President Clinton ruled out U.S. military intervention in 
Yugoslavia's civil uprising and administration officials urged Russia to use 
its influence to persuade President Slobodan Milosevic to step aside. 

Pentagon spokesmen said the approximately 5,200 U.S. troops in Bosnia and 
6,700 in Kosovo - part of separate multinational peacekeeping forces - were 
not on a heightened state of alert, and that U.S. forces had detected no 
signs of unusual movements by the Serb army in Kosovo or other parts of the 
country. 

Notable among other U.S. military forces in the area was the aircraft carrier 
USS George Washington, which is making a port call on the Greek island of 
Corfu, off the Albanian coast. 

There also is a three-ship Marine Corps unit known as an amphibious ready 
group, comprised of about 2,000 Marines, in the Adriatic Sea. And there are 
about 1,000 U.S. troops at a peacekeeping support base in Macedonia, on 
Serbia's southern border. 

At the White House, Clinton branded Milosevic's government a ``hard-core 
dictatorship,'' and said, ``We support democracy and the will of the Serbia 
people.'' 

As rumors swirled that Milosevic had fled Yugoslavia, National Security 
Adviser Sandy Berger said Thursday evening, ``At this stage we have no reason 
to believe he is not in Belgrade. I don't think anybody knows what his 
intention is.'' 

Berger said Milosevic ``is perfectly capable of trying to make a last stand. 
I think that the pillars of his power that have kept him in power - his 
control of the security forces, his control of the state media, the cronies 
around him - I think all of those pillars are crumbling. And therefore I 
think it will be very hard to deny the Serb people their victory. But I don't 
think anything is a foregone conclusion until he is gone.'' 

In Belgrade, the capital, mobs seeking to topple Milosevic turned their fury 
on his centers of political power, leaving parliament and other key sites in 
shambles and flames. Hundreds of thousands of people demanded that Milosevic 
accept his apparent defeat in the Sept. 24 election. 

Pentagon spokesman Kenneth Bacon said that as far as the United States was 
aware, Milosevic remained in Belgrade, apparently under the protection of his 
internal security forces. 

Asked if the United States would intervene should Milosevic order that force 
be used against the Serb people, Clinton said: ``I don't believe that it's an 
appropriate case for military intervention and I don't believe that the 
United States should say or do anything which would only strengthen Mr. 
Milosevic's hand.'' 

Clinton said he was confident that democratic forces would succeed. 

``The people of Serbia have made their opinion clear,'' Clinton said. ``They 
did it when they voted peacefully and quietly and now they're doing it in the 
streets because there's been an attempt to rob them of their vote. 

``If the world community will just stand for freedom, stand for democracy, 
stand for the will of the people, I think that will prevail,'' the president 
said. ``It did all over Eastern Europe.'' 

Later, in a speech a Princeton University in New Jersey, Clinton said it was 
his hope for the Serbians that ``the hour is near when their voices will be 
heard and we can welcome them to democracy, to Europe, to the world 
community. 

``And when they do,'' Clinton added, ``we will move as quickly as possible to 
lift the sanctions and build the kind of responsible partnership that the 
people there deserve.'' 

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, on a refueling stop in Ireland en 
route home from Middle East peace talks in Egypt, was trying to reach Russian 
Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov to seek his country's help in getting Milosevic 
to step aside. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin has not recognized opposition presidential 
candidate Vojislav Kostunica as the winner of the Yugoslav election. He has 
offered to mediate between Milosevic and Kostunica. 

In a weekend telephone call to Putin, Clinton urged Russia, which has been 
sympathetic to Milosevic, to acknowledge Kostunica. Since that call, ``We 
have reinforced that message in other ways to the Russian government,'' 
national security spokesman P.J. Crowley said. 

On the Net: State Department background on Serbia and Montenegro: 

http://www.state.gov/www/background-notes/serbia-9908-bgn.html 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:10:00 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:10:00 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Yugoslavia's popular revolt in full flood
Message-ID: <55.bbb9132.270e7258@aol.com>

Yugoslavia's popular revolt in full flood

By Philippa Fletcher

BELGRADE, Oct 6 (Reuters) - The Yugoslav opposition was in charge of the 
capital's streets on Friday after a popular and almost bloodless revolution 
appeared to have swept President Slobodan Milosevic and his henchmen from 
power. 

Demonstrators stormed the federal parliament as well as the building housing 
the executive of Milosevic's Socialist Party. Even his propaganda machine 
switched sides, many of his police joined the protesters and the army stayed 
in its barracks. 

After initial resistance from police, who fired tear gas, crowds burst into 
parliament, setting fire to some parts and ransacking filing cabinets. They 
also took over Serbian state television. 

There was no immediate word on the whereabouts of Milosevic, but the 
independent Beta news agency reported late on Thursday that three aircraft 
had taken off from a military airport near Belgrade, fuelling speculation 
that some of the leadership might be leaving. 

Serb opposition party leader Zoran Djindjic said on Friday that Milosevic had 
retreated with his henchmen to the east Serbian town of Bor, close to the 
Romanian and Bulgarian borders, and warned he might be preparing to try to 
regain power. 

``He is now in Bor surrounded by his closest associates,'' Djindjic said on 
Serbian state television, ``and I suppose that he may be preparing a coup. I 
heard between 3 and 5 a.m. (0100 and 0300 GMT). That would be very bad if he 
now pushed people further into conflicts.'' 

ARMY NOT TO INTERFERE-AGENCY 

Beta said the Yugoslav army would not interfere in protests by hundreds of 
thousands of demonstrators. 

``The Yugoslav army will in no way interfere in street events,'' Beta quoted 
a source close to the military leadership as saying. 

When asked whether the opposition was in contact with the armed forces, a 
former general turned opposition leader, Vuk Obradovic, told Reuters: 
``Negotiations are constantly underway.'' 

Asked whether there were any results, he said: 

``Can't you see that the army is silent and acting properly?'' The key thing 
at this moment is that people remain out in the streets because we haven't 
passed the most critical moment.'' 

He said he meant between 3 and 5 a.m., the period also cited by Djindic. 

Serbian television, an important weapon in Milosevic's armoury after the 
authorities banned some independent media, went blank for several hours and 
came out with a written message saying: ``This is the new Radio Television 
Serbia broadcasting.'' 

The state news agency Tanjug, long a mouthpiece of Milosevic and his leftist 
coalition, referred to opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica as ``elected 
president of Yugoslavia'' in a report signed ``Journalists of Liberated 
Tanjug.'' 

In another sign of the end of Milosevic's iron-fisted, 13-year-long rule, 
police withdrew on Thursday from a coal mine where workers were on strike for 
the sixth day, putting them in the forefront of the country-wide campaign to 
oust Milosevic. 

Opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica, the centre of the protest after he 
beat Milosevic in presidential elections which were then annulled by the 
authorities, told the protesters on Thursday they had defeated Milosevic. 

``Good evening, liberated Serbia,'' he told the cheering crowd. 

``Serbia hit the road of democracy and where there is democracy there is no 
place for Slobodan Milosevic,'' he said. 

Milosevic's ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) blasted the opposition for 
causing unrest and violence and vowed to fight back with ``all means to 
secure peaceful life.'' 

Inside the parliament fires burned in one wing of the building, sending up 
dense black smoke to cheers from the flag-waving crowd outside. 

``Victory! Victory!'' shouted people in the crowd. ``Slobodan, Slobodan, save 
Serbia and kill yourself.'' 

ARMY TROOPS JOIN PROTESTERS, TV SHOWS 

Foreign TV pictures also showed that a number of soldiers in uniform joined 
the crowd in the parliament, where they were embraced by the protesters. 

Witnesses said some of the 10,000-strong crowd threw stones at the police, 
but opposition leader Velja Ilic appealed for calm. ``I beg you not to hurl 
stones at the police...they are ours, they have to be with their people,'' he 
told the crowd. 

Beta reported that one girl died when she was run over by an excavator during 
the demonstrations and three other people were injured by firearms in 
Belgrade. It was not immediately clear who was responsible. 

About 100 people sustained various other injuries. 

The rally was the climax of a campaign that began on Monday and has been 
gathering strength since, with civil servants, shopkeepers and factory 
workers staging strikes and rallies. Crucial to the campaign were coal miners 
whose strike has forced Serbia's largest electricity generator to order power 
cuts. 

The opposition, backed by Western governments, says official election results 
showing Kostunica had failed to gain an overall majority of the votes were 
fraudulent, and demanded that Milosevic accept defeat and resign. 

The Constitutional Court added fuel to the crisis on Thursday by annulling 
the election and ordering a re-run, a ruling that would leave Milosevic in 
power for months to come. 

Court President Milutin Srdic said a new election should be held before the 
president's mandate expires, giving Milosevic, known for his skill at wearing 
down and dividing political opponents, until next July to organise a fresh 
poll. 

On Thursday U.S. President Bill Clinton said he hoped ``the hour is near'' 
when Yugoslavia would be free of Milosevic. 

``In Serbia, where a decade ago the forces of destruction began their march 
across the Balkans, now the march of freedom is gaining new ground,'' Clinton 
said at Princeton University. 

British Prime Minister Tony Blair said the message from Yugoslavs to 
Milosevic was clear: ``Go. Go now. Go before any more lives are lost, before 
there is any more destruction.'' 

Russian President Vladimir Putin called on the opposing forces in Yugoslavia 
to avoid violence and said he hoped Yugoslavia's international isolation 
could be ended. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:11:06 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:11:06 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US backs Yugoslav protesters, seeks Russian help
Message-ID: <ea.ba44432.270e729a@aol.com>

US backs Yugoslav protesters, seeks Russian help

By Randall Mikkelsen

WASHINGTON, Oct 5 (Reuters) - President Clinton on Thursday hailed the 
popular revolt against Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, as the United 
States sought Russia's help in persuading Milosevic to relinquish power after 
13 years. 

U.S. officials said Milosevic's hold on power was crumbling and would be hard 
to recover, citing as evidence a report by the Yugoslav state news agency 
declaring opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica the ``elected president.'' 

But they said they had no confirmation that ``the final chapter'' had been 
written with Milosevic's departure. 

``The people of Serbia have spoken with their ballots, they have spoken on 
the street, I hope the hour is near when their voices will be heard and we 
can welcome them to democracy, to Europe, to the world's community,'' 
President Clinton said in a speech at Princeton University in New Jersey. 

U.S. National Security Adviser Sandy Berger said he and Secretary of State 
Madeleine Albright were trying to reach their Russian counterparts to get 
their help in persuading Milosevic to step down. 

``We would hope the Russians would join others in the international community 
(and) recognise that Kostunica is the next president and Milosevic should 
go,'' Berger told Reuters. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin, in a brief statement in Moscow, called for 
opposing forces in Yugoslavia to avoid an escalation of violence but did not 
call for Milosevic to go. 

The departure of three military aircraft from an airport near Belgrade 
fuelled speculation some of Yugoslavia's leadership was leaving, but Berger 
said there was no indication Milosevic had departed. 

``Until we have clear confirmation that he's left, I think we have to assume 
that he's still there,'' Berger told PBS television's ``NewsHour with Jim 
Lehrer'' 

``Something quite dramatic and extraordinary is happening in Serbia, but I 
don't know that the final chapter has yet been written,'' Berger said. 

Albright told reporters while flying back from Europe that she expected to 
call Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov shortly. She called the 
demonstrations ``the most important thing'' that had occurred during her 
nearly four-year tenure. 

NO MILITARY INTERVENTION 

Clinton has condemned Milosevic for conflicts that have torn Yugoslavia apart 
and he oversaw NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia last year to drive Milosevic's 
forces out of the southern province of Kosovo. 

Asked if the United States would intervene militarily in the case of a 
violent crackdown, Clinton said: ``I don't believe it's an appropriate case 
for military intervention, and I don't believe that the United States should 
say or do anything that would strengthen Mr Milosevic's hand.'' 

The United States demands that Milosevic, an indicted war criminal, be tried 
at the international court in the Hague. 

But it has been cautious in its support for the political opposition because 
strong anti-U.S. feeling in Yugoslavia meant this could undermine the 
opposition's cause. 

Berger, asked about the Yugoslav state news agency's declaration of Kostunica 
as elected president, said, ``It's one more sign that the instruments of 
state power are slipping out of Milosevic's grasp.'' 

Berger told CNN television it would be hard for Milosevic to thwart the will 
of the Yugoslav people and recover his ebbing power. 

Demonstrators stormed the Yugoslav parliament on Thursday in what opposition 
leaders called a final showdown with Milosevic, following a constitutional 
court ruling that annulled the disputed presidential election held September 
24. Yugoslav opposition claims to have won the vote outright. 

The court ordered a rerun, which would allow Milosevic to remain in power for 
months. The United States denounced the ruling as undermining the will of the 
people. 

``There's been an attempt to rob them of their vote,'' Clinton said. 

There had been no direct U.S. contact with the opposition to Milosevic, 
officials said. Berger said the United States was not interested in a making 
deal with Milosevic. 

In August, Kostunica denounced as a ``flagrant interference'' in Yugoslavia's 
internal affairs a U.S. decision to open an office in Budapest to support 
democratic forces in Yugoslavia. Clinton said on Thursday said he recognised 
that Kostunica had ``strong differences'' with the United States. 

He said the right of the Serbian people to choose their leaders was paramount 
and he reiterated a U.S. promise to lift economic sanctions against 
Yugoslavia after Milosevic leaves. 

Both major party presidential candidates echoed Clinton's backing of the 
opposition supporters in Yugoslavia. 

``Our country must work closely with our allies in Europe and the 
international community including Russia to pressure Mr. Milosevic to go,'' 
Republican nominee George W. Bush said at a campaign stop in Michigan. 

Vice President Al Gore, the Democratic nominee, told reporters in Michigan, 
``We call upon Milosevic to get out of power. It will be taken from him if he 
does not, because the people of Serbia have spoken and now they are rising 
up.'' 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:14:43 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:14:43 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NEWSMAKER-Kostunica rode tide of opposition to Milosevic
Message-ID: <ad.1715f33.270e7373@aol.com>

NEWSMAKER-Kostunica rode tide of opposition to Milosevic

By Julijana Mojsilovic

BELGRADE, Oct 5 (Reuters) - Yugoslav opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica 
rode a tide of discontent against Slobodan Milosevic to reach the brink of 
power in an impoverished, isolated police state. 

The former academic claimed overwhelming victory in September 24 elections 
for the Yugoslav presidency, and it was Milosevic's refusal to admit defeat 
that brought furious Serbs onto the streets to defy police, storm the 
parliament, cheer Kostunica and demand that Milosevic go. 

``Good evening, liberated Serbia,'' Kostunica told hundreds of thousands of 
people who gathered between the parliament building and Belgrade city hall on 
Thursday evening. 

``Serbia has hit the road of democracy and where there is democracy there is 
no place for Slobodan Milosevic,'' he said. 

The crowd chanted ``He's finished'' and ``Arrest Sloba.'' 

Amid a rebellion which by Thursday night had seen little bloodshed and even 
some panicky retreats by government police, Kostunica said the opposition 
would use non-violent methods and urged people to persevere to the end. 

``We will go with non-violence against their violence,'' he said. 

Kostunica mounted his challenge to Milosevic in the previous months by 
reconciling the seemingly irreconcilable -- Serb nationalism with a 
pro-European democratic stance, and each of Serbia's squabbling opposition 
leaders with the others. 

Ever careful to attack Western policy against Yugoslavia as well as 
Milosevic's bloodstained record, he left Milosevic's aggressive propaganda 
machine struggling to find ways to discredit him before the September 24 
vote. 

``He is supported by gays and lesbians, members of various non-government and 
feminist organisations. They know only too well that he is a fake Serbian 
traditionalist,'' is a taste of what the pro-government Politika daily 
resorted to on the eve of the elections. 

Kostunica was backed by 18 political parties and a trade union grouping. He 
managed to bring all Milosevic's squabbling foes together bar one, mainly 
because he had managed to avoid stepping on anyone's toes during 10 years 
political infighting. 

The odd man out, Vuk Draskovic, stayed in self-inflicted isolation in 
Montenegro after what he said were two attempts on his life and appeared to 
have ruled himself out of the political drama sweeping Serbia in recent 
weeks. 

Kostunica's campaign was strengthened by his reputation for never having done 
private political deals with Milosevic nor dabbled in the dubious business 
interests common among Yugoslav politicians. 

``I pledge to change this state of ours for the better in accordance with the 
laws of God and humankind, whereas I shall never let power change me,'' 
Kostunica said at the kick-off of his election campaign. 

PETS AND SOCCER 

Belgrade-born Kostunica, aged 56 and married with no children, keeps a low 
private profile. People close to him say he likes cats and dogs and supports 
Red Star Belgrade soccer team. 

He and his wife Zorica hold doctorates in law sciences and have a modest 
social life. 

A former assistant law professor, he is an expert in constitutional law and 
has published books on the subject. 

He was sacked in 1974 after opposing a new Yugoslav constitution. In 1989, he 
turned down an offer to return to the university. 

In 1989, he was one of the founders of the opposition Democratic Party. He 
left it in 1992 to form the Democratic Party of Serbia and continued his work 
in the field of human rights and civil liberties. 

Kostunica has promised to create a state in which all citizens, Serbs or 
others, enjoy equal status and civil rights. 

His nationalism, unlike Milosevic's, is seen as moderate and unthreatening to 
other nations in the region. His devotion to democracy is considered beyond 
serious doubt. 

``I would describe myself as a normal Serb,'' he once said. 

The Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS), an umbrella group which supports 
Kostunica, embraces large ethnic Hungarian and Muslim minorities. 

Speaking at the DOS convention he promised new, free elections within a year 
and a half and pledged to lead Serbia back towards Europe. 

He also promised Montenegro, Serbia's reluctant smaller partner in the 
Yugoslav federation, he would work to redefine relations between the two ``in 
line with the popular will in both republics.'' 

He has pledged to work towards ending Serbia's U.S.-backed isolation, but has 
been highly critical of U.S. policy towards Serbia, blasting Washington for 
opening an office in Budapest to help the Serb opposition. 

``Serbia and this unfortunate nation do not need any help coming from the 
White House,'' he has said. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:17:33 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:17:33 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NEWSMAKER-Milosevic's rule in balance in Yugoslavia
Message-ID: <91.1712731.270e741d@aol.com>

NEWSMAKER-Milosevic's rule in balance in Yugoslavia

BELGRADE, Oct 5 (Reuters) - President Slobodan Milosevic's grip on Yugoslavia 
hung in the balance on Thursday as hundreds of thousands of his opponents 
demonstrated in Belgrade to drive him from power. 

A pragmatist who embraced war and peace, communism and nationalism as the 
situation demanded during his 13-year-long rule, he allowed himself to run 
last month for the first time against an opponent with a serious chance of 
winning power. 

Milosevic conceded that opposition nationalist Vojislav Kostunica won more 
votes, but sought to deny him an outright victory with more than 50 percent 
of the poll. 

But his mastery of political manoeuvres, which enabled him to defy the 
outside world for years, could provide no guarantee for his future under 
opposition pressure at home and demands that he quit from abroad. 

Milosevic, accused by a U.N. tribunal of masterminding war crimes in Kosovo 
last year, changed the constitution in July to enable himself to win a second 
term by popular ballot and thereby avoid any possibility of arrest and 
extradition. 

He did so over the protests of the pro-Western leadership of Montenegro, the 
other smaller Yugoslav republic, which argued that his moves violated the 
federal constitution. 

It was the latest of many such manoeuvres, but appears to have backfired. 

A former communist functionary and onetime chief of the state-owned gas 
company, Milosevic, 58, muscled his way to the top of Yugoslav politics in 
the power vacuum left by the 1980 death of post-World War Two Yugoslav 
dictator Marshal Tito. 

CONSOLIDATED GRIP ON POWER 

Through 13 turbulent years that saw the collapse of multi-ethnic Yugoslavia 
and terrible wars in Bosnia and Croatia, Milosevic consolidated his iron 
grip, as president first of Serbia and then of the Yugoslav federation. 

At times Milosevic appeared to dream of carving a mini-empire for all Serbs 
out of the bloodstained Balkans. 

But he withdrew support for ethnic kin in breakaway Yugoslav republics -- 
Croatia and Bosnia -- when they became too costly to save. 

His crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, a region linked to Serbs by 
historical and emotional ties, ended by bringing down the wrath of NATO last 
year. 

After a destructive bombing campaign, Milosevic was forced to accept NATO 
peacekeepers in Kosovo and was indicted as a war criminal by the United 
Nations tribunal in The Hague. 

But careful control of the Serbian media and deft political footwork at home 
kept him secure for the time being, despite the resounding defeat of the 
Greater Serbia project. 

Milosevic made his name in Yugoslavia by his pledge to protect Kosovo's 
minority Serbs, whose domination of the ethnic Albanian majority was 
threatened by the province's wide-ranging autonomy. 

Milosevic not only revoked Kosovo's autonomy in 1989, fuelling separatist 
sentiment, but by his intransigence provoked the ethnic conflicts that tore 
apart the six-republic Yugoslav federation in Europe's bloodiest wars for 
half a century. 

He played the nationalist card in the Croatian and Bosnian wars, but left the 
dirty work to agents like Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and Bosnian 
Serb General Ratko Mladic. 

They were dropped when close association became uncomfortable. 

ROLE AT DAYTONA 

His most prominent role on the world stage came in 1995 when he consorted 
with world leaders, including U.S. President Bill Clinton, for the signing 
ceremonies of the Dayton peace accord that ended the Bosnian war. 

It was a high point for Milosevic who, according to one observer at the 
talks, ``seemed to view himself as the equal of the people with whom he was 
dealing.'' 

Showing a taste for cigars and good whisky, Milosevic exuded a sense of 
cheery bonhomie on the international stage. 

But Western goodwill evaporated as Kosovo slipped closer to a state of 
all-out war last year and Yugoslavia, still hit by U.N. sanctions imposed 
after the previous wars, slid deeper and deeper into economic despair. 

Milosevic faced a big domestic challenge in 1996 from a loose grouping of 
students and a coalition of mostly moderate opposition leaders calling 
themselves ``Zajedno'' (Together). 

The coalition mounted daily protest marches for three months, rallying up to 
500,000 people at the peak of a campaign against local election fraud. 

But through shrewd manipulation, including giving the opposition control of 
mostly bankrupt towns and cities, Milosevic managed to split the coalition, 
which dissolved into infighting. 

Later in 1997, Milosevic finessed his way around a law barring him from 
running again for president of Serbia by being elected president of 
Yugoslavia. He typically turned the formerly figurehead post into the seat of 
real power. 

Milosevic was born in Pozarevac, southeast of Belgrade, in 1941, the son of a 
theology teacher. Both his father and mother committed suicide. 

A lawyer by training, he is said to be heavily influenced by his wife, 
Mirjana, a Belgrade University sociology lecturer and neo-communist from whom 
he has been inseparable since high school. They have a son and a daughter. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:23:40 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:23:40 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] World Leaders Urge Milosevic To Go
Message-ID: <c.b8cd696.270e758c@aol.com>

World Leaders Urge Milosevic To Go

By JILL LAWLESS

LONDON (AP) - As protesters swept through the streets of Belgrade on 
Thursday, many world leaders urged Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic to 
step down - but none threatened to intervene with force. 

``Go,'' said British Prime Minister Tony Blair. ``Go now. Go before any more 
lives are lost, before there is any more destruction.'' 

President Clinton said the people of Serbia had spoken out, first in last 
month's elections and then on the streets. 

``The people of Serbia have made their opinion clear,'' Clinton said. ``They 
did it when they voted peacefully and quietly and now they're doing it in the 
streets because there's been an attempt to rob them of their vote.'' 

U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan said the people of Serbia ``have made a 
clear choice. They are asking for democratic rule. ... And I hope that this 
choice and their voice will be heard.'' 

In France, President Jacques Chirac appealed to Milosevic supporters to 
recognize the opposition's electoral victory and stand aside. 

``For pity's sake, let's stop and give the Serb people back their freedom,'' 
he said. 

Russia has offered to mediate between Milosevic and rival presidential 
candidate Vojislav Kostunica - so far to no effect. President Vladimir Putin, 
speaking in New Delhi, said: ``We will not overplay our influence and our 
importance but we are not going to underestimate it either.'' 

Al Gore and George W. Bush also urged Milosevic to go. 

``We call upon Milosevic to get out of power,'' said Gore, the Democratic 
presidential nominee. ``It will be taken from him if he does not, because the 
people of Serbia have spoken, and now they're rising up.'' 

Republican rival Bush said it was ``clear the people have spoken. It is time 
for Mr. Milosevic to go.'' 

Western leaders, while offering moral support, signaled they were unwilling 
to send military aid to the protesters in Belgrade. 

``We have no intentions of intervention,'' British Foreign Secretary Robin 
Cook said. 

Said Annan: ``I think there have been quite a lot of statements by U.N. 
member states who have tried to move the situation forward. Beyond that, I'm 
not sure if there is any concrete action one can take in this situation.'' 

Clinton ruled out U.S. military intervention. 

``I don't believe that it's an appropriate case for military intervention and 
I don't believe that the United States should say or do anything which would 
only strengthen Mr. Milosevic's hand,'' he said. 

In Belgrade, Italy's top diplomat in Yugoslavia met with Kostunica and 
welcomed the country back into Europe. 

``The European Union has its hands wide open toward Yugoslavia,'' said 
Giovanni Ciraciollo, Italy's charge d'affaires in Yugoslavia and the first 
foreign diplomat to meet Kostunica. ``I am here to present my best wishes, 
and those of the government of Italy which is so glad to welcome back Serbia 
and Yugoslavia to the European family where they belong.'' 

Several other European leaders appealed to the Yugoslav security forces not 
to use violence against the protesters. 

``My appeal is: Don't resort to violence. Don't shoot on your own people,'' 
German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder said. 

``I ask the special troops to not shoot at the people, to not repeat the 
tragedy of the Romanian revolution,'' said Romanian Foreign Minister Petre 
Roman, a key figure in the 1989 revolt that toppled Romanian dictator Nicolae 
Ceausescu. ``They (the special troops) will have nightmares for the rest of 
their lives.'' 

Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou, speaking on Mega television, said 
his country would like to see Yugoslavia ``follow a democratic course, 
overcome its problems and join the family of European nations.'' 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:29:33 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:29:33 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kostunica sees Western sanctions lifted next week
Message-ID: <ca.b06d542.270e76ed@aol.com>

Kostunica sees Western sanctions lifted next week

BELGRADE, Oct 6 (Reuters) - Serb leader Vojislav Kostunica, hailed by the 
opposition as Yugoslavia's new president, said late on Thursday he had been 
promised that international sanctions on the Balkan country would be lifted 
by next week. 

Kostunica was speaking after a day that saw opposition supporters storm the 
federal parliament in Belgrade, as well as the headquarters of Serb state 
television, long seen as a mouthpiece of Slobodan Milosevic. 

He said France, the current European Union president, had promised sanctions 
against Yugoslavia, which include an investment ban and an oil embargo, would 
be a thing of the past as of Monday. 

``At this moment we have a promise from the highest place in the European 
Union that these days, at the latest by Monday, sanctions will be lifted 
because Serbia has shown its real democratic face,'' he said. 

Kostunica, seen as a moderate nationalist, also reiterated his criticism of 
the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, which last year indicted Milosevic 
and four other top Yugoslav officials for alleged war crimes in Kosovo. 

He made clear he would not cooperate with the tribunal in handing over 
Milosevic, saying the Yugoslav constitution did not allow extraditions and 
denouncing it as an ``American court.'' 

``The question is often posed what with indictments when Yugoslav citizens 
are concerned, and especially in reference to ex-Yugoslav President Slobodan 
Milosevic,'' Kostunica said. 

``My answer on this matter has always been resolute, for all the reasons I 
have given...I always answer that there can be no cooperation on this issue 
with The Hague tribunal. 

``And also I am so occupied with how this country will be reorganised that 
the tribunal is the last thing on my mind right now.'' 

Kostunica also made clear there would be no revenge against Milosevic's 
supporters. 

``Tomorrow we have to start getting used to living next to each other with 
all political differences which are deep.... 

``I guarantee that we will live in a normal state where there will be no 
revenge and there will be a normal dialogue between people of different 
opinions,'' Kostunica said. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:30:54 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:30:54 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic Regime Rejected In Chaos
Message-ID: <6e.3a26936.270e773e@aol.com>

Milosevic Regime Rejected In Chaos

By SLOBODAN LEKIC

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - As Belgrade tumbled into disarray Thursday, gangs 
of young people, many of them drunk, roamed the parliament building, ripping 
out TV sets and smashing portraits of Slobodan Milosevic. 

They grabbed leather-covered chairs, computers- even coat hangers - as flames 
licked from the ground-floor windows and choking smoke spread through the 
dome-topped 1932 building. 

Outside, demonstrators dodged bursts of tear gas and overturned police cars 
burned fiercely. 

The ornate structure was the first bastion to fall to the demonstrators in 
their massive rallies to support Vojislav Kostunica, the opposition leader 
who claims he triumphed over Milosevic in presidential elections on Sept. 24. 

The onslaught on the parliament began when a cordon of riot policemen fired 
tear-gas grenades to clear the entrance of the building. 

Opposition leaders appealed for calm, but the crowd, led by street toughs 
from Cacak, an industrial town in central Serbia, surged back. They taunted 
the officers, dozens of whom began deserting the ranks, taking off their 
helmets, shields and bulletproof vests and joining the demonstrators. 

Suddenly, police still inside the building fired tear gas and stun grenades. 
Instead of backing down, the crowd swarmed forward, breaking down doors and 
windows and setting a dozen patrol cars and wagons on fire. 

A man ran out of the building carrying a coat hanger. ``This is a souvenir of 
the revolution,'' he exclaimed. ``I can tell my children that I took part.'' 

Another man carried out a TV set and placed it on a trash can. He plastered a 
sticker on the screen with the words ``he's finished,'' and stood back to 
admire his work. 

``Now they can watch what is going on here,'' he said, pointing to other 
protesters. 

Offices of the leaders of Milosevic's Socialist Party were ransacked, 
furniture and files tossed through the windows. Legislators' chairs were 
brought out into the street. People sat on them, sipping plum brandy. 

Window panes popped as they overheated from the flames in the building, and 
shards of glass rained on people below. 

Marble staircases and statues in vaults were littered with opposition 
posters, stickers, slogans. TV monitors in wide hallways were ripped off from 
their platforms, leaving wires dangling. 

People sprinted down the long corridors, in and out of the sumptuous 
wood-paneled rooms and conference halls, checking behind every pillar for a 
policeman in hiding. 

In the offices of the Federal Electoral Commission, demonstrators found sacks 
full of ballot papers marked with Milosevic's name. They were dumped into the 
street below. 

While firefighters tried to extinguish flames in one part of the parliament, 
protesters were busy setting wooden walls ablaze elsewhere in the building. 

Waving flags and still shielding their eyes and noses from the tear gas, 
people stood on the buildings windowsills and balconies - joyous, triumphant 
and exhilarated. 

There were also moments of terror. A man trapped in a ground-floor room began 
to suffocate from smoke. Protesters outside yanked heavy iron rails from the 
window and managed to extricate him. 

Later, a group of protesters unreeled a fire hose and used it to fight the 
ground floor flames. They were joined by several fire trucks and the fire was 
eventually brought under control. 

The parliament building went up in 1932 as a symbol of democracy in the new 
state of Yugoslavia that had risen from the ashes of World War I and the 
Austro-Hungarian empire. It then became German headquarters during the World 
War II, then a rubber-stamp legislature under the communist rule of Marshal 
Josef Broz Tito. 

In the 1990s it was transformed into a stronghold of Milosevic's nationalist 
regime. 

Now, as night fell, it had become the smoke-blackened backdrop to a huge 
rally at which Kostunica was once again appealing to Milosevic to give up 
power peacefully. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:32:19 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:32:19 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US calls on Albanian parties to accept vote result
Message-ID: <4a.bc449b6.270e7793@aol.com>

US calls on Albanian parties to accept vote result

  
TIRANA, Oct 5 (Reuters) - The United States ambassador to Tirana said 
Albania's municipal polls were free and fair and called on all parties to 
accept the result. 

``We call on all parties to continue the cooperation demonstrated in hundreds 
of local commissions throughout the country and accept the ballot results,'' 
Joseph Limprecht said in a statement late on Wednesday. 

Official results are expected on Thursday. 

Limprecht said the peaceful electoral process was another positive signal 
that the impoverished Balkan nation was committed to accelerating democratic 
development, integration in Europe and ties with the United States. 

Opposition Democratic Party Chairman and former President Sali Berisha said 
on Tuesday the election was ``grossly manipulated.'' 

But Berisha stopped short of saying his party would not accept the results 
and has convened the party's national council on Thursday to discuss further 
action. 

The ruling Socialist Party has claimed victory in the local polls -- the 
first big political test since Albania emerged from the anarchy of 1997 and 
which are seen as a dry run for next year's general election. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct  5 20:34:15 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2000 20:34:15 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Report: Soldier Bragged About Rape
Message-ID: <5c.188cd37.270e7807@aol.com>

Report: Soldier Bragged About Rape

FORT BRAGG, N.C. (AP) - A U.S. soldier who raped and killed an 11-year-old 
girl in Albania repeatedly bragged to his comrades about assaulting girls in 
other countries, but no one told a commanding officer, an Army report said. 

The soldiers said they kept quiet in part because Staff Sgt. Frank Ronghi 
threatened to kill them, The Fayetteville Observer reported, quoting Army 
findings on abuses by peacekeeping forces in Kosovo. 

Ronghi pleaded guilty to premeditated murder and forcible sodomy of Merita 
Shabiu in January, while his unit was on a six-month peacekeeping duty in 
Kosovo. Ronghi, a weapons squad leader for the 82nd Airborne Division, is 
serving a life sentence without parole. 

A month before Merita was killed and her body hidden in the woods, Ronghi 
took his squad to that spot and told them it was a good place to dump a body, 
the Army report said. 

``Anybody could scream at the top of their lungs without anybody hearing,'' a 
sergeant said, recounting Ronghi's words. 

Soldiers told investigators that Ronghi had bragged about raping two sisters, 
making the older girl watch first and then forcing them to trade places. 
Ronghi also told a soldier he raped a 9-year-old Haitian girl, saying ``this 
was his greatest sexual accomplishment because she was so young.'' 

Soldiers kept quiet about the boasts, saying Ronghi liked to say, ``What 
happens in the squad stays in the squad, or your body will never be found.'' 

Leaders of the 82nd Airborne Division have condemned Ronghi's crimes, saying 
no one could have known what he was capable of. 


From ga57 at YAHOO.COM  Fri Oct  6 03:24:49 2000
From: ga57 at YAHOO.COM (=?iso-8859-1?q?Giovanni=20Armillotta?=)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 00:24:49 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Who??? Kostunica???!!! What a good boy!!!
Message-ID: <20001006072449.26142.qmail@web120.yahoomail.com>

Dear Albanian Friends,
I translated from Slovenian journal "Mladina" a part
of the article of my fellow Blerim Shala "Serbs want
ethnic cleaning or repatriation" issued on January
28th, 1995:
-----------
More 30,000 Serbs already signed a petition to ask the
most incisive measures against "separatist movement of
Kosova" and a "modification of ethnic structure"
(Serbs are only 9% of about 2 millions inhabitants of
this former Yugoslavian autonomous province). This
petition also obtained the support of all Serb
opposition parties (included Vojislav Seselj's
radicals, and Zoran Djindjic and Vojislav Kostunica's
democrats), the support of former Yugoslavian Federal
Republic president Dobra Cosic, of Serb Orthodox
Church and of Serb Academy of Sciences and Arts.
-----------

Dear Albanian Friends,
Kostunica will help Europe to suspend and to annul the
sanctions against Serbia, occidental diplomats soon
will return to Belgrade, and very soon Serbia'll be
again in the Club of respectable States!
For Kosova will became hard to gain independence -
because Kostunica is the good boy-David who beat the
bad one Milo?evic'-Goliath: let's give him Kosova,
he's a so sweet man!
Pay attention too! UNO resolutions told Kosova a part
of Serbia, freedom for Kosovars will be very
difficult. Perhaps - I hope not - among ten years
Kostunica will be a new Tito, the criminal who
butchered Italian Catholics and Albanian Muslims with
and thanks to international indifference.
WATCHFULNESS!

Mirupafshim


=====
Dr. Giovanni Armillotta - http://go.to/armillotta (general)
http://go.to/shqiptar (Albania and Kosova links)
http://go.to/shqiperia (my articles on Albania and Kosova)
http://go.to/futbolli (Albanian Soccer)
http://go.to/sporti (Albanian Sport)
http://www.egroups.com/group/albanian-foreign-affairs/info.html
PAVAR?SI P?R KOSOV?N HEROIKE/INDEPENDENCE FOR HEROIC KOSOVA

__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Oct  6 08:10:30 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 05:10:30 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nga Kosova
Message-ID: <20001006121030.9267.qmail@web110.yahoomail.com>

Krimi i organizuar, shqet?simi m? i madh p?r OKB-n?


PRISHTIN? - Lufta n? Kosov? mund t? ket? mbaruar, por
beteja p?r pushtet n? provinc? tani ka filluar t?
ndizet. Rrjete t? krimit t? organizuar kan? drejtuar
syt? e tyre nga postet e pushtetit lokal. K?shtu
pretendon administratori i OKB-s? p?r Prishtin?n.

"K?tu ekzistojn? probleme etnike q? mund t? zgjidhen
me koh?, por dhuna ekonomike ?sht? m? e keqe", tha
Jean Guinard p?r AFP-n? duke paralajm?ruar se disa
individ? q? kan? futur para n? xhep n? Kosov?n e
pasluft?s, mund t? fitojn? poste legjitime pas
zgjedhjeve lokale t? 28 tetorit.

"Angazhimet e tyre politike jan? vet?m nj? fasad? p?r
etjen e tyre p?r pushtet dhe p?r ambicie personale",
tha Guinard, i kujdessh?m t? shtonte se, megjithat?,
shum? politikan? q? kan? dal? nga lufta kund?r forcave
jugosllave jan? seriozisht t? shqet?suar p?r fatin e
njer?zve t? Kosov?s.

Deri para pak koh?sh, UNMIK dhe KFOR i kan? patur
duart plot pasi duhej t? kontrollonin gjakderdhjen n?
mes minoriteteve serbe, rome e mazhoranc?s kosovare
pas luft?s.

"Krimi i organizuar akoma nuk ?sht? nd?r prioritetet
tona", tha z?dh?n?si i policis? s? OKB-s? p?r
Prishtin?n, Charley Johnson, duke shpjeguar se deri
tani policia e OKB-s? nuk i ka patur burimet apo
sh?rbimet sekrete p?r t? filluar p?rgjimin e rrjeteve
t? krimit n? Kosov?.

Pavar?sisht nga prania e rreth 46 mij? ushtar?ve
nd?rkomb?tar? dhe polic?ve, rrjetet kriminele kan?
arritur t? zhvillojn? aktivitetet e tyre si trafik
droge, arm?sh, prostitutash, nafte dhe cigaresh.

"Pas luft?s k?tu ka lul?zuar edhe mafia lokale",
shpjegon Johnson.

"Ne kemi sjell? disa nga ekspert?t m? t? mir? t?
Europ?s dhe ata po punojn? me 3 mij? oficer? t?
policis? lokale q? ne kemi trainuar p?r m? pak se nj?
vit. Rrjetet e krimit t? organizuar mund t? mendojn?
se kan? patur terren t? hapur p?r t? vepruar, por
atyre po iu vjen fundi".

N? shtator, provinca u trondit nga sulmi q? mafia i
b?ri Rexhep Lucit, n? Drejtorin? e Palnifikimit t?
qytetit t? Prishtin?s, njeri i ndersh?m q? ishte
p?rpjekur "t? fuste hund?t" n? nd?rtimet ilegale t?
qytetit.

K?t? jav?, UNMIK sulmoi nga ana e saj, duke
sekuestruar tre nd?rtesa t? piketuara nga Luci p?r
shembje.

"Kjo ?sht? m?nyra jon? p?r t? treguar se ne nuk do e
l?m? k?t? pun? n? mes. Ligji ka filluar t? vendoset
tani dhe t? gjith? do t? jen? nj?lloj para tij", tha
Guinard.

Administrator?t lokal? t? OKB-s? do t'ia l?shojn? pak
nga pak pushtetin atyre q? do t? zgjidhen nga populli
n? zgjedhjet e 28 tetorit.


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From albania at netzero.net  Fri Oct  6 07:41:32 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 07:41:32 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Gunmen Start Cross-Border Shoot-out with Serbia
Message-ID: <006801c02f8a$60bd87c0$3cd1d23f@albania>

Gunmen Start Cross-Border Shoot-out with Serbia 

PRISTINA, Oct 5, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Gunmen opened fire into Serbia late Wednesday starting a gunfight that left no casualties on the Kosovo side of the border, police for the United Nations mission here (UNMIK) said here Thursday.

A van drove up to the border near the northeastern village of Donja Dubnica and gunmen opened automatic fire into Serbia at around 10:45 PM (2045 GMT), drawing return fire from the other side, UNMIK spokesman Charley Johnson said.

It was not known who, on the Serb side, had returned fire, or whether there had been casualties across the administrative border between the UN-run Yugoslav province and Serbia.

No one was injured inside Kosovo and three Albanians were arrested carrying military rifles and 133 rounds of live ammunition in the nearby town of Podujevo after the shooting, Johnson said.

Cross-border shooting is rare in the region, guarded by the NATO-led international peacekeeping force KFOR since the end of the 1998-1999 war between separatist Kosovo Albanians and Yugoslav forces. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

-------------- next part --------------
HTML attachment scrubbed and removed

From i_spaho at hotmail.com  Fri Oct  6 14:00:07 2000
From: i_spaho at hotmail.com (irma spaho)
Date: Fri, 06 Oct 2000 18:00:07 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Copeza letrare e fundjaves...
Message-ID: <F41wlib4g3Sv0YKpDS70000f993@hotmail.com>

FEMIJA BRENDA MEJE

Kam nje femije diku ne qenien time,
qe cdo mengjes me zgjon me nje deshire te cmendur,
te harroj kush jam e te kthehem mbrapsht ne kohera.
Te rend ne rruge e te luaj kukafshehtasi,
te harrohem pas trungje pemesh e detyrat t'i le pa bere,
e kur e lodhur nga dita te jem,
t'i ulem gjyshes ne preher
e t'i lutem t'me tregoje perralla
derisa te me zere i embli gjume.
Te me zgjoje cukitja e zogut ne dritare,
e ne aventura me Tipin te kridhem,
te shtrihem mes gjethesh e te mos leviz,
derisa dielli te puthet me perendimin,
e dashuria perveluese e atij bashkimi
te shkrije friken e strukur tek une.
Te ndaloj ne rruge e cdo vjershe qe mbaj mend
ta recitoj me ze te larte,
t'i varem degeve te kumbulles
derisa te me dhembin krahet,
mamin ta mbys me kersheri
e vellait te vogel floket t'ia shkul
sa per te marre mbrapsht nje te share;
te ha dhe cokollate pas cokollate,
pa u merakosur per linjat,
e paraleleve t'u gjarperosem
me elasticitetin e nje gjimnasteje, si dikur...

Kam nje femije te prape brenda vetes,
qe nuk e njeh fjalen "mos" e i pelqen te thote "s'dua",
nje femije qe seriozitetin e te rritures nuk e duroka dot me.
E dua, e dua cmendurisht kete rebele te pafajshme,
ne heshtje e kundroj e fanatisht e ruaj.

Cfare bekimi te kesh nje femije brenda vetes,
qe pafundesisht ta duash e ta kesh zili!

Tetor, 2000

LOTET


Dy globe shndrites qe rrokullisen syve te mi,
faqeve i bejne kanal ku gropos
shqetesimet, nostalgjine, humbjen.

Jeta ime tani-nje margaritar gjigand loti,
ku rrezet e durimit perthyhen ne muret memece te heshtjes,
cmendurisht kaperthehen ne dashuri vetevrasese me rrufete e psheretimave,
e lendimeve i bejne nje kend shplodhes sa per t'i dobesuar fuqine.

Sa besnike lotet! Lotet e mi!
Si nuk me lane nje here vetem,
edhe kur vetes i largohem e mundohem t'i fshihem?!

Tetor, 2000
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From kosova at MAILCITY.COM  Fri Oct  6 12:37:19 2000
From: kosova at MAILCITY.COM (Olsi)
Date: Fri, 06 Oct 2000 09:37:19 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} HISTORIA E SHQIPTAREVE, NGA ILIRET E LASHTE, NE EREN E ISLAMIT
Message-ID: <GCCPOGFNFIINJAAA@mailcity.com>

HISTORIA E SHQIPTAREVE, NGA ILIRET E LASHTE, NE EREN E ISLAMIT 
http://www.geocities.com/djalosh/historia.htm 

NGA: A. K. BOGDAN
Botuar ne revisten Amerikane THE BARNES REVIEW,
New York, Mars/Prill 2000, Volumi VI, Numri 2.

Shqiptaret i perkasin njerit prej kombeve me te vjeter te Evropes. Nga 1250 B.C. deri ne 168 B.C., Shqiperia eshte banuar nga 14 konfederata te fiseve Pellazge, te udhehequr nga Mbreter qe e shikonin para-ardhjen e tyre nga Akili. Ketu eshte nje rishikim i shkurter i rruges komplekse te Historise Shqiptare qe nga kohet e hershme e deri ne mes te shekullit te 19te. 

Mbreteria e Ilireve e arriti zenitin e saj ne shekullin e 4te B.C., nen mbreterine e Bardhylit (Ylli i Bardhe). Me vone mbreteria e tij u mund dhe u aneksua nga Filipi i II-te, babai i Aleksandrit te Madh, ne 358 B.C. Pas vdekjes se Aleksandrit te Madh, Iliret u cuan kunder Maqedonasve dhe Grekeve. Ne 312 B.C. Mbreti Ilir Glaus deboi kolonizatoret Greke nga ishujt e Korfuzit dhe nga Epidamnus (apo Durrachion, apo Durazzi, apo Dyrrahium, apo Durres).

Gjate dy lufterave Ilire te 229 dhe 219-tes B.C., Romaket munden te aneksonin pjesen me te madhe te Ballkanit Perendimor. Megjithe kete Mbreteria Ilire mbijetoi deri me 180 B.C. kur Dalmatet e deklaruan vetveten e tyre te pavarur dhe krijuan republiken e tyre te pavarur, e cila u pushtua nga Perandori Augustus ne 9 A.D., ne te njejtin vit ne te cilin legjionet Romane ne Gjermani u thyen nga Herman Saksoni.

Ne 171 B.C. Mbreti i fundit Ilir, Genti u zu rob ne rrethinat e Skutarit (Shkodres) dhe u dergua si rob ne Rome. Mbreteria e tij u nda ndermjet tre provincave Romane te Dalmacise, Maqedonise dhe Epirit. Gjate historise se Romes, pese Perandore Roman  Diocletiani, Klaudiusi i II, Aureliani, Probus dhe Konstandi i I kishin origjine Ilire.

Shqiptaret e hershem te mesjetes dolen nga kaosi i shkaterrimit te Perandorise Perendimore Romane si pasardhes te fiseve te Dardaneve dhe Feoneve, te cilet jetuan ne Ilirine e siperme dhe ne Trake deri ne kohet e pushtimeve massive te Goteve Gjerman, qe morren pjese ne trojet Shqiptare gjate shekullit te katert A.D.. Ne fund te shekullit te gjashte, Trako  Iliret u cvendosen nga dyndjet e Avareve, Anteve dhe fiseve Bullgare Turko-Ugrike te sllavizuarva.

Vendi i fundit ku Iliret gjeten strehim ne keto dyndje barbare ishin Malet e Epirit, Thesalise, Maqedonise Perendimore dhe Dalmacise. Ne 535, ushtrite e Perandorit Bizantin Justinian e pushtuan Ilirine dhe Moesine dhe debuan Gotet, Lombardet dhe Gepidet nga trojet Ilire. Por 100 vite me vone, Perandori Heracliu i II-te ftoi fiset gjysem te egra te Sorbianeve (Srbi, Serbet) dhe Khrobates (Hrvati, Kroatet) nga Kiskarpathia, te cilet te udhehequr nga lideret e tyre pushtuan territoret e Silezise se sotme dhe te Polonise Jugore, vende te braktisur nga Vandalet Gjerman dhe Ostragotet. Perandori Bizantin i vendosi ata (sllavet) ne Ballkanin Perendimor si mbrojtes te Konstandinopojes nga Avaret.[i]

Pas kesaj, Serbet, Kroatet dhe fise te tjera Sllave, shume shpejt dynden Moesine, Traken, Maqedonine dhe Greqine, biles sulmuan edhe Kreten. Megjithate Bizantinet i nenshtruan ata. Por Bullgaret (Bolgars, Volgars), nje rrace me origjine nga Turqit Altaik dhe rraces Urgike te bashkekohesve te tyre Mordovins dhe Guvasheve ne Rusine Veriore, i nenshtruan Serbet  ne fund te shekullit te nente. Cari i tyre, Simoni i Madh (A.D. 893  927), i konvertuar ne Kirshterizmin Ortodoks, e zgjeroi mbreterine e tij nga malet Karpate e deri ne detin Adriatik, duke perfshire ketu Shqiperine, Kosoven, Serbine dhe Malin e Zi te sotshem.

Kjo Perandoria e re Bullgare u shkaterrua ne betejen e Kleidonit ne 1014 nga Perandori Bizantin Basili i II, i cili urdheroi masakrimin e 10.000 Bullgareve te zene rober te luftes duke i qerruar nga syte.

  

Kronikat Islamike te mesjetes i identifikuan te paret e Shqiptareve me fiset Arabet e Krishtere te cilat emigruan ne zemer te Bizantit pas Islamizimit te hershem te Sirise, Palestines, Jordanise dhe Hixhazit. Shkrimtaret e hershem Arab te periudhes klasike Islame i diten mjaft mire ndarjet gjeografike te Ptolemeut te Aleksandrise, i cili fiset Ilire Albanoi i pershkroi si banore agresive qe jetonin ndermjet Dyrrahut-Roman e Albanopis-it. Muslimanet e shekullit te nente te Andaluzise (ne Spanjen pas-Vandalike) dhe Sicilise gjithashtu i njohen mjaft mire Sakalibet, apo Sllavet, te cilet si skllever militant dhe aleat te Avareve pushtuan pjesen Ilire te Ballkanit ne shekullin e shtate A.D.

Sllavet nomad dhe fiset e Sllavizuara Kroate sebashku me Serbet, i detyruan barinjte Shqiptar qe te braktisin vendet e tyre antike ne Arbanon, ne veri te Liqenit Oher. Kjo gje coi fiset Shqiptare qe te fortifikojne vetet e tyre ne kodrat e Ilirise Jug-Perendimore. Eshte e mundur qe disa Arab te Krishtere emigrant nga Siria te kene jetuar ne Maqedoni gjate shekullit te shtatet A.D. Ekziston mundesia qe ata tu jene bashkangjitur Shqiptareve ne kete periudhe ne ngujimet e tyre te reja ne Epir, Thesali dhe Shqiperine e siperme. Burimet Bizantine te kesaj kohe, konfirmojne se fisi i Krishterizuar Arab i Banu Ghasaneve i udhehequr nga Xhabal bin Al-Ahyan i mbiquajtur Arnaut, u largua nga Siria gjate marrjes se Sirise nga Muslimanet dhe u prit nga Perandori Kostandin II ne Maqedoni. Disa historiane spekullojne se Perandori Nikoforus i I qe komandoi Kostandinopojen ndermjet A.D. 802 dhe 811, ishte vete pasardhes i Xhabalit, i fundit i fisit te Ghasanideve.

Gjate periudhes se Khalifit te famshem Abasid, Harun al-Rashid ne Bagdad, edhe shkollaret me serioz Arab besonin se Arnautet e Shqiperise ishin Arabet Ghasanid nga Siria apo Berbere nga Afrika Veriore, te cilet te verbuar nga xhahilieti para-Islamik u kthyen ne krishtere. Ata kaluan detin Mesdhe dhe u vendosen ne token e Romaneve.[ii]

Pas renies se shtetit Islamik te Sicilise, shume Musliman Arab dhe Berber rrefugjate te luftes, kaluan detin e ngushte te Adriatikut dhe gjeten strehim ne Shqiperi via Raguzes (Dubrovnikut). Sa eshte numri i te shpetuarve nga masakra religjioze kunder Muslimaneve te shperngulur nga qyteti Pulian i Luceres (A.D. 1300) te cilet shpetuan nga shpata Krishtere dhe gjeten strehim ne kodrat e Shqiperise eshte nje subjekt i hapur ndaj debatit historik.[iii]

Padyshim se disa mbijetues Musliman nga  safe heaven-i (qielli i sigurt) mesjetar i Luceres arriten te vendosen dhe streohen ne republiken e pavarur te Raguzes, e cila ne te kaluaren kishte patur marredhenie mjaft te mira tregtare me Siciline Islamike. Nese gjenerata e trete e ketyre rrefugjateve Muslimane nga Sicilia dhe Pulia mbijetuan si Musliman apo si Kripto-Musliman ne Malet Shqiptare, sigurisht qe ata do te kene qene ndermjet atyre njerezve qe ne menyre entuziaste mirepriten trupat Turke te udhehequra nga Jakut Pasha dhe nga Hoxha Firouz, ne kryeqytetin Shqiptar te Krujes (Aksa Hicar) ne 1396.

Shqiperia e vjeter e Madhe e mesjetes u ka pat ndare ne dy grupe linguistike kryesore: Geget dhe Tosket. Emri i te pareve i shkon Shqiptareve te Veriut te Shqiperise dhe i dyti Jugoreve. Geget jane malesore qe jetojne ne zonat e Shkodres, ne Kosove, gjithashtu ne Diber, dhe ne qytetin e Maqedonise ne Uskub (Shkup). Ata ndoshta jane, pasardhes te fiseve Ilire te Penestit dhe Linkesti.

Disa nga fiset Gege, si Miredita, Grudi, Kelmendi dhe Kastrati qendruan katolike nominal. Megjithate shumica e Gegeve gradualisht pranuan Islamin ne shekullin e 15te. Geget Musliman dhe Krishtere kane nje tradite te gjate hakmarrjesh me rituale te vjetra qe kerkojne gjak per cdo te vrare, rrembim femre apo per fyerje.

Gjakemarrja (mes Gegeve) eshte e sanksionuar nga ligji para-Islamik i Leke Dukagjinit qe quhet Ligji i Vjeter. Sipas ligjit te Lekes, burri Shqiptar eshte totalisht i pergjegjshem per sigurine e miqve te tij. Dhe vrasesi ne mbrojtje te nderit sipas Ligjit te Vjeter nuk mund te shihet si vrasesi qe e nis gjakesine. Gjaksori, apo vrasesi, zakonisht penalizohet duke ia vene shtepine ne zjarr.

Ne fillimin e shekullit te 20te me shume se 75% Gegeve Shqiptare ishin Sunni Musliman, dhe rreth 10% e tyre ishin ndjekes te kultit Dervishler te Bektashive.

Tosket Jugore te Shqiperise jetojne ne Janine (Epiri i Vjeter) dhe Preveze, dhe ne zonen e Permetit. Ne shekullin e 14te A.D., mercenaret Shqiptare te zoterinjeve Latin ne Greqi emigruan ne Epir dhe infiltruan ne Thesali, More dhe ne shume ishuj te Egjeut, ku ata u vendosen dhe stabilizuan kolonite e tyre.

Keto koloni Shqiptaresh mjaft te Helenizuar kishin privilegje speciale nga Turqit. Megjithate shume prej tyre migruan ne Pulia, Kalabri dhe Sicili, ku ata iu bashkuan katolikeve te ashper Arberesh, te cilet u larguan nga Shqiperia e Mesme pas renies se rrebelimit te Skenderbeut.[iv]

Shumica e Toskeve, u konvertuan ne Islam heret ne shekullin e 15te. Megjithate shume prej tyre e pranuan Islamin shume kohe perpara pushtimit Turk te Shqiperise se poshtme. Ne Evropen e Krishtere Mesjetare, nderrimi i fese nuk ishte ndonje problem i madh teologjik per shumicen e njerezve te thjeshte, te cilet nuk e trajtonin Islamin dhe Krishterizmin si dy religjione te kunderta ne doktrina. Per masat e Krishterizuara te Evropes, Islami dhe Krishterizmi, ashtu si Ortodoksia dhe Katolicizmi, apo me vone Katolicizmi dhe Protestanizmi, ishin me shume dy sisteme te ndryshme te riteve religjioze. Per me teper popullariteti i para-Manikean dhe herezive semi-te Krishtera te cilat linden dhe rrezatuan ne Ballkan inspiruan shume heretike influencal ne Perendim. Katharet [paraardhes te Albigensianeve-ed] dhe Paterenset ishin mjaft te perhapur ne tokat Mesdhetare ndermjet Pireneve dhe Maleve Rodope. Eshte mjaft veshtire qe te besosh se Shqiperia nuk eshte prekur nga keto levizje religjioze. Por ne mundet qe te spekullojme vetem per ekzisten e Bogumileve (Theofilet) dhe Babuneve ne Shqiperi. Ndoshta disa Shqiptare u ndikuan nga disidentet Ballkanik Kishtare te cilet nuk e pranuan autoritetin e Peshkopeve Katolik dhe te Patriarkeve Ortodoks. Malet e Shqiperise ishin nje vend ideal per strehimin e te Krishtereve disidente te denuar nga inkuizitoret e Papes qe i denon ne zjarr. Urdheri shpirteror Franceskan dhe ndjekesit e Joakimit te Flores nga Kalabria-te pabidnur ndaj Papes Xhon XXII-ndertuan komunat e tyre ne malet e Shqiperise. Malet e Shqiperise ishin nje vend ideale per mistiket Krishtere te koherave te hershme.

Perhapja gjeografike e dy kishave antagoniste (Kishes Ortodokse dhe Katolike) ka lene rrenje te thella ne historine e lashte te Shqiperise.  Sipas tekstit te Testamentit te Ri (Romanet 15:19), Shen Pali fene e re Krishtere te cilen ai e formoi e predikoi ne Durrachium (Durres). Qytetet e Shkodres (Scodra), Vlores (Aulon, Avlona), dhe Prevezes (Nicopolis) u kthyen ne dioqeza te Peshkopeve Ilire. Por Iliret ne pergjithesi ishin mjaft armiqesor ndaj Krishterimit, dhe Perandoret me origjine Dalmate Decius dhe Dioceletan i persekutuan pameshire ndjekesit e Palit. Ne vitin 311 A.D., emri Krishterim u zhduk nga Epiri dhe Dalmacia.

Megjithate, pas deklarimit te Krishterimit si fe shteterore te Romaneve nga Kostandini, Peshkopet Katolik ndertuan kishat e tyre ne Praevlis (Shqiperine e siperme) dhe Maqedoni. Ishte Shen Jeromi (Hieronumus) nga qyteti Dalmat i Stridonit, ai qe perktheu ne Latinisht, shkrimin e Krishtere nga shkrimet Greke.

Ne shekullin e 9te, pas pushtimeve shkaterruese nga Avaret dhe Sllavet, Shqiperia u pushtua nga Bullgaret turq, te cilet ishin Sllavizuar dhe Krishterizuar ne 865. Khani i tyre, Samueli, e pushtoi Shqiperine 26 here, por ne 1018, Perandori Vasilis II, Bullgar Vrasesi, i mundi ata dhe e rivitalizoi pushtetin Bizantin mbi Ballkan. Nen pushtimin Bullgar, Shqiptaret katolike u konfuzuan nga lufta teologjike ndermjet Papes, Nikolles se I, dhe Patriarkut Fotius. Kur devijimi Lindor me ne fund e ndau Krishterimin ne kishat Greke dhe Romane (1054), Krishteret Shqiptare te Praevalisit u deklaruan te jene katolike, dhe kusherinjte tyre ne Epir qendruan nen autoritetin religjioz te Patriarkanes Greke.

Islami u perhape ne Evropen Jug-Lindore ne baza te pasioneve gjeniale fetare, te cilat prodhuan nje kulture vibrante dhe te fuqishme te stimuluar nga shpirti pushtues i Osmanllive.

Ne 1330-at feudalet e vegjel Franko  Bizantine te ishujve te Egjeut u kthyhen ne vasale te Emireve Turq, dhe mercenaret Katalan nga Aragona bashkepunuan ngushte me clirimtaret Musliman ne More (Peleponez).[v]


Ne fillim te shekullit te 15te kur mijera varfanjake Bizantine, detare dhe anije ndertues nga Kreta dhe Kostandinopoja (Stambolli) dezertuan ne emiratet Muslimane te Azise se Vogel, ku ata pranuan Islamin, ata te udhehequr nga detaret Turq sulmuan kolonite Veneciane.[vi] Sherbetore dhe bujkerober te shtypur Bizantine migruan ne territoret Muslimane, ne numra kaq te medhenje saqe shume territore te Thesalise dhe Trakes u depopulluan teresisht ne fundet e viteve 1340te. Shume feudale te vegjel dhe lidere feudesh, e pranuan superioritetin e Islamit pa ndonje vaksinim Teologjik. Perandori Bizantin Andronikus i III, i beri homazhe Emirit Umur te Ajdinit dhe e pranoi shtetin e tij Islam si fuqine superiore te rregjionit. Vasilius-i (Perandori-Mbreti) Bizantin qe i pagonte taksa vjetore Emirit Umur, i dha kolonizatorit Musliman ishullin e Kios si dhurate. Me vone, Emiri Umur ishte ai qe u ftua nga Perandori Andronicus III dhe Xhon Cantacuzensi qe te nderhynte ushtarakisht ne tokat e tyre vasale Krishtere, te percara ne lufte civile.[vii]

  

Shume nga paria Krishtere gjithashtu nuk hezitonin qe te ftonin Muslimanet Turq ne luftrat e tyre me shtetet e tjera Krishtere. Sigimonto Pandolfo Malateste (1417-1468), udheheqes i Riminit, i dergoi nje leter te shkruar nga keshilltari i tij, humanisti Roberto Valturio Sulltanit Muhamed II Fatihut, me nje ftese te hapur ndaj tij qe te pushtonte Romen. Ai i bashkoi letres se tij nje harte mjaft te detajuar te Italise. Ne Prill te 1486, Boccolino Guzzoni (Gazonio), qe pushtoi qytetin Papal te Osimos prane Ankones i dergoi nje leter Sultanit me propozim per koalicion kunder shtetit-kishe. Kur marinsat Muslimane nga Durresi pushtuan portin e Otrantos ne Itali, banoret katolike te Pikenos shprehen gadishmerine e tyre qe te pranonin fene dhe mbikqyrjen e Turkut te Madh (Grand Turco).[viii]

  

Historia e Shqiptareve eshte nje nga paradokset me te medha ne kronikat e civilizimit Europian. Mileniumi i kotesise per Shqiptaret, mbaroi me nderhyrjen Turke ne Ballkan. Ne shekullin e 16te, Shqiperia sebashku me Bosnjen dhe Maqedonine, perfaqesonin cepin e Khalifatit Osmanlli qe ishte i zene ne anti-kryqezate kunder Kishes Militante, dhe brigjet e Adriatikut ishin ato qe i ofronin Osmanllive strategjine me te mire te mbrojtjes kunder Papeve dhe Kryqtareve. Megjithate dalja e Shqiperise Muslimane si baza kryesore e Turqve ne strategjine Osmane per supremaci do te ngelet e paqarte nese do te vleresohet objektivisht.

Shqiperia gjithashtu ka qene pjese e civilizimit Islam, ku rezistenca e fiseve Muslimane Shqiptare ndaj autoritetit Osman, krijoi nje administrate autonome (Shqiptare). Evolucioni i Shqiperise Katoliko Romane nga nje shtet klient i Republikes se Venecies ne nje shtet Islam ne menyre radikale ndryshoi eliten Shqiptare dhe popullin Shqiptar.

Bullgaret dhe Serbet pushtues e ndertuan supremacine e tyre ne ish-Ilirine Bizantine me forcen e armeve. Por Shqiptaret e kundershtuan Sllavizmin agresive dhe e kundersulmuan. Ushtrite Serbe dhe Bizantine u nenshtruan nga Bizantinet. Nga shekulli i 11te deri ne te 15tin, tokat Veri-Lindore te Arberesheve Mesjetare qendruan nen pushtimin e Feudaleve Serb te Zetes dhe te Rashes, te cilet papushim e zgjeruan pushtetin e tyre mbi Shqiperi deri ne renien e Mbreterise Serbe ne gjysmen e dyte te shekullit te 14te.

Pushteti Serb mbi feudin e Decanit ne 1330, dhe gjithashtu kapitujt per manastires Ortodokse te Shen Mikhailit dhe Gabrielit ne Prizren (nga 1348 dhe 1353) qartesisht tregojne per prezencen e popullsise se madhe Shqiptare ne te gjithe fshatrat e Maqedonise Perendimore, Kosove dhe Metohi. Ata (Shqiptaret) ne kete kohe ishin barinje, mercenare dhe bujqer.[ix] Nen tiranine Serbe, Shqiptaret Romano  katolik dhe krishtere ortodoks te ritit Grek, u pagezuan me dhune ne kishen Serbe, te themeluar gjate rregjimit shtypes te Stefan Dushanit. Sipas ligjit te tij drakonian, vetem kisha Serbe ishte Krishtere e vertete. Te gjitha fete e tjera ishin te ndaluara. Ata qe refuzonin qe te vaftiseshin nga Prifterinjte Serbe u damkosnin ne fytyre me hekur te nxehte, u debonin, dhe pasurite e tyre u konfiskonin nga Cari Serb. Shume feudal Shqiptar katolik dhe njerez te tyre te cilet i rezistuan politikes se Serbizimit u ekzekutuan.[x]

  

Perpara pushtimit te Shqiperise nga Serbet, ushtare aventurier Norman ishin ata dominuan regjionin e Adriatikut. Ata e pushtuan Siciline Muslimane dhe Jugun e Italise duke ndihmuar Papen dhe princat Lombardez te rimarrin Pulian dhe Calabrine. Ne 1078, Peshkopi i Devollit (Diabolis) ne Shqiperine qendrore ishte ai qe, therriti trupat Normane nga Italia qe te mbeshtesnin Romanet katolik lokal kunder Bizantineve. Normanet erdhen ne Shqiperi me mercenare Muslimane nga Sicilia dhe me nje kontingjent te vogel Bullgaresh dhe Grekesh, te udhehequr nga Nikofor Vasilikus. Por kjo ushtri multi-etnike dhe multi-religjioze, u mund nga autokrati Aleksius Comnenus ne 1079.

Gjate kesaj lufte, ushtria Bizantine u mbeshtet nga Muslimanet Selxhuk te Sulltan Sulejmanit dhe nga trupa mercenare Turke. Ushtaret Musliman Maqedonas ishin Turq pengje lufte te burgosur nga Xhon Comnenos gjate luftes Selxhuko-Bizantine ne Azine e Vogel.

Megjithate, pas dy vjetesh Normanet te udhehequr nga Robert Guiskardi (Robert Dinaku) dhe biri i tij Boemund, u kthyen ne Shqiperi nga Otrantoja dhe morren Durresin dhe Vloren (Avlona). Disa muaj me vone Normanet lehtesisht pushtuan Shkupin dhe Ohrin.[xi] Perandori Aleksis i shtangur perpara humbjeve ne Shqiperi kerkoi nga Sulltani Selxhuk Sulejmani per ndihme urgjente. Udheheqesi Musliman i Rumit (Konya) i dergoi atij 7.000 luftetare me eksperience, te udhehequr nga Kamir-khani (Kamires). Ushtria e re Bizantine e udhehequr personalisht nga autokrati Aleksis dhe aleatet e tij Musliman sulmuan normanet prane Larises ne Jug te Maqedonise. Por trupat e Beomundit i rezistuan forces se sulmit Bizantine, Turqve Musliman dhe shigjetareve Oguz dhe arriten te mbijetojne.

  

Pas kolapsit te pushtetit Bizantin ne Shqiperi, Normanet ndertuan mbreterine e tyre ne Shqiperi, e cila shkonte nga Durresi deri ne lumin Vardar, ku fiset nomade Turke te Pechegeneve dhe Oguzet (Vg Vz) kamponin gjate veres. Keta kalores nga Stepat Kipchak-e vazhdimisht e kalonin lumin e Danubit prane Dobrujes dhe grabisnin Ballkanin deri ne perendim te liqenit te Ohrit.

Gjate dy shekujsh, portet Shqiptare te Durresit dhe Vlores u kthyen ne dyert e kryqtareve Perendimor per ne Outremer via Egnatia (per ne rrugen Egnatia). Gjate kryqezates se katert (1202  1204), disa nga Militae Christi (militantet e Krishtere) Perendimoret, qe ne shumice ishin Hospitallers (nga urdheri i Shen Xhonit) dhe Templare, pushtuan Shqiperine, perpara fillimit te grabitjeve e rremujrave te tyre ne Kostandinopoje, dhe e futen territorin e Shqiperise nen mbreterine e tyre Latine nen udheheqjen e Baldvinit te Flandersit. Cfare ne dime rreth popullsise Shqiptare te kesaj kohe eshte nje dije e limituar si rrjedhoje e mos pjesemarrjes se Shqiptareve ne luften per pushtet mes Dukeve Franko-Norman dhe atyre Venecian. Gjate kesaj kohe i vetmi entitet i njohur gjysem i pavarur i Shqiperise ishte Kruja, ku feudali i saj i quajtur Progon kishte nen pushtet nje keshtjelle te vogel. Ne 1208, nipi i tij Dimitri e kundershtoi pushtetin Serb te Despotatit te Zetes qe udhehiqej nga Prinic i Madh Gjergj, dhe Venecianet te cilet kontrollonin mjaft pjese te Adriatikut.

Kur kryqtaret Perendimore vendosen pushtetin e tyre ne Kostandinopoje,  Princi i Komneneve, Mikhali I u terhoq ne Shqiperi, ku forcat e tija besnike ishin ne gjendje qe te debonin Venedikasit nga shume pjese te Adriatikut. Ne Janine ai deklaroi formimin e Despotatit te pavarur te Epirit, qe shkonte deri ne Shkoder. Pas vdekjes se tij ne 1215, Theodore Engjelli dhe me vone djali i Mikhail Komnenusit, Mikhaili II Paleologus (1230  1267), restoruan ne Shqiperi supremitetin e kishes Ortodokse. Ne 1258, Mikhaili II ia dha vajzen e tij Helenen, Manfredit Mbretit Hohenstaufen e te dy Sicilive.  Paja e saj (Helenes) permbante tokat Shqiptare qe shkonin nga Korfuzi e deri ne Berat. Tete vjet me vone pas vdekjes se dhunshme te Manfredit, Shqiperia kaloi ne duar te Charlit I te dAnjou-t (Anxhevine) nga Burgundi. Ne 1274, 19 kryetare fisesh Shqiptare nga Shqiperia e mesme e njohen ate si Mbret. Kurse Epiri i kaloi te dy udheheqesve te fundit te Komneneve, Nikoforit (1267-93), dhe me pas te biri i tij Thomais (1293-1318), i cili u vra nga biri i motres se tij, Nikolaus Orsini. Me vone edhe Nikolaus, u vra nga vellai i tij Xhon, i cili me pas u helmua nga gruaja e tij, Anna Paleologus, nena e Nikoforit II (qe u vra gjate pushtimit te fiseve Shqiptare te veriut, ne 1358).

Carli i I i Angjevine u trashegua nga biri i tij invalid, Carlsi II, i cili urdheroi ne 1300en debimin e Muslimaneve Sicilian per ne qytetin e Pulias, ne Lucera.  Carli i II, ia dhuroi mbreterine e Shqiperise birit te tij Filipit, Dukes se Tarantos. Pas vdekjes se tij me 1333, Shqiperia u udhehoq nga vellai i Filipit, Xhoni i Gravines, dhe dy vjet me pas nga djali i Xhonit Carli, i cili u var ne Aversa, ne 1347 nga kusheriri i tij Luisi, Mbret i Hungarise. Ne 1368, udheheqesi i ri Angevin, Filipi i II u zevendesua nga klani Shqiptar i Topiave. Despotati i Epirit u morr nga Gjin Bua Shpata, nje feudal Shqiptar nga Delvina. Gjin Shpata gjithashtu pushtoi shtetin Frank te Thesalise. Ne 1380 dhe 1382, Despoti Serb i Janines kerkoi ndihme nga trupat Muslimane Turke qe te shtynin mbrapsh bandat hajdute te Gjin Bua Shpates. Ne 1381 dhe 1384, feudalet Latin te Artes kerkuan mbrojtje nga trupat Turke, ndaj klanit pushtues te Zenebishteve nga Gjirokastra. Mercenaret Turq, qe i thyen kacaket Shqiptare vendosen rregull ne Epir. Por ne Shqiperine e Mesme, vasalet e Angjevineve krijuan tre despotate te vogla Shqiptare te udhehequra nga klanet e Muzakes nga Berati (1280-1389), Topia nga Durresi (1338-1460) dhe Balsha nga Shkodra (1360-1421). Tanush Topia u martua me vajzen e padegjueshme te Robertit, Mbretit Angjevin te Napolit, por me vone mbreti Robert i terbuar e vrau Tanushin sebashku me gruan e tij. Ne 1385, djali i tyre Karlo Topia kerkoi nga Sulltan Murati I per nderhyrje dhe ndihme militare kunder kusheririt te tij Gjorgji Balsha II. Sulltani Osman i dergoi atij 40.000 Jenicere nga Maqedonia, te cilet e mposhten ushtrine e Balshes se II ne betejen e Savra-se, prane lumit Vjose ne 18, shtator te 1385-es. Gjorgji Balsha gjithashtu u vra ne kete beteje gjate perpjekjes se tij per te hikur nga beteja.  Analistet Osman e pershkruan kete beteje si ekspediten ne Karli-ili (ne tokat e Karlit).

Pas shkaterrimit te Serbise, feudalet Verior te Shqiperise si Balshat, Topiat, Dushmanet, Spanaj dhe Dukagjinet dolen si udheheqes te pavarur te Shqiperise. Vetem Kosovaret qendruan nen tiranine Serbe deri me 1455, kur trupat Turke i cliruan ata nga rregjimi shtypes i Princit Brankovic.

Shqiptaret modern, e quajne veten e tyre Shqiptare qe nenkupton njerez te tokes se Shqiponjave. Ata adoptuan emblemen e vjeter Bizantine, Shqiponjen me dy koke  e cila ne syte Bizantine simbolizon unitetin imperial te Perendimit dhe Lindjes Romane  si shenje te rrobave te tyre te luftes. Megjithate, nje Shqiptar nga Tetova i tha shkruesit te ketij artikulli se Shqiponja me dy koke dhe fusha e kuqe ka nje tjeter kuptim per Shqiptaret qe eshte: Shqiponja Shqiptare eshte vigjilente kundrejt rreziqeve te Lindjes dhe Perendimit.

Ne gjuhen Shqipe, fjala I-liria nenkupton liri. Shumica e Shqiptareve ne Shqiperi, Kosove, Cameri (Janina), Maqedonine perendimore dhe ne jug te Malit te Zi e pranuan Islamin kur krishterizmi hyri ne kohet e Rilindjes (reneissance) dhe Reformimit. Procesi i Islamizimit te Ballkanit, ashtu si procesi i Krishterizimit te Evropes Veriore ishte gradual dhe me shume faza, por padyshim shume me pak i dhunshem sesa konvertimi i Polakeve dhe Hungarezeve ne Katolicizmin Roman apo ai i Bullgareve dhe Serbeve ne Ortodoksine Greke.

Klisheja e dashur per Serbet qe flet per Turkizim / Islamizim te dhunshem (te Shqiptareve) eshte aq jo-korrekt historikisht, sa jane edhe pretendimet per dhomat e gazit mbytes nga SS-et dhe furrave te pjekjes ne shkrimet e Elie Wiesels-it. Duke njohur rracizmin ksenofobik dhe shpirtin luftetar te Shqiptarit, krenarine, dhe ne te njejten kohe rezistencen konstante te Shqiptareve kunder pushtuesve nga Perendimi, Jugu, Lindja e Veriu, eshte mjaft e veshtire qe te besohet qe Islami, qe eshte sot pjesa me e rendesishme e nacionalizmit Shqiptar, te jete imponuar mbi kete komb krenar, te lashte te rraces Ariane ne Evrope nga Turqit. Askush nuk i detyron dot Shqiptaret qe te besojne ate qe ata e mohojne. Komunistet fanatike u munduan per 45 vite per kete, e sot Shqiptaret falen serishte ne xhami te rindertuara dhe te reja. Rrebelet Shqiptare shpesh shpesh i rrezistuan rregjimit te korruptuar dhe brutal te feudaleve Turq, por kurre kunder fese se Turqve. Per ironi, ne shekullin e 19te, kur Padishahu dekadent Sultan Mahmud i II deklaroi politiken e tij te Tanizmatit (Reformimin), ishin Shqiptaret Musliman dhe Boshniaket ata qe u cuan kunder Ottomanizmit, krijuan shtetet e tyre Islamike dhe deklaruan Jihad (lufte vetembrojtese) kunder Turqve te rrezikshem qe tradhetuan stilin Islamik te jetes. 

Muslimanet Shqiptar jane krenar qe jane Evropian, Arian me origjine Musliman. Si simboli i Shqiponjes se tyre te Zeze, ata shohin ne Orientin Islamik dhe ne Perendimin Evropian me admirim, por ne zemrat e tyre ata kurre nuk iu nenshtruan diktatit Turk apo skemave Perendimore.

Data precise e mas konvertimit ne Islam ne Shqiperi dhe Maqedoni eshte e debatueshme, por reportet e dioqezes te derguara nga Peshkopet Shqiptar te Durresit papeve dhe Congregatio de Propaganda Fide  (qendres se propagandas se Fese, ne Vatikan) na lejon ne qe te arrijme ne nje date te perafert te Islamizimit te Shqiptareve. Burimet indikojne qe konvertet me te hershem origjinuan mes kryetareve te fiseve dhe te masave te shtypura te shoqerise Shqiptare qe aspironin qe te permiresonin gjendjen e tyre shpirterore dhe sociale.[xii]

Shumica e Shqiptareve te Tivarit qe nuk emigruan ne Itali dhe ne Austri pranuan Islamin. Kur konvertimi ne Islam u shtua, kishat e braktisura u kthyen ne xhamira. Ne 1610, vetem dy katedrale sherbyen per nje mije katolike roman.[xiii] I derguari i Papes, Marino Bizzi shkruajti ne te njejtin vit se perballe klerit te fjetur dhe te paedukuar katolik, perhapja e Islamit ne Shqiperi nga hoxhallare te zellshem dhe dervishlere te hijshem ishte i gjalle dhe entuziaste.[xiv] Vetem klanet e Miredites dhe Klementit ne menyre fanatike iu permbajten Katolicizmit rural Roman, duke marre shans nga avantazhi qe Osmanet i kishin dhene fiseve te tyre si njerez te mbrojtur. Disa fise te Toskeve Jugor qendruan ne kishen Ortodokse Greke. Konvertimi masiv i Shqiptareve ne Islam morri pjese ndermjet 1620 dhe 1650. Brenda tre dekadash, 300.000 Shqiptar Katolik Roman pranuan Islamin.[xv]

Pas renies se mbreterise Serbe dhe disintegrimin e Perandorise Bizantine ne mes te shekullit te 14te, malesoret Shqiptare rrimoren tokat e tyre te humbura te Ilirise, Maqedonise dhe Epirit. Ne dekaden e pare te shekullit te 14te, akoma nen presionin Sllav dhe Bullgar, klanet Shqiptare u perhapen ne Boetia, Attika, Thessali dhe Morea (Peleponez) te kontrolluara nga Greket, ku ata u ndeshen me baronet Franko-Norman dhe i pergatiten keto territore per Islamizimin e ardhshem. Pas rrenimit te Kostandinopojes nga kryqtaret ne 1204, fuedalet e vegjel Shqiptar dhe kryepleqte ndane mes tyre tokat e Ilirise Jugore tashme te marra nga Greket dhe i tranformuan ato ne zona te lira. Duke luftuar mes njeri tjetrit dhe duke i rezistuar pushtimit Serb, keto mini-shtete feudale Shqiptare furnizuan me mercenare te ashper fuqite regjionale Latine, te cilat luftuan per supremaci ne rruget tregtare te Adriatikut qe conin per ne Afriken Veriore Muslimane (Magrib) dhe ne Levant. Tosket Jugore zakonisht njohen sa per sy e faqe Perandoret Bizantine si sundues te tyre, por Geget katolike favorizuan pushtetin e Dukeve Franko  Norman, Veneciane dhe Papet e Romes. Ne 1417, Sulltan Muhamedi I e shtriu shtetin Islam mbi te gjitha territoret Shqiptare, duke e transformuar Shqiperine e Jugut dhe Epirin ne nje Sanxhak te ri te quajtur Arvanit-ili (toka e Arnauteve) me Argyrokastren (Gjirokastren) si kapitalin e tij.[xvi]

Gjenerata e pare e feudaleve te vegjel Shqiptare mbajten fene Krishtere, por shumica e bijve te tyre u kthyen ne Musliman. Sulltanet Turq, asnjehere nuk i forcuan Shqiptaret qe te kthehen ne Islam. Ne te kundert peshkopet Katolike dhe patriarket Ortodoks morren timare te majme (prona, toke), dhe fiset e armatosura Krishtere sherbyen ne ushtrine Osmane. Ushtaret e krishtere ishin te mbrojture nga taksat dhe u paguanin mire nga autoritetet Muslimane. Fisi luftetar Katolik i Klementeve paguante vetem 1.000 akca taksa te Sanxhak-beu, dhe ata nuk paguanin taksat e ushr-it dhe awarid-i divani (lloj takes shteterore) si mbrojtes te rrugeve strategjike.[xvii] 

Gjate periudhes se Muratit te II, Shqiperia u kthye ne nje pjese integrale te shtetit Osman, por disa kryetare fisesh Katolike te Shqiperise Perendimore akoma vazhdonin te bashkepunonin me Republiken e Venecies dhe Mbreterine e Napolit. Ata, ne rastin me te pare grabisnin qytetet Muslimane. Keta kryetare fisesh ishin mjaft te pakenqaur me sistemin e timareve dhe dobesimin e feudeve te tyre. Ne 1431, klanet e fuqishme te Arianiteve dhe Kastrioteve  fuqia e te cileve kishte rene nen ligjet e Sheriatit  u rrebeluan kunder shtetit Islam. Por ata u shtypen serisht, sepse shumica e Shqiptareve Krishtere timar-mbajtes nuk e mbeshteten rremujen e tyre. Vetem nje bande e vogel rrebelesh e udhehequr nga Skenderbeu, qe ishte mjaft mire i armatosur dhe paguar nga mbreti i Napolit, vazhdoi luften deri me 1468. Nena e Skenderbeut ishte nje grua Serbe, por ai (Skenderbeu) studioi ne Stamboll. Pas vdekjes se tij, pax-Ottomanica u rikthye ne Shqiperi.

Disa Shqiptare e pranuan Islamin  si me pare me katolicizmin Roman apo Ortodoksine Greke  per arsye te zakonshme, dhe disa nga fuqia thirrese e doktrines Islame. Padyshim qe ne duhet qe te mbajme ne mend se shoqerite mesjetare te Evropes ishin Katolike, Ortodokse apo Muslimane kjo sepse lideret e tyre mbeshtesnin rregjimet e tyre me ato ide. Por agjenti me i fuqishem i Islamizimit ne tokat e dominuara Osmane te Evropes Lindore nuk ishte as fuqia fitimtare Turke, as dekadenca e Kishave Krishtere, por puna misionare dhe stimuli i dervisheve dhe hoxheve Islam te cilet predikonin pa lodhje fjalet e Kuranit te afermve te tyre.[xviii] Edhe pas renies se rrebelimit te Skenderbeut, autoritetet Turke nuk i detyruan Shqiptaret e Krishtere qe te pranojne Islamin, pasiqe dihet qe Sulltanet Osman nuk Islamizuan dot as grate e tyre Serbe, Bizantine apo Perendimore. Megjithate disa te krishtere Shqiptare, Serb, Greke dhe Bullgare ua dhane me qera vajzat e tyre feudaleve Muslimane (derbeys) per nje periudhe te caktuar kohe. Feudalet Musliman paguan nje shume te caktuar parashe ndaj babes qe jepte me qera bijen e tij.[xix]

Por ne Britanine e Krishtere, bujkroberit e feudaleve ishin shume here me te degraduar nga tradita e tyre e jus prima noctae, qe i dha feudaleve Britanike te drejten qe te perdhunonin ne naten e pare te marteses grate e bujkroberve te tyre Skoceze. Fisniket aristokrate Angleze nuk paguanin per kete (te drejte.)

  
Gjate pushtetit te Sulltan Bajazidit te I, administratoret Musliman te sanxhakeve te Shqiperise, inaguruan sistem te ri ne timar-mbajtjen. Lufta shkaterruese e Osmanli  Timurid it ne Anatoli e frenoi ekspansionin rapid te shtetit Islam mbi Evrope, por pas nje stagnimi ndermjet viteve 1402  1417, nen udheheqjen e Mehmetit te I, pushteti Osman u shtri ne te gjithe Shqiperine. Procesi i shtrirjes se pushtetit Osman mbi Shqiperi ishte nje process mjaft i veshtire pasiqe ne Shqiperi qe nga renia e pushtetit te mbreterise Serbe, nuk kishte ekzistuar ndonje pushtet qendror. Sultaneve Osman iu desh qe te krijonin lidhje vellazerore me cdo feudal individual apo kryetar fisi Shqiptar. Disa prej tyre u caktuan si kryetar vilajetesh (provincash) dhe te tjeret u caktuan komandant te trupave Krishtere ne ushtrine Osmane. Qendra e Skenderbeut ne Kruje, qe u morr me 1478, u riemerua Akca Hisar (Keshtjella e Bardhe), dhe mbrojtesit e Krishtere te Lesh-it (Lezhes) kapitulluan pa ndonje rrethim. Qyteti i Shkodres iu bashkua shtetit Osman me 1479. Dy vjet me vone porti i Durresit dhe keshtjella te tjera te pushtuara nga Venecianet ne brigjet e Adriatikut iu dorezuan Osmaneve. Ne vitin 1571 e gjithe Shqiperia ishte nen shtetin Osman.[xx]

Gjate fushates se Sulltan Muhamedit te II kunder rrebeleve te Skenderbeut ne Shqiperine qendrore, Turqit ndertuan qytetin e madh te Elbasanit, qe u kthye ne qendren me te fuqishme te Islamizimit ne Shqiperi. Arkitektet Musliman ndertuan qytete krejtesisht te reja ne Shqiperi si Tirana, Peqini, Gjakova. Qindra ura te reja te ndertuara lidhen token qe me pare ishte nje periferi e dominimit Venecian dhe Dukeve Norman me zemren e civilizimit Islamik te Azise. Shume nga muslimanet e rinj Shqiptar ne menyre te vendosur mbeshteten urbanizimin dhe edukimin Islam te inaguruar nga pushtimi Osman mbi vendin e tyre. Hadim Suleiman Effendija, nje fshatar Shqiptar nga nje fshat prane Gjakoves i cili pas pranimit te Islamit u cua ne karriere ne postin e gjeneralit te larte te Sulltanit ne Stamboll, ndertoi nje sistem te tijin edukativ bursar dhe mbeshtetes per Shqiptaret e talentuar. Ai ndertoi ne Gjakove nje Xhami te madhe, nje kolegj Islam, nje shkolle fillore, librari, pazar per publikun, banjo publike dhe nje kulle me sahat.[xxi]

Sipas censusit Osman te 1520es, ne sanxhaket e Shqiperise jetonin 15.000 Musliman, 2500 Hebrenje emigrante te debuar nga Spanja e ri-krishterizuar dhe Portugalia dhe 495.000 te Krishtere. Ndermjet 1506 dhe 1520, ne Shqiperi jetonin 5.850 Turq Musliman, dmth 1,01 perqind e popullsise totale te Shqiperise. Timar mbajtesit Turq ne Shqiperi, nuk ishin me shume se 800 trupa ushtarake, imam, ulema dhe familjet e tyre. Nje numer shume i vogel s&#476;rg&#476;nler-esh (Turqish te debuar) nga Konya dhe Juruku nomade nga Koja-ili, Sarukhan dhe Janik mbronin rruget strategjike prane Dibres kunder malesoreve te Shqiperise se veriut.[xxii]

Pothuajse te gjitha 528 familjet Cifute qe u debuan nga Spanja ishin vendosur ne Vlore. Shumica e qytetareve Musliman te kohes jetonin ne Elbasan, Berat (i therritur nga Osmanet: Arnavud Beograd apo Velarde) dhe Tirane.[xxiii] Ne vitin 1583, ne Berat kishte 650 familje Muslimane dhe 400 familje Krishtere. Muslimanet dhe te Krishteret jetonin ne zona te ndara. Ne 1520en, ne sanxhakun e Elbasanit, Ohrit, Vlores dhe Shkodres, kishte rreth 3.000 familje fshatare Muslimane. Fshataret Musliman dhe Krishtere ne Shqiperine Osmane ishin mjaft mire te mbrojtur nga ligji Islam kunder abuzimeve feudale.[xxiv]

Me qindra ishin Shqiptaret qe arriten pozita te larta ne shtetin Osman. Ndermjet atyre kishte shume vezire te larte te Portes se Larte si: Gedik Ahmed, Davud-pasha, Ahmed Dukagjin Zade, Kara Ahmed, Koca Sinan Pasha, Lutfi Pasha, Kara Murad, Tarhunku Ahmed Pasha, Ajaz Pasha, dinastia e famshme e Kryeministrave Qyprillinje (Koprulu) dhe te tjere.

  

Agallaret Jenicere Shqiptare ishin ata qe udhehoqen ushtrine Osmane gjate fushatave te saj ne Hungari, Moldavi dhe Persi. Jahja Bej Dukagjini shkruajti ne Stambollin e shekullit te 16te, poezite me popullore te kohes ne Stamboll. Kontributi kulturor dhe ushtarak i Shqiptareve Musliman ne civilizimin Islam te mesjetes se vonshme nuk mundet te injorohet. Islamizimi u solli Shqiptareve shkrimin me germa Arabe, shkrim me te cilin arti i madh letrare Aljamiado (Bejtexhizmi) Shqiptar u shkrua.[xxv]

Jeta e perditshme e Arnautllukut (Shqiperise) nen pushtetin e Portes se Larte u kthye ne nje jete kozmopolitane dhe qytetare. Ne shekullin e 16te fshataret Shqiptare, ashtu si Boshniaket dhe Bullgaret, migruan drejt kasabave (qytete te vogla) te ndertuara nga urbanistet Osman. Urbanizimi Islamik, edukimi dhe mundesite e punesimit i terhoqen Shqiptaret e varfer drejt Islamit, dhe nga fundi i shekullit te 17te shumica e tyre i braktisen kishat e Krishtera. Ne kohet e renies militare dhe politike te Perandorise Osmane, Krishterizmi ne Shqiperi ishte reduktuar ne nje fe remote te banoreve te viseve te thella malore. Islamizimi i Shqiptareve ka perparuar me shume ne qendrat qytetare Shqiptare te sanxhakeve te Elbasanit, Shkodres, Prizrenit, Vlores, Delvines dhe Ohrit sesa ne regjionet e izoluara te Alpeve te Shqiperise. Ne trevat e lashta te Maqedonise, banoret katolike dhe ortodokse Shqiptare e pranuan Islamin mjaft me shpejt sesa bujkroberit vendas te feudaleve Sllav. E njejta gje ndodhi edhe ne Kosove dhe Metohi, ku autoriteti i Kishes Ortodokse Serbe ishte mjaft i fuqishem, dhe qe autonimija e saj ishte e njohur nga Shteti Islam si autoriteti shpirterore i Sllaveve te Krishtere.[xxvi]

Pjeter Mazreku, nje i derguar i Papes me origjine Shqiptare, qe hetonte renien rapide te Katolicizmit ne Sanxhaket e Prizrenit, Shkodres, Shkupit dhe Vuciternes, shkroi ne raportin e tij te 1624-es se shumica e Shqiptareve ne keto zona ishin Musliman. Raporti i tij, u konfirmua ne 1638 nga Gregori Bardhi, peshkopi i Tivarit. Ne Peje, Gjakove, Vuciterne dhe Prishtine, 90 perqind e qytetareve Shqiptar ishin Musliman. Kurse ne Janjeve, Novoberde dhe Trepce numri i familjve Muslimane ishte akoma me i vogel sesa i atyre te Krishtera.

Shume te Krishtere Shqiptare dhe Serb emigruan nga Rumelia e Islamizuar per ne Itali apo Hungari. Me teper se 150.000 katolike Shqiptare migruan per ne Pulia pas renies se rrebelimit te Skenderbeut.

Nga fundi i shekullit te 17te, aristokracia Shqiptare e Kosoves ishte Islamizuar pothuajse totalisht. I derguari i Papes, Marino Bizi qe vizitoi Shqiperine me 1610, nuk ekzagjeronte kur raportoi se Shqiptaret e sanxhakeve Perendimore ishin te humbur per Kishen Katolike.[xxvii]

Krishterizmi ne Shqiperine para-Islamike nuk ishte asnjehere i forte. Shqiptaret katolike dhe ortodokse, thellesisht te ndare ndermjet lufterave te frikshme te herezise latine Perendimore dhe schimatizmit lindor, zhvilluan nje ndjenje mbijetese politike ne kete pellg teologjik. Pushtimi Serb i Shqiperise dhe politika e dhunshme e Serbizimit te heretikeve latin nga Dushani, shkaterroi ne menyre te ndjeshme rrolin misionar te prifterinjve katolik, shume kohe perpara ardhjes se trupave Turke ne Durres.[xxviii]

Ne 1479, kontrate paqeje u nenshkrua ndermjet Portes se Larte fitimtare dhe Republikes se mundur Veneciane. Ne kete marreveshje, Venecia e frikesuar u detyrua qe te linte te gjitha dominionet e saja ne Shqiperi pervec qyteteve te Ulqinit dhe Tivarit te cilat qendruan nen pushtetin e saj deri me 1571.

Menjehere pas thyerjes se rrethimit te Vienes nga veziri i madh Kara Mustafa (1683), Venecianet dhe Lidhja e Shenjte pushtuan Ballkanin Musliman. Por Jeniceret i prene ushtrite krishtere ne copa, dhe minoritetet katolike refuzuan qe te mbeshtesnin duken e eger te Holstein-it, i cili u arratis ne Hungarine perendimore te pushtuar nga Hasburget me 1690. Pas terheqjes se tij nga Bosnia dhe Serbia, 35.000 Serb, te udhehqeur nga peshkopi Arsen Crnoievif u larguan nga Kosova, me ftesen e Perandorit Hasburg Leopold I, dhe toka e liruar nga Serbet u morr nga 12 fise Gege qe erdhen nga Shqiperia e siperme.[xxix]

  

Ne 1727, Muslimanet Shqiptare, Boshniak, Pomaket Bullgare dhe Turq munden ushtrite e kombinuara Austriake dhe Ruse, te cilat pushtuan serisht Rumeline. Njezet e pese vjet me vone, Muhamed Bushati, nje Pasha Shqiptar nga Shkodra, bashkoi fiset e Shqiperise Veriore dhe Qendrore dhe me ato pushtoi Ulqinin (Dulcigno), i cili ne ate kohe ishte kthyer ne nje qender piratesh te Krishtere dhe Musliman. I biri i tij, Kara Mahmut (Kara i ziu), nenshtroi Pashen me origjine Kurde te Beratit dhe kacaket Malazez. Ai ishte aq i fuqishem saqe mundte te pushtonte Republiken e Venecias, e cila kerkoi ndihmen e Sulltanit Turk per ndihme. Ne Shqiperine Jugore, Ali Tepeleni Pasha (i njohur me mire si Ali Pashe Tepelena), Luani i Janines (1740  1822), organizoi milicine e tij Muslimane, e cila me trimeri i luftoi Ruset ne 1787.  


Duke qene mirenjohes ndaj fushates se pameshirshme (qe Ali Pasha kreu) kunder rrebeleve Grek, Porta e Larte e gradoi ate si Pasha i Trikales ne Thessali dhe si Dervend Pasha i Rumelise. Ne 1788-en, ai u emerua si Pashai i Janines (Epir).

Kur Republika Veneciane u pushtua nga ushtria e Napoleon Bonopartit, Ali Pasha i mundi trupat Franceze ne Dalmati dhe pushtoi Prevezen, Vonitzen dhe Butrintin. Admirali Britanik Nelson e pergezoi Ali Pashen dhe Sulltan Selimi i III e gradoi ate si guvernator te te gjithe Shqiperise. Dhjete vite me vone ai u be guvernator i Rumelise. Ne 1786, trupat e Kara Mahmudit i thyen trupat e Sulltanit ne Kosove, dhe artileria Shqiptare e derguar nga Ali Tepeleni Pasha, dezertoi ne krah te Mahmudit. Trupat e Ali Pashes sollen rregull ne regjionin verior Shqiptar te Sulit ne 1803, ku Krishteret lokal kishin masakruar disa fshatra Muslimane.

Krijimi i nje shteti te pavarur Islamik Shqiptar (nga Pashallaret Shqiptare), u be i deshtuar kur nje sniper Malazez vrau Mahmud Pashen ne nje kurth. Ali Pasha gjithashtu u vra me 1822-shin pas dorezimit te tij ndaj ushtrise se westernizuar te Sulltan Mahmudit II-te qe u udhehiqte nga Khurshid Pasha dhe bejlere Shqiptare qe e rrethuan Ali Pashen per afro tete muaj. Ali Pasha u deklarua si rrebel nga Sulltan Mahmudi i II-te, kur Shqiptari fuqishem vendosi lidhjet e tija diplomatike dhe ekonomike me Britanine e Madhe, Rusine dhe Francen, kjo pa lejen e Stambollit. Vdekja e liderit te fuqishem Musliman Shqiptar, sunduesit te Janines, i dha kurajo rrebeleve Grek qe te shpallin pavaresine e Greqise.

Pas luftes Ruso-Turke te 1828  29es, Pasha Mustafa Bushati, aleati Shqiptar i shtetit te pavarur jeteshkurter Islamik Boshniak, te udhehequr nga Kapedani Hussein Aga Zmay (Dragoi), i mundi trupat e demoralizuara Turke te Sulltan Mahmudit te II dhe aneksoi Bullgarine dhe Maqedonine. Por ushtria e dyte e Sulltanit e komanduar nga Rashid Pasha, i mundi Shqiptaret ne Prilep. Trupat e Mustafes kapitulluan me 1831, pas kater muajsh rrethimi ndaj Shkodres, qe cuan ne rivendosjen e pushtetit qendror Turk. Ne 1847, Ismail Rahmi Pasha i Janines dhe Ismail Plassa Pasha i Prizrenit (Kosove), ndane Shqiperine ne kater vilajete (provinca). Ne ate te Shkodres, Janines, Kosoves dhe Manastirit (Maqedonia Jugperendimore)... 
Shkaterrimi i Perandorise Osmane, te mbidozuar me reforma pseudo-perendimore nga Sulltani Mahmudi II, te copetuar nga ringjallja Ortodokse Lindore e drejtuar nga St. Petersburg-u, e coi ate qe te deklarohet si I semuri i Bosforit dhe te denohej me vdekje ne thellesite sekrete te Orientit te Madh.   
 


Referenca: 


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[i] Pollo dhe A.Puto, pp. 24-28

[ii] Al-Sayyid Ahmad bin Al-Sayyid Zayni Dahlan, pp. 80-83.

[iii] Arabet e zinje enigmatik Kara Arapi te Bosnies, Rumelise dhe Aranautllukut (Shqiperise) jane pershkruar nga eksploratori i famshem Musliman i Evropes, Efendi Evlija Celebi. Shiko: E. Chelebi, Petpis, Bulgarian tr. and ed. by S. Dimitrov, Sofia: Institut za Balkanstika pri BAN, 1972, p. 223, also ed. A. Matkovski, Makedoniya vo delata na stanskite patopistzy, Skopje (Uskub): Misla, 1991, p. 561.

iv Burime te zgjedhura per historine e Shqiperise, vol. 3, Shqiperia nen sundimin feudal ushtarak ottoman (1506  1839), ed. nga I. Zamputi, S. Naci, Z. Shkodra, Tirane 1963, shtese gjithashtu; Dokumente te shek. XV per historine e Shqiperise 1479  1506, ed. nga I. Zamputi, Tirane 1967.

[v] Zachariadou in: Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean Aftetr 1204, eds Arbel, Hamilton, p. 214. Idem, The catalanians of Athens and the beginning of the Turkish expansion in the Aegean Area, in studi mediaveli vol. 31, pp. 821  838.

[vi] Zachariadou, op. cit, p. 220, 222.

[vii] H. Inalcik, Gelibolu, Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979.

[viii] Copia brevis Domini Innocentii ad Principes et Potentatus Christianos super cansa expeditions contra Turcum (A copy of the popes note of April 12, 1489)/ Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, II, vol. 56, fol 373.

[ix] Thalloczy Jiricek, Sufflay, pp. 257  269.

[x] Novakovic, pp. 153-155.

[xi] Anna Komnena, p. 103.

[xii] Encyclopedia of Islam, p. 653

[xiii] M. Bizzi, relatione, op. cit, fol. 9.

[xiv] Ibid, fol. 12  13.

[xv] Voyages de Pietro Della Valle, Rouen: R. Machuel 1745, vol 1, p. 37. Also: Notize universalli dello stato di Albania e dell  operato da Monsigniore Vincenzo Zmaievich, arcivescovo de Antivari, esaminante nelle Congregationi Generali di Propaganda Fide di 3 Debr. 1703  1012, feb 1074, Bibliotheca Barberinna, Rome, MSS, no. L. p. 126.

[xvi] H. Inalcik, Arnavutlluk, Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition, Leiden,: E. J. Brill, 1979, pp. 650  52.

[xvii] H. Inalcik, Timariotes Chretiens en Albanie au XVe sielce in: Mitteilungen des Asteirrichische Staachzarsivs, 4 Band, Vienna, 1951, pp. 118  38.

[xviii] P. Bartl, Die Albanische Muslime zur Zeit der Nationalen Unabhagtigkheitsbewegung,  Weisbaden 1968, pp. 16  26.

[xix] Vryonis, p. 203.

[xx] G. Stadmuller, Die Islamisirung bei den Albanern, in: Jahrbucher fur Gechicte Osteuropas, no. 3, (1955), Munich, pp. 405  420.

[xxi] Kiel, p. 21

[xxii] H. Inalcik, op. cit, p. 651

[xxiii] Ibid., pp. 654  656.

[xxiv] Evliya Chelebi, pp. 555  561. Sratsimi, pp. 183  213.

[xxv] Kalesi, pp. 49  61.

[xxvi] Shkodra, pp. 160  71.

[xxvii] Bizzi, op. cit., passim.

[xxviii] Reported e Gillaume Adam, kryepeshkop i Tivarit te Mbreti Freng Filip VI Valois ne 1332, dhe letra e Guido de Padoves (1350), kuatuar nga C. Jiriek, Geschiste Der Serben, Gotha 1911 .

[xxix] Swire, pp. 16  17.


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Fri Oct  6 21:51:07 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 21:51:07 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ANALYSIS-Yugoslav changes may weaken Kosovo Albanian drive
Message-ID: <cb.a061f95.270fdb8b@aol.com>

ANALYSIS-Yugoslav changes may weaken Kosovo Albanian drive

By Jeremy Gaunt

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, Oct 6 (Reuters) - Ask an ethnic Albanian in the streets 
of Kosovo's capital if he thinks the apparent overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic 
in Belgrade will change anything for him and the chances are he will shrug 
and say ``No.'' 

Kosovo, the view goes among ordinary Albanian Kosovars and political leaders 
alike, has nothing to do with Serbia. For them, Kosovo is an all but 
independent country following the West's military intervention last year and 
its administration with a 40,000 strong NATO-led protection force. 

But Western analysts and Kosovo's Serbs, surveying the rapid rise to near 
power of opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica on Friday, are not so sure. 

They said the prospect of democracy arriving in Belgrade will weaken the 
ethnic Albanian drive for independence and allow more Serbian influence in 
the region, which the West says remains an integral part of Yugoslavia. 

``If you get proper change in Belgrade, you can start talking about status 
issues,'' said one Western diplomat. 

The West has insisted that Kosovo should be given broad autonomy within a 
democratic Yugoslavia. 

``What the international community will need to do is convince Albanians that 
change in Belgrade is good for all the Balkans as well as Kosovo,'' the 
diplomat said. 

END OF SERB ISOLATION? 

Oliver Ivanovic, a Kosovo Serb leader in the divided city of Mitrovica, said 
he was trying to persuade members of his embattled community that a Kostunica 
presidency would be good for the Serb future in Kosovo. 

``It is not a disaster. It is not a tragedy. They must not fear,'' he told 
Reuters. ``Perhaps it will be much better for the Serbs of Kosovo.'' 

Ivanovic said democracy in Belgrade would have two effects on the Kosovo 
Serbs, a much diminished group after angry Albanians returned from refugee 
camps and thousands of Serbs fled in fear of retribution. 

It would end the Kosovo Serbs' isolation and dampen ethnic Albanian drives 
for independence. 

``They (the Milosevic government) were ready to forget Kosovo and Kosovo 
Serbs,'' he said. ``(The new government) will be free to come here to talk. 
Serbs in Kosovo will not be alone.'' 

Ivanovic said the international community would embrace democrats in Belgrade 
and that ethnic Albanians would have a harder time achieving independence. 

DEMOCRACY CAN'T HURT 

For their part, ethnic Albanians have tried to shrug off prospects of 
democracy in Belgrade as an irrelevance to everyday life in a more or less 
independent country. 

``It could be in Romania. It's nothing to do with Kosovo. It's not part of 
our country,'' Zeka Emrlla said late on Thursday in one of central Pristina's 
growing number of trendy bars. 

It was an attitude that reflected the formal position of many of Kosovo's 
ethnic Albanian leaders. 

``Kosovo will not be part of Serbia whether it's a dictatorial Serbia or a 
democratic Serbia,'' Hashim Thaci, head of Kosovo's Democratic Party said 
recently. 

But analysts said a democratic Belgrade would change things, although not 
overnight. 

Bernard Kouchner, the international community's chief administrator in 
Kosovo, said a lot of work remained to rebuild the province but that 
democracy in Belgrade could not be a bad thing for resentful Serbs and ethnic 
Albanians. 

``It's difficult to expect a worse relationship,'' he told Reuters. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Fri Oct  6 21:56:53 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 21:56:53 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Clinton Pledges To lift Sanctions
Message-ID: <c1.7863497.270fdce5@aol.com>

Clinton Pledges To lift Sanctions

By BARRY SCHWEID

WASHINGTON (AP) - The Clinton administration intends to move quickly in 
concert with European allies to remove the economic handcuffs placed on 
Yugoslavia to punish ousted President Slobodan Milosevic. 

But it also will be on the alert to efforts by Milosevic's close aides to 
secretly strip the government's treasury, three U.S. officials said. 

In the last few days, millions of dollars were intercepted by supporters of 
President-elect Vojislav Kostunica before they could be secreted out of 
Yugoslavia, said one of the officials, speaking on condition of anonymity. 

``Now is not the time for the United States or our allies to retreat from the 
Balkans in complacency,'' President Clinton said Friday. ``Now is the time to 
stay the course and stick with people who have won their freedom, the time to 
build the economic and civil institutions that will allow democracy to 
endure, reconciliation and cooperation to develop, and the economy to grow.'' 

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said the administration was consulting 
with the Europeans on how to proceed. 

But if Milosevic somehow managed to carve out a role for himself in the new 
government, she said, lifting sanctions might be reconsidered. 

``We have made clear that it has to be a fully democratic government, and 
that Milosevic should not have a role in it,'' Albright said. ``And as we 
talk about lifting the sanctions, I think that that is obviously one of the 
things we have mind, but so does everybody else.'' 

Conceding defeat Friday, Milosevic said that after resting and spending time 
with his family he plans to ``help my party gain force and contribute to 
future prosperity.'' 

Clinton, meanwhile, talked with German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder on the 
telephone Friday and ``agreed that Mr. Milosevic should have no political 
role in the future of Yugoslavia,'' P.J. Crowley, a White House spokesman, 
said. 

The aim in restoring economic ties to Belgrade would be to bolster and reward 
Kostunica, who won the Sept. 24 election with psychological and rhetorical 
U.S. support. 

Regardless of the fate of other sanctions, a ban on transferring assets out 
of Yugoslavia probably will remain in place for some time. The reason, a 
senior State Department official said, is to try to prevent supporters of 
Milosevic from leaving the country with ``bags of money.'' 

U.S. and European sanctions on Serbia, the larger of Yugoslavia's two 
republics, include an oil embargo; a ban on commerce with Yugoslav firms 
believed controlled by the Milosevic government; U.S. visas for high-level 
officials; and full rights in the United Nations and at the World Bank, the 
International Monetary Fund and other lending institutions. 

Foreign ministers of the 15 European Union countries are to meet in 
Luxembourg on Monday to lift the oil embargo imposed on Serbia during the 
Kosovo war in early 1999 and ease most of the union's remaining sanctions. 

EU officials said European oil companies could be authorized to resume 
deliveries to Serbia within days of the ministers' decision. 

``We want to do what we promised to do ... to ensure the people of Serbia can 
rejoin Europe as rapidly as possible,'' EU External Affairs Commissioner 
Chris Patten said Friday in Brussels, Belgium. 

An arms embargo imposed by the United Nations can be ended only by a U.N. 
Security Council resolution. 

Clinton, in conversations with Russian President Vladimir Putin, encouraged 
Moscow to recognize the ``clear results'' of the election, national security 
adviser Sandy Berger said. 

That's what Ivanov did Friday on a visit to Belgrade. He said, however, that 
Milosevic ``intends to play a prominent role in the political life of the 
country.'' 

Responded Berger: ``That is something we could not support.'' 

``He is still an indicted war criminal and has to be accountable, we believe, 
for his actions,'' Berger said in an interview. 

White House spokesman Jake Siewert said the United States would not support 
any effort to provide asylum for Milosevic. ``We are not proposing a deal, we 
are not encouraging a deal,'' Siewert said. 

At the State Department, Albright said the administration looks forward to 
``establishing a perfectly normal relationship with a new Kostunica 
government.'' 

At the same time, she acknowledged that he has had differences with the 
United States. 

``I know what President Kostunica has said and I know him to be a Serb 
nationalist,'' she said. ``I also know that he is not a former communist and 
I also know that he does not believe that dealing with Serbia's policy 
includes ethnic cleansing and devastation of the rights of those that are not 
ethnic Serbs.'' 

Sen. Rod Grams, R-Minn., a member of Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said 
he supports transition assistance for Yugoslavia. 

Clinton administration officials have acknowledged spending millions of 
dollars over the past year to support the Serbian opposition, independent 
radio stations, human rights groups and others working for democracy in 
Yugoslavia. They have denied, however, that money went to the presidential 
campaign of opposition leaders. 

Sen. Joseph Biden, D-Del., also a Foreign Relations Committee member, has 
introduced a Senate resolution to lift sanctions immediately if Kostunica 
becomes president, then incrementally ``help bring the Serbian people and the 
Serbian government back into the family of nations.'' 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Fri Oct  6 21:59:23 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 21:59:23 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic Concedes Election Defeat
Message-ID: <ba.bd99115.270fdd7b@aol.com>

Milosevic Concedes Election Defeat

By KATARINA KRATOVAC

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - Slobodan Milosevic conceded defeat Friday in 
Yugoslavia's presidential elections, a day after protesters angry at him for 
clinging to power stormed parliament and ended his 13-year autocratic regime. 
His concession to Vojislav Kostunica triggered a huge celebration in the 
streets, with firecrackers exploding and horns honking throughout the 
capital. 

``I congratulate Mr. Kostunica on his electoral victory and I wish much 
success to all citizens of Yugoslavia,'' Milosevic said in the television 
address as he stood, hands folded, before a Yugoslav flag. ``I intend to rest 
a bit and spend some more time with my family and especially with my grandson 
Marko and after that to help my party gain force and contribute to future 
prosperity.'' 

The speech was one of several developments Friday that completed the 
stunningly swift downfall of Milosevic, one of the last Cold War-style 
communist dictators left in Europe. 

Earlier in the day, Yugoslavia's high court named Kostunica the election 
winner, powerful Yugoslav ally Russia offered its support and the army 
indicated to the president-elect that it would obey the new political 
authority. 

Army chief of staff Nebojsa Pavkovic, a former Milosevic crony, expressed 
confidence that Kostunica will help ``overcome all the remaining problems in 
a civilized way and return the country to normalcy,'' Tanjug news agency 
reported. He also pledged that the army will carry out its duties according 
to the constitution. 

Milosevic's concession signaled that he has abandoned hopes of blocking 
Kostunica from taking his oath of office, possibly Saturday, and instead will 
try to carve out a role for himself in Yugoslav political life. As an 
indicted war criminal, Milosevic has little chance of seeking asylum abroad 
and has no choice but to try to reach an accommodation with the new 
government. 

During his speech, Milosevic appeared thinner, paler and clearly tired after 
weeks of political turmoil. 

There were celebrations across the capital after he spoke. Serbs flooded the 
streets honking horns and exploding fireworks. Some celebratory gunfire rang 
out. 

Milosevic started and lost four wars in the Balkans during his years in 
power, and sanctions imposed by the United Nations, the United States and 
Europe have left much of Yugoslavia impoverished and isolated. When Milosevic 
denied losing last month's election, public fury with him grew. 

On Thursday, as hundreds of thousands of people converged on Belgrade in 
protest, parts of the crowd stormed parliament. They set fires, tossed 
portraits of Milosevic out of broken windows and chased the feared riot 
police away. 

Soon the state television building was on fire, too, and within hours it and 
two police stations had fallen to the protesters. Faced with the mob's fury, 
many police tossed away their clubs and shields, absorbed by joyous 
flag-waving crowds. Tanjug said two people were killed and 65 injured in the 
rioting. 

When the violence subsided, it was clear that control belonged to Kostunica, 
a 56-year-old law professor. Wild celebrations stretched well into Friday. 

Kostunica said Friday that he had spoken to Milosevic, though he offered no 
details. And Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov met with Milosevic at a 
government villa in Belgrade. 

Milosevic ``said he intends to play a prominent role in the political life of 
the country,'' Ivanov said. During the meeting, Milosevic ``stressed the 
importance of solving the crisis through peaceful ways and that the use of 
force should be avoided,'' Ivanov told reporters. 

Ivanov carried a message from Russian President Vladimir Putin that 
``congratulated Mr. Kostunica on his victory in the presidential elections.'' 
The act removed the last possibility of any important international backing 
for the fading Milosevic: Russia was the last major European nation to 
withhold support for Kostunica. 

``This is great news,'' said U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, who 
called it ``very, very important.'' 

Later, in another significant boost, the nation's Constitutional Court 
notified the anti-Milosevic coalition that it had declared Kostunica the new 
president-elect. The court, once considered a puppet of Milosevic, killed any 
legal claim by the former strongman. 

The speaker of the Serbian parliament, Dragan Tomic, addressed Kostunica as 
president in a letter. It was the first such recognition by a high official 
from the Socialist Party of Serbia led by Milosevic. 

With state media already calling Kostunica ``president'' and his supporters 
ferreting out Milosevic cronies in state institutions, all that's left is a 
formal inauguration. Kostunica's aides say that could come as early as 
Saturday. 

About 200,000 people gathered in front of the charred parliament Friday. One 
of their posters read: ``Slobodan, are you counting your last minutes.'' 

``We are gradually getting back to normal and I believe the crisis is behind 
us,'' Kostunica said. 

Milosevic is blamed by the West for starting - and then losing - the four 
Balkan wars which broke out in the last decade when parts of Yugoslavia began 
to seek independence. Those conflicts were marked by horrific acts of 
violence against civilians, which prompted Western governments to impose 
sanctions and isolate Belgrade. 

Some of those controls were eased after Milosevic signed the 1995 agreement 
to end the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. However, other sanctions were imposed 
again in 1998 after Milosevic launched a brutal crackdown on ethnic Albanians 
in Serbia's Kosovo province. 

In the last day, though, both the United States and the European Union have 
said they will begin to lift sanctions as the new democratic administration 
takes the reins. 

U.S. and European sanctions on Serbia - which along with Montenegro, makes up 
what's left of Yugoslavia - include an oil embargo, a ban on commerce with 
Yugoslav firms believed controlled by the Milosevic government, and full 
rights in the United Nations and with international lenders. The Clinton 
administration said it intends to move quickly in concert with European 
allies to remove those economic handcuffs. 

``Now is the time to stay the course and stick with people who have won their 
freedom, the time to build the economic and civil institutions that will 
allow democracy to endure, reconciliation and cooperation to develop, and the 
economy to grow,'' President Clinton said Friday. 

Albright said the administration was consulting with the Europeans on how to 
proceed. But if Milosevic somehow managed to carve out a role for himself in 
the new government, she said, lifting sanctions might be reconsidered. 

``We have made clear that it has to be a fully democratic government, and 
that Milosevic should not have a role in it,'' Albright said. 

But returning Yugoslavia to normal footing may pose its own dilemmas. The 
sanctions and years of Balkan warfare has left the economy in ruins, and last 
year's 78-day NATO bombardment in response to the Kosovo crackdown hammered 
an already creaky transportation and utility network. 

Kostunica was putting together a stopgap crisis committee to try to stabilize 
the country. Somehow he will also have to work with close Milosevic allies, 
such as powerful Serbian President Milan Milutinovic. 

Like Milosevic, Milutinovic was indicted by the international war crimes 
tribunal for the offensive in Kosovo. Kostunica could come under strong 
Western pressure to turn over indicted war criminals. 

Despite the details left to be played out, Western leaders were rejoicing 
Friday. British Prime Minister Tony Blair said it appeared ``the era of 
Milosevic is over.'' 

``This is the day of real rejoicing in the world and Europe and, most of all, 
in Serbia,'' he said. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Fri Oct  6 22:06:17 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 22:06:17 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Belgrade sceptical of Milosevic's capitulation
Message-ID: <50.bcc4f97.270fdf19@aol.com>

Belgrade sceptical of Milosevic's capitulation

By Jelena Bozovic

BELGRADE, Oct 7 (Reuters) - It all ended so quickly that many in the crowd 
gathered in front of the burnt-out parliament building found it hard to 
believe their ears. 

Slobodan Milosevic, after ruling the country with an iron fist for more than 
a decade, had thrown in the towel. No bloodshed, no coup, no last stand. 

``Perhaps this is another lie,'' said Nebojsa Vidakovic, a 50-year old 
economist who had joined thousands of others in the city centre to soak up 
the atmosphere of Yugoslavia's quickfire revolution. 

``I'm afraid because he is staying in this country, maybe he will still try 
to do something in the next few hours,'' said 25-year old student Mirjana. 

After a day of wild rumour, Milosevic addressed the nation on television late 
on Friday to announce he had conceded defeat to Vojislav Kostunica in 
disputed Yugoslav presidential elections and now planned to offer stern 
political opposition. 

Although delighted that he was apparently giving up power, many of his 
opponents thronging the streets said they would not be happy until he 
disappeared into exile. 

``It's not clear to me how he can stay here after such a reaction against 
him. Terrible. As long as he is here there is danger in this country. We do 
not need him,'' said Vesna, a 35-year old political scientist. 

Milosevic is renowned as a master strategist and despite scenes of jubilation 
in Belgrade at Thursday's explosion of people power, many secretly feared 
that their former president was biding his time and plotting his revenge. 

So when he announced he wanted to spend more time with his family before 
dedicating himself to opposition, many simply did not believe him. 

``We should not trust the thief. Thieves have honour, but he does not, he 
does not have shame, he has nowhere to go because no one will receive him. He 
knows that we have soft hearts,'' said Milorad, a 55-year old professor. 

An economist called Bane echoed the mistrust. 

``A normal man's reaction would be to disappear, wherever he wants, Paraguay, 
Lebanon, Iraq, and he chooses to remain here, I don't understand.'' 

But not everyone greeted the news with scepticism. 

``I have nothing to say, I believe that he has gone, let us celebrate,'' said 
a driver, Dejan. 

Celebrate is exactly what the crowds did earlier in the day as thousands of 
people packed the heart of Belgrade, soaking up the atmosphere. 

Parents brought their children to see the parliament building wrecked by a 
mob on Thursday, smiling couples walked hand-in-hand along the streets and 
youths sprayed the slogan ``He's finished'' on overturned cars and sooty 
walls. 

``I wanted my boys and girls to see what has happened here. This is 
history,'' said Nedeljka Filovski, with her four children in tow. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Fri Oct  6 22:12:59 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 22:12:59 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic concedes but wants to stay in politics
Message-ID: <64.72d2419.270fe0ab@aol.com>

Milosevic concedes but wants to stay in politics

By Philippa Fletcher

BELGRADE, Oct 7 (Reuters) - Slobodan Milosevic, who presided over the 
destruction of Yugoslavia, on Friday accepted election defeat at the hands of 
president-elect Vojislav Kostunica in what appeared to be a bloodless 
transition of power. 

Addressing the Yugoslav nation on the only major television station still 
under his control, Milosevic congratulated Kostunica on his election victory 
and said his Socialist Party would be strong in opposition and he would play 
a part. 

Looking weary and drawn before the TV cameras, Milosevic made his address 
just an hour after meeting Kostunica alone in their first ever face-to-face 
encounter. 

``I congratulate Vojislav Kostunica on his election victory and I wish our 
nation success over the next term,'' Milosevic said in a brief recorded 
statement to Yu-Info television. 

``I've just got official information that Vojislav Kostunica won the 
elections,'' he said, adding that a ruling by the Constitutional Court 
confirming Kostunica's victory had to be respected. 

Kostunica is expected to be sworn in as president by the new parliament, 
elected at the same time as the president, on Saturday afternoon. 

The meeting between the two men in a government building in Belgrade began 
with the words ``Good Evening.'' They introduced themselves and shook hands 
before retiring behind closed doors for talks lasting almost an hour. 

The events appeared to diffuse remaining tension in Yugoslavia, where 
opposition supporters feared Milosevic and his backers would use violence to 
keep hold of power. 

But in a city rife with rumour, unconfirmed reports said two buses packed 
with police loyal to Milosevic were headed for the capital after nightfall, 
suggesting confrontation. 

None of these reports could be substantiated. But the rumours coincided with 
an opposition statement which warned that Milosevic was trying to use the 
police to provoke civil war to regain power. 

The statement was later withdrawn and then re-released in almost the same 
form in the name of just one of the opposition leaders. 

Adding to the fresh uncertainty, a leading Serbian economist Mladjan Dinkic, 
tipped to be the next governor of the Yugoslav central bank, said Milosevic 
was attempting to fly the country's dwindling state gold reserves out to 
China. 

``A DC10 bound for Beijing and scheduled to take off at 11 p.m. (2100 GMT) is 
still at the airport. It will soon take off. Tonight we fear there is an 
attempt to take the gold out,'' Dinkic told Reuters by telephone. 

Opposition supporters working at the National Bank of Yugoslavia crashed the 
bank's central computer earlier on Friday to halt what Dinkic said was an 
attempt by a clique surrounding Milosevic to spirit foreign currency reserves 
to their bank accounts abroad. 

If any doubts remained over other security forces, the head of Yugoslavia's 
army, embroiled in four wars since the old Yugoslav federation began to 
crumble in 1991, said the armed forces would respect the will of the people. 

``Members of the Yugoslav army, strictly respecting constitutional rulings, 
did not take part in the political struggle, are ready to accept the people's 
will and all the legitimate decisions of the electoral institutions,'' 
Lieutenant General Nebojsa Pavkovic said in comments read out on Yu-Info. 

The army said later that conditions were fulfilled for working relations with 
the new president. 

IVANOV KEY TO DAY'S EVENTS 

Tens of thousands of people thronged Belgrade on Thursday to back Kostunica's 
election victory in a popular uprising which saw parliament torched and other 
key buildings occupied by opposition activists. 

On Friday morning, Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov flew to Belgrade to 
meet Milosevic, whose whereabouts had been unknown during Thursday's revolt, 
and then spoke with Kostunica. 

Ivanov said Milosevic had agreed not to use force to retain his position as 
president and implied he was planning to step down by saying he would 
continue to remain active in political life through his Socialist Party. 

He said his party would form the opposition and he would play a part after he 
had spent time away from the political cauldron with his grandson. 

But Milosevic's future was still unclear. He is wanted by the U.N. war crimes 
tribunal in the Hague for his conduct of the conflict in Kosovo last year and 
the United States said on Friday it would not support any continuing role for 
him in Yugoslavia. 

Speculation circled around whether the master tactician aimed to remain in 
some form of office in order to enjoy immunity, was planning his escape or 
would stay around as a brooding presence. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Fri Oct  6 22:20:50 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 22:20:50 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] What's Next in Yugoslavia?
Message-ID: <4d.1c5d61b.270fe282@aol.com>

What's Next in Yugoslavia?

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - After a popular uprising against Slobodan 
Milosevic, the Yugoslav leader appears finished after 13 years in power. Or 
is he? 

Milosevic remains in Belgrade and told Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov 
that he wants to remain a figure in Yugoslav politics despite an 
international indictment for war crimes. However, Vojislav Kostunica is 
moving to take control of all government institutions. Even Milosevic's old 
allies, the Russians, have congratulated Kostunica on his victory in the 
Sept. 24 presidential election. 

Here in question and answer form is a look at what's likely to happen in 
Yugoslavia in the coming days. 

Q: When will Kostunica take office? 

A: The inaugural ceremony could take place as soon as Saturday. The 
constitution requires the president to be sworn in before parliament, which 
consists of representatives from Yugoslavia's two republics - Serbia and 
Montenegro. The Montenegrins had been boycotting parliament to protest 
Milosevic's rule. But the Montenegrins have agreed to attend a session 
tentatively set for Saturday. 

Q: Will Milosevic accept electoral defeat? 

A: After Thursday's uprising in Belgrade, it appears that Milosevic has given 
up any hopes of blocking Kostunica from taking office. The police backed down 
before the crowds, and the army stayed on the sidelines. Milosevic told 
Russia's foreign minister that he wants to remain a power in Yugoslav 
politics. But the Russian minister did not say specifically that Milosevic 
insists on remaining president. 

Q: Will Milosevic be arrested for war crimes? 

A: Kostunica has said repeatedly that he will not extradite anyone to the 
U.N. war crimes tribunal. The Yugoslav constitution forbids extraditions and 
most Yugoslavs consider the court a political instrument of U.S. policy 
rather than a judicial institution. Kostunica has held out the possibility of 
trying Milosevic for offenses in Yugoslavia. 

Q: What are the United States and Europe doing to help ease the crisis? 

A: The United States and the European Union have promised to lift sanctions 
against Yugoslavia and allow for an influx of desperately needed 
international aid and investment to boost the country's economy, shattered by 
a decade of isolation and wars. 

Q: How solid is Kostunica's power base? 

A: Kostunica was selected by a group of 18 anti-Milosevic parties because 
surveys showed other contenders were too controversial. However, the dour law 
professor caught fire with voters because of his down-to-earth manner, which 
contrasted with the imperious style of both Milosevic and other opposition 
figures. 

Q: What are Kostunica's policies toward the West? 

A: While he does not embrace Milosevic's hard-line policies, Kostunica is a 
Serb nationalist who opposed the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. He has 
criticized both the United States and Russia for what he considers their 
heavy-handed interference in Balkan politics. He strongly opposes any formula 
which would remove the U.N.-administered province of Kosovo from Serbia. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Fri Oct  6 22:27:28 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 22:27:28 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Putin cautiously backs Yugoslavia's Kostunica
Message-ID: <80.127349c.270fe410@aol.com>

Putin cautiously backs Yugoslavia's Kostunica

By Martin Nesirky

MOSCOW, Oct 6 (Reuters) - Russia cut Slobodan Milosevic adrift on Friday and 
gingerly joined the West in backing Vojislav Kostunica as Yugoslavia's new 
leader. 

Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov -- dispatched by President Vladimir Putin to 
mediate in the Yugoslav crisis within hours of their return from an official 
visit to India -- held talks with Kostunica in the presidential office and 
Milosevic at home. 

``I have passed to Mr Kostunica regards from the president of Russia, Mr 
Putin, and congratulated him on his victory in the presidential election,'' 
Ivanov said after meeting Kostunica. 

That one phrase turned Russian policy toward the Balkans upside down and was 
enthusiastically greeted in Washington, although Putin will have some 
explaining to do at home. 

Kostunica implicitly rebuked Moscow for dithering until it had no other 
choice but to back him in the dispute over the result of a controversial 
September 24 presidential election, a theme picked up by liberal Russian 
politician Boris Nemtsov. 

``Putin has responded to the national interests of Russia,'' he said on NTV 
commercial television. ``It took him a long time to do it, but, thank God, he 
came back from India and did what needed to be done.'' 

Yugoslav television showed Milosevic meeting Ivanov, who later told reporters 
Milosevic planned to continue in politics through his Socialist Party. 

``Being the leader of the largest political party in Serbia, he intends to 
continue to play a political role in the country,'' he said. This appeared to 
imply that Milosevic was prepared to give up the Yugoslav presidency. 

Yugoslavia's Constitutional Court, which sparked Thursday's uprising by 
nullifying the election, said Kostunica had been elected after all, the 
Yugoslav Beta news agency reported. 

CAREFUL WORDING 

Putin's message to Kostunica, the text of which was released by the Kremlin, 
was deftly drafted to avoid the words ``president'' or ``election.'' But he 
left no doubt he considered Kostunica, whose supporters control Belgrade, was 
now in charge. 

``I hope that you as the leader of the democratic forces in Yugoslavia, 
having assumed responsibility for the future of the fraternal Yugoslav 
people, will be able to do everything possible to overcome the internal 
political crisis,'' Putin said. 

``I am convinced that you and your supporters, being adherents to democratic 
values, will do everything necessary so events develop within a legal 
framework and the necessary conditions are created to strengthen the 
legitimate basis of the legislative and executive branches of power,'' he 
said. 

Russia had previously carefully avoided taking sides, saying that only 
Yugoslav courts could declare a winner. 

Ivanov continued to emphasise technical nuances, saying later on Friday: ``I 
did not congratulate Mr Kostunica as president, but congratulated him with 
his success, with his victory, in the elections.'' 

Kostunica did not appear impressed with Ivanov's comments. 

``I think the crisis and arguments about our election results were 
unnecessary,'' he said. ``I am deeply convinced that this is the last time 
that representatives of the international community and friendly countries 
like the Russian Federation try to resolve our internal disputes.'' 

If Kostunica was cool, the United States was ecstatic. 

``The fact that the Russians have (recognised Kostunica as winner), shows 
that the Russians are with the Serb people, that they have recognised the 
democratic election,'' U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright told CNN. 

``It's very, very important news,'' she said. 

PUTIN HAS TO EXPLAIN POLICY SHIFT 

This shift in policy, even if carefully couched by Putin, will take some 
explaining to a domestic audience. Ordinary Russians and their political 
leaders had strongly supported Milosevic during Yugoslavia's conflicts with 
the West. 

Russian Communists and nationalist parliamentarians accused Kostunica's 
supporters of staging a coup -- Communist Party chief Gennady Zyuganov said 
the events in Belgrade smelled of ``marijuana, vodka and dollars.'' 

Despite Ivanov's remarks and Putin's message, the speaker of the State Duma 
lower house of parliament, Gennady Seleznyov, told reporters he believed 
Putin was still fence-sitting. 

Nemtsov said Russia would have lost influence in the Balkans if it had not 
acknowledged Milosevic's defeat. 

Washington has been urging Russia to persuade Milosevic to step down. Western 
diplomats say Putin has been edging away from Milosevic in private 
conversations for the past two weeks but he has hitherto played a careful 
game in public. 

Belarus, like Russia an Orthodox Christian ally of Yugoslavia, said it would 
consider giving Milosevic asylum but had not been asked. But the Yugoslav 
ambassador to Moscow, who is Milosevic's brother, told Reuters Television the 
president was not planning to go anywhere. 

``Why should he leave the country? Half the population openly supports him. 
He is the leader of a major party,'' said Borislav Milosevic. ``There are 
absolutely no reasons to leave the country. These are rumours being spread to 
give credence to rumours about him being demoralised.'' 

Milosevic has been indicted as a war criminal by a United Nations tribunal in 
The Hague. Moscow as a U.N. member, and permanent member of its Security 
Council, would be expected to hand Milosevic over if he arrived in Russia. 


From albania at netzero.net  Fri Oct  6 19:26:10 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Fri, 6 Oct 2000 19:26:10 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Fw: Yugoslav Changes May Weaken Kosovo Albanian Drive (Reuters,  October 6, 2000)
Message-ID: <004a01c02fec$d07834e0$f2dcd23f@albania>

----- Original Message -----
From: "Wolfgang Plarre" <wplarre at bndlg.de>
To: "ALBANEWS" <ALBANEWS at LISTSERV.ACSU.BUFFALO.EDU>; "alb-information-list"
<alb-information at egroups.com>
Sent: Friday, October 06, 2000 2:14 PM
Subject: NEWS: Yugoslav Changes May Weaken Kosovo Albanian Drive (Reuters,
October 6, 2000)


> http://news.excite.com/news/r/001006/09/news-yugoslavia-kosovo-future-col
>
> Yugoslav Changes May Weaken Kosovo Albanian Drive
>
> Updated 9:43 AM ET October 6, 2000
> By Jeremy Gaunt
>
> PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (Reuters) - Ask an ethnic Albanian in the streets
> of Kosovo's capital if he thinks the apparent overthrow of Slobodan
> Milosevic in Belgrade will change anything for him and the chances are
> he will shrug and say "No."
>      Kosovo, the view goes among ordinary Albanian Kosovars and
> political leaders alike, has nothing to do with Serbia. For them, Kosovo
> is an all but independent country following the West's military
> intervention last year and its administration with a 40,000 strong
> NATO-led protection force.
>      But Western analysts and Kosovo's Serbs, surveying the rapid rise
> to near power of opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica on Friday, are not
> so sure.
>      They said the prospect of democracy arriving in Belgrade will
> weaken the ethnic Albanian drive for independence and allow more Serbian
> influence in the region, which the West says remains an integral part of
> Yugoslavia.
>      "If you get proper change in Belgrade, you can start talking about
> status issues," said one Western diplomat.
>      The West has insisted that Kosovo should be given broad autonomy
> within a democratic Yugoslavia.
>      "What the international community will need to do is convince
> Albanians that change in Belgrade is good for all the Balkans as well as
> Kosovo," the diplomat said.
>
> END OF SERB ISOLATION?
>
> Oliver Ivanovic, a Kosovo Serb leader in the divided city of Mitrovica,
> said he was trying to persuade members of his embattled community that a
> Kostunica presidency would be good for the Serb future in Kosovo.
>      "It is not a disaster. It is not a tragedy. They must not fear," he
> told Reuters. "Perhaps it will be much better for the Serbs of Kosovo."
>      Ivanovic said democracy in Belgrade would have two effects on the
> Kosovo Serbs, a much diminished group after angry Albanians returned
> from refugee camps and thousands of Serbs fled in fear of retribution.
>      It would end the Kosovo Serbs' isolation and dampen ethnic Albanian
> drives for independence.
>      "They (the Milosevic government) were ready to forget Kosovo and
> Kosovo Serbs," he said. "(The new government) will be free to come here
> to talk. Serbs in Kosovo will not be alone."
>      Ivanovic said the international community would embrace democrats
> in Belgrade and that ethnic Albanians would have a harder time achieving
> independence.
>
> DEMOCRACY CAN'T HURT
>
> For their part, ethnic Albanians have tried to shrug off prospects of
> democracy in Belgrade as an irrelevance to everyday life in a more or
> less independent country.
>      "It could be in Romania. It's nothing to do with Kosovo. It's not
> part of our country," Zeka Emrlla said late on Thursday in one of
> central Pristina's growing number of trendy bars.
>      It was an attitude that reflected the formal position of many of
> Kosovo's ethnic Albanian leaders.
>      "Kosovo will not be part of Serbia whether it's a dictatorial
> Serbia or a democratic Serbia," Hashim Thaci, head of Kosovo's
> Democratic Party said recently.
>      But analysts said a democratic Belgrade would change things,
> although not overnight.
>      Bernard Kouchner, the international community's chief administrator
> in Kosovo, said a lot of work remained to rebuild the province but that
> democracy in Belgrade could not be a bad thing for resentful Serbs and
> ethnic Albanians.
>      "It's difficult to expect a worse relationship," he told Reuters.
>


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sat Oct  7 10:36:37 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 10:36:37 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kosovo Albanians Seek Milosevic
Message-ID: <3c.1d9ec59.27108ef5@aol.com>

Kosovo Albanians Seek Milosevic

By ELENA BECATOROS

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Fired from their jobs and driven from their homes 
at gunpoint, Kosovo's ethnic Albanians suffered more than most under Slobodan 
Milosevic's repressive regime. 

But now that he appears gone from power, most Kosovo Albanians seem more 
worried than happy at the prospect of a change of leadership in Belgrade. 

A Yugoslav government favored in the West could slam the door on ethnic 
Albanian dreams of independence for their homeland, which the rest of the 
world considers part of Serbia, Yugoslavia's main republic. 

With Serbia a pariah state isolated from the rest of the world and under 
economic sanctions, ethnic Albanians argued, it would be easier for them to 
eventually convince the world of their right to independence. 

Kosovo Albanians boycotted the Sept. 24 Yugoslav presidential and 
parliamentary elections, saying they no longer had anything to do with 
Yugoslavia and were indifferent to the outcome. 

But most realize that developments in Belgrade will eventually affect them. 

Opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica, whom the West has welcomed as the 
Yugoslav president-elect after an uprising Thursday in Belgrade, appears to 
ethnic Albanians as little more than a ``respectable Milosevic:'' a Serb 
nationalist who would never accept an independent Kosovo. 

``I'm not happy. Kostunica is a great nationalist. He thinks the same as 
Milosevic about Kosovo, and maybe we will have the same problems with him,'' 
said Valdrin Xhemaj, 22, a Pristina journalist. 

Kostunica has repeatedly said he will push for the return of the tens of 
thousands of Serb refugees who have fled Kosovo since NATO-led peacekeepers 
took over the province under a deal to end 78 days of NATO airstrikes. 

A photograph of Kostunica, taken during the Kosovo conflict in 1998 and 
showing him brandishing an AK-47 rifle, proves their point, many ethnic 
Albanians say. 

``For me, Kostunica isn't a change. I saw the photo of him during the war, 
and I think he's a nationalist,'' said Ilir Haliti, 32, while he attended 
customers in his Pristina clothes shop. ``I hope the world will see what is 
hiding inside of Kostunica.'' 

With Kostunica at the helm, their fight for independence may become more 
difficult. 

The United States and the European Union have both promised to end economic 
sanctions once Kostunica is securely in power. If that happens, many Kosovo 
Albanians fear the aid and resources flowing now into Kosovo will be diverted 
north. 

``The international community will have their eyes on Belgrade now more than 
on Kosovo,'' Haliti said. 

Top U.N. administrator Bernard Kouchner is aware of such concerns, and rushed 
to address them after the Belgrade uprising. 

``The people of Kosovo have suffered greatly in the past, due to the former 
regime in Belgrade. They have not yet recovered,'' he stressed. ``The 
attention of the international community must not be diverted from the tasks 
at hand here in Kosovo.'' 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sat Oct  7 10:37:42 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 10:37:42 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kostunica better of two evils, Kosovo Albanians say
Message-ID: <e2.ab2bc59.27108f36@aol.com>

Kostunica better of two evils, Kosovo Albanians say

By Jeremy Gaunt

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, Oct 7 (Reuters) - Ethnic Albanians  in Kosovo said on 
Saturday the West was moving too quickly to embrace Vojislav Kostunica as 
Yugoslavia's new president and he was little different from his predecessor. 

Newspapers in the provincial capital ran comments from ethnic Albanian 
officials saying that Serbs had chosen the better of two evils in defeating 
Slobodan Milosevic but that only the faces would change, not the politics. 

``I am surprised by the unconditional promises from the West to Kostunica, 
not waiting to see what positive steps he will take before lifting 
sanctions,'' Naim Maloku, leader of the liberal PQLK party told the Koha 
Ditore daily. 

Newspapers portrayed Kostunica as a man who opposed the peace accords that 
ended the Bosnia war, NATO intervention in Yugoslavia and United Nations 
resolutions putting Kosovo under international administration. 

Koha Ditore ran a front page photograph of Kostunica posing with an automatic 
rifle in front of what the paper said were Serb paramilitaries. 

``Democracy in Serbia is still not on the horizon,'' it said in an editorial. 
Kostunica, it said, was only a stop-gap politician whose main use was to 
depose Milosevic. 

INDEPENDENCE STILL THE GOAL 

Most ethnic Albanians in Kosovo want little to do with Yugoslavia after years 
of conflict with Belgrade and now want the province -- administered by the 
international community since last year's NATO-led war -- to become 
independent. 

The West says Kosovo should remain a part of Yugoslavia with broad autonomy. 

``Serbia cannot be democratic and a stability factor if it retains the 
illusion that it will ever come back to Kosovo,'' Agim Ceku, commander of the 
official Kosovo Protection Corps, told the Epoka e Re daily. 

Concern that the West had been too quick to accept Kostunica as a democrat 
who would change Serbia was echoed on the streets of Pristina. 

Sokol Blakaj, general secretary of the Liberal Party of Kosovo, said the West 
would make the same mistake it did with Milosevic if it embraced Kostunica 
before he proved himself. 

``He has to prove he is democratic, give up his colonial ideas about Kosovo, 
apologise to the nations of former Yugoslavia for the crimes committed 
against them,'' Blakaj said as he bought newspapers on Pristina's Mother 
Theresa Street. 

``Then the West should lift sanctions.'' 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sat Oct  7 10:40:41 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 10:40:41 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] (no subject)
Message-ID: <50.bcc3cda.27108fe9@aol.com>

Greek foreign minister sees new role for Yugoslavia

By Dina Kyriakidou

BELGRADE, Oct 7 (Reuters) - Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou said on 
Saturday he saw a new role for Yugoslavia in the Balkans with President 
Slobodan Milosevic's ouster from power. 

``We see Yugoslavia as a country which has great potential for stability in 
the wider region of southeastern Europe and obviously has a role to play, a 
very important role,'' Papandreou told reporters at Belgrade airport. 

``I am very moved to be in Yugoslavia, in Belgrade, at this historic 
moment,'' Papandreou added, a day after Milosevic agreed to step down 
following his defeat in September elections. 

Papandreou arrived on the day that opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica was 
due to take the oath of office, ending 13 years of Milosevic's turbulent 
rule. 

The West traditionally views Yugoslavia as the main troublemaker in the 
region, with Milosevic blamed for inciting ethnic conflict and destabilising 
the Balkans. 

His departure opens the door to an end of Western sanctions and to Yugoslavia 
participating in aid programmes intended to build up the region's economies 
and democratic institutions. 

Papandreou and Kostunica attended a luncheon at the Yugoslav federation 
palace complex in one of the new sections of Belgrade. 

There was no indication in the official schedule that Papandreou would see 
Milosevic. Sources with the Greek delegation said the foreign minister 
planned to meet members of Milosevic's Socialist party, but ``probably not'' 
Milosevic himself. 

Papandreou said Greece, a key Yugoslav ally which has sought to temper the 
harsh effects of Western sanctions on the Balkan state, was keen for 
Yugoslavia to return to the fold of European nations. 

The end of the Milosevic regime, which saw Yugoslavia torn apart by four 
wars, ushers in ``a new era in relations between Yugoslavia and Europe,'' 
Papandreou said. 

Papandreou said that on a visit in September he had urged Yugoslavia to hold 
free and fair elections in order to bolster efforts to restore normal ties 
with Europe. 

``Today the people of this nation have spoken, President Kostunica is the new 
president of Yugoslavia. It is now the time for the EU and the world to 
respond to this message,'' he added. 

Greece has traditionally close ties with fellow Orthodox Serbia and opposed 
the NATO bombing last year. However, the government has supported EU and U.S. 
calls for democracy in Yugoslavia. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sat Oct  7 18:12:59 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 18:12:59 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] War crimes court president wants Milosevic
Message-ID: <3b.ae2af16.2710f9eb@aol.com>

War crimes court president wants Milosevic

PARIS, Oct 7 (Reuters) - U.N. war crimes tribunal president Claude Jorda said 
on Saturday all countries should cooperate to ensure Slobodan Milosevic is 
brought before the court following his demise as Yugoslav president. 

But he acknowledged that the international community's main political 
priority at the moment was to ``consolidate'' Yugoslavia's shift to democracy 
after Milosevic finally accepted defeat by Vojislav Kostunica in last month's 
presidential poll. 

Jorda told France Info radio Milosevic should either hand himself in or be 
arrested for trial at the Hague-based court. 

``He must be tried in the Hague...All states should cooperate with us, both 
as far as arrests are concerned and in terms of handling issues of proof,'' 
Jorda said. 

``There are two solutions -- either he is arrested or hands himself over, 
because we do not have trials in absentia.'' 

Jorda adopted a more cautious tone in a television interview later on 
Saturday, conceding that he did not know when Milosevic could be tried, and 
not totally dismissing sentiment in Belgrade that Milosevic should be tried 
locally. 

``I am not a politician. I am an international judge. I think the job for the 
international community at the moment is to ensure that this huge flood of 
democracy can be consolidated in its values,'' Jorda told France 2 TV. 

``But a time must come...when the authors of crimes, the leaders, must answer 
for their actions -- when, I can't say now,'' he said. 

Jorda told France 2 a trial in Serbia was not completely out of the question 
but that any such move would have to get the full benediction, involvement 
and final endorsement of the Hague-based court. 

Milosevic on Friday recognised Kostunica's victory, ending his tumultuous 
13-year rule following a popular uprising. He also said that he intended to 
continue to play a role in opposition. 

Kostunica, who was sworn in as president on Saturday, has said in the past 
that he opposes Milosevic being tried internationally on war crimes charges. 
Many residents of Belgrade believe he should be tried in Serbia. 

While Jorda's comments seemed geared to accommodate sentiment in Belgrade, 
another top figure from the U.N. crimes court has also said Milosevic should 
be sent to The Hague. 

Carla del Ponte, chief prosecutor at the war crimes tribunal in the 
Netherlands, told a news conference in Kosovo on Friday: ``I will take this 
occasion to send a message to Mr Kostunica. I am prepared to receive 
Milosevic in The Hague any time.'' 

Milosevic and four other top officials of his leadership were indicted last 
year for alleged war crimes against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sat Oct  7 18:16:03 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 18:16:03 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic Plans Could Spell Trouble
Message-ID: <a4.a628c16.2710faa3@aol.com>

Milosevic Plans Could Spell Trouble

By SLOBODAN LEKIC

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - Slobodan Milosevic's plans to remain active in 
politics could spell trouble for Yugoslavia's newly elected president and the 
victorious pro-democracy coalition. 

The disgraced autocrat's Socialist Party and its neo-communist allies 
appeared to be on the verge of collapse after massive and violent protests 
led them to acknowledge victory by opposition challenger Vojislav Kostunica 
in last month's presidential vote. 

Party activities have been suspended since Thursday, when pro-democracy 
demonstrators stormed federal parliament, the state television building and 
other centers of Milosevic's power. 

Milosevic, who has been indicted by the international war crimes tribunal in 
The Hague, Netherlands, cannot leave Yugoslavia without risking arrest and 
extradition. Kostunica has pledged not to extradite him. 

But Milosevic appears to retain enough residual power to block Kostunica's 
reforms and - through proxies who still control Serbia's police - 
Yugoslavia's reintegration into the world. 

``I think he is preparing positions for a stab in the back by consolidating 
the police (and) creating chaos,'' Zoran Djindjic, head of the Democratic 
Party, told The Associated Press. 

After initial speculation that he was hiding out, a visibly shaken Milosevic 
appeared on TV late Friday to concede defeat and congratulate Kostunica on 
his victory. 

``I intend to rest a little and spend some more time with my family and 
especially with my grandson, Marko, and after that to help my party gain 
force and contribute to future prosperity,'' he said. 

Other deposed leaders have managed to stay home and stay alive. But in 
countries like Chile and Indonesia, the old autocrats have been troublesome 
to new democratic regimes, sabotaging their efforts to overcome the legacy of 
authoritarian rule. 

Despite massive defeats in the presidential ballot and local council 
elections, the Socialists still have a majority in the state legislature of 
Serbia, Yugoslavia's dominant republic, where they are allied with the 
ultranationalist Radical Party. 

The president of Serbia, Milan Milutinovic, is one of Milosevic's closest 
cronies. He is also an indicted war criminal, and his fate depends on 
Milosevic's own political survival. 

The Serbian presidency has sweeping powers, including direct control over the 
state's 100,000-strong police force. Its powers are much more substantial 
than those of the federal president, even though Milosevic beefed up the 
post's stature under his tenure. 

``Milutinovic occupies a very strong post and he will remain unswervingly 
loyal to Milosevic,'' said Braca Grubacic, a Belgrade political analyst. 
``This presents Milosevic with unlimited possibilities to block any reforms 
initiated by Kostunica.'' 

Even on the federal level, Milosevic retains significant clout. His leftist 
coalition controls 46 of 178 seats in the federal parliament. Together with 
an allied party from Montenegro, Yugoslavia's smaller republic, his allies 
could conceivably form the new federal government, sidelining Kostunica. 

Ultimately, however, Milosevic's ability to play any political role will 
depend on his ability to rally his badly shaken party. Stunned by the extent 
of their electoral defeat, members were reported to be deserting in droves. 

Some opposition leaders are convinced Milosevic's power will ebb quickly, now 
that he has lost control of the government media he used as his propaganda 
mouthpiece during 13 years of iron-fisted rule. 

Milosevic also remains vulnerable to criminal prosecution for running one of 
Europe's most corrupt regimes. Some have accused him of orchestrating a spate 
of assassinations in which some of the country's most senior politicians and 
underworld figures have died. 

``In the end, Milosevic may even prefer extradition to The Hague rather than 
stay here and face our justice,'' said opposition leader Zarko Korac.


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sat Oct  7 18:21:45 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 18:21:45 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Text of Kostunica oath of office and speech
Message-ID: <50.bd27c97.2710fbf9@aol.com>

Text of Kostunica oath of office and speech

BELGRADE, Oct 7 (Reuters) - Following is the text of the oath of office taken 
by new Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunuca in Belgrade on Saturday and key 
passages from his remarks to a joint session of parliament: 

OATH OF OFFICE 

``I pledge that I will respect and fulfil the constitution of the Federal 
Republic of Yugoslavia and federal laws, that I will protect the integrity, 
sovereignty and independence of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and 
contribute to the respect of human rights and freedoms and I will carry out 
with full responsibility the rights and duties of the president.'' 

ACCEPTANCE SPEECH 

``In the last couple of days everything has happened so quickly, everything 
that is important for our country, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. That 
is why I have concluded in the past couple of days that I should address the 
parliament in a couple of days with one, more complete programmatic 
statement. 

Now I would just like to thank you for coming and to tell you that, according 
to my deep beliefs, this is a historic moment for the country we live in, for 
our people, for Serbia and for Montenegro. 

My deepest political opinions have always indicated that without the 
democratic way, there is no prosperity, happiness, and no development. 

And that democratic path is not possible if people with different political 
views cannot talk together, and cannot agree to act in one parliament, in one 
society. 

There should be something above all and that is the wellbeing and benefit of 
our country, our great and beautiful Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. 

For decades we have been living in a realm that knew no democracy in a 
traditional or modern sense of the word. Democracy exists today and was 
proved by the fact that the ruling parties are handing over power and that 
this transition is being done peacefully. By this act, the Federal Republic 
of Yugoslavia and Serbia have entered the world of democratic nations and 
shown to the world that, despite all the differences that part us, we can 
still work together and debate in this parliament of ours. 

I think the consequences of what has happened are yet to be seen and that we 
are all a little bit surprised and stunned. Even I myself sometimes think 
this all must be a dream, but a dream that turns out to be real when I wake 
up -- and that is good. 

I would like to express confidence, from this high position I am taking on 
now, that we will all be able to work together. That while we disagree in 
many things, we will still be able to agree that the wellbeing and the 
interest of the country we are living in is a matter of the ultimate 
importance. I am confident that we will enter a new era in our political and 
normal life when peace, that most precious thing, will rule among us and 
between other nations of the world. 

I hope that is the era ahead of us and that in this country we will be able 
to deal with all the problems that are standing in front of us, problems that 
are not small. 

I repeat that all the problems and temptations we have been through in the 
past month were great, but new temptations are waiting for us. After this 
truly important historic moment , I am confident we will deal with those 
temptations in a good way and be able to solve the problems in our country, 
to make the union of Serbia and Montenegro stronger than ever and that we 
will be able to bring that area where our sovereignty is not fully exercised, 
but the one of the international community in Kosovo, closer to us, bringing 
it more under our sovereignty. 

I hope we will be able to return our country to the international community, 
but I will say this immediately and it is the only condition I would accept 
for our return -- that is to return with dignity, with respect for our 
national interests and our national dignity. 

I think that there are many countries who did wrong to the Federal Republic 
of Yugoslavia and to the people of Yugoslavia, I think there is a certain 
amount of uneasy conscience in some of their recent statements, but in any 
case I think we are about to enter the international community and especially 
the family of Balkan and European nations with a dignity that has always 
marked the people from these areas in the most difficult times. 

Believe me that this moment we are in right now is something that really 
excites me personally. I was always imagining how once we would be able to be 
together and have a civilised dialogue, that even when we ultimately disagree 
we would be able to be together without drawing on heavy words, without 
violence against each other. I think this new era is ahead of us, and in any 
case, I have personally felt it in Serbia, I felt it was a demand, an order 
of the people that I met throughout Serbia. I think it is the people's demand 
to all the deputies here in this parliament, regardless of their party 
differences and political beliefs. 

Thank you and let me tell you that I have been carrying the words of the oath 
deep in my heart for as long as I can remember and that I truly love this 
country, our Serbia and Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.'' 

(Translation by Reuters) 

(END TEXT) 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sat Oct  7 18:23:34 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 18:23:34 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] U.S. Wants to Befriend Belgrade
Message-ID: <f8.364cf97.2710fc66@aol.com>

U.S. Wants to Befriend Belgrade

By GEORGE GEDDA

WASHINGTON (AP) - Despite the profound disagreement of Yugoslavia's new 
leader with many U.S. policies, the United States expects to begin quickly to 
develop a full relationship President Vojislav Kostunica's government, a 
senior official said Saturday. 

Kostunica shunned contacts with American envoys during the campaign leading 
up to last month's presidential elections, but the senior official said that 
is expected to change in the next few days. 

``We'll have some direct contacts,'' said the official, who spoke on 
condition of anonymity. 

The United States has had no diplomatic presence in Belgrade for 18 months 
because of the breakdown in relations with the government of President 
Slobodan Milosevic, ousted by Kostunica in last month's elections and massive 
demonstrations against Milosevic's efforts to keep him out. 

Over the short term, the U.S. official said the administration has been in 
discussions with European nations on ways to prevent Milosevic holdovers from 
channeling millions of dollars in government assets out of the country. 

Care must be taken, the official said, to ensure that lifting international 
sanctions against Yugoslavia does not clear the way for such looting to be 
carried out with impunity. 

``We have to make sure the new people have control,'' the official said, 
``It's going to be a hard process.'' 

The administration wants to make sure that Milosevic has no role in the new 
government before it lifts sanctions. He has said he eventually wants to 
return to politics, but the United States wants him to stand trial before the 
Balkans war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands. 

EU foreign ministers, meeting Monday in Luxembourg, are likely to remove a 
ban on commercial flights to Yugoslavia and to lift an oil embargo imposed 
during NATO's 1999 Kosovo war. 

As the administration concentrates on helping the new government get off the 
ground, it appears to have put on the back burner the fate of Milosevic now 
that he has been deposed. 

The U.S. goal for 1 1/2 years has been to get Milosevic out of power and to 
have him sent to The Hague for trial. 

Kostunica has said he will not extradite Milosevic and has called the 
tribunal a ``political institution'' with inconsistent rules, an ``American 
tool.'' 

He also was sharply critical of the U.S.-led air war last year. 

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright acknowledges Kostunica's differences 
with the United States but says it is a mistake to equate him with Milosevic. 
``He's not an ethnic cleanser,'' she said Friday. 

On the Net: State Department: http://www.state.gov/www/regions/eur/index.html 


From albania at netzero.net  Sat Oct  7 21:29:54 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 21:29:54 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} PRESS: Kostunica's Rise Could Provoke Albanian Kosovars (San Francisco  Chronicle, October 7, 2000)
Message-ID: <39DF4A18.168CE69A@bndlg.de>

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2000/10/07/MN81042.DTL

NEWS ANALYSIS

Kostunica's Rise Could Provoke Albanian Kosovars

Serbians might press claim to province

Peter Finn, Washington Post 
Saturday, October 7, 2000 

Budapest -- Vojislav Kostunica's ascent to power in Yugoslavia could
help strengthen Serbian claims on Kosovo and eventually turn the
province's ethnic Albanian majority against the NATO troops stationed
there as peacekeepers. 
     At the same time, the change of power in Belgrade might ease a long
and destabilizing feud between Serbia and Montenegro, the two republics
of the Yugoslav federation. 
     The ethnic Albanian population in Kosovo regards the province as
firmly on the road to independence. The authoritarianism of ousted
president Slobodan Milosevic was their strongest card in arguing that
nationhood was not only inevitable, but morally essential. 
     Now that card is gone, placing the Albanians in potential conflict
with NATO. 
     The West has insisted that Kosovo enjoy broad autonomy, but has
resisted all attempts to formally make the province independent. 
     That is not so far from the position of Kostunica, a democrat but
also an ardent nationalist, who sees Kosovo as historically attached to
Serbia. In one campaign speech, he said that Albanians knew that if the
heavy-handed Milosevic remained in power, ``they will get their
independent Kosovo.'' Voting for Kostunica would keep it in the Serbian
family, he said. 
     With Kostunica now in power, the West may become more sympathetic
to the sanctity of Yugoslav sovereignty. 
     ``That giant revving sound you hear,'' said one Western diplomat in
Pristina, the capital of Kosovo, ``is the sound of the West getting
ready to rush to Belgrade. And when they get there, the Serb attachment
to Kosovo might suddenly seem very reasonable.'' 
     That would anger many Kosovo Albanians, who hid large supplies of
arms after NATO troops entered the province last year after a 78-day air
offensive that forced Serbian security forces to withdraw. 
     Given Western disappointment at the relentless attacks that ethnic
Albanians have staged against the tiny Serbian population in Kosovo
since NATO forces arrived, Serbia under Kostunica can argue that it
represents tolerance vs. Albanian fanaticism, diplomats said. 
     ``Ironically, I think without Milosevic the Albanians will be in a
more difficult position,'' said one Western European diplomat, speaking
from his capital last night. ``And part of their problem, frankly, is
that Kostunica may live up to our hopes while in many ways, with their
killing of Serbs, they have not.'' 
     ``The Albanians never really believed us when we said independence
was out,'' said the diplomat. ``I worry about the consequences if they
do finally believe us.'' 
     Certainly some Serbs in the divided city of Kosovska Mitrovica
believe that Kostunica's rise will be good for them. Oliver Ivanovic, a
Serbian leader there, was telling his community yesterday that a
Kostunica presidency could end the community's isolation and dampen
ethnic Albanian ambitions. 
     ``It is not a disaster,'' Ivanovic told Reuters. The Milosevic
government was ``ready to forget Kosovo and Kosovo Serbs,'' he said. But
the new government ``will be free to come here to talk. Serbs in Kosovo
will not be alone.'' 
     For their part, ethnic Albanians have in recent days shrugged off
the prospect of democracy in Belgrade as irrelevant. 
     ``Kosovo will not be part of Serbia whether it's a dictatorial
Serbia or a democratic Serbia,'' said Hashim Thaqi, head of Kosovo's
Democratic Party and the former political leader of the Kosovo
Liberation Army, Reuters reported. 
     That position, if radical elements decide to try to enforce it with
the caches of arms that NATO believes remain hidden in the province,
could spell trouble. 
     Regarding the feud between Yugoslavia's two republics, Serbia and
Montenegro, it was always a standoff between brothers. Ethnic
differences between the two are relatively small, and tensions grew in
part from Montenegrin resentment of Milosevic and the relatively greater
power of the much larger Serbia within the federation. 

?2000 San Francisco Chronicle   Page A8

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From albania at netzero.net  Sat Oct  7 21:30:01 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 21:30:01 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} PRESS: Kosovo's hopes for independence may be hurt (National Post,  October 7, 2000)
Message-ID: <39DF4A23.6299BFB2@bndlg.de>

http://www.nationalpost.com/home/story.html?f=/stories/20001007/423114.html

October 7, 2000

Kosovo's hopes for independence may be hurt

Isabel Vincent
National Post

Members of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority had mixed reactions to
Vojislav Kostunica's victory this week.
     On the one hand, many said they were pleased to see Slobodan
Milosevic resign as Yugoslav president. The headline in one of the main
ethnic Albanian dailies yesterday was "The parliament was burning.
That's justice because Milosevic's men burned our villages."
     Mr. Milosevic is generally despised by ethnic Albanians because his
paramilitary forces were responsible for ethnic cleansing and
large-scale human rights abuses in the southern province of Serbia
during the NATO bombing campaign last year.
     On the other hand, many ethnic Albanians feel that without Mr.
Milosevic, who has become an international pariah despised by the West,
in Belgrade, their hopes for independence will never be realized.
     "We would have preferred Milosevic to stay in power because the
international community would soon have been forced to recognize
Kosovo's independence," said Sali Berisha, vice-president of the
Democratic League of Kosovo, told Agence France-Presse yesterday.
     Mr. Kostunica has campaigned on a pro-nationalist platform over
Kosovo and favours keeping the province within Yugoslavia. One of his
first acts as the new Yugoslav leader will likely be to draw up a new
constitution, enshrining minority rights, say members of his 18-party
opposition coalition, Democratic Opposition of Serbia.
     In the past, Mr. Kostunica supported Kosovo Serbs, who currently
number about 100,000 in the region, in their struggle against ethnic
Albanians to keep the province within Serbia. When Serbia pulled out of
Kosovo after 78 days of NATO bombing last year, he condemned Mr.
Milosevic for his "shameful capitulation."
     Since the NATO campaign, Kosovo has been under an interim United
Nations administration backed by a NATO-led military force.

Copyright ? 2000 National Post Onlin

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Oct  7 22:18:30 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 7 Oct 2000 19:18:30 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kodervorre ilire ne Korce
Message-ID: <20001008021830.15472.qmail@web108.yahoomail.com>

Kamenica, zbardh enigmat p?r ilir?t e Jugut 
Varreza tumulare, zbulimet e arkeolog?ve n? zon?n e
Kor??s
Olimbi Velaj

P?rfundoi k?t? jav? ekspedita arkeologjike e Kamenic?s
n? rrethin e Kor??s. T? sapokthyer nga terreni,
arkeolog?t pjes?marr?s n? k?t? ekspedit? kan? pohuar
se g?rmimet e k?tij viti kan? evidentuar shum?
elemente t? rinj n? tum?n (varrin) e k?tij fshati.
Ekspedita ?sht? udh?hequr nga zyra e Arkeologjis? s?
Shp?timit, n? Tiran?, e krijuar n? fillim t? k?tij
viti. Arkeolog?t q? mor?n pjes? n? t? jan?: Lorenca
Bejko dhe Maria Gracia Amore nga kjo zyr?, Petrika
Lera dhe Sk?nder Aliu, nga dega arkeologjike e Kor??s.
E gjith? ekspedita ka qen? n? fakt bashk?punim i zyr?s
s? Arkeologjis? s? Shp?timit dhe Institutit
Arkeologjik n? Tiran?. P?rve? arkeolog?ve n? t? jan?
p?rfshir? edhe dhjet? student? t? vitit t? tret? t?
arkeologjis?, t? cil?t kan? kryer nj? vit akademik n?
Lond?r p?r t?u specializuar n? deg?n e tyre. N?
g?rmime kan? marr? pjes? gjithashtu edhe 25 pun?tor?. 
Ekspedita ka zgjatur dy muaj dhe ka nxjerr? n? drit?
nj? sip?rfaqe arkeologjike, q? p?rfshin nj? diamet?r
prej 45 metrash. 
?Ne u nis?m p?r dy q?llime n? k?t? ekspedit??,- thot?
Lorenc Bejko, arkeologu q? e kryesoi grupin n?
Kamenic?. Ai tregon se q?llimi kryesor, q? i drejtoi
arkeolog?t n? k?t? nd?rmarrje pik?risht n? fillim t?
vjesht?s, ka qen? d?mtimi i tum?s nga shtetas me
komb?si greke dhe shqiptare. Por nga ana tjet?r, n?
planet e arkeolog?ve ka qen? edhe g?rmimi n? k?t?
pik?. K?shtu ekspedita filloi. Por m? pas me avancimin
e g?rmimeve u pa se n? terren kishte shum? m? tep?r
rezultate nga sa qen? parashikuar para zbulimit t?
sip?rfaqes arkeologjike. Lorenca Bejko tregon se tuma
e Kamenic?s ?sht? nj? nga m? t? m?dhat? n? territorrin
e sot?m shqiptar dhe nj? nga m? t? r?nd?sishmet. Sipas
v?zhgimeve t? ekspedit?s s? fundit atje, jan?
konstatuar rite t? panjohura. N? tum? arkeolog?t kan?
v?rejtur trupv?nie dhe trupdjegie, sipas koh?s kur
k?to dy m?nyra varrimi kan? qen? n? fuqi. 
Varreza tumulare e Kamenic?s daton n[ periudh?n kohore
midis shekullit t? dhjet? dhe shekullit t? gjasht?,
para er?s s? re. ?sht? pik?risht koha kur polisi grek
po dominonte si m?nyr? organizimi n? zonat e Iliris?
s? Jugut.
Shum? interesante ?sht? komentuar nga arkeolog?t edhe
arkitektura e tum?s n? Kamenic?. Po aq edhe m?nyra se
si jan? trejtuar personat m? t? pushtetsh?m t?
bashk?sis? s? qytetar?ve. K?shtu, pas varrimit, duket
se njer?zit e r?nd?sish?m jan? renditur n? pozicione
m? t? favorshme n? konfigurimin e varrit
gjysm?rrethor. Edhe nga bizhut? dhe en?t q? jan?
gjetur n? secilin prej varreve ?sht? e qart? t?
p?rcaktohet pozita sociale e secilit. Deri tani n?
tum? jan? gjetur 60 skelete, t? cilat jan? sakt?suar
pas analizave se cilit seks dhe ??moshe i kan?
p?rkitur. E gjith? ekspedita ka arritur t? realizoj?
nj? t? tret?n e q?llimit t? saj fillestar. Vitin e
ardhsh?m g?rmimet do t? fillojn? n? pranver? dhe do t?
zgjatin deri n? vjesht?. Bejko pohon se r?nd?sia e
tum?s s? Kamenic?s do t? jet? m? e qart? pas g?rmimit
t? plot? t? saj. Nd?rkoh? arkeolog?t jan? duke
sistemuar t? dh?nat. M? pas ato do t? botohen n?
Shqip?ri, Britani dhe SHBA, n? revista t?
specializuara. 
N? territorrin e g?rmuar policia lokale ka angazhuar
disa punonj?s, nd?rsa jan? paguar nga vet? ekspedita
pronari i tok?s dhe nj? tjet?r vendas si kujdestar?
p?r territorrin e zbuluar dhe gjith? sitin arkeologjik
t? tum?s. Kjo do t? siguroj? ruajtjen e gjith?kaje t?
zbuluar, gj? q? ?sht? nj? nga problemet m? t? m?dha
p?r arkeolog?t vitet e fundit. 


__________________________________________________
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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sun Oct  8 15:09:17 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 15:09:17 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] WHAT DID THE KREMLIN DO IN BELGRADE -- CAVE IN, OR DIG IN? - From JRL
Message-ID: <a6.a66e8b3.2712205d@aol.com>

The following was published in Johnson's Russia List


From: "John Helmer" <helmer at atom.ru>

Subject: WHAT DID THE KREMLIN DO IN BELGRADE -- CAVE IN, OR DIG IN?

Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 


Coming in The Straits Times, Tuesday, October 10,  2000. 


WHAT DID THE KREMLIN DO IN BELGRADE -- CAVE IN, OR DIG IN?

News analysis

>From John Helmer in Moscow


There is an old Russian saying that if you drink, you die. And if you don't 

drink, you die. So it's better to drink.


If that was the choice facing Russian policy towards last week's events in 

Belgrade, the Russian parliament was first to point out that President 

Vladimir Putin's endorsement of Kostunica's election was worse than death.


Was Putin's action a sign of vacillation and weakness under foreign 

pressure, as his domestic critics are now claiming? And does the Russian

action in conceding to the Yugoslav opposition, headed by Vojislav Kostunica, 

mean international pressure can also succeed in bringing down 

other governments close to the Kremlin, such as the Belarus government headed 

by Alexander Lukashenko?

  

On Friday, according to Gennady Seleznev, the speaker of the State Duma, who 

generally tries to stay in line with the Kremlin, there was no justification 

for Putin to support Kostunica, let alone join the United States and the 

NATO powers to encourage an opposition seizure of power in the streets of 

Belgrade. In the streets, Seleznev said, there was nothing but a "crowd high 

on alcohol and drugs."


Alexander Shabanov, a senior Communist Party deputy, told The Straits

Times on Friday "the present revolt cannot last long. The assault on the 

building of the parliament is a crime. A group of warmed-up people on the 

Belgrade streets is hard to reason with."


Shabanov was speaking after Putin had authorized the despatch of Foreign 

Minister Igor Ivanov to Belgrade on Friday. By then it was already known that 

Ivanov was carrying a message from Putin to Kostunica congratulating him on 

"his victory in the presidential election". 


In the West, that was immediately interpreted as a signal the Kremlin had 

caved in, and was abandoning esident Slobodan Milosevic to his fate. Noone 

attended Ivanov's later clarification. "I did not congratulate 

Mr. Kostunica as president," Ivanov said, "but congratulated him with his 

success, with his victory, in the elections."


Was there any practical difference, Ivanov's critics in the Duma thundered?

By the time Ivanov had returned to Moscow, Milosevic had met Kostunica, and

in 

the presence of the Yugoslav army chief, to confirm the transfer of power.


"The thing that happened today I cannot comment on in any other way than by 

using obscene language," Alexei Mitrofanov told The Straits Times.

Mitrofanov, 

a former Foreign Ministry official, is a member of Vladimir Zhirinovsky's 

small party in parliament, and a strong nationalist. He attacked Ivanov for 

bowing to NATO pressure. "Once again, Russia exercises the role of the 

advocate for Western countries, Germany first of all. It is the same role we 

played with German reunification. What did we receive from that -- thanks, 

plus two kopecks of credit." 


According to Mitrofanov, "Russia needed Milosevic. The 

situation was still recoverable. We still could get some guarantees. But now 

Russia's acknowledgement of Kostunica means Milosevic has lost his game."

Mitrofanov was one of the first deputies among the Duma nationalists to 

break with Putin. 


The Communists remained convinced that Ivanov was acting 

on clear Kremlin instructions; that the policy of supporting constitutional 

rule in Yugoslavia meant support for Milosevic, at least until after another 

round of voting; and finally, that there was no split between the Foreign 

Ministry, the Kremlin Security Council which acts as Putin's personal policy 

staff, or the General Staff. 


Putin's invitation to Moscow for both Milosevic and Kostunica, repeated

after Putin returned to Moscow from a trip to India, seemed to the Duma 

nationalists to mean the Kremlin was sticking to Milosevic.

 

"President Putin personally supervises foreign relations," said a spokesman 

for Dmitri Rogozin, the non-communist chairman  of the Duma International 

Relations Committee, and a well-known nationalist. Rogozin had publicly

backed 

Russian support for Milosevic as the constitutional head of state in 

Yugoslavia. "We can't comment on the Kremlin's opinion of the situation,"his 

spokesman told The Straits Times. "The Kremlin's opinion can't differ from

the 

Foreign Ministry or the Defence Ministry."


Rogozin did emphasize there was no support in parliament for a Russian 

offer of exile for Milosevic. But Rogozin also believed there was no need for 

the offer, so long as the Kremlin did not abandon Milosevic.


The Communists were equally adamant on this point. "The parliamentary 

statement on the situation in Yugoslavia supports President Putin's position. 

A coup is a coup," Shabanov told The Straits Times late Friday afternoon.

The Communists saw no reason why Milosevic should not be 

able to reestablish himself; and every reason why Putin should not do nothing 

to side with NATO against him.


Vyacheslav Nikonov, a former member of the Duma International Relations 

Committee, who runs a political consultancy that is close to the Kremlin,

told 

The Straits Times he did not see any evidence of a split among Russian 

policymakers between those favouring Milosevic, and those for Kostunica. 


According to Nikonov, the Kremlin saw events in Belgrade moving in two 

directions. "The first is if Milosevic is convinced by Russia, or by his 

generals to leave. Or [secondly], if Milosevic keeps claiming power, the 

situation may become murderous. In both cases, Milosevic will not need 

political exile. In case he gives up, he will receive protection within the 

country. If he keeps fighting for the presidency, then he will not ask

anybody 

for political asylum."


The key issue for Putin and his staff, according to Nikovov, was "how 

Milosevic estimates his chances."


That is what Putin despatched his foreign minister to Belgrade to find out. 

While the west was focusing on Ivanov's meeting with Kostunica, the meeting 

that followed between Ivanov and Milosevic was the decisive one.


Russian sources in Moscow believe Milosevic had made his decision to 

give up the presidency, but remain in the Yugoslav parliament, before

Ivanov arrived. It is possible Milosevic had already signalled his intention, 

and Ivanov was despatched to make sure. 


Russian sources do not credit Russian pressure as forcing Milosevic, 

because they do not believe Milosevic has trusted the Kremlin since former 

President Boris Yeltsin and former Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin 

abandoned him during last year's NATO bombing campaign.


Yeltsin's actions at that time launched Putin's rise to power, by 

triggering a General Staff rebellion against his authority. The first 

manifestation was the Russian military occupation of Pristina airport on 

June 11, 1999. Yeltsin became so fearful over the next several weeks, he 

decided he could not trust his then Prime Minister, Sergei Stepashin.

Putin, the head of the Federal Security Service, replaced Stepashin in

August. 


While pro-American newspapers in Moscow are now reporting there was a split 

between the Security Council, favouring Milosevic's resistance, and the 

Foreign Ministry, favouring NATO, the real choice in Russian policy was 

already made. Milosevic made it.


Russians acknowledge that after last year's events, Milosevic had no reason

to 

trust Russian promises. The Russian assessment was there was little they

could 

do to assure their interest in Yugoslavia so long as Milosevic hung on to 

power; little they could do if he relinqished it; and nothing they could to 

persuade him in one direction or another.


Was this a policy of "foolishness and betrayal", as Mitrofanov now says?


The Kremlin will not argue the point in public. The game, Milosevic told 

the Kremlin, isn't exactly over. For Russia's reasons, not NATO's, Putin 

agreed. Preserving the anti-western opposition in Yugoslavia, after Milosevic 

steps down, is the main Russian reason now.



From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sun Oct  8 15:11:33 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 15:11:33 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Moscow could prove key Kostunica ally over Kosovo
Message-ID: <ad.18a10b5.271220e5@aol.com>

Moscow could prove key Kostunica ally over Kosovo

MOSCOW, Oct 8 (AFP) - 
Despite Moscow's late conversion to his cause, newly-installed Yugoslav 

President Vojislav Kostunica could find Moscow a valuable ally in Belgrade's 

battle to restore its control over Kosovo.


In his inauguration address the moderate nationalist firmly staked his claim 

to the rebel province, regarded as the birthplace of Orthodox Serbia's 

statehood but 90 percent populated by Muslim ethnic-Albanians.


The 56-year-old lawyer pledged to "protect the sovereignty, independence and 

integrity" of his country, and to ensure Kosovo fully returns to the Yugoslav 

fold.


That, and his desire to keep Western-leaning Montenegro hitched to the 

limping Yugoslav Federation, could complicate Kostunica's ties with the 

European capitals even as he tries to end Serbia's international isolation.


Analysts warn that Western euphoria over the ousting of Slobodan Milosevic 

could prove short-lived, for nationalist sentiment at home and his own 

political beliefs will limit the new Belgrade leader's room for manoeuvre.


And while President Vladimir Putin's failure to quickly recognise his victory 

saw an irritated Kostunica throw some barbs in Moscow's direction, the 

Kremlin could redeem itself by offering unwavering support over Kosovo.


And that could throw the West on the back foot, says Andrei Piontkovsky, a 

respected Moscow commentator.


"I think the Western position on Kosovo will be more vulnerable now than 

before," he said. "Russia didn't realise that in its anti-Western rhetoric 

and anti-Western manoeuvring that Kostunica was a more valuable partner than 

Milosevic," he said.


In a letter signalling Moscow's acceptance of Kostunica as Yugoslavia's new 

ruler, Putin said Friday that Moscow would "firmly and without fail speak out 

for the absolute respect of the independence, sovereignty and territorial 

integrity of the FRY."


NATO's presence in Kosovo was predicated on Milosevic's seemingly iron grip 

on power, but Western capitals will now have to grasp the nettle of returning 

the province to Belgrade and disarming Albanian secessionists.


For with the political demise of Milosevic, indicted on war crimes and crimes 

against humanity by a UN-backed international tribunal over his crackdown in 

Kosovo, the option of independence for the province appears to have receded.


"(Moscow) will be able to say to the West, you supported the democratic 

opposition, you welcomed its coming to power. So, there's a new democratic 

government in Belgrade and we should all support it," said Piontkovsky.


However, the perennial weakness of the Russian economy and the millions of 

euros the European Community is prepared to throw at a compliant Serbia could 

mean Russia fails to cash in on its principled defence of the borders of its 

historic ally, some warn.


"Western countries have a very specific plan for a small common market for 

the Balkans, in which Serbia can be included," said Sergei Markov, director 

of Moscow's Institute of Political Studies.


"The Yugoslavs voted for a Yugoslavia in Europe," he said. "They want to come 

out of isolation and be part of Europe again. So I'm absolutely sure 

Kostunica will try to build good relations with the West."


Unable to throw money at a problem, Russia will push for compromise and seek 

to use its undoubted influence in the Balkans region to keep the Yugoslav 

Federation together, with Kosovo as an integral part, he added.


"It's not the strongest position, but it is a position," said Markov, "and it 

gives Russia a role."



From Gazhebo at aol.com  Sun Oct  8 15:13:58 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 15:13:58 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Socialists defeat Democrats in Albanian local poll
Message-ID: <e8.ad8bdb4.27122176@aol.com>

Socialists defeat Democrats in Albanian local poll

TIRANA, Oct 8 (Reuters) - Albania's ruling Socialists won most of the vote in 
last week's local elections, defeating their main rival the Democratic Party 
in the country's biggest political test in three years, election authorities 
said on Sunday. 

``The Socialist Party has won 28 municipalities and 110 communes whereas the 
Democratic Party has won the race in nine municipalities and 58 communes,'' 
Central Election Commission (CEC) chairman Fotaq Nano said. 

He did not disclose the percentage of the vote won by each party but 
political sources said Prime Minister Ilir Meta's Socialists notched up 42.34 
percent compared to 32.57 percent won by the Democrats. 

A second round of voting will be held next Sunday in 28 municipalities and 
128 communes where no candidate managed to win a majority. 

Opposition Democratic Party chairman and former president Sali Berisha said 
the October 1 election was ``grossly manipulated'' but international 
observers said it had been orderly and fair, with only minor irregularities 
reported. 

Albania's Western partners were relieved that the elections in this 
impoverished Balkan nation passed off peacefully, in contrast to the general 
election of 1997 which was marred by political violence. 

The Socialists won control of several major cities, including the capital 
Tirana, in a vote seen as a trial run for next spring's general election. 


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Oct  8 21:24:40 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 18:24:40 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Saranda therret...
Message-ID: <20001009012440.17854.qmail@web109.yahoomail.com>

 
 Saranda, aty ku harrohet shija e shqipes
?Aty ku turist?t thon? ?na ishte bukur nj?her? e nj?
koh??
Iva Ti?o

00 355, prefiksi i Shqip?ris? q? ndiqet nga ai i
Tiran?s e m? pas numri. Nuk je duke k?rkuar t? flas?sh
me sht?pin? nga jasht? Shqip?ris?, nuk ke kaluar asnj?
pik? kufiri dhe n? pasaport? nuk t? ?sht? v?n? ndonj?
vul?. Megjithat?, prefiksi ?sht? m? se i nevojsh?m t?
formohet kur je n? jug t? Shqip?ris?, n? Sarand?.
?Linja me Tiran?n nuk punon. N?se do t? flas?sh,
jasht? ka celular? grek??,- thot? punonj?sja e PTT-s?.
Dhe v?rtet, jasht? q?ndrojn? disa ?posta? l?viz?se. Me
dyqind lek? minutin, ata t? lidhin me k? t? kesh qejf,
n? ?do qytet t? Shqip?ris?, ama m? p?rpara duhet t?
formosh prefiksin. 
Qytetit jugor nuk i mungojn? kabinat telefonike. Madje
edhe kartat, n? ndryshim nga Tirana ku i shesin
f?mij?t me ?mime m? t? larta, mund t? blihen fare mir?
n? sportelin e post?s. Por nuk t? sh?rbejn? p?r gj?.
Telekomi nuk punon. Thuhet se nj? central i ri
telefonik do t? nis? s? shpejti t? funksionoj?. Me an?
t? tij Saranda do t? mund t? lidhet me ?do cep t?
Shqip?ris?, pa pasur nevoj? t? formoj? m? par?
prefiksin. Nd?rsa p?r celular?t shqiptar?, tani p?r
tani nuk b?het fjal?. E vetmja kompani e
komunikacionit t? l?vizsh?m q? ?sht? n? Shqip?ri, nuk
i shtrin val?t deri n? jug. Madje thuhet se sapo
kap?rcen qaf?n e Llogaras?, n? celular mund t? lexosh
?Welcome in Greece!?. Gjithsesi kjo ?sht? vet?m aq sa
thuhet, nd?rsa n? Sarand? p?r aq koh? sa sinjali i
telefonave t? l?vizsh?m t? mos kapet, do t? vazhdohet
me celular?t grek?. Ata jan? t? lir?, mjaft t? blesh
aparatin dhe n? ?do kiosk? t? Sarand?s mund t? blesh
kartat greke. 
Mungojn? val?t shqipfol?se
Rruga p?r n? Sarand? shtrihet n? nj? terren tep?r t?
thyer, male, rr?pira, zigzake? Nuk ju b?jn? keq vet?m
udh?tar?ve q? ankohen p?r troshitjet e rrug?s, por u
b?jn? gjithaq keq edhe val?ve televizive. Val?t
shqiptare mungojn? thuajse t?r?sisht n? Sarand?. Duhen
p?rforcues, madje edhe moti duhet t? jet? i mir? q? t?
mund t? kap?sh ndonj? sinjal t? televizionit publik
shqiptar. Madje edhe ky nuk kapet n? ?do pik? t?
qytetit. Duhet t? k?rkosh gjat? me telekomand?.
Komanda ?search? sjell n? ekran mbi dhjet? stacione,
t? gjitha n? greqisht, derisa, n?se je me fat, n?se
hoteli ?sht? n? nj? pik? ?t? favorshme? p?r k?so
pun?sh dhe pronari ka shpenzuar ca m? shum? duke bler?
p?rforcuesa, at?her? mund t? t? dal? nj? sinjal i
dob?t, me ngjyra t? fikura q? lexon TVSH. Por nuk
q?ndron gjat? gjith? koh?s n? ekran. Nis nj? zhurm?,
pastaj miza dhe zhduket. N?se je me fat, mund t? dal?
prap? pas ndonj? ore, p?rndryshe del t? nes?rmen. 
N?se pyet banor?t e qytetit, tregojn? se ka qen?
thuajse gjithmon? k?shtu. Madje qysh para viteve ?90,
Saranda ishte nj? nga pikat e hart?s s? televizionit
t? vet?m shqiptar ku sinjali dilte m? i dob?t. Nd?rsa
sa i takon televizioneve private shqiptare,
sarandiot?t i kan? vet?m me t? d?gjuar. N?se kan?
shfletuar gazetat n? faqet ku shkruhet p?r
televizionin, njohin me em?r ca prej tyre, ose mund
t?u ket? r?n? rasti t?i ken? par? kur kan? dal? jasht?
qytetit. Nd?rsa brenda n? Sarand?, asnj? prej k?tyre
televizioneve nuk ka mundur t? emetoj? ndonj?her?. 
?Shtrihemi n? gjith? Shqip?rin?, tani edhe n? Kosov??,
?sht? motoja q? ka p?rs?ritur ndonj? nga televizionet
private shqiptare kur ?sht? gjetur para gar?s p?r
marrjen e licenc?s komb?tare. Me sa duket, ose ?sht?
harruar q? stacioni i tyre nuk transmeton n? Sarand?,
ose m? keq akoma, ?sht? harruar se edhe Saranda
gjendet n? hart?n e Shqip?ris?. Gjithsesi, q? t?
marr?sh licenc? komb?tare mjaft t? transmetosh n? 70
p?r qind t? territorit t? vendit, k?shtu e gjith? kjo
reklam? ka shkuar kot.
Nd?rkoh? val?t shqipfol?se n? skajin jugor vazhdojn?
t? mungojn?. P?r t?u informuar, banor?t kan? zgjedhur
stacionet televizive greke. Atje m?sojn? se ??po ngjet
n? vendin fqinj, ??po ngjet n? Evrop? madje mund t?
m?sojn? edhe se si po shkojn? zgjedhjet n? Shqip?ri.
P?r holl?si t? tjera, p?r ngjyrime politike apo
komente puro shqiptare, i drejtohen shtypit t? shkruar
q? meq?n?se shp?ndahet aq larg, ?sht? m? i shtrenjt?
sesa n? Tiran?.
E nd?rsa TVSH-ja shfaq dob?t, radio Tirana nuk ndihet
fare. Madje asnj? radio tjet?r shqiptare. N? fund t?
fundit, kur shteti nuk kujtohet t? investoj? e t?
blej? p?rforcuesa, p?rse duhet ta b?j? k?t? privati?
Por jo t? gjith? privat?t mendojn? k?shtu. Prej pak
koh?sh, Saranda ka median elektronike t? par? lokale.
Nj? radio modeste, e quajtur thjesht ?Saranda?, por q?
?sht? me t? v?rtet? tep?r p?r at? qytet ku mungon
fjala shqipe. Transmeton gjith?ka, muzik? popullore,
jugore e veriore, polifonike e ?ame, madje edhe rep e
metal. Transmeton lajme lokale, por dhe ndonj? gj? t?
r?nd?sishme q? ka mundur t? merret vesh nga
kryeqyteti, njofton dhe p?r oraret kur do t? ikin
dritat sipas zonave. Ka nj? zyr? t? vog?l, buz? detit.
Dy pronar?ve nuk u sjell ndonj? fitim, por ata jan? t?
k?naqur q? n? rr?muj?n e frekuencave greke d?gjohet
nj? z? n? shqip ?Radio Saranda?. Kan? fituar t?
drejt?n t? vazhdojn? konkurimin p?r licenc?n e radios
lokale dhe teksa ulen n? ndonj? bar porosisin: ?Nj?
kafe dhe Radio Sarand?n?.
F?mij?t, emra grek?
N? autobus hip?n nj? vajz? e vog?l, flok?verdh? me
ka?urrela. Esht? nga Saranda dhe ?sht? pes? vje?. E
quajn? Aliqi. T? ?m?n ia quajn? ?mami Nila?, nd?rsa t?
atin ?babi Tani?. Nuk jan? me origjin? minoritare,
jan? shqiptar? puro. Aliqi ka edhe nj? shoqe, t? vog?l
aq sa ?sht? dhe ajo. Luajn? ?do dit? bashk? me
kukulla. Po shoqja si e ka emrin? ?Athinulla?,
p?rgjigjet Aliqi. Nd?rsa edhe mami dhe babi i
Athinull?s kan? emra tipik? shqiptar?.
T? krijohet p?rshtypja sakaq se vajzat e vogla kan?
trash?guar emrat e gjysheve t? tyre, zakon ky i
rikthyer vitet e fundit n? Shqip?ri e sidomos n? Jug.
Por nuk qenka k?shtu. Mami Nila tregon se gjyshja e
Aliqit kishte nj? em?r tjet?r, nd?rsa t? bij?s ia ka
v?n? emrin kumbarja greke. Madje i ka bler? edhe nj?
kryq t? trash? floriri dhe plot rroba t? bukura.
Nd?rsa Athinulla ?sht? pag?zuar dhe ajo n? Greqi. Edhe
ajo duhet t? ket? ndonj? kryq t? bukur. Dhe si k?to dy
vog?lushe, n? Sarand? ka plot f?mij? t? till? me k?so
emrash. Nd?rsa n? bregdetin e Durr?sit d?gjon prind?r
q? i th?rresin Henrit apo Enxhit e tyre, n? plazhin e
Sarand?s, n?nat th?rrasin Sotirin apo Efigjenin t? mos
iki larg me not.
Ksamili, aty ku ka mbir? betoni
Quhej perla e Shqip?ris?. Thuhej se armiqt? na kishin
hal? n? sy pik?risht p?r at? cop? bregdet, t? mbushur
me brezare me agrume e ullinj. Nd?rsa kur ke shum?
vite pa kaluar n? ato an?, n? pamje t? par? nuk e
kupton ku je. Vet?m n?se sheh grumbullin e ishujve n?
det, k?rkon ca me sy n?p?r kodra, e merr me mend se
aty duhet t? jet? Ksamili. Ishuj me konfiguracion t?
atill? nuk ka n? ndonj? vend tjet?r t? Shqip?ris?, pra
je v?rtet n? Ksamil. N?se nuk do t? ishin ishujt, mund
t? vazhdoje t? k?rkoje m? tutje e n? fund t? thoshe
?Ksamili ka humbur?.
Fshati ?sht? po aty, ashtu si? jan? dhe ishujt, por
kodrat rreth e rrotull kan? nd?rruar ngjyr?. N?se sheh
me v?mendje, zbulon ndoca rr?nj? t? dala n? sip?rfaqe
t? tok?s, ndonj? trung t? prer? dhe kupton q? aty ka
pasur pem?. Ca m? tutje ca pem? ulliri, madje kan?
shp?tuar edhe ca limona apo portokalle. Aty e kupton
se ke r?n? n? gjurm? t? brezareve t? zhdukura. 
Vendin e gjelb?rimit, e ka z?n? nj? ngjyr? e murme.
Balta n? ato an? ka ngjyr? t? kuqe dhe nga larg kodrat
e Ksamilit dallojn? duksh?m nga pamja e nj? ishulli t?
madh p?rball? q? quhet Korfuz. Andej gjelb?r, k?tej
kuq. Megjithat? tregohet se gjat? ver?s ka pasur
l?vizje q? andej k?tej, nga e gjelbra drejt t? kuqes.
Por kan? qen? l?vizje ditore, nj? sh?titje n?
Butrinit, ndoshta edhe nj? drek? n? Sarand?, pastaj
drejt t? gjelbr?s menj?her?, pa u ndalur fare n?
Ksamil. Nd?rsa vet? fshati q? dikur furnizonte me
agrume Shqip?rin?, nuk arrin t? furnizoj? as Sarand?n.
Mjaft t? shoh?sh tregun, agrume t? paketuara ?Made in
Greece?.
E si t? mos ishte vet?m balta e kuqe, tani ka mbir?
edhe betoni. Nd?rtesa t? reja, ca t? mbaruara e ca jo,
ca me leje e shumica pa leje, diku themele t? hapura e
diku shtylla betoni. Aty po ngrihet nj? sht?pi, ca m?
tej thuhet se do t? b?het nj? hotel. Madje me shum?
kate. Po kush do t? bujt? n? at? hotel. ??turist? mund
t? vijn? n? nj? peisazh me ngjyr? t? kuqe, ku e
gjelbra sa vjen e humbet. N?se do t? duan gjelb?rim,
turist?t do t? shkojn? n? ishullin p?rball?, ku dhe
infrastruktura ?sht? shum? m? e mir?. ??hall mund t?
t? shtyj? t?i shpenzosh lek?t n? nj? vend p?r t? cilin
mund t? thuhet ?ishte bukur nj?her? e nj? koh??. 
 


__________________________________________________
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Yahoo! Photos - 35mm Quality Prints, Now Get 15 Free!
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Oct  8 22:46:57 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 19:46:57 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] PT Job Opportunities
Message-ID: <20001009024657.6964.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

From: Petra Kovacs  <kovacsp at o...>
Date: Fri Oct 6, 2000 3:52pm
Subject: Part time job: Albania, Bosnia, Croatia,
Former Republic of Yugo slavia, Slovenia, Poland




Please, send your applications to and  your CV to 
Andrea Krizsan at andrea at c...
************

Part time job in the field collecting information
concerning local level
management of multiethnic communities
 
MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COMMUNITIES BEST PRACTICE
DATABASE is a virtual
database on innovative practices in the field of
managing multiethnic
communities in countries of East and Central Europe,
especially: Albania,
Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland,
Romania, Slovenia,
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. 

In the fall of 1999 LGI Managing Multiethnic
Communities Project (MMCP) and
the Center for European Migration and Ethnic Studies
(CEMES) have engaged in
a partnership to update and maintain the database of
case studies on
innovative practices in the field of community
relations in multiethnic
environment and on local initiatives for ethnic
conflict resolution 
Case studies collected by LGI up till now are
available on the internet
site:
http://www.osi.hu/lgi/ethnic/csdb.

The database contains case studies on innovative
practices in the field of
community relations in multiethnic environment and
local initiatives for
ethnic conflict resolution. The aim of this database
is to provide
researchers, activists and public officials with a
forum to share their
experiences in developing innovative strategies to
address issues related to
the management of multiethnic communities.

CEMES is looking for correspondents for the database
from the following
countries: Albania, Bosnia, Croatia, Former Republic
of Yugoslavia,
Slovenia, Poland. The task of correspondents will be
to collect information
on innovative practices in their countries, and to
write the case files on
these practices. In the first year of activity
approximately 6 cases are
needed in each country. The case files should contain
short policy analysis
on the innovative practices of managing multiethnic
communities. The length
of case files should be 3-5 pages.  For a better
understanding of what case
files should contain please read our attached
guidelines (guide.doc).  CEMES
will also provide information and guidance for
correspondents on how to find
their potential cases. In some instances the task of
the correspondents will
only be to go on the spot and after short research on
the field write the
case-file. 

Payment will be based on the number of case-files
brought: in case of six
submitted case files payment will be 600 USD. CEMES
will also pay a limited
amount of travel expenses for going to the place where
the innovative
practice takes place.

The ideal candidate for the correspondent job will be
a young researcher,
graduate student or NGO activist who is interested in
the management of
multiethnic communities, is willing to travel to
places where such
innovative practices take place, speaks the language
of the country and is
able to write the short case files in English
language.
  
In order to apply please submit your CV to Andrea
Krizsan at
andrea at c...

If you are not interested in applying but you know of
somebody who could be
interested please forward this information to that
person.  Any other
distribution of this call is also welcomed.

Managing Multi-Ethnic Communities at the Local Level
Developing a 'Good Practice' Database

Definitions and Guidelines for the Preparation of
Entries





__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Sun Oct  8 23:00:48 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 23:00:48 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CFP: Conference on European Identity and nationalism, Rutgers University, May 2001
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05b8ceb3.0971060427.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

An embedded message was scrubbed...
From: bieberf at seep.ceu.hu
Subject: [balkans] CFP: Conference on European Identity and nationalism, Rutgers University, May 2001
Date: Sun, 8 Oct 2000 17:03:29 +0200
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URL: <http://www.alb-net.com/pipermail/albsa-info/attachments/20001008/7d740ca8/attachment.mht>

From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Mon Oct  9 00:11:02 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 00:11:02 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] A Sovereign Kosovo
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05b8db33.0971064420.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>



Christian Science Monitor
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 03, 2000 


OPINION
How to create a sovereign Kosovo 
By Julie Mertus 


BALTIMORE, MD. 

In the face of an election defeat last month, Yugoslav President Slobodan 
Milosevic appears all but ready to give way to his opposition successor. No 
matter what happens next in Belgrade, however, it is clear that the vote for 
the opposition was a necessary first step in giving power back to the people of 
Yugoslavia and restoring their hope for a better future. 

The same kind of ballot-driven catalyst for change is needed in Kosovo, where 
the people can't govern for themselves because the international community 
governs for them. This presents a curious irony: While the UN is there to help, 
it's actively preventing self-determination by Kosovars. 

The key to new thinking on Kosovo that could lead to a long-term solution rests 
in application of modern concepts of human rights and state sovereignty. These 
concepts were played out at the United Nations Millennium Summit in September, 
where the fact that state sovereignty is no longer absolute was repeatedly 
acknowledged. World leaders heard in speech after speech that preventing war 
and fostering the conditions for peace means addressing the root causes of 
conflict wherever they occur. What happens inside states, including economic 
deprivation and human rights violations, the summit found, is of concern to the 
entire international community. 

This developing international consensus on limited state sovereignty has broad 
implications for all parts of the world. For those struggling to find a 
solution to the ongoing Kosovo crisis, it is crucial. 

Some legal commentators have thought about sovereignty in the context of 
military intervention. The argument here is that the NATO military intervention 
in Kosovo was justified by the gross and systemic human rights violations 
there. Ever since the days of the Nuremberg trials, states have been unable to 
justify gross mistreatment of their own citizens in the name of state 
sovereignty. States that do so in violation of international standards waive 
their claim to sovereignty and open the door to international corrective 
measures. 

The same thinking about state sovereignty applied to the intervention question 
can be applied to interpretation of the Kosovo peace agreement. To date, 
however, this has not been done. 

Any discussion on Kosovo these days is hampered by a fundamental misreading of 
UN Security Council Resolution 1244, the document which provides authority for 
the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Commentators read this document as resolving 
the future status of Kosovo in Serbia's favor. They claim that either 
reconstruction efforts must proceed with Kosovo forever being part of 
Yugoslavia, or the UN resolution must be changed. This is wrong. Options in 
Kosovo need not be limited to these two scenarios. 

Resolution 1244 does confirm the commitment of UN member states "to the 
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." 
But the use of the words "sovereignty" and "territorial integrity" does not 
automatically resolve the status of Kosovo in Serbia's favor. 

On the contrary, these words invoke human rights principles that weigh not on 
the side of any particular group, but in favor of respect for international 
human rights standards for all. 

The concepts of "sovereignty" and "territorial integrity" incor- porate the 
international standards discussed at the Millennium Summit. Thus, the concept 
of "territorial integrity" means more than just passive border maintenance. It 
requires states to actively maintain the integrity of their territory through 
the observance of international human rights standards. 

Similarly, the concept of "sovereignty" points to the prerogative of states to 
act, but only insofar as the state is in line with international standards. The 
notion of "sovereignty" today also incorporates the right to popular 
sovereignty. States must respect sovereign rights of the people to participate 
in society and choose how they should be governed and by whom. 

For more than 10 years, the government of Yugoslavia has violated the integrity 
of its own territory and the sovereignty of the people through orchestrated 
oppression against Albanians, Croats, Muslims, independent journalists, and 
opposition politicians. The task for UNMIK should be to help the people of the 
region claim their sovereignty and restore the integrity of their territory by 
promoting the human rights of all citizens. 

The international mission must permit the people to decide their future for 
themselves. Instead of acting as a colonial-style administrator and imposing 
its own will, UNMIK should empower locals to discover their own solutions. 
Whether that future is partition or independence, the role of the international 
mission is to provide security in the short term and aid the development of 
participatory, self-governing, human-rights-abiding institutions for the long 
term. 

So far, UNMIK has been afraid to support any local efforts that would upset the 
status quo. But the status quo is unacceptable to all parties, and it cannot 
endure over the long term. A status-quo solution imposed by an outside force 
against the will of locals violates the principle of sovereignty that the UN is 
working to uphold. 

By denying Kosovars the right to decide their own fate, UNMIK is violating the 
principle of sovereignty, not promoting it. The lessons on limited state 
sovereignty, which were heard loud and clear at the Millennium Summit, should 
be applied to Kosovo. 




Julie Mertus, a professor of peace and conflict resolution at American 
University, is the author of 'Kosovo: How Myths and Truths Started a War' 
(University of California Press, 1999). 

 



From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct  9 10:12:52 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 10:12:52 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Thaci Says Kosovo Still Seeks Independence
Message-ID: <003501c031fb$04165a60$cf49f6d1@albania>

Thaci Says Kosovo Still Seeks Independence 

ZURICH, Oct 9, 2000 -- (Reuters) Hashim Thaci, a former Kosovo Liberation Army guerrilla who heads Kosovo's Democratic Party, on Sunday welcomed the ousting of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, but declared that Kosovo still sought independence.

In interviews with two German-language Swiss newspapers, Thaci said Kosovo's majority ethnic Albanians were "not looking at all for a dialogue with Belgrade".

He was convinced that new Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica would be "good for the Serbs and the whole region, a step in the direction of democracy".

"A new era is beginning in the Balkans. But for Kosovo it doesn't play such a big role. We want to be independent from Belgrade and from Kostunica," Thaci was quoted as telling the SonntagsBlick Sunday newspaper.

"I am convinced that this change will help Kosovo. However, one can't forget that Kostunica visited Serb paramilitary units during the war," he added. "I urge him to release all political prisoners immediately."

Thaci said that Milosevic should be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which indicted him and four members of his cabinet last year for alleged war crimes against ethnic Albanians in the Serb province of Kosovo.

"He should be held accountable to the war crimes tribunal for all of his massacres," he told SonntagsBlick.

The SonntagsZeitung, which interviewed Thaci at a rally near Zurich, said he was in Switzerland to gather support ahead of the October 28 municipal election in Kosovo.

Some 12,000 of the 150,000 Kosovo Albanians in Switzerland are eligible to vote, according to the paper which said the former Zurich student still had refugee status in the Alpine country. Thaci was heading on Sunday for Germany, home to even more potential supporters.

Thaci predicted that his party - heir to the disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) - would win more than 50 percent of the municipalities.

It was the emergence in 1997 of the KLA and younger radicals like Thaci that pushed Kosovo towards the crisis that resulted in Belgrade withdrawing its troops in June 1999 after three months of NATO bombing.

Ibrahim Rugova, leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) and Thaci are now the main rivals for power, in a field of some 20 parties with 5,500 candidates seeking office in 30 municipalities.

More than one million people are able to vote in the election, which Western governments insist is simply about local government, not final status.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct  9 10:10:35 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 10:10:35 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Ex-KLA Official Dismisses Kostunica Kosovo Claim
Message-ID: <002a01c031fa$b2cc6aa0$cf49f6d1@albania>

Ex-KLA Official Dismisses Kostunica Kosovo Claim 

PRISTINA, Oct 9, 2000 -- (Reuters) A former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) official said new president Vojislav Kostunica was beating the drum of Serb nationalism by calling for Yugoslavia to strengthen its sovereignty over the province.

In an interview with Reuters, Jakup Krasniqi said Kostunica risked the same fate as his ousted predecessor Slobodan Milosevic if he did not abandon nationalist politics.

"In Belgrade, they are again playing the nationalist card, but every attempt of the new elected president to return Kosovo to Serbia will be a final defeat of Serbian nationalism," he said.

Krasniqi, once spokesman of the officially disbanded KLA and now general secretary of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, was angered by Kostunica's sovereignty comments in his inaugural speech.

Kosovo, still technically part of Yugoslavia, has effectively been under United Nations control since NATO expelled Serb forces after a 78-day bombing campaign last year to end Belgrade's violence towards the majority Albanians.

"Serbs were forced to withdraw their forces from Kosovo and now Serbia is out of Kosovo," Krasniqi said. "Kosovo will walk to independence."

Serbia and Montenegro are the two remaining republics within the Yugoslav Federation.

The KLA guerrilla army fought a bitter year-long campaign against what they regarded as Serb occupation and its members, along with most ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, have never given up their goal of complete independence.

The West, fearful of altering borders lest it destabilize the region, insists the province should remain a part of Yugoslavia with a high level of autonomy.

Krasniqi said Serb nationalism as practiced by Milosevic over the past decade had led Yugoslavia to lose Serb-inhabited areas in Croatia, in Bosnia and in Kosovo.

"If Serbia tries (nationalism again)...it is possible that Belgrade will become just a Pashaluk," he said, referring to a small Ottoman district ruled by a local prince.

Like many ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, Krasniqi said he believed Kostunica, viewed by the West as a breath of democracy in Belgrade, was little different from Milosevic.

"Kostunica is nothing else but the continuation of Serb nationalist politics, the continuation of Milosevic's politics," he said.

"If he doesn't change his course of politics he will share the same fate as Milosevic."

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. 

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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct  9 15:22:34 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 15:22:34 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kosovo envoy links Yugo sanctions to detainees
Message-ID: <44.7d97494.271374fa@aol.com>

Kosovo envoy links Yugo sanctions to detainees

By Gareth Jones

LUXEMBOURG, Oct 9 (Reuters) - The international community's top official in 
Kosovo said on Monday that the lifting of sanctions against Belgrade should 
be linked to progress in freeing Kosovo Albanians detained or missing in 
Yugoslavia. 

United Nations chief administrator Bernard Kouchner also said the advent of a 
more democratic government in Belgrade did not signal an end to the problems 
of Kosovo, a Serbian province under international administration since last 
year's war. 

``I don't want the release of all (Kosovo Albanian) prisoners, no, but a 
symbolic gesture, yes, that would open the hearts of the people,'' Kouchner 
told a news conference after briefing a gathering of European Union foreign 
ministers. 

``I think that to offer a lifting of the sanctions (against Belgrade) and, in 
parallel with that, the release of some prisoners would be something very 
important,'' he said. 

Kouchner added that he did not know the exact number of Kosovo Albanians 
detained or still missing since a NATO-led force took control of the province 
last year in the wake of the alliance's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia. 

``Every day in Kosovo there are demonstrations (demanding the release of the 
detainees),'' he said. 

EU ministers are expected later on Monday to announce a lifting of the oil 
embargo and of a flight ban imposed against Yugoslavia over its brutal 
crackdown on Kosovo's ethnic Albanians. 

The move follows last week's removal of Slobodan Milosevic as Yugoslav 
president in a virtually bloodless popular uprising and the swearing-in of 
the opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica as the Balkan nation's new 
leader. 

KOSOVARS WORRY ABOUT AID, INDEPENDENCE 

Kouchner said he had informed the EU ministers about Kosovo Albanian worries 
that the resumption of international aid to Serbia proper could divert scarce 
resources from their province. 

He said the ethnic Albanians, who form the overwhelming majority of Kosovo's 
population, also feared that any new Western rapprochement with Belgrade 
would scupper their hopes for eventual independence from Yugoslavia. 

``Every Albanian that I meet, moderate or not, wants independence. Therefore, 
to try to solve the final status of Kosovo now could lead to a new open 
conflict,'' he said. 

Kouchner said the international community should leave the sensitive issue of 
Kosovo's final status to one side and continue focusing on the building of 
civil and political institutions in the war-shattered province. 

He said the Kosovo Albanians were highly suspicious of Kostunica, a 
nationalist who has already made clear that the territory must remain part of 
Yugoslavia. 

``It would be childish to pretend that they have been fighting only against 
Milosevic,'' he said. 

``They have also been fighting against a regime, against the way in which the 
two communities (Serb and Albanian) have been unable for centuries to 
establish a relationship of equality.'' 

Kouchner said he was keen to establish a working dialogue with the new 
administration in Belgrade. 

Kosovo faces municipal elections on October 28, which Kouchner described as a 
key element in the drive for political stability in the region. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct  9 15:23:44 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 15:23:44 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] EU lifts oil embargo on Yugoslavia
Message-ID: <3e.1f05393.27137540@aol.com>

EU lifts oil embargo on Yugoslavia

By Ian Geoghegan

LUXEMBOURG, Oct 9 (Reuters) - The European Union agreed on Monday to lift a 
crippling oil embargo imposed against Yugoslavia over former President 
Slobodan Milosevic's bloody crackdown on ethnic Albanians in the Serb 
province of Kosovo. 

EU foreign ministers agreed to end the oil blockade and lift a theoretical 
flight ban, but said two other sanctions -- financial restrictions and a visa 
ban -- would only be eased progressively because the EU did not want to help 
those who backed Milosevic's government. 

``All the ministers agreed to lift the sanctions,'' German Foreign Minister 
Joschka Fischer told reporters as he left the talks early. 

An international arms embargo will stay in place because it was imposed not 
by the EU, but by the United Nations. 

Milosevic conceded defeat on Friday after massive protests backing the 
opposition's insistence that its candidate, Vojislav Kostunica, had won the 
September 24 presidential vote outright. Kostunica was sworn in as president 
at the weekend. 

EU TO MOVE QUICKLY 

The EU's top foreign policy official Javier Solana said the 15-nation bloc 
had to move quickly to send a signal to the newly democratic Yugoslavia. 

``We have to help the people of Serbia as soon as possible,'' he told 
reporters earlier. 

Fischer said there was an acute and urgent need for financial aid in 
Yugoslavia to pay for reconstruction and infrastructural projects. 

``We have waited long enough for democracy to prevail in Belgrade. We should 
not hesitate now, but intensify aid at all levels,'' he said. 

But Fischer cautioned against rushing to ease all sanctions, noting that no 
one wanted to unfreeze Milosevic's bank account. 

Ministers are also aware that Milosevic is still free in Yugoslavia and has 
pledged to stay on the political stage. 

The lifting of EU sanctions had previously been linked to having Milosevic 
transferred to a U.N. court in The Hague to face charges for alleged war 
crimes against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, but this has been quietly shelved, 
for now. 

``Without justice there can be no reconciliation in Yugoslavia and without 
reconciliation there can be no peace,'' Fischer said. 

``But Milosevic is not our first priority. First they (Yugoslavs) have to 
consolidate democracy, but justice will prevail, I have no doubt.'' 

Among a raft of possible financial assistance, ministers said the EU would 
study ways to quickly reopen the key Danube River which has been blocked by 
tonnes of debris from NATO's 78-day aerial bombardment of Yugoslavia last 
year. 

The European Commission, the EU's executive body, proposed earlier this year 
that the bloc set aside 2.3 billion euros ($2 billion) in aid for the 
2000-2006 period in the event of Milosevic's downfall. 

``We will send a technical team to Yugoslavia to assess exactly what is 
needed,'' one EU official said. 

SUMMARY OF SANCTIONS 

Oil embargo. Deliveries could flow again in a few days after the decision is 
published in the EU's Official Journal. 

Flight ban. The EU has already suspended the ban. Belgrade airport says 
several airlines -- including British Airways, Lufthansa, Austrian Airlines, 
Swissair and Aeroflot -- have been flying in and out of Yugoslavia for 
months. 

Financial sanctions. A decision to lift or amend the sanctions, including an 
asset freeze, could take several weeks because they have targeted Milosevic's 
allies. 

Visa ban. Lifting the visa ban for top officials and business executives is 
tricky for the same reason. ``We do not want to see these people (Milosevic's 
backers) as tourists or refugees in the EU,'' one official said. 


From kosova1 at hotmail.com  Mon Oct  9 16:10:54 2000
From: kosova1 at hotmail.com (=?iso-8859-1?B?UUlLU0ggq0FsYmV1cm9wYbs=?=)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 22:10:54 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Rruzull: Nje tempull ilir kushtuar Aferdites
Message-ID: <OE5PueAdnU4lgyRPGbW000019b6@hotmail.com>

-----Messaggio Originale-----
Da: Alvin Ekmekciu <a96_aeu at arch.kth.se>
A: <bota-letrare at eGroups.com>

Gjendet nje tempull ilir kushtuar Aferdites

 Shume larg nga vendbanimi me i afert Nakova ne nje vend plot ?akenj ne
gadishullin Peljesa? rreth 90 kilometra ne veriperendim te Dubrovnikut
kishte qene e zbuluar prej vitesh nga arkeologet kroate nje shpelle e ?ila
kohet e fundit terhoqi vemendjen e nje trupe tjeter arkeologesh kroate,
kanadeze e britanike pasi shikoheshin lakuriqe nate te futeshin e te
zhdukeshin brenda saj. Keshtu arkeologet vendosen te zhvendosnin guret e
rene nga siper dhe dheun per te zbuluar ne fillim nje guve te dyte e me pas
nje te trete 50 metra ne thellesi. Perpara arkeologeve ishte shfaqur ne te
vertete nje vend i shenjte i ilireve dhe mendohet se ne te nuk ka shkelur
kembe njeriu per rreth 2 mije vjet. Iliret duhet ta kene mbyllur vete kete
shpelle rreth shekullit te pare para eres sone per ta mbrojtur nga
legjionet romake qe po perparonin gjithnje e me teper ne Iliri.

 Nje shtatore prej guri stalagmiti 60 ?m e gjate qe vendosur ne qender te
dhomes se fundit ne ate menyre qe nje tufe rrezesh dielli qe vinin nga
hyrja e shpelles binin mbi te vetem ne ?aste te ve?anta te vitit dhe kjo
periudhe duhet te kete qene ajo e solsti?it te diellit (periudhe e vitit
kur dielli eshte me larg nga ekuatori). Perve? kesaj u gjeten ne sasi te
papara me pare, rreth 100 kg, dhe ne nje gjendje teper te mire me qindra
?opa po?esh, qypash, amforash nga Roma, Athina, Egjypti ne disa prej te
?ilave qe shenuar se i kushtoheshin Aferdites.
Nga gjetjet mirret vesh se njerezit (duhet te kene qene nje grup i zgjedhur
njerezish) mblidheshin per te kryer rituale te mistershme gostie dhe
mbaresimi. Ky i fundit mund te jete kryer ne formen e orgjise.
Te gjithe keto fakte te bejne te mendosh se kemi te bejme me nje tempull i
?ili i kushtohej perendeshes se dashurise dhe mbaresimit Aferdite. Kjo
perendeshe njihet si te jete greke, por disa historiane shqiptare dhe te
huaj jane te bindur se perendesha ka qene ilire por e huazuar nga greket e
vjeter. Emri i saj mendohet te kete rrjedhur prej fjaleve "afer" dhe "dite"
dhe ka lidhje edhe me yllin (planetin) Aferdite apo Venus (Venus quhej kjo
perendi ne latinisht) i ?ili shihet qarte heret ne mengjes afer dites.
Drejtuesi i projektit studiesi kanadez Tim Kaiser i ?ili punon per llogari
te Muzeut Royal Ontari te Torontos thote: "Ky eshte nje monument
seksualiteti, poten?e, burrerie dhe fuqie..."

Qeramikat me te vjetra datonin rreth 2500 vjet p.e.s, ndersa me te rejat
400 vjet p.e.s. Gjetje te tjera datonin deri 6000 p.e.s. Kjo tregon qe kjo
shpelle ka pasur rendesi te madhe per nje mijevje?ar te tere. U gjeten
gjithashtu eshtra femijesh dhe delesh, dhe ?opa karboni.

Kjo gjetje eshte shume e rralle, zbulohet per here te pare nje vend i
shenjte i ilireve aq me teper qe eshte i paprekur per mijra vjet. Gjetja do
te hedhe me teper drite mbi iliret.

Iliret kishin vendosur sundimin e tyre mbi lundrimet dhe tregtine qe behej
mbi detin teper te populluar Adriatik te asaj kohe i ?ili kishte nje
rendesi te ve?ante pasi lidhte Mesdheun me Europen Qendrore. Greket benin
tregti me iliret i shihnin keta te fundit si luftetare barbare. Nuk dihet
shume mbi jeten e tyre te perditshme.
Mendohet se enet ose duhet t?u jete dhene ilireve si nje forme takse per te
kaluar ne ujrat e tyre ose u jane rrembyer anijeve qe kane kaluar andej
pergjate nje akti piraterie.Enet qeramike nuk ishin te thyera nga koha apo
dheu por mendohet te jene perplasur e thyer me qellim nga vete njerezit pas
gostive. Do te mirren prova per te pare nese po?et kishin mbajtur pije
alkolike apo jo.

 Kjo gjetje hedh drite mbi perendite e ilireve, lashtesine e ketyre
perendive, kontaktet e ilireve me popujt e tjere. Ajo perben nje mundesi
per shqiptaret si pasardhesit e vetem te ilireve te studjojne kulturen e
stergjysherve te tyre prandaj shteti shqiptar duhet te kerkoje me gojen
plot te dergoje  arkeologe shqiptare qe te marrin pjese ne germimet e
metejshme dhe studimet e ketyre sendeve te gjetura.

Mendohet se germimet do te vazhdojne edhe per 2 vjet te tjera

Pergatiti Alvin Ekmek?iu - Mbeshtetur midis te tjerash ne materialin e
National Post dhe Spiegel
Ve re! Respekto punen tone ! Mos perdor shkrimet e kesaj reviste pa lejen
tone dhe pa vene ne dukje se puna e kujt eshte !


 *****

 Gjate javes qe shkoi tek revista e internetit Rruzull kane dalur edhe keto
shkrime:

 Fizike: Antimateria - E kunderta e lendes
dt. 5 tetor     Nga Shperthimi i Madh qe gjeti vend para 50 miljarde
vjetesh duhet te jene ?liruar sasi te medha antimaterie. Ne teori kur
materia dhe antimateria bashkohen asgjesojne njera-tjetren.    (me teper
tek faqja e Rruzullit)


 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
----
Kafshe: Murenat aziatike
dt. 3 tetor     Ne brigjet e Florides ka arritur nje nga grabitqaret me te
rrezikshem, Murena Aziatike. Ajo ka nje oreks te pashterueshem, ha ?do gje
qe nga insektet e deri tek peshqit dhe mund te mbijetoje ne kushte te
jashtezakonshme.      (me teper tek faqja e Rruzullit)


 Faqen e Rruzullit ne internet do ta gjeni ne kete adrese:
                              http://rruzull.albaniannetwork.com/

                              Alvin Ekmekciu






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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Mon Oct  9 18:15:05 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 18:15:05 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfP: Nations and Relations: Nationalism, National Identity and International Environments, Yale University, April 2001
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05b9eb47.0971129687.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

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From: bieberf at seep.ceu.hu
Subject: [balkans] CfP: Nations and Relations: Nationalism, National Identity and International Environments, Yale University, April 2001
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 23:24:31 +0200
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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Mon Oct  9 18:18:20 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 18:18:20 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CfP: Politica Externa (Foreign Policy Review)
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05b9ed04.0971129877.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

An embedded message was scrubbed...
From: politicaexterna at europe.com
Subject: [balkans] CfP: Politica Externa (Foreign Policy Review)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 11:35:49 -0400
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From juniku at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 10 02:46:12 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Tue, 10 Oct 2000 06:46:12 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kostunica Another Milosevic?!
Message-ID: <F164ibfvTqPKGCqyzEf000145b3@hotmail.com>

This story appeared on http://www.individual.com October 9, 2000
_________________________________________________________

New president says he is a Serb nationalist and ``profoundly a
democrat''

PARIS (AP) - Vojislav Kostunica, the new president of
Yugoslavia, said in an interview Monday with French television that
he is ``profoundly a democrat'' but also a Serb nationalist _ with
no plans to create a greater Serbia.

``I am profoundly a democrat and at the same time a nationalist,
like the French and the Americans,'' Kostunica said in an interview
with TF1.

``My nationalist feelings are normal,'' he said through a
translator. ``My nationalism is tied to my interest in the future
of my country ... and the misery of my people.''

He said, however, that he ``has no grand idea of a greater
Serbia.''

Kostunica was sworn in as the new president on Saturday evening
after protests finally swept Slobodan Milosevic from office.
Kostunica had won the presidential election.

Kostunica blamed Milosevic, and NATO bombings, for the current
plight of his nation.

``The repression of the authoritarian regime of President
Slobodan Milosevic and after the NATO bombings of last year ... the
country is ... totally destroyed.'' He affirmed that ``today, there
are no democratic institutions.''

``All of these problems,'' he said, ``are important for seeing
the future of Milosevic,'' Kostunica said, without indicating
whether he would work to send his predecessor to the war crimes
tribunal in The Hague, as the United States wants. He has suggested
in the past he would not do so.

Yugoslavia ``is open for the future and a democratic reality,''
the president said.

The European Union's lifting earlier Monday of economic
sanctions has created a ``new situation,'' he said, adding that he
wants to open his country ``for the world and the European Union.''

Asked if he would grant independence to the mainly Albanian
province of Kosovo, Kostunica said no.

``It is impossible,'' he said.

``Our constitution doesn't permit the independence of Kosovo, or
Montenegro,'' he said.

``We want to establish a democratic regime with Montenegro and
Kosovo .... those two elements form (are part of) the country.''

He added that U.N. Resolution 12-44 guarantees the territorial
and political integrity of the country. The Kosovo question
``should be resolved in the framework of this resolution and not by
the wishes of certain'' Albanians, he said.

Applying the U.N. resolution ``will bring peace and stability
... needed in the current situation of chaos.''

Kostunica said that he wants to see the return of 1,000 Albanian
prisoners in Serbia, and said he would pay ``personal attention''
to the ``sensitive question'' of Serb prisoners.


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From juniku at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 10 02:48:29 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Tue, 10 Oct 2000 06:48:29 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] "NATO Ministers Assess Yugoslavia"
Message-ID: <F916K3f6FcmAREHLIG400008ade@hotmail.com>

>The Associated Press (Tue 10 Oct 2000)
>NATO Ministers Assess Yugoslavia
>
>BIRMINGHAM, England (AP) -- As the tumultuous events in Yugoslavia
>develop faster than diplomats can write cables, NATO defense ministers
>are trying to assess how the rapidly changing situation will affect
>security in the Balkans.
>
>Even as the 19-nation alliance welcomed the return to democracy in
>Belgrade, the major concern of the ministers meeting here Tuesday was
>how the new government of President Vojislav Kostunica will deal with
>Kosovo, occupied by 36,000 NATO-led troops who are supported by 10,000
>more in neighboring Macedonia and Albania.
>
>The ground forces from 39 countries intervened in Kosovo at the end of
>last year's 78-day NATO bombing campaign. The mission of the force is
>to provide security while the U.N.-directed civilian authority tries to
>build permanent peace in Kosovo, the southern province of Serbia,
>Yugoslavia's dominant republic.
>
>The situation in Kosovo isn't stable, NATO Secretary-General Lord
>Robertson acknowledged. Violence is down, but "we've still got a long
>way to go," he said.
>
>NATO also leads a force of 20,000 in the new state of
>Bosnia-Herzegovina. Ethnic hatred still seethes under the surface in
>Bosnia, but NATO considers the situation stable enough there to have
>reduced by two-thirds the 60,000-member force that originally entered
>the country five years ago.
>
>In Bosnia, NATO has the Dayton peace agreement as a framework upon
>which to build peace. In Kosovo, no such agreement exists. The majority
>ethnic Albanians in Kosovo have demanded independence, and it is by no
>means certain they will again submit to Serbian rule, no matter who the
>leader is.
>
>The Kosovo force is being beefed up by about 2,500 for municipal
>elections on Oct. 28. That involves four battalions from Britain,
>France, Italy and Greece.
>
>The defense ministers also are to talk about whether to hold out the
>NATO hand to Serbia or to let other organizations such as the European
>Union take the lead. There are few NATO admirers among the Serbs,
>particularly after the bombing, and some at NATO feel a low profile may
>be the best approach, at least in the short term.
>
>Adm. Guido Venturoni, chairman of the NATO Military Committee, and Gen.
>Joseph Ralston, the supreme allied commander in Europe, were to brief
>the defense ministers on the military situation in the Balkans.
>
>The ministers also were to examine the state of NATO's relations with
>the European Union as the 15-nation economic and political bloc begins
>to develop its own defense arm. The EU has pledged to establish a
>60,000-member rapid reaction force by 2003 and has been working with
>NATO in several areas.
>
>Relations with Russia -- which have been warming somewhat lately after
>a long hiatus that followed NATO's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia
>-- also are high on the agenda of the ministers' annual informal
>meeting.
>
>Norwegian defense minister Bjorn Tore Godal was scheduled to speak
>about Norway's experience during efforts to rescue seamen aboard the
>sunken Russian submarine Kursk.
>
>In August, the nuclear submarine sank in the Barents Sea, taking 118
>men to their deaths. After some delay, Moscow sought NATO's expertise
>in trying to rescue the Kursk's sailors. A British mini-submarine and
>Norwegian deep-sea divers were dispatched to the Barents Sea, but it
>was too late.

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From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Mon Oct  9 23:27:54 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2000 20:27:54 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Nano ne Himare
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Nano: Kini kujdes ju militant? kriminel?


Vizita e djeshme e Nanos n? Himar? ka thelluar polemikat mes PS dhe PBDNJ,
t? cilat shp?rthyen q? n? fillimin e fushat?s elektorale n? k?t? bashki, n?
jugper?ndim t? vendit, ku do t? votohet s?rish n? balotazh mes k?tyre dy
partive. "Himara ka lidhje me Shqip?rin? n?n?, ndaj ju ftoj t? zgjidhni
modelin ton?", ka deklaruar dje Nano n? k?t? qytet.

Nd?rkoh? kreu i PBDNJ ka deklaruar se "duke p?rdorur insinuata etnike,
fushata b?het inproduktive p?r ata q? i p?rdorin". Fushata n? k?t? qytet sa
vjen dhe m? b?het m? e ashp?r. Nano ka akuzuar dje n? Himar? se militant? t?
PBDNJ kan? rrahur priftin e fshatit t? Dh?rmiut, vet?m sepse ishte takuar me
at?. "Kini kujdes ju militant? kriminal? t? t? Drejtave t? Njeriut",
paralajm?roi dje Nano gjat? mitingut q? zhvilloi n? sheshin e Himar?s. Melo
nuk pranoi t? komentoj? k?t? deklarat? t? kreut t? PS. "Nuk jam n? dijeni,
por jam i mendimit se zgjedhjet n? balotazh duhet t? zhvillohen t? lira dhe
t? ndershme", tha dje p?r gazet?m kryetari i PBDNJ.


Lufta p?r bashkin? e Himar?s ka shqet?suar dhe Athin?n. Pak dit? m? par?, n?
nj? let?r drejtuar Kryeministrit shqiptar Ilir Meta, ministri i Jasht?m grek
akuzonte p?r manipulim t? procesit zgjedhor n? k?t? bashki. Nd?rkoh?, n?
kanale t? tjera diplomatike, m?sohet se iu k?rkua Partis? Socialiste t'i
l?r? Himar?n, kandidatit t? PBDNJ. Por socialist?t duket se jan? t? vendosur
t? mos l?shojn? terren. "Ne jemi t? vendosur q? kandidatin ton? ta b?jm?
kryetar t? bashkis?", tha dje Nano.
Nd?rkoh? Melo aludoi se PS ?sht? duke b?r? koalicion me PD n? Himar?. "Disa
thirrje t? socialist?ve q? t? bashkohen me PD m? duken jonormale", tha Melo.
Por ai b?ri t? ditur se nuk parashikon q? konflikti mes PS dhe PBDNJ t?
p?rshkall?zohet. "T? pakt?n ne nuk e d?shirojm? nj? di?ka t? till?", tha ai.

Marre nga Gazeta Shqiptare


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From elton80 at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 10 23:13:13 2000
From: elton80 at hotmail.com (Elton Pepivani)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 03:13:13 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ndeshje nderkombetare
Message-ID: <LAW-F201dVzDpubxcbz0000046b@hotmail.com>

JU lutem shume me ndihmoni me ndonje info per links ne internet ose ne radio 
TV te ndeshjes nderkometare Shqiperi-Greqi. Falemderit shume. Sincqerisht 
Eltoni
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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Wed Oct 11 02:19:01 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 02:19:01 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Help!!!
Message-ID: <23.1feff2d.27156055@aol.com>

Dear all,

I am trying to assist an Albanian gentleman, who is looking for ways to 
verify his father's American citizenship.  His father was born in Korce, 
Albania, in 1896, and around 1908 he made it to America.  In 1929 the father 
returned to Albania, where he died in 1942.  Every document that proved his 
American citizenship and other relevant information was destroyed by the 
communists.  This good old man has no testimony that his father held an 
American citizenship and furthermore completed the military service in US, in 
Philadelphia.  He is looking for any piece of evidence that indicates or 
certifies his father's American citizenship. 

I possess all the good will to help him, but I do not know which institutions 
to approach.  I would be very grateful to anyone who might be able to assist.

Thank you for you attention to this matter.  

Best regards,

GAZ


From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Tue Oct 10 23:01:02 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Tue, 10 Oct 2000 20:01:02 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Himara bashkon shqiptaret, krijohet Aleanca per Kombin
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Partia Republikane deklaron publikisht mbeshtetjen per PS-ne. Deget e te
gjitha partive mbeshtesin Viktor Maton

Himara bashkon shqiptaret,
krijohet Aleanca per Kombin

Omonia: Referendum per t'i shpallur himariotet minoritare greke
Eshte vulosur pa dokument te shkruar marreveshja e pare mes republikaneve
dhe socialisteve. Nenkryetari republikan Maksim Begeja deklaroi dje qe duke
mos prishur aleancen prej te djathtesh qe kane me PD-ne do te mbeshtesin ne
balotazhin per Bashkine e Himares kandidatin e socialisteve. Aleanca me
socialistet, sipas republikaneve eshte e domosdoshme per hir te ruajtjes se
interesave kombetare qe cilesohen te kercenuara ne kete zone ne qofte se
fiton kandidati i PBDNJ-shit qe eshte njeheresh dhe anetar i shoqates
"Omonia", Vasil Bollano. "PR-ja do te mbeshtese ne zonat ku nuk eshte ne
balotazh cdo force politike kunder PS-se me perjashtim te Himares. Kjo behet
per hir te mbrotjes se interesave kombetare", tha nenkryetari republikan
Maksim Begeja.

Marre nga Koha Jone



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From albania at netzero.net  Tue Oct 10 21:44:24 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Tue, 10 Oct 2000 21:44:24 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} THE ALBANIAN AMERICAN CIVIC LEAGUE URGES THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY NOT TO LIFT THE OUTER WALL OF SANCTIONS AGAINST SERBIA
Message-ID: <008f01c03324$ca2c1620$26ac9840@albania>

THE ALBANIAN AMERICAN CIVIC LEAGUE URGES THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY NOT TO LIFT THE OUTER WALL OF SANCTIONS AGAINST SERBIA


While the ouster of Slobodan Milosevic is profoundly important to the future of the Balkans and the whole of Europe, the Albanian American Civic League believes that the euphoria about the birth of democracy in Serbia is premature. Until newly elected Serbian President Vojislav Kostunica shows that he is willing to grapple with the root causes of the Balkan conflict in Serbian politics and culture, the international community cannot speak meaningfully of a movement toward democracy in Serbia, but only of a change in the individuals at the top of the power structure. By immediately lifting sanctions against Serbia without any conditions, Europe appears to be resorting once again to the kind of "quick fix" approach that has prevented a just and lasting resolution of the Balkan conflict for more than a decade. 

The world cannot afford Serbian or Western amnesia about what has transpired since Milosevic came to power in 1989. We cannot paper over the atrocities, the mass extermination, and mass expulsion of Bosnian Muslims and Kosovar Albanians at the hands of Milosevic and his henchmen. And we must not forget that many Serbian civilians were complicit in this history. For every Serb who opposed Milosevic's genocidal wars abroad and his repression of dissent at home, many more opposed Milosevic because he failed to achieve the dream of a Greater Serbia, because he lost Kosova and did not expel or exterminate its Albanian majority, because he ruined the Serbian economy, and because he isolated the nation from the rest of the world. We also should not forget that the United States and Western Europe appeased Milosevic as he rose to power on a platform of anti-Albanian racism, occupied Kosova for ten years, and waged four wars of conquest and aggression in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosova. There will be no stability in the Balkans until Serbia and the West come to grips with their respective roles in sustaining Milosevic's despotic rule and until there is justice for his victims.

If we do not want to lose the prospects for resolving the Balkan conflict and unifying Europe, then the lifting of economic sanctions on Serbia and its renewed access to international financial and political institutions should be gradual and contingent on meeting the following conditions:

  a.. All Albanian prisoners of war must be released immediately from Serbian jails and their safe return to Kosova guaranteed. Serbian journalist Miroslav Filipovic,who was convicted and imprisoned for reporting on Serbian war crimes in Kosova, along with lesser known Serbian dissidents who opposed genocide in Bosnia and Kosova, 
should also be freed. At the same time, Serbia must begin the investigative work 

necessary to giving a full accounting of the missing Kosovar Albanians. America's 

oft-lamented "lack of leverage" over Belgrade is at an end, and so now is the time to 

rectify its mistake in dropping the provision in the war-ending agreement that would 

have guaranteed the release of all Kosovar Albanian POWs.

AACL

2-2-2

  a.. There can be no shelter for war criminals. If the international community is serious about reinforcing the rule of law, then indicted war criminals, from Slobodan Milosevic and Milan Milutinovic to Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, must be apprehended and extradited to the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. The West's decision in this matter will reveal the level of our commitment to opposing genocide and dramatically impact our ability to prevent future conflicts and to build democracy and respect for human rights around the world. 
  a.. There must be an immediate cessation of repression and violence against the 
Albanians of Presheve, Medvegje, and Bujanovc and a recognition of their civil and human rights.

  a.. Serbia must begin a "denazification" campaign to end a century of anti-Albanian and anti-Muslim racism. The Kostunica regime could constructively initiate such a campaign by acknowledging Serbia's responsibility for war crimes and by apologizing to the victims in Bosnia and Kosova.
  a.. Serbia must honor its stated commitments in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and help bring democracy and reconciliation to this fragile nation.
  a.. Serbia must come to understand, and the Kostunica government must accept, the new reality of Kosova. 
The new reality of Kosova is that it is on an irrevocable path to independence. In this regard, the United States and Western Europe have an historic opportunity to bring peace to the Balkans once and for all by seizing this moment to recognize the independence of Kosova and Montenegro under international law. As Balkan expert Noel Malcolm has explained, when the Yugoslav federation started dissolving, each constituent unit had a legal right to self-determination under international law. The world recognized the independence of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Macedonia. Hence, independence for Kosova and Monetengro would have followed an established precedent. Instead, the West allowed Serbia, in the name of "keeping Yugoslavia together," to wage wars, and it embargoed Bosnia's access to arms. 

Under international law, respect for state sovereignty goes hand in hand with respect for human rights. Kosova can never again be brought under Serbia, which forfeited any claims it might have to Kosova by waging a genocidal war against the Albanian majority. Kosovar Albanians have earned the right to determine their own future. If the West does not send a signal to Serbia that there can be no return to the old formula of a Yugoslav federation, we will risk a whole new chapter of strife and march to war.

# # #

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From AntonJoro at aol.com  Tue Oct 10 23:05:27 2000
From: AntonJoro at aol.com (AntonJoro at aol.com)
Date: Tue, 10 Oct 2000 23:05:27 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} FAT TE MBARE KADARESE
Message-ID: <9e.ab7a4ef.271532f7@aol.com>

Miq,

Asnje prej levruesve te letrave shqipe nuk ka qene ndonjehere me afer Cmimit 
Nobel ne Letersi se sa Kadareja kete 12 Tetor. Kohet e fundit kam percjelle 
me simpati e antipati njeheresh shkrime e opinione nga me te ndryshmet botuar 
rreth tij ne shtyp e internet. Nje pjese e ketyre shkrimeve tregojne se sa te 
skajshem, pa kulture, e vetmohues mund te jemi, nese zgjedhim keshtu. Pjesa 
tjeter nxjerr ne pah respektin tone per artistin, njeriun dhe atdheun qe atij 
i ka rene fati te perfaqesoje ne boten e letrave.

Ne kohen kur me shume se kurre Shqiperise i duhen njerez, apo fenomene, apo 
fat i mire, per t'ia ngritur emrin lart, perfshirja e Kadarese ne garen e 
Cmimit Nobel ne Letersi nuk mund te mos jete vecse nje shenje qiellore.

Nese gojekeqet s'kane gje te mire te thone, le te mos thone asgje! Te tjeret, 
dashamiret jo vetem te artit te tij siperan e te vete krijuesit, por edhe te 
asaj cka ai perfaqeson, le t'i urojne princit shqiptar te letrave fat te 
mbare! 

Anton Joro


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From kosova at MAILCITY.COM  Wed Oct 11 04:44:48 2000
From: kosova at MAILCITY.COM (Olsi )
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 08:44:48 -0000
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} =?iso-8859-1?q?SHQIPTAR=CBT__?=
Message-ID: <8s19a1+r17f@eGroups.com>

SHQIPTAR?T 
Ch. Samy-Bey Fraschery  
K?M?S AL-A'L?M   
(nga Sami Frasheri)


Jan? nj? komb q? banon n? an?n per?ndimore t?
Gadishullit Ballkanik 
d.m.th. t? Rumelis? s? Shtetit Osman. Fjala "arnaut"
rrjedh nga fjala 
greke "arvanit". E kemi sqaruar se edhe kjo fjal?
?sht? marr? nga 
fjala "arban" t? cil?n e p?rdorin shqiptar?t.
(p?r "arban" dhe 
"arbanija" flasim tjet?rkund - n?nvizim i Samiut) . Ky
komb banon n? 
Gadishullin Ballkanik q? nga koh?t shum? t? hershme q?
nuk ka mundur 
ta sh?noj? historia. Kjo ?sht? d?shmuar shum?
her?. Ndon?se ka qen? n? 
raporte me Greqin? e vjet?r dhe me Rom?n, gjithmon? ka
jetuar i ndar? 
nga ata. Mir?po, duke e prezentuar t? p?rzier me kombe dhe
popuj t? 
tjer? dhe, meq? asnj?her? nuk ?sht? shikuar si i
bashkuar dhe se ka 
gjuh?n e tij komb?tare, deri m? tash (lexo n? koh?n e
S. Frash?rit - 
M.P.) ka mbetur n? nj? gjendje t? panjohur. Ndonj?ri nga
historian?t 
evropian? mendon se ky popull, tash von?, ka ardhur nga Alabana
e 
Kaukazit, d.m.th. nga Dagistani; ndonj?ri thot? se rrjedhin nga 
sllav?t, kurse ndonj? del e thot? se shqiptar?t jan?
nj? popull q? ka 
mbetur n? nj? gjendje t? eg?r e q? rrjedh nga
grek?t. ?donj?ri prej 
tyre, pa dyshim, ?sht? larg t? v?rtet?s. Edhe disa
historian? tan? 
kan? supozuar se shqiptar?t jan? nj? fis arab q? ka
ardhur nga Arabia. 
?'?sht? e v?rteta, t? gjith? k?ta e kan?
ditur q? n? gjuh?n e tyre ka 
ngjashm?ri me greqishten e vjet?r, latinishten dhe sllavishten
ose q? 
ka fjal? t? p?rziera, por kan? menduar se k?to
fjal? jan? marr? nga 
ato gjuh?. M? n? fund, kur disa studiues t?
mir?fillt? evropian? u 
thelluan n? studimin e gjuh?s shqipe, kuptuan se n?
?far? raporti 
q?ndron kjo gjuh? me gjuh?n e vjet?r greke si dhe me
gjuh?t: latine, 
sllave, gotike. persiane dhe sanskrite. Duke marr? n? shqyrtim
esenc?n 
e gjuh?s shqipe dhe, duke studiuar holl?sisht edhe historin?
e tyre, 
kuptuan rr?nj?n dhe prejardhjen e popullit shqiptar, prej nga
ka 
ardhur dhe ?ka u b? me t?. Kjo ??shtje q? kishte
mbetur me shekuj n? 
nj? gjendje enigmatike dhe t? paqart?, tani ?sht?
zgjidhur n? t?r?si 
dhe ?sht? v?rtetuar se kombi shqiptar ?sht? nj?ri
nga deg?t m? t? 
lashta t? kombeve t? Azis? dhe t? Evrop?s t?
quajtur "Aria". N?se i 
jepet r?nd?si ??shtjes s? fjal?ve shqipe q? jan?
n? lidhje dhe t? 
ngjashme me gjuh?n e vjet?r greke, gjuh?n latine, sllave dhe 
gjer-mane, pastaj me t? gjitha gjuh?t e vjetra evropiane t?
cilat 
rrjedhin nga k?to gjuh?, n? nj?r?n an?, dhe me
gjuh?t persiane, zende 
dhe sanskrite nga ana tjet?r, diskutimi k?tu do t? zgjas?
shum? dhe 
p?r lexuesin tan?, meq? do t? flitet p?r dy ??shtje
abstrakte (t? 
panjohura), do t? shkaktoj? m?rzi dhe lodhje. Mund t?
themi q?, po t? 
b?jm? nj? fjalor etimologjik t? fjal?ve t?
gjuh?s shqipe, do t? mbesin 
shum? pak fjal? q? nuk do t? ken? raporte dhe
ngjashm?ri me nj? ose me 
disa gjuh? q? i num?ruam k?tu. Mir?po, nuk mund t?
konstatohet n? 
m?nyr? bind?se se k?to fjal? jan? marr? nga
ndonj? gjuh? tjet?r, 
sepse, shihet qart? se ka shum? fjal?, format rr?njore
t? t? cilave 
jan? n? gjuh?n shqipe, dallohen nga format rr?njore t?
fjal?ve t? 
gjuh?s s? vjet?r greke dhe latine. Edhe ky ?sht?
nj? argument q? 
provon se gjuha shqipe ?sht? m? e vjet?r se gjuha e
vjet?r greke dhe 
ajo latine, prandaj edhe populli shqiptar ?sht? m? i vjetri. 
Ngjashm?rit? dhe lidhjet q? kan? disa fjal? shqipe me
gjuh?t persiane, 
zende dhe sanskrite m? shum? se t? gjitha gjuh?t e tjera
ariane t? 
Evrop?s, tregojn? se gjuha shqipe nuk ?sht? e nj? dege
me gjuh?t 
latine, greke e sllave, porse ?sht? nj? deg? e
drejtp?rdrejt? e 
gjuh?ve t? vjetra ariane dhe se ky popull kryesisht ka ardhur
nga Azia 
Qendrore n? Evrop?, ashtu si popujt e lasht? t? tjer?
arian?. Popujt 
q? jan? n? Evrop?, n? koh? shum? t? lashta,
sipas argumenteve m? 
bind?se, duke u k?putur nga an?t e Belhit dhe Heratit t?
Azis? 
Qendrore, grupe-grupe kan? migruar drejt Per?ndimit; nj?
pjes? prej 
tyre n? Maverai Nehri dhe n? Rusi, nj? pjes? n? Iran
dhe n? Anadoll, 
dhe nj? pjes? n? Kaukaz dhe n? brigjet e Detit t? Zi,
pastaj jan? 
shp?rndar? n? t? gjitha pjes?t e Evrop?s. K?to
migrime, nd?rkaq, nuk 
kan? ndodhur nj?koh?sisht, por me intervale t? gjata
kohore. ?sht? e 
ditur se populli kelt, i cili ishte i shp?rndar? n?
Evrop?n 
Per?ndimore, ?sht? nga t? par?t q? ka ardhur. Ja
pra, edhe shqiptar?t 
?sht? e mundshme t? ken? ardhur n? ato koh?,
d.m.th. ose pak para, ose 
pak pas tyre. Zaten, ngjashm?rit? e gjuh?ve si dhe disa
ngjashm?ri t? 
tjera specifike tregojn? qart? se k?ta dy popuj kan?
ardhur 
nj?koh?sisht, ose nj?ri pas tjetrit. Kelt?t u vendos?n
n? per?ndim, 
kurse shqiptar?t n? lindje t? Evrop?s. Nd?rkaq,
shum? m? von?, n? veri 
t? Evrop?s erdh?n e u vendos?n toton?t dhe sllav?t.
N? at? koh? 
shqiptar?t quheshin "pellasxh" ose "pellazg".
Sipas nj? varianti, ky 
em?r rrjedh prej fjal?s shqipe "plak" (ar., turq.
ihtijar dhe kadim) 
q?, sipas historian?ve, u jepej atyre q? ishin t?
vjet?r, Sido q? t? 
jet?, ky komb n? at? koh? ka qen? i p?rhapur n?
t? gjitha an?t e 
Gadishullit Ballkanik dhe n? an?t per?ndimore t?
Anadollit. Helen?t t? 
cil?t erdh?n m? von?, ua nxor?n nga dora pellazg?ve
Moren? dhe nj? 
pjes? t? Greqis?, prandaj nj? pjes? e madhe e
pellazg?ve, p?r t? 
kompensuar k?t?, kaluan n? Itali dhe ka mund?si q?,
duke u p?rzier me 
popullin q? gjet?n aty ose q? kishte ardhur m? von?,
t? ken? formuar 
popullin latin. Edhe nga Greqia pellazg?t nuk u t?rhoq?n
krejt?sisht, 
por mbet?n grupe-grupe n? male dhe n? krahinat e Etolis?
dhe 
Akarnanis?; shum? prej tyre u p?rzien me helen?t dhe u
asimiluan. 
Pellazg?t, d.m.th. shqiptar?t e lasht?, sipas asaj q? do
t? shihet n? 
vazhdim, ishin t? ndar? n? kat?r deg?: 
1. Ilir?t, ishin t? p?rhapur q? nga kufiri i Greqis?
s? Vjet?r deri n? 
pik?n m? n? veri t? gjirit t? Adriatikut, d.m.th.
n? Shqip?rin? e 
tanishme , n? Bosnj? e Hercegovin? dhe n? Dalmaci. 
2. Maqedonasit (e lasht? - M.P.); banonin n? pjes?n e
Maqedonis? q? 
shtrihet nga mali Pindos dhe Sharr e deri n? malin Rodop, lumin
Karasu 
dhe Detin Egje, d.m.th. n? an?n e Selanikut, Manastirit,
Shkupit dhe 
Serezit. 
3. Trakasit, banonin n? an?t e vilajetit t? Edrenes?,
Bullgari e, 
mbase, deri n? an?n e djatht? t? lumit Danub. 4.
Frigiasit 
(frixhiasit) ishin t? p?rhapur n? pjes?t nga Bregdeti i
Anadollit deri 
n? Ankara dhe Sivas. 
Kat?r popujt q? i num?ruam, ?sht? argumentuar
bindsh?m se jan? deg? t? 
popullit pellazg. Vet?m se shum? m? t? af?rt, si n?
gjuh?, si n? veti 
dhe zakone, ishin ilir?t me maqedonasit, n? nj?r?n
an?, dhe trakasit 
me frigasit, n? an?n tjet?r. Ve?an?risht gjuha e
ilir?ve me gjuh?n e 
maqedonasve ishte si nj? gjuh? e vetme. Af?rsia e k?tyre
kat?r popujve 
ishte aq e fort? saq? kur t? gjith? mbret?rit dhe
heronjt? grek? ishin 
tubuar p?r ta sulmuar mbretin trojan q? konsiderohej nga
frigiasit, 
historikisht ?sht? v?rtetuar se shum? nga Maqedonia e
lasht? dhe 
Trakia u kishin shkuar n? ndihm? trojan?ve kund?r
grek?ve. Disa emra 
q? ruhen n? histori nga gjuha e popullsis? s? lasht?
maqedonase, 
frigiase dhe trakase, shihet se kan? ngjashm?ri me fjal?t e
gjuh?s 
shqipe q? p?rdoren sot. Ve?an?risht Herodoti, babai i
historis?, 
shpjegon at? lidhje, duke th?n? se n? gjuh?n frigiase
buk?s i thon? 
"buks". K?shtu, kur hiqet s-ja e cila ?sht? nj?
prapashtes? greke, q? 
?sht? shtuar nga vet? Herodoti, shihet qart? se
?sht? fjal? shqipe 
"buk?" (turq. ekmek) q? p?rdoret edhe tani n?
gjuh?n shqipe. Edhe 
Straboi q? ka jetuar n? shekullin e par? t? er?s
son?, duke treguar 
qart? se ilir?t dhe maqedonasit (e lasht? - M.P.) jan?
nj? popull i 
vet?m dhe se flasin me t? nj?jt?n gjuh?, thoshte:
"Banor?t e Epirit, 
t? Maqedonis? dhe t? Iliris? flasin me nj? gjuh?, i
presin flok?t 
(qethen) n? t? nj?jt?n m?nyr? si dhe zakonet dhe
vetit? (moralin) i 
kan? t? nj?jta". Pastaj, n? nj? vend tjet?r
thot?: "K?ta udh?hiqen nga 
k?shillat pleq?ror? q? i quajn? "plagonija",
plakut i thon? "plajis", 
kurse plak?s "plaje". K?shtu, fjal?t
"plakonja" dhe "plak" si? 
p?rdoren tani n? gjuh?n shqipe me k?to kuptime,
mal?sia shqiptare q? i 
ka ruajtur zakonet e vjetra, mosmarr?veshjet q? ndodhin n?
mes tyre, 
sot i rregullojn? p?rmes k?shillave pleq?ror? q? i
quajn? "plakonja" 
(pleqni - M.P.). 
Sikurse u tha me nj? mendim t? prer? se kat?r popujt
q? u p?rmend?n m? 
lart rrjedhin nga pellazg?t, poashtu, pa fije dyshimi, ?sht? 
konstatuar se ilir?t jan? gjysh?rit e shqiptar?ve t?
sot?m. Jan? 
ruajtur (regjistruar) me sakt?si ngjarjet q? kan? rrjedh?
qe dy mij? 
vjet, kurse n? k?t? koh? nuk mbahet n? kujtes? se
nj? popull ka ardhur 
nga jasht? dhe ?sht? vendosur n? trojet e shqiptar?ve
(n? Shqip?ri). 
P?rve? k?saj, marr? n? p?rgjith?si, ka edhe
m? shum? fakte e argumente 
q? provojn? se pellazg?t e vjet?r dhe shqiptar?t e
tash?m jan? t? nj? 
race dhe kan? gjuh? t? nj?jt?. Sidomos, historian?t
e vjet?r grek? 
tregojn? se feja dhe besimet e grek?ve t? vjet?r dhe
t? romak?ve jan? 
marr? nga pellazg?t e vjet?r. Edhe emrat e per?ndive
romake e greke, 
sikurse ?sht? treguar qart?, jan? t? pellazg?ve,
pra, t? shqiptar?ve 
t? vjet?r. Pra, pa u friguar se do t? p?rg?njeshtrohem
nga historia 
dhe, duke menduar se nuk do t? mendohet se kam dashur t'i zmadhoj 
gj?rat, meqen?se vet? i takoj rac?s shqiptare, mund t?
them se populli 
shqiptar dikur ka qen? nj? popull i madh q? shtrihej nga
Trieshta deri 
n? Sivas, pra n? dy territore t? m?dha: n? Evrop?
dhe n? Azi. Mir?po, 
duke qen? n? mes popujve dhe shteteve t? m?dha t?
Iranit, Greqis?, 
Rom?s etj., dhe, duke r?n? n? dor? t? pushtuesve
t? ndrysh?m, 
pellazg?t u asimiluan dhe u zhduk?n n? Anadollin? e
at?hersh?m, 
pastaj, duke u t?rhequr edhe nga Trakija dhe nga an?t
juglindore t? 
Maqedonis? dhe nga ana e Iliris?, d.m.th. nga Bosnja dhe
Hercegovina 
dhe, duke u nxjerr? nga ana e bullgar?ve dhe sllav?ve t?
cil?t sulmuan 
vazhdimisht, jan? ngjeshur n? pjes?n jugper?ndimore t?
Maqedonis? dhe 
n? pjes?n per?ndimore t? Iliris?, d.m.th. n?
Shqip?rin? e sotme (lexo: 
n? koh?n e Samiut - M.P.). Shqiptar?t nuk i kan?
ndryshuar zakonet dhe 
vetit? q? i kan? pasur nga koha e ilir?ve dhe
pellazg?ve. Gjithnj? 
kan? jetuar t? ndar? dhe t? vetmuar nga popujt e
tjer?. Edhe n? mes 
veti kan? jetuar t? ndar? n? fise t? vogla dhe t?
hasmuar nj?ri me 
tjetrin. Po t'i shikojm? t? dh?nat historike t?
Strabonit, v?rejm? se 
- thot? Samiu - m?nyra e jetes?s s? tyre q? ka qen?
n? ato koh?ra, 
vazhdon edhe sot n? Mal?sin? e Dibr?s dhe t?
Shkodr?s. P?r k?t? arsye, 
duke mos qen? t? bashkuar, nuk kan? mundur t? formojn?
nj? shtet ose 
t? shkruajn? gjuh?n e tyre komb?tare ose t?
krijojn? nj? let?rsi 
komb?tare. Edhe njer?zit e m?dhenj (t? ditur) q? ka
pasur ky popull, 
kan? qen? t? detyruar t? m?sojn? n? ndonj?
gjuh? tjet?r dhe me at? 
gjuh? kan? qen? t? shtr?nguar t? gjenden n?
pun?t shtet?rore. N? k?t? 
m?nyr? kan? mundur shum? pak t? sh?rbejn? n?
ngritjen dhe fam?n e 
popullit q? i kan? takuar. T? jetuarit n? k?t?
m?nyr?, ka ruajtur n? 
gjendje t? vjet?r si gjuh?n, si zakonet vetit? e tyre dhe
ka qen? 
shkak n? mosp?rpjekjet e tyre p?r ndryshime. Shqiptar?t
prej koh?sh 
ishin t? ndar? n? fise-fise dhe, meq? jan?
udh?hequr nga kryetar?t e 
tyre dhe nga k?shillat pleq?ror?, nuk ?sht?
dokumentuar historia e 
tyre. Sikurse ?sht? e ditur, kishin formuar tri shtete;
nj?ri ishte n? 
Shkod?r, tjetri n? Epir, d.m.th. n? territoret e Janin?s
dhe, i treti 
n? nj? qytet t? vjet?r Pella i cili ishte n? af?rsi
t? Jenixhe-i 
Vardarit t? Maqedonis?. Ky i treti ?sht? i njohur si
shtet i 
Maqedonis?, historia e t? cilit ?sht? dokumentuar
plot?sisht (p?r 
Maqedonin? flasim tjet?rkund - n?nvizim i Samiut). Ky shtet
u b? i 
njohur me ngjarjet shum? t? m?dha q? mund t'u thuhet
madje t? 
jasht?zakonshme, si p.sh. pushtimi i menj?hersh?m i shum?
vendeve t? 
bot?s q? nuk ishin t? njohura dhe t? ditura n? at?
koh? e deri n? Indi 
nga ana e Aleksandrit (Lek?s) t? Madh (turq. Iskender
Z?lkarnejn) i 
biri Filipit. Vet?m se p?r shkak t? rrethanave t?
nj?jta q? u 
p?rshkruan p?r shqiptar?t, edhe Leka i Madh ka m?suar
n? gjuh?n greke. 
Megjith?se, ashtu si? ishin maqedonas t? gjith?
ushtar?t q? merrnin 
pjes? n? pushtime, po ashtu, edhe ai vet? ishte maqedonas
p?r nga 
origjina dhe gjuha. Madje, edhe pse ?sht? e ditur se ai nuk i
ka 
dashur grek?t, i ka konsideruar popull t? madh. Mbreti m? i
njohur i 
mbret?ris? s? Epirit ishte Pirroja, i cili dy her? i
kishte mundur 
romak?t. Edhe pse kishte ngadh?njyer dhe ishte zgj?ruar deri
n? Greqi 
dhe Egjipt, dhe, edhe pse kishte ambicie t? pushtoj? edhe m?
tep?r, 
kur vdiq, la pas vetes di?ka m? tep?r se pasuria q?
kishte gjetur nga 
babai i tij. Edhe nga mbret?rit e Iliris? q? kishin fituar
fam? m? t? 
madhe, ishte mbret?resha Teuta dhe mbreti Genci i Par?
(Gjen?oja) = 
k?shtu e p?rdor Samiu n?: "Shqip?ria ?ka
qen?..." - M.P.). Shqiptar?t, 
t? cil?t s? bashku me Lek?n e Madh kishin pushtuar
bot?n, nuk pranuan 
t'u n?nshtrohen leht? romak?ve. Ata u b?n? atyre
nj? q?ndres? t? 
vendosur, saq? Paol Emili, pasi i mundi me forcat e tij t?
m?dha, p?r 
hakmarrje i rr?noi 85 qytete t? tyre dhe disa qindra mija
njer?z i 
zuri peng dhe ashtu t? lidhur me pranga i d?rgoi n? Rom?.
Ja, q? nga 
ajo koh? filloi fatkeq?sia e k?tij populli. Nga nj?ra
an? u gjend?n 
n?n romak?t, nga ana tjet?r, p?r t? mos u marr?
n?p?r k?mb? nga 
avar?t, hun?t dhe popuj t? tjer? gjakpir?s,
shkat?rrimtar? dhe t? 
eg?r, t? cil?t koh?ve t? fundit u v?rsul?n dhe
sulmuan nga an?t 
veriore, shqiptar?t u t?rhoq?n n? vende malore dhe t?
sigurta, duke 
qen? t? detyruar t? l?shojn? vendet pjellore dhe t?
rrafshta, kurse 
nj? pjes?, duke braktisur n? t?r?si atdheun e tyre, u
detyruan t? ikin 
n? Greqi, More, n? ishujt e Greqis? deri n? an?t
qendrore dhe n? 
ujdhes?n Marmara. K?shtu, nj? pjes? e shqiptar?ve,
af?r gjysma e 
kombit, mbeti n? Greqi dhe n? More, p?rgjith?sisht, n?
ujdhesat greke 
dhe n? Marmara q? nga ajo koh?. Nd?rkaq, ata q?
mbet?n n? Shqip?ri u 
t?rhoq?n n? vende t? sigurta natyrore. Meq?
gjithnj? jetonin me arm? 
n? dor?, ndiqnin rrug?n e mbret?rve romak? dhe
bizantin?. N? t? 
v?rtet?, k?ta udh?hiqeshin n? m?nyr? t?
pavarur nga kryetar?t e vet, 
sikurse n? t? kaluar?n dhe k?ta kryetar?
dal?ngadal? merrnin grad?n e 
princit ose mbretit. (...) Edhe disa qytete dhe kala q? ishin
n? 
brigjet e Adriatikut, kaluan n? duart e venedikasve. 

Ja pra, n? k?t? gjendje ishin shqiptar?t kur n?
pjes?n e Rumelis? 
shkeli k?mba e sulltan?ve Osman? dhe luft?tar?ve
musliman?. Sado q? 
disa prej princave deridiku rezistuan, shum? prej tyre, duke
par? 
forc?n dhe potencialin ushtarak, u dor?zuan pa luft?,
prandaj gati t? 
gjith? princat ende mbet?n n? vendet e tyre. K?ta kishin
disa 
privilegje dhe t? drejta n? Shtetin Osman. Mir?po, m?
pastaj 
Sk?nderbeu i mblodhi t? gjith? k?ta princa, t?
cil?t vet? e njoh?n at? 
p?r prij?s dhe komandant t? tyre. Duke qen? nj? njeri
jasht?zakonisht 
trim, i aft? dhe me p?rvoj? luftarake, Papa dhe mbret?rit
e tjer? t? 
krishter? t? Evrop?s, me q?llim q? ta pr?dorin si
mbrojt?s, at? e 
trim?ronin dhe e stimulonin t? luftoj? kund?r turqve
osmanlinj. 
Ndon?se i premtonin se do t'i shkonin prapa dhe se do t'i
ndihmonin, 
k?t? nuk e b?n? kurr?. Sk?nderbeu hyri n?
luft? me Osmanlinjt?. Luftoi 
40 vjet rresht . Duke u bazuar n? pozit?n strategjike natyrore
t? 
vendit dhe, duke besuar n? premtimet e Pap?s dhe t?
mbret?rve 
evropian?, ndon?se e shihte se ata d?shirojn? ta
p?rdorin si nj? mjet, 
t? futet n? zjarr, b?ri q? Shqip?ria t? gjendet
n? zjarr e flak? plot 
gjysm? shekulli. Pastaj, me vdekjen e Sk?nderbeut, t?r?
Shqip?ria ra 
n? duart e pushtetit Osman. Edhe gjat? asaj kohe disa
qindra-mija 
shqiptar? u shp?rngul?n p?r n? Kalabri dhe Siqeli
t? Italis?, e nj? 
pjes? prej tyre u shp?rdan? n?p?r Venedik, Gjenev?,
Marsej, bile edhe 
n? Spanj?. Vet?m se ata q? u vendos?n n? Kalabri
dhe Siqeli, meq? 
formuan fshatra t? pastra shqiptare, kan? ruajtur deri m?
tash gjuh?n 
rac?n dhe fen? e tyre, numri i t? cil?ve arrin
p?raf?rsisht 250 mij? 
(dyqind e pes?dhjet? mij?). K?shtu, pasi shqiptar?t
hyn? n?n 
administrat?n osmane, t? gjith? bejler?t dhe njer?zit
autoritativ? 
menj?her? e pranuan fen? e drejt? islame. Pas pranimit
t? Fes? islame 
nga ana e tyre, gradualisht edhe t? tjer?t filluan ta
pranojn?, 
k?shtu, p?r nj? koh? t? shkurt?r 2/3 e popullit
shqiptar u b?n? 
musliman?, kurse 1/3 q? mbet?n u ndan?, gjysma n?
ortodoks? dhe gjysma 
n? katolik?. Shqiptar?t q? nuk iu bind?n shtetit romak
dhe bizantin 
dhe q? deri diku nuk e d?gjuan Lek?n e Madh, i cili ishte
bashk?komb?s 
i tyre, u b?n? t? p?rbashk?t me osmanlinjt?, kaluan
n? ngritjen dhe 
fam?n e Shtetit Osman, u b?n? shum? dashamir?s dhe
nidhm?s n? 
zgj?rimin e pushtimeve osmane dhe islame. Deri n? koh?n e
formimit t? 
ushtris? s? rregullt e t? organizuar t? gjith?
shqiptar?t ishin 
pjestar? t? ushtris? s? armatosur t? p?rhershme
t? shtetit. Kur 
urdh?ronin k?ta, ashtu t? armatosur, ishin t? gatsh?m
t? shkonin deri 
n? shkret?tirat e Sudanit. Edhe shteti (Osman), duke i ?muar
lart? 
sh?rbimet dhe miq?sin? e tyre, ua besonte pozitat m?
t? larta 
shtet?rore. Shqiptar?t mor?n pozita t? larta n?
shtetin Osman; vet?m 
pashallar?, t? cil?t u b?n? sadriazema (kryeministra)
ishin 25, madje, 
n? mesin e tyre kishte t? till? q? n? koh?n e
Sulltan Selimit t? par? 
dhe Sulltan Sulejmanit, arrit?n t? b?hen sadriazema nga
pes? her?. 
Sinan Pasha, i cili me flamurin osman arriti n? Jemen e Amman dhe
n? 
A?in e Sumatra, vende k?to t? panjohura deri n? at?
koh?, e shp?toi 
Shtetin Osman nga shkat?rrimet m? t? m?dha, pastaj,
Qyp?rli Mehmed 
Pasha me f?mij?t dhe nip?rit e tij, me ndihm?n e Zotit,
pat?n sukses 
t? ngadh?njejn? n? rrethimin e Vjen?s dhe Shtetit
Osman t'ia kthejn? 
p?rs?ri renomen? e m?parshme, pastaj, Ferhad Pasha e
t? tjer?t, ishin 
personalitete t? k?tij populli trim dhe t? sinqert?
(t? popullit 
shqiptar - M.P.). Shqiptar?t n? p?rgjith?si jan?
shtatlart?, ashtgjer? 
dhe me nerva t? forta dhe ve?an?risht dallohen me kok?n e
tyre t? 
madhe dhe ballin e lart?, gj? q? v?rteton zgjuarsin? e
madhe natyrore 
t? tyre. Me t? v?rtet? f?mij?t shqiptar? q?
d?rgohen p?r t? m?suar dhe 
p?r t'u edukuar, ndon?se kan? m?suar n? gjuh? t?
huaja, ?sht? par? q? 
p?r nj? koh? shum? t? shkurt?r kan?
p?rparuar. Kombi shqiptar ka dh?n? 
njer?z t? m?dhenj, si p.sh. Ali Efendi Gjakov?n dhe Hoxha
Tahsinin, t? 
cil?t vdiq?n tash von?, pastaj edhe shum? shqiptar?
q? u dalluan me 
zgjuarsin? dhe diturit? e tyre t? cil?t ishin t?
barabart? me ata t? 
Universitetit t? Athin?s dhe Rom?s. Jan? d?shmuar edhe
aft?sit? e 
shqiptar?ve t? krishter? t? Greqis? dhe t?
Italis?. Kapedan?t, 
kryetar?t dhe shum? e shum? t? tjer? t? cil?t
n? m?nyr? vet?mohuese 
mor?n pjes? n? revolucionin p?r pavar?sin? e
Greqis?, prej t? cil?ve 
m? t? dalluarit; Bo?ari, Xhavella, Kanari, Bollgarisi,
Bubulina, ishin 
shqiptar?. Sikurse k?ta, edhe shum? prej atyre q? ia
zbardh?n fytyr?n 
dhe i ndihmuan Garibaldit n? bashkimin nacional italian ishin 
shqiptar? t? Italis?. Pra, ashtu sikurse jan?, kryesisht,
shqiptar? 
ata q? ende udh?heqin Greqin?, e sidomos ata q? e kan?
drejtuar flot?n 
e tyre, poashtu edhe nga shqiptar?t q? jan? n? Itali ka
shum? njer?z 
t? ditur, t? vyesh?m, poet?, shkrimtar? etj. Nga ky
popull arrit?n t? 
b?hen edhe pap?, si? ?sht? Klemani i
nj?mb?dhjet?. Mendoj q? mjafton 
t? p?rmendet se nga ky komb ?sht? zot?ri Krispi, i
cili e udh?heq 
diplomacin? e Italis? edhe n? dit?t e sotme.
Shqiptar?t nga 
st?rgjysh?rit e tyre i kan? ruajtur doket dhe moralin,
nderin dhe 
krenarin?, kan? ruajtur edhe ??shtjen e mbajtjes s?
premtimit q? e 
quajn? "besa". Ata jan? t? gatsh?m gjithnj?
t? japin jet?n e tyre p?r 
mbrojtjen e kombit, fisit, familjes, madje dhe vet?m p?r t?
ruajtur 
fjal?n e tyre t? dh?n?. Vet?m se p?r pak gj? dhe
p?r ??shtje shum? t? 
par?nd?sishme bien n? mosmarr?veshje. Jan? serioz?
dhe t? sinqert?, 
nuk duan shaka t? tepruara, tallje dhe fjal? t?
par?nd?sishme. Ecin 
shum? shpejt dhe leht?. Kan? l?vizje elegente dhe
q?ndrim krenar. 
Grat? shqiptare jan? shum? t? bukura dhe shtatgjate,
sidomos jan? t? 
bollshme dhe pak me fytyr? burr?rore. N? ??shtje t?
moralit jan? shum? 
t? vendosura, t? ashpra. Vajza ose gruaja, e cila, sado pak del
jasht? 
moralit, pam?shirsh?m d?nohet nga m? t? af?rmit.
Grat? shqiptare jan? 
shum? pun?tore dhe t? denja. N? sht?pi kan?
pavar?si t? plot?, kurse 
burrat konsiderohen si musafir?. Meq? i kushtojn? shum?
r?nd?si 
??shtjes s? prejardhjes s? familjes (sojit), t?
gjith?, p?r t'i dh?n? 
vajzat e veta, duke k?rkuar dik? t? t? nj?jtit rang,
shpesh?her? i 
japin larg. Nuk e kan? zakon t'u japin vajzave t? tyre pjes?
nga 
pasuria e trash?guar, madje teshat e nus?ris? b?hen nga
ana e burrit . 
Edhe pse bindjet fetare i kan? shum? t? forta, m?
shum? i kushtojn? 
r?nd?si pun?s dhe nuk kan? fanatiz?m. Jan? t?
ruajtura dhe t? 
pranishme edhe sot disa zakone dhe rite t? mbetura nga feja e
vjet?r, 
qoft? te musliman?t, qoft? te ortodoks?t. N? mes
njer?zve q? u takojn? 
feve t? ndryshme ka nj? dashuri dhe mir?kuptim t?
plot?. 

Edhe pse p?r nga gjuha ndahen n? dy deg?-n? geg? dhe
tosk?, nuk b?jn? 
dallime, por t? gjith? krenohen me emrin shqiptar. Geg?t
jan? t? 
vendosur n? pjes?n veriore t? Shqip?ris?, kurse
tosk?t n? pjes?n 
jugore t? saj. Lumi i Shkumbinit q? kalon pran? Elbasanit
?sht? si 
vij? dalluese e tyre. Dialektet e geg?rishtes dhe t?
tosk?rishtes 
dallohen n? mes tyre vet?m n? t? shqiptuar, n? theks
dhe n? disa 
shprehje, kurse n? thelb, gjuha ?sht? e nj?jt?,
prandaj shum? mir? e 
kuptojn? nj?ri-tjetrin. N? k?t? gjuh? ekzistojn?
disa libra n? proz? 
dhe poezi me tematik? fetare katolike t? shkruara para 400-500 
vjet?sh; poashtu ekzistojn? disa k?ng? popullore t?
ruajtura q? nga 
shekulli XV. Dallimet e tyre nga gjuha e sotme q?ndrojn?
vet?m n? at? 
se jan? p?rdorur n? at? koh?; tash n? vend t?
tyre musliman?t p?rdorin 
disa fjal? e shprehje arabe, kurse t? krishter?t disa
fjal? e shprehje 
greke. Edhe pas pranimit t? Islamit n? Shqip?ri kemi
shum? poet? e 
shkrimtar?. Ata kan? thurur divane, poema, me tema t?
ndryshme nga 
l?mi fetar: k?shilla, ligj?rata fetare (vaize), pastaj
mevludin p?r 
Muhammedin a.s., p?r tragjedin? e Qerbelas? etj. T?
gjitha k?tyreve 
mund t'u thuhet, zakonisht, nj? let?rsi. Mir?po, meq?
musliman?t kan? 
shkruar me alfabet arab, ortodoks?t me alfabet grek dhe
katolik?t me 
alfabet latin dhe, meq? veprat e tyre jan? t? mbushura me
fjal? dhe 
shprehje t? huaja dhe, meq? ndjekin shembullin e
let?rsis? t? popujve 
t? huaj, let?rsia komb?tare shqiptare nuk ka mundur t?
z? vendin e saj 
t? merituesh?m. Veprat e shkruara para 4-5 shekujve ose q?,
s? paku, 
kan? mbetur prej asaj kohe e t? p?rmbledhura m? von?,
kan? mundur t? 
z?n? k?t? vend. Ortodoks?t, t? krishter?t
tosk?, ishin duke u 
greqizuar, sepse, q? at?her?, vazhdimisht punonin dhe
m?sonin sipas 
shkenc?s greke. Edhe insti-tucionet greke ndihmuan n?
k?t? dhe, sado 
q? te nj? pjes? arrit?n deri diku t? ndikojn? t?
harrojn? gjuh?n e 
tyre amtare, k?ta botuan libra m?simor? me alfabet shqip
q? i kan? 
sistemuar m? von?. N? Tosk?ri jan? hapur disa shkolla
t? posa?me p?r 
t? m?suar shqip, gj? q? edhe k?ta kan? ndikuar
n? ruajtjen e kombit. 
Pas nxitjeve dhe stimulimeve kund?r tyre, vazhdimisht filluan ta 
urrejn? dhe t? largohen nga Greqia. K?shtu, n? koh?n e
Sulltan 
Abdylmexhidit t? Dyt? edhe shqiptar?ve, iu b? e mundshme
t? shkruajn? 
gjuh?n dhe let?rsin? e tyre, filluan t? p?rparojn?.
Shqiptar?t q? jan? 
n? shtetin Osman jan? rreth 2 milion?, prej tyre 2/3 jan?
t? besimit 
islam. Edhe shqiptar?t q? jan? n? Greqi dhe n? Itali
jan? mbi 500 
mij?. Shqiptar?t, zaten, meq? jan? t? vendosur m?
tep?r n? vendet 
malore dhe n? vendet jopjellore, vendet e tyre nuk mund t'i
furnizojn? 
me gj?ra ushqimore, prandaj shumica prej tyre merren me zanate dhe 
tregti. Duke marr? rrug?n e kurbetit n? ?do an? t?
shtetit Osman, 
pastaj duke sh?rbyer me rrog? n? ushtrin? osmane dhe
n? xhandarm?ri, 
shkojn? deri n? Egjipt, Sudan e bile edhe n? Jemen. Duke
qen? larg 
grave t? tyre, duke u martuar, sipas zakonit t? tyre, von?,
e disa 
duke u martuar jasht? vendit t? tyre, duke u shp?rngulur e
duke marr? 
pjes? vazhdimisht n?p?r luft?ra b?ri q? numri i
tyre t? mos jet? i 
madh. Nga t? par?t q? e kan? b?r? t? njohur
n? Evrop? kombin shqiptar, 
origjin?n dhe gjuh?n e tyre, kan? qen? dr. Hahni, i cili
nj? koh? t? 
gjat? ka q?ndruar n? Janin? e n? Shkod?r si konsull
i Austris?; 
linguisti i famsh?m Bopi, Dora d'Istria, e cila ?sht?
vet? shqiptare 
dhe rrjedh nga Gjikajt q? kan? sunduar si princa n? Rumani,
pastaj 
shqiptar?t e Italis? Dorsa, zot?ri Krispi, Kamarda, De Rada
e t? 
tjer?, t? cil?t kan? shkruar shum? vepra n?
gjuh?t gjermane dhe 
italiane, p?rkitazi me shqiptar?t . 



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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 11 08:08:42 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 08:08:42 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Milosevic Supporter Nominated As Yugoslav Prime Minister
Message-ID: <000f01c0337c$00de3de0$a2aa9840@albania>

Milosevic Supporter Nominated As Yugoslav Prime Minister 

BELGRADE, Oct 11, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Yugoslavia's democratic reformers have agreed to nominate a supporter of former president Slobodan Milosevic as the Yugoslav prime minister, the press said here Tuesday.

Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica's victorious coalition had agreed to put Milosevic ally Pedrag Bulatovic into the post as it seeks to secure a legitimate rule, said the daily Glas.

The reported agreement between the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) comes amid vital negotiations to reform the federal assembly as well as the all-powerful Serbian parliament.

While the DOS scored a major victory when its candidate Kostunica ended Milosevic's 13-year iron rule last week, the country's real power lies in the parliaments of the federation's republics, Serbia and Montenegro.

The decision to appoint a Milosevic ally to head the federal government followed the resignation of another Milosevic loyalist from the post on Monday and was seen as a bid by Kostunica, a Serbian lawyer, to respect the Yugoslav constitution.

It stipulates that the federal Prime Minister should come from the opposition and not be from the same republic as the president.

Bulatovic, from Montengro, said the new federal government being formed by Kostunica "should be made up in a way that is acceptable to the international community".

The DOS drove home its victory Monday when it announced a deal with Serbia's ruling coalition partners to hold early elections in December for the Serbian parliament, still stacked with Milosevic supporters.

Various officials gave possible dates for the Serb elections as December 17, December 19 and December 24.

The opposition has been demanding the reform of the Serbian parliament -- due to stand for election in 2001 -- to reflect the new political landscape in the country after Kostunica's election on September 24.

It is also one of the conditions set by the independence-minded government in Montenegro for its full return to the federal fold.

The democratic reformists also chalked up a blow against Milosevic when three top pro-Milosevic ministers resigned Monday, including the notorious Serbian Interior Minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic, like Milosevic indicted for war crimes by a UN court.

Bulatovic said his party, the pro-Milosevic Socialist People's Party (SNP), wanted to form a government with the DOS which "balances political forces in the federal parliament".

He stressed that Milosevic's SPS and the Montenegrin SNP held a majority in the federal parliament but that "the majority in Serbia had pronounced themselves in favor of the DOS."

However he ruled out any cooperation with the SPS allies in the Serbian ruling coalition, the Yugoslav Left (JUL), led by Milosevic's wife, Mira Markovic.

His comments came as a founder member of the SPS also called for the party to distance itself from JUL, marginalizing the neo-communist party that has been close to the SPS.

Zoran Lilic, himself a former Yugoslav president who quit his SPS functions ahead of the federal elections, told the daily Vecernje Novosti such a move was necessary to avoid the "political suicide" of the Socialists. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 11 08:14:47 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 08:14:47 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Yugoslav Troops Will Return to Kosovo by Year's End
Message-ID: <002501c0337c$da376a80$a2aa9840@albania>

Yugoslav Troops Will Return to Kosovo by Year's End 

BELGRADE, Oct 11, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Yugoslav troops will return to Kosovo by the end of the year, a senior figure in new President Vojislav Kostunica Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) party says in an interview published here Wednesday.

"Between now and the end of the year we will return 1,200 of our (Serb) police and our Yugoslav soldiers to the border with Albania," Zoran Djindjic, a senior figure in the DOS, told the daily Vecernje Novosti.

Kosovo, which has an ethnic Albanian majority and borders Albania, is currently under UN administration following NATO intervention and attacks on Serb targets last year.

Although officially part of Yugoslavia, the exodus of almost all Serbs from Kosovo and the rise of ethnic Albanian calls for independence leave its long-term fate in doubt.

UN Security Council resolution 1244 declares that Kosovo will remain a part of federal Yugoslavia.

The resolution, oft cited by Belgrade leaders, also maps out the eventual return of Serb police and Yugoslav troops to the area, although no deadline is given.

Djindjic added that "a few days ago" he had spoken on the phone to the UN administrator in Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner.

"He asked to come to Belgrade to discuss the return of our police to Kosovo. As soon as we have formed a federal government, we will send a delegation to Brussels and Washington and demand that resolution 1244 be honoured," said Djindjic.

"We can see absolutely no reason for any kind of delay," he added.

On Tuesday, Kostunica denied a report that he had invited Kouchner for talks in Belgrade.

Speaking earlier Tuesday in Macedonia, Kouchner urged the international community not to rush to resolve the status of Kosovo following the ouster of ex-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.

"Let's go step by step. At the moment we need (Serbian and ethnic Albanian) communities to accept to coexist and after that to accept, step by step, a sort of comprehension," Kouchner told journalists after talks with top Macedonian officials.

Kouchner stressed that the Kosovo problem should be solved within the region as the whole, but said he believed it was "too early to talk about the solution for Kosovo".

Kouchner, however, ruled out the idea of an independent Kosovo.

According to UN resolution 1244 "Kosovo remains the part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia," he stressed.

"I will go to Belgrade to discuss with (new Yugoslav President Vojislav) Kostunica if he invites me," Kouchner said adding that "there were some misunderstanding about that."

He said he hoped to establish a "significant dialogue" with the new Yugoslav government. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

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From ipilika at hotmail.com  Wed Oct 11 09:57:06 2000
From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 13:57:06 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Vojislav Kostunica is an unapologetic Serb nationalist
Message-ID: <F162KfExvWvqzAoa2JB00000a4e@hotmail.com>


Vojislav Kostunica: Tough intellectual

Vojislav Kostunica is an unapologetic Serb nationalist


October 6, 2000
Web posted at: 0610 GMT



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
In this story:

'No to White House'

'No corruption, no comparison'


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


By Romesh Ratnesar

(TIME.com Europe) -- He is rumpled and retiring and most at ease in his 
modest Belgrade apartment, surrounded by law books and cats. But Vojislav 
Kostunica has learned to play tough.

During the campaign for the Yugoslav presidency, the 56-year-old legal 
scholar travelled without bodyguards. When he stumped in Kosovo last month, 
supporters of Slobodan Milosevic pelted him with rotten vegetables, bottles 
and stones, opening a gash under his eye.

Kostunica carried on with his speech, refusing protection from NATO soldiers 
standing nearby. When the Milosevic campaign ran advertisements describing 
him as a "moral degenerate," Kostunica barely shrugged. "Politically, I have 
a pretty strong stomach," he said.

'No to White House'
Kostunica's surprising steeliness has helped him stare down Milosevic, but 
it doesn't endear him to the West. Despite his passive, hang-dog demeanour, 
Kostunica is an unapologetic Serb nationalist.

He posed for a photograph in 1998 brandishing an assault rifle to show 
solidarity for Serb troops in Kosovo. During the campaign, his disdain for 
Milosevic was matched only by his contempt for the United States. One slogan 
urged voters to say "no to White Palace" -- Milosevic's suburban mansion -- 
and "no to the White House."

He refused to support the 1995 Dayton accords, claiming they were unfair to 
Bosnian Serbs, and he lambasted the NATO campaign in Kosovo, while at the 
same time blasting Milosevic for his handling of the Kosovo crisis.

Kostunica has shown no sign that he would cooperate with demands that 
Serbian war criminals, including Milosevic, be delivered to the Hague. He 
believes the UN tribunal is a tool for American meddling.

And yet Kostunica still represents a refreshing turn in Serbian politics. He 
has none of the bombast of other Serb opposition leaders. He drives a 
battered Yugo and rarely travels outside the country.

Kostunica was a reluctant candidate, agreeing to stand for election only 
after polls showed more recognisable figures, such as Vuk Draskovic and 
Zoran Djindjic, stood no chance of beating Milosevic.

Kostunica appealed to voters with his common touch -- he campaigned 
door-to-door in five cities a day -- but also because he is unsullied by 
association with Milosevic, the West or the former communist regime.

'No corruption, no comparison'
Since the 1970s, when he was fired from his teaching post at Belgrade 
University, Kostunica has been one of the country's most ardent advocates of 
democracy and liberal economics.

That makes him palatable to the West, particularly given the alternative. 
"He is not an indicted war criminal," says a veteran U.S. diplomat. "He's 
not somebody who has started four or five wars. He is not a corrupt person. 
There is no comparison."

As president, Kostunica would likely blunt his anti-Western campaign 
rhetoric in an effort to improve ties with the EU and secure the lifting of 
international sanctions.

And he has said that he would begin negotiations with Montenegro's President 
Milo Djukanovic about the future of the Yugoslav federation, talks that 
could result in a new constitution and eventual independence for Montenegro.

But he will also demand greater rights for Serbs in Kosovo and will not 
entertain the idea of Kosovar independence without major concessions from 
the West. That may be the price of democracy.

"The West has to realise," says former British Foreign Secretary David Owen, 
"that you can't have peace in the Balkans without a Serb Government that 
speaks for the Serbs." If nothing else, Kostunica seems determined to do 
just that.

(With reporting by Dejan Anastasijevic/ Belgrade and Andrew 
Purvis/Budapest.)



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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 11 08:16:57 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 08:16:57 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Ex-KLA Chief Wants Proof Kostunica is Democrat
Message-ID: <003001c0337d$27b55e20$a2aa9840@albania>

Ex-KLA Chief Wants Proof Kostunica is Democrat 

PRISTINA, Oct 11, 2000 -- (Reuters) The former political leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) said on Tuesday that Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica should prove he is a democrat and release prisoners from the Kosovo war.

"If Mr Kostunica is a democrat as he claims, he should release all Albanian prisoners and the kidnapped," Hashim Thaci told Reuters in an interview.

He also said the new Yugoslav president, hailed by the West as a breath of democracy in Belgrade, should apologize to ethnic Albanians for atrocities committed by the Serb police and the Yugoslav army last year in Kosovo.

"Kostunica should cooperate with the Hague tribunal," he said, referring to the international war crimes body that has indicted Kostunica's predecessor Slobodan Milosevic.

Thaci, who now heads the Democratic Party of Kosovo, said the European Union had been too quick to lift sanctions on Belgrade on Monday and should have first considered issues such as prisoners and the missing.

By some estimates up to 5,000 people are missing from last year's conflict in Kosovo, when a crackdown by Belgrade against the KLA and ethnic Albanians seeking independence triggered a NATO-led bombing campaign.

Still officially a Serb province, Kosovo is now administered by the international community and protected by 40,000 foreign troops.

INDEPENDENCE THE GOAL

Thaci, who with rival Ibrahim Rugova of the Democratic League of Kosovo is one of Kosovo's leading politicians, said Kostunica's election was good for the Balkans but not specifically relevant to Kosovo's future.

"Kosovo fought a war for freedom and independence," he said. "The changes in Belgrade can certainly have a positive reflection on democratic developments in the region.

"(But) Kosovo's fate does not depend on Kostunica. Kosovo's fate depends on the Kosovars and the international community."

Thaci diplomatically avoided saying whether ethnic Albanians would again take up their weapons if the international community tried to return the province to Belgrade control.

But he said it would be "very dangerous" for Serbia and the region if Kostunica insisted on bringing Kosovo back into Yugoslavia's fold.

"He and Serbia should once and for all give up the policy of rule over Kosovo," he said.

He was asked whether he thought he would ever put on his fighter's uniform again.

"We shouldn't think about wars. I think about peace, and as you can see I am wearing a uniform of peace," he said, pointing to his politician's grey suit.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 11 08:18:50 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 08:18:50 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Western Thaw with Belgrade May Radicalize Kosovo
Message-ID: <003b01c0337d$6ab8d300$a2aa9840@albania>

Western Thaw with Belgrade May Radicalize Kosovo 

PRISTINA, Oct 11, 2000 -- (Reuters) The prospect of better relations between the West and Belgrade has shaken ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and may radicalise their drive for independence.

Western diplomats and analysts say the rise of Vojislav Kostunica to be Yugoslav president and his speedy endorsement by the international community as a democrat came "out of the blue" to the leaders of predominantly ethnic Albanian Kosovo.

Local leaders responded with angry denunciations that Kostunica is no different from his predecessor, Slobodan Milosevic, and with renewed calls for Kosovo to be independent.

"If the international community goes too far towards Kostunica...there are people here who will start preparing for the next war," said Louis Sell, Kosovo director of the International Crisis Group.

"There are no Albanians who do not want independence," he said.

Kosovo, Serbia's southernmost province, has been under the administration of the international community since NATO bombing of Yugoslavia drove out Serb forces last year to save the ethnic Albanian population from a campaign of brutal repression.

The West insists that the province remains a part of Serbia, Yugoslavia's dominant republic, with many countries ruling out eventual independence, in direct conflict with local ambitions.

While Milosevic was in power any form of discussion about Kosovo's future status with Belgrade was out of the question. Now, analysts say, Kostunica and the West will have a smoother relationship - a prospect that concerns ethnic Albanians.

"It is no coincidence that we have seen so many press reports (since Kostunica's election) of Albanians expressing themselves for independence," said one Western diplomat in Pristina.

"They cannot see or imagine any future with Yugoslavia," he said.

ELECTIONS A FIRST TEST

A test could come as early as October 28, when Kosovo votes in municipal elections, the first step in the West's program to create a local administration.

The election is supposed to be about such issues of local concern as rubbish collection, but all parties involved have begun their campaigns with pledges to bring Kosovo to independence.

In this sense, as a referendum on independence, it has already been won. But analysts will be watching to see whether the vote swings to the more radical parties.

"Independence is a very important issue and it is right to be mentioned," Hashim Thaci, head of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) and former leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army, told Reuters.

The problem for the West is squaring the idea that a new democracy may be growing in Belgrade - with a leader pledged to strengthen sovereignty over Kosovo - with the unbending desire of ethnic Albanians to break away.

Veton Surroi, a political analyst and publisher of Kosovo's daily Koha Ditore newspaper, says the key will be time to allow institutions in Serbia and in Kosovo itself to build up.

"We are both, curiously enough, in state building processes," he said. "We will need to communicate, but I think first we will need to communicate as equal partners and certainly within international fora."

Bernard Kouchner, the international community's chief negotiator, said as much on Monday when he warned European Union foreign ministers not to try to force a Kosovo settlement.

"Every Albanian I met, moderate or not, wants independence. Therefore, to try to solve the final status of Kosovo now could lead to a new open conflict," he said.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 11 08:21:20 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 08:21:20 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Soccer-Greek Defender Georgatos out of Albania Qualifier
Message-ID: <004601c0337d$c4210200$a2aa9840@albania>

Soccer-Greek Defender Georgatos out of Albania Qualifier 

ATHENS, Oct 11, 2000 -- (Reuters) Greece will be without defender Grigoris Georgatos when they face neighbors Albania in their group nine World Cup qualifier on Wednesday.

The left back pulled up with a leg injury in the second half of Greece's 1-0 win over Finland on Saturday.

Neither AEK midfielder Vassilis Tsartas nor Ajax Amsterdam striker Nikos Machlas were fit enough to make the trip and the latter's place is likely to go to 20-year-old Lambros Houtos who led the line impressively against Finland.

Greece has never won in Albania.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. 

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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Wed Oct 11 15:57:25 2000
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 15:57:25 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KODAK MOMENTS (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.10.10010111557110.24470-100000@is08.fas.harvard.edu>


http://www.dailysoccer.com/news/picture/done/20001011/mdf27354.html

http://www.dailysoccer.com/news/picture/done/20001010/mdf27221.html

http://www.dailysoccer.com/news/picture/done/20001010/mdf27220.html




From ga57 at YAHOO.COM  Wed Oct 11 15:08:10 2000
From: ga57 at YAHOO.COM (=?iso-8859-1?q?Giovanni=20Armillotta?=)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 12:08:10 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Marvellous win: ALBANIA-Greece 2-0
Message-ID: <20001011190810.159.qmail@web112.yahoomail.com>

DEAR ALBANIA FRIENDS: ALBANIA-GREECE 2-0 for World Cup
GO TO:
http://www.dailysoccer.com/news/text/done/20001011/mdf99320.html

Rroft? Kombetarja

=====
Dr. Giovanni Armillotta - http://go.to/armillotta (general)
http://go.to/shqiptar (Albania and Kosova links)
http://go.to/shqiperia (my articles on Albania and Kosova)
http://go.to/futbolli (Albanian Soccer)
http://go.to/sporti (Albanian Sport)
http://www.egroups.com/group/albanian-foreign-affairs/info.html
PAVAR?SI P?R KOSOV?N HEROIKE/INDEPENDENCE FOR HEROIC KOSOVA

__________________________________________________
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From ga57 at YAHOO.COM  Wed Oct 11 15:51:02 2000
From: ga57 at YAHOO.COM (=?iso-8859-1?q?Giovanni=20Armillotta?=)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 12:51:02 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Albania in 2-0 win over Greece
Message-ID: <20001011195102.29011.qmail@web114.yahoomail.com>

Dear Albanian Friends,
headers by Alban Bushi and  substitute Ervin Fakaj
gave Albania a 2-0 victory over Greece in a World Cup
qualifier on Wednesday and their first ever win over
the Greeks in an official match. 
Bushi jumped higher than the Greek defence to head the
ball home after a cross by Fatmir Vata in the 50th
minute, The Greek side played a better tactical game
in the first half. 
Albanian striker Igli Tare squandered his team's best
chance in the 30th minute when he was alone in front
of the Greek goal but sent a lame shot into the hands
of Antonis Nikopolidis. 
Despite three substitutions in the second half, the
Greek team could not manage to shake the grand
Albanians. 
Fakaj sealed the Albanian victory with a header in the
final moments, delighting the fans who headed for the
streets to celebrate. 

RROFT? KOMB?TARJA

=====
Dr. Giovanni Armillotta - http://go.to/armillotta (general)
http://go.to/shqiptar (Albania and Kosova links)
http://go.to/shqiperia (my articles on Albania and Kosova)
http://go.to/futbolli (Albanian Soccer)
http://go.to/sporti (Albanian Sport)
http://www.egroups.com/group/albanian-foreign-affairs/info.html
PAVAR?SI P?R KOSOV?N HEROIKE/INDEPENDENCE FOR HEROIC KOSOVA

__________________________________________________
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From ga57 at YAHOO.COM  Wed Oct 11 15:11:15 2000
From: ga57 at YAHOO.COM (=?iso-8859-1?q?Giovanni=20Armillotta?=)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 12:11:15 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} ALBANIA-GREECE 2-0 FIRST PHOTOS
Message-ID: <20001011191115.28662.qmail@web118.yahoomail.com>

ALBANIA-GREECE 2-0 FIRST PHOTOS
http://www.dailysoccer.com/news/picture/done/20001011/mdf27354.html
http://www.dailysoccer.com/news/picture/done/20001011/mdf27347.html

Best wishes "KOMB?TARJA"!





=====
Dr. Giovanni Armillotta - http://go.to/armillotta (general)
http://go.to/shqiptar (Albania and Kosova links)
http://go.to/shqiperia (my articles on Albania and Kosova)
http://go.to/futbolli (Albanian Soccer)
http://go.to/sporti (Albanian Sport)
http://www.egroups.com/group/albanian-foreign-affairs/info.html
PAVAR?SI P?R KOSOV?N HEROIKE/INDEPENDENCE FOR HEROIC KOSOVA

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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Wed Oct 11 16:04:40 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 22:04:40 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} PRESS: Havel stars as Kosovo goes to vote (Prague Post, October 11,  2000)
Message-ID: <39E4C7D8.80C8322F@bndlg.de>

http://www.praguepost.cz/news101100f.html

Wednesday, October 11, 2000

Havel stars as Kosovo goes to vote 

Prague native Hrebickova sees change as province prepares tally
By Jeffrey Donovan 

Move over, Shakespeare. It's Havel time. 

In a tiny theater in the capital of Kosovo, cultural life is awakening
for the first time since NATO bombed Serbia last year in a bid to stop
recently deposed President Slobodan Milosevic from "cleansing" the
province of its ethnic Albanian majority. 
     Othello was the first play to captivate Pristina theatergoers. Now
it's Audience, a piece by the former dissident playwright turned Czech
president. 
     "You'd be surprised how deep and intelligent the Albanians in
Pristina are," said Janina Hrebickova, a Prague native who runs United
Nations Television in Kosovo and has lived in or covered former
Yugoslavia since the early 1990s. "The educated people -- the doctors,
the teachers, the artists -- actually know a lot about Czech history and
literature. They're even performing this play by Havel now. 
     "And, of course, they love Czech beer." 
     A revived interest in the arts is a measure of how far life in
Kosovo has come since last fall, when the embattled Yugoslav province
was reeling in the wake of war and a refugee crisis involving hundreds
of thousands of Albanians and ethnic Serbs. 
     Now, it is Yugoslavia that is struggling with unrest as its new
president, Vojislav Kostunica, tries to emerge from Milosevic's shadow. 
     For Hrebickova, who says cultural and linguistic ties between
Czechs and Yugoslavs helped her understand the Balkans, much has also
changed. "Since the bombing, Czechs are not popular with Serbs at all,"
she said. 
     But they are popular with Albanians in Kosovo. 
     The province will have a historic chance to put the war era behind
it when 2 million people cast ballots in municipal elections across the
region on Oct. 28. 
     "Kosovars and all non-Albanian people -- Goran, Roma, Bosniac,
Turk, Greek -- will be able to show what sort of political behavior,
what sort of life they really want," she said. 
     In recent months, several political parties have emerged in Kosovo,
where Albanians make up 95 percent of the population. Yet the election
is fraught with risk, as one of the two top parties reportedly still has
ties to armed groups of the guerrilla Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). 
     The Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) of Sorbonne-educated Ibrahim
Rugova -- nicknamed "Gandhi" for his nonviolent resistance to Serbian
aggression over the last decade -- is pitted against the party of Hashim
Thaci, a former KLA warlord. 
     "Thaci's line is, 'We saved Kosovo. Without us, NATO wouldn't have
been able to do anything, you would all be dead or raped and the whole
exodus of refugees would never have come back,'" Hrebickova said.
"Rugova, on the other hand, says, 'We have to win our existence with
democratic means, no arms, no wars, no killing, and we have to do it by
persuading people and cooperating with the West.'" 
     Few believe that Thaci, who ac-cused the LDK of treachery after it
provided a file of alleged KLA atrocities to the International War
Crimes Tribunal in the Hague, will step aside peacefully in the event of
an LDK victory. 
     "If [Thaci] loses, there could be conflict because people opposed
to him could just start disappearing," said Hrebickova, who was in
Prague recently. "This is a problem the international police is not yet
ready for." 
     Young people tend to favor Thaci, while professionals lean toward
Ru-gova. "The younger group didn't get their education, having grown up
during wartime," she said. "They see Thaci as a good fighter who can
save Kosovo, and they can get independence and they can get rich." 
     The elections will be staged and monitored by the UN, NATO and the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) -- the
organizations that have run Kosovo, technically still part of
Yugoslavia, as an international protectorate over the last year. 

Serbian minority 

One uncertainty, Hrebickova said, is what will happen to the
100,000-strong Serbian minority, which has refused to take part in
rebuilding the region or in the upcoming elections, opting instead to
vote in last month's Serbian polls in which they overwhelmingly
supported Milosevic. 
     "They have refused to accept the new reality of Kosovo and are
still living in the past, going through Belgrade for everything,"
Hrebickova said. "They all support Milos-evic as if he were a God, while
most people in Serbia voted against him." 
     But even with the big changes in Serbia, Hrebickova doesn't see
Belgrade fundamentally altering its approach to Kosovo. "It is obviously
a major step forward with Kostunica," she said. "But we must be careful
not to think that all will be perfect now. He is also a Serbian
nationalist." 
     A democratic Yugoslavia, some say, stands a better chance of
holding onto Kosovo as well as competing with it for international
financial aid. 
     But if democracy does make it to Belgrade, Czech visitors to Kosovo
should beware of the mood here. 
     "[People here] are quite angry," Hrebickova said. "They say, 'When
the Russians invaded your country in 1968, your parents and grandparents
chanted "Tito, Dubcek!" against the Soviets, yet now you are against us,
bombing us.'" 
     Yugoslavia's Marshal Josip Broz Tito was the only Eastern European
leader to gain a measure of independence from Moscow, while Alexander
Dubcek was the head of the Czechoslovak Communist Party whose "socialism
with a human face" was quashed by Warsaw Pact tanks in 1968. 
     "The Serbs hate NATO and they hate Havel for supporting its bombing
campaign," Hrebickova concluded. 
     Havel, meanwhile, has quite a big "Audience" in Pristina. 

Jeffrey Donovan's e-mail address is jdonovan at praguepost.cz

The Prague Post Online contains a selection of articles that have been
printed in  The Prague Post, a weekly newspaper published in the Czech
Republic. 
Unauthorized reproduction is strictly prohibited.


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Wed Oct 11 16:06:24 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 22:06:24 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} NEWS: Yugoslav Troops Will Return to Kosovo by Year's End (AFP, Oct 11,  2000)
Message-ID: <39E4C840.A63C37E1@bndlg.de>

http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=208452&section=Kosovo

Yugoslav Troops Will Return to Kosovo by Year's End

BELGRADE, Oct 11, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Yugoslav troops will
return to Kosovo by the end of the year, a senior figure in new
President Vojislav Kostunica Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) party
says in an interview published here Wednesday.
     "Between now and the end of the year we will return 1,200 of our
(Serb) police and our Yugoslav soldiers to the border with Albania,"
Zoran Djindjic, a senior figure in the DOS, told the daily Vecernje
Novosti.
     Kosovo, which has an ethnic Albanian majority and borders Albania,
is currently under UN administration following NATO intervention and
attacks on Serb targets last year.
     Although officially part of Yugoslavia, the exodus of almost all
Serbs from Kosovo and the rise of ethnic Albanian calls for independence
leave its long-term fate in doubt.
     UN Security Council resolution 1244 declares that Kosovo will
remain a part of federal Yugoslavia.
     The resolution, oft cited by Belgrade leaders, also maps out the
eventual return of Serb police and Yugoslav troops to the area, although
no deadline is given.
     Djindjic added that "a few days ago" he had spoken on the phone to
the UN administrator in Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner.
     "He asked to come to Belgrade to discuss the return of our police
to Kosovo. As soon as we have formed a federal government, we will send
a delegation to Brussels and Washington and demand that resolution 1244
be honoured," said Djindjic.
     "We can see absolutely no reason for any kind of delay," he added.
     On Tuesday, Kostunica denied a report that he had invited Kouchner
for talks in Belgrade.
     Speaking earlier Tuesday in Macedonia, Kouchner urged the
international community not to rush to resolve the status of Kosovo
following the ouster of ex-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.
     "Let's go step by step. At the moment we need (Serbian and ethnic
Albanian) communities to accept to coexist and after that to accept,
step by step, a sort of comprehension," Kouchner told journalists after
talks with top Macedonian officials.
     Kouchner stressed that the Kosovo problem should be solved within
the region as the whole, but said he believed it was "too early to talk
about the solution for Kosovo".
     Kouchner, however, ruled out the idea of an independent Kosovo.
     According to UN resolution 1244 "Kosovo remains the part of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia," he stressed.
     "I will go to Belgrade to discuss with (new Yugoslav President
Vojislav) Kostunica if he invites me," Kouchner said adding that "there
were some misunderstanding about that."
     He said he hoped to establish a "significant dialogue" with the new
Yugoslav government.

 ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse)


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Wed Oct 11 16:09:27 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 22:09:27 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} INFO: New ICG briefings on Kosovo reaction to Kostunica victory and FRY  sanctions (10 October 2000)
Message-ID: <39E4C8F7.E97686E9@bndlg.de>

Betreff:  [balkanhr] New ICG briefings on Kosovo reaction to Kostunica
victory and FRY sanctions
Datum: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 00:08:27 +0200
Von: Greek Helsinki Monitor <office at greekhelsinki.gr>
R?ckantwort: balkanhr-owner at egroups.com

Please find attached two new briefings by the International Crisis
Group. One covers the Kosovo reaction to the Kostunica victory in
Yugoslavia. The other provides an up-to-date picture of the sanctions in
force against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, taking into account
the decisions made at yesterday's EU Foreign Ministers' meeting. Sascha
Pichler *************** 
International Crisis Group 
149 Avenue de Louise 
1050 Brussels Tel 32 2 502 90 38 
Fax 32 2 502 50 38 
www.crisisweb.org 

Balkans Briefing 

Pristina/Washington/Brussels, 10 October 2000 

REACTION IN KOSOVO TO KOSTUNICA'S VICTORY 

I. SUMMARY 

While the world watched in fascination as mass demonstrations in
Belgrade toppled Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic from power,
Kosovo-where Milosevic had committed some of his worst crimes-had an
almost eerie air of normalcy. On the night Milosevic fell, cafes were
full and the usual crowd of young people strolled along Pristina's
central artery, Mother Theresa Street. But Pristina's surface
indifference masked serious unease about events in Serbia and especially
about the swelling international welcome for newly elected President
Vojislav Kostunica. Kosovo Albania's political circles, opinion leaders,
and public, which for long had a head-in-the-sand approach toward the
rise of the democratic opposition in Belgrade, are only beginning to
come to grips with the changed political landscape in the Balkans caused
by Milosevic's fall. 
     Initial reactions to Kostunica's election suggest the
radicalisation of Kosovo Albanian opinion on issues such as co-operation
with the international community and Kosovo's future status. If NATO
governments go too far toward welcoming the new Serb democratic forces
without sending some positive and reassuring signals to Kosovo, the
already evident sense of impatience among Kosovo Albanians with aspects
of the international mission could grow and eventually turn dangerous. 
     Over the next year or so, the international community should seek
to turn the attention of both the Kostunica government and the Kosovo
Albanian community toward confidence-building measures and dialogue that
could lay the foundation for diplomatic engagement at the proper time.
Over the longer run, the international community should recognise that
Milosevic's departure makes it imperative to accelerate plans to create
interim Kosovo-wide democratic institutions, with elections held no
later than early 2001, and after that to move promptly to create a
clearly understood roadmap for resolving Kosovo's final status. 

II. PUBLIC REACTION 

As the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) put together its
well-planned campaign of elections and street protests that on 5 October
led to Milosevic's downfall, Kosovo Albanian political leaders and media
acted as if events in Serbia were occurring on another planet. The day
before Milosevic fell a senior official of the Democratic Party of
Kosovo (PDK) revealed that his party had "made a decision not to decide"
on taking a stance on events in Belgrade and added that, "No matter
which party wins in Serbia, it will be a matter of complete indifference
to Kosovo." 
     Most Kosovo Albanian papers reported events in Belgrade in a
low-key fashion, usually in small articles drawn from wire service
reports that were buried deep inside the papers. Not until 6 October,
the day after Milosevic fell, did the Belgrade story make the front
pages of some Kosovo Albanian papers. On the night Milosevic fell,
journalists at a Kosovo news agency newly formed under international
auspices refused to cover events in Belgrade at all. Journalists at the
Kosovo evening television news program initially adopted a similar
approach, until a foreign colleague galvanised them into using available
live television feeds to produce more normal coverage of breaking events
and to arrange a program of commentary by a couple of respected Pristina
"talking heads." The Kosovo television journalists, however, rebelled at
a possible interview with Kostunica, which could have been arranged live
for Pristina virtually as the new president was assuming power and would
have presented an opportunity to question the new president on issues of
interest to Kosovo. Similarly, all prominent Kosovo Albanian
politicians, except Alliance for Kosovo's Future (AAK) head Ramush
Haradinaj, refused an offer to appear on Kosovo television to discuss
events in Belgrade. 
     The most extreme example of this "What, me worry?" approach was
provided by Bota Sot, one of the largest circulation dailies in Kosovo.
Its chief editor, Bajrush Morina, noted that he was carrying no news
about events in Belgrade because Serbia is an "enemy" country. According
to Morina, Kosovo Albanians were more interested in what was happening
in world centres such as New York, Geneva, and London than in Belgrade.
Asked whether he had not noticed and reported the enthusiastic reaction
of leaders in these world centres to events in Belgrade, Morina replied
that he edited out of his paper's coverage the parts of the foreign
leaders' statements with which he disagreed. In a conversation which
occurred a few days before the climactic events in Belgrade, Morina said
that even if Milosevic fell he would not report it and, indeed, when
Milosevic did fall the readers of Bota Sot remained blissfully unaware
of the event, reading on the front page instead a tribute to martyred
Albanian guerrilla leader Adem Jashari. 
     Only on 7 October, two days after Milosevic fell, did Kosovo
Albanian political leaders or parties begin to make public statements on
events in Belgrade and even then these were largely provoked by reaction
to United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) chief Bernard Kouchner's
efforts to enlist Albanian support for beginning a dialogue with
Kostunica on Kosovo. Although most Albanian leaders professed to be
pleased with the democratic changes in Serbia, they also expressed great
scepticism about Kostunica's approach toward Kosovo and considerable
unease about what they clearly regarded as an unseemly rush by the
international community to embrace Kostunica without seeking some
actions with respect to Kosovo, especially the release of the
approximately one thousand Albanian prisoners held in Serb jails. All
Kosovo leaders also emphasised their view that democratic changes in
Serbia had no direct connection with Kosovo, which they universally said
would only be satisfied with complete independence from Belgrade. 
     There has been little strategic thinking among Kosovo Albanian
political leaders about how to respond to the advent of a new regime in
Belgrade. As usual, however, Veton Surroi, the respected owner of
Kosovo's leading daily, Koha Ditore, is well out in front. In a long
editorial article on the implications for Kosovo of Milosevic's fall,
Surroi wrote that the fall of Slobodan Milosevic was part of the
historical processes that would make Kosovo free of Serbia forever. He
called for a parallel process of building democracy in Serbia and Kosovo
and set out a strategy for dealing with the new reality that included
close co-ordination with Montenegro on future relations with Belgrade,
prompt introduction of a market economic system, and setting up a
functioning system of democratic self-government at the Kosovo level
after the October municipal elections. Surroi said it was wrong for the
international community to believe that Kosovo could be part of a
democratic Serbia but urged Kosovo Albanians to defer discussion of
Kosovo's final status until later. 
     Disappointment and building anger with the West over its reaction
to Kostunica are widespread throughout Kosovo Albanian society. But the
views of a group of young, urban, and entrepreneurial Albanians who have
been responsible for building some some small but successful high tech
enterprises in Kosovo over the past year are noteworthy. Among this
group of entrepreneurs and activists, generally under 30, who over the
past year have rejected opportunities to study and work overseas to
build something lasting in their newly liberated society there exists
extreme disappointment in the West for its rapid support of the new
regime in Belgrade, coupled with growing personal cynicism that their
dreams will never be realised at home. This group is sophisticated
enough to recognise that the dynamics of the region are shifting far
sooner than anyone had expected and that Kosovo could be lost in the
shuffle. While most also recognise that a Europe without Milosevic is
far better off, they are jaded enough to know that their little corner
of the continent is currently not ready to compete with or even to
complement a strengthened Serbia. Older Kosovars hope that the West will
become wary of Kostunica when the true extent of his nationalism is
revealed. These young entrepreneurs seem much more aware that in today's
world economic interests can just as often trump political concerns.
Regardless of when and where democracy will take hold, Serbia represents
to the West a much more promising market, with more opportunities for
privatisation and none of the tricky legal issues over ownership and
status that have so far impeded formal development of the Kosovar
economy. Young Kosovars whose stake at home just as often includes
business or commercial interests as well as the political struggle
inherited from the prior generation seem to hold the view that what they
will lose commercially in the long run could matter more than the loss
of independence. Young Kosovars dream of a free market and economic
status within the EU in much the same way their elders dreamed of
political and social liberation. All they were hoping for, said one
young man, was just a few more years to learn to "
.get it right. Serbs
are ultimately more sophisticated. They know the game, we've barely
begun to figure it out." Now they watch the West accept Serbia with open
arms. This group has more opportunities to work, study and build new
enterprises elsewhere, and if their fears about Serbia are realised they
could just as easily leave on the heels of the international aid which
they fear could soon be pouring out of Kosovo. 

III. MILOSEVIC VERSUS KOSTUNICA 

The way in which Kosovo Albanians view Milosevic and Kostunica is shaped
by their perception that on the issue of Kosovo there is no essential
difference between Milosevic and the (former) Serb opposition. At the
beginning of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) election
campaign-which Kosovo Albanians boycotted, as they have every Serb
election campaign since 1990-it was widely said that if they would vote,
Kosovo Albanians would support Milosevic in order to ensure that Serbia
remained locked in international isolation. In at least one of the
Kosovo Serb enclaves, the pro-Milosevic officials organising the 24
September FRY elections hopefully set up a polling place at the edge of
the Serb territory to allow any Albanians who wished to do so the
opportunity to vote for Milosevic. Some Albanians even went so far as to
resurrect the old canard that the first statute put up in independent
Kosovo would be to Milosevic-as the man whose brutal approach to Kosovo
finally forced the international community to expel Serb forces in 1999. 
     When pressed, however, thoughtful Kosovo Albanians admit that they
are, in fact, glad to see Milosevic disappear and even-albeit often
through gritted teeth-acknowledge that they would prefer to see
Kostunica rather than Milosevic ruling in Belgrade. Mahmut Bakalli, the
former head of the Kosovo League of Communists who resigned in 1981
rather than consent to the use of Yugoslav troops against Albanian
demonstrators and who retains considerable back-stage influence among
political circles in Kosovo, said that only "shallow thinkers" believed
it would be better for Kosovo if Milosevic stayed on. Serious Albanian
political thinkers, according to Bakalli, recognised that in the final
analysis it would be much easier for the world and for Kosovo Albanians
to resolve issues of importance to Kosovo, with a democratic Serbia than
with one ruled by Milosevic. 
     There is, on the other hand, deep reserve in Kosovo regarding
Kostunica, who is believed to be just as nationalistic as Milosevic on
Kosovo but even more dangerous in some ways because of the support he is
gaining from Western leaders. Two days before Milosevic fell, a senior
Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) official commented that "Kostunica is
just as nationalist as Milosevic himself." Kosovo Albanians reacted with
anger and alarm to statements that Kostunica made during the campaign to
the effect that he expected Serb forces to return to Kosovo. Albanians
also noted that Kostunica emphasised the suffering of the Serb people
under NATO bombing but that he has never expressed any contrition or
remorse for the sufferings of any of the peoples of the former
Yugoslavia victimised by Milosevic, including the thousands of Albanians
killed and hundreds of thousands expelled from their homes during the
fighting in 1998 and 1999. In the feverish climate of ethnic hatred that
currently prevails in Kosovo, a picture that was circulated widely in
the Kosovo media of a distinctly uncomfortable looking Kostunica
carrying an automatic rifle, allegedly during a visit to Kosovo during
the 1998, led many Kosovo Albanian political leaders and ordinary
citizens alike to assert that Kostunica-who, whatever his political
tendencies may be, is personally a man of distinctly peaceful
temperament-was a backer or even a member of the Serb para-military
forces. A teenager summed up the opinion of many Kosovo Albanians by
saying about Milosevic and Kostunica, "I hate them both." 

IV. KOSOVO ALBANIAN POWERLESSNESS 

The new regime in Belgrade is forcing Kosovo Albanians to confront two
serious disadvantages they face in responding to Kostunica. The first is
the lack of Kosovo Albanian political leadership with the stature,
vision, and flexibility to deal with the challenges presented by a new
regime in Belgrade. The second-even more galling to them-is the absence
of Kosovo Albanian institutions with the authority and the legitimacy to
represent Kosovo Albanian interests vis-a-vis Belgrade or the
international community. The already visible consequences of this
situation are the radicalising of Albanian opinion toward the Serbs and
the international community and an insistence, which will only grow
stronger as time progresses, on the prompt creation of the interim
institutions of Kosovo self-rule that are authorised under UNSC 1244.
Put another way, Kosovo Albanians were willing to be treated as wards of
the international community as long as Belgrade was an international
pariah. As Belgrade becomes an accepted member of the international
community Kosovo Albanians will also demand a seat at the table. 
     Some of these underlying tensions became evident when UNMIK chief
Bernard Kouchner held a special session of the Interim Advisory Council
(IAC) on the evening of 6 October to discuss the impact of developments
in Belgrade on Kosovo. Kouchner's initial public reaction was music to
the ears of the Kosovo Albanians. He welcomed the changes in Belgrade
but warned the international community against allowing attention and
resources to be diverted from Kosovo. Kouchner also sharply criticised
the statement by UN Human Rights Rapporteur Jiri Dienstbier that
Milosevic should be offered a deal to escape war crimes prosecution if
he voluntarily left power. But Kouchner reportedly ran into a buzz saw
of Albanian opposition at the IAC when he sought support for a statement
welcoming developments in Belgrade and authorising himself to open a
dialogue on Kosovo with the new Yugoslav government. In what was
described by participants afterwards as a stormy session, the Kosovo
Albanian members of the IAC refused to endorse any statement on
developments in Belgrade and questioned the desirability of initiating
dialogue until the new government in Belgrade had made its intentions
toward Kosovo clearer. After the meeting Albanian participants issued
statements to the press that indicated considerable reserve toward the
approach that Kouchner had proposed. LDK leader Ibrahim Rugova welcomed
democratic changes in Serbia but said his objective remained-as it
always has been-to work toward an independent Kosovo. The PDK
representative said that they could not stop Kouchner from contacting
Belgrade but expressed reserve toward developments in Serbia and
criticised Kostunica for saying that he intended to seek the return of
Kosovo to Serbia, which the PDK representative said was inadmissible. 

V. KOSOVO ALBANIAN RADICALISATION 

The radicalisation of Kosovo Albanian opinion as a result of Kostunica's
victory will have an effect on the way Kosovo Albanians view future
co-operation with the international community and on the political
constellation of forces within the Kosovo Albanian community itself.
Demands for independence-which the Albanians never abandoned but have
been willing to downplay in recent months as the international mission
moved forward, however haltingly, with implementation of UNSC 1244-have
once more risen to the top of the agenda. Typical of Kosovo Albanian
reactions in this regard was that of the commander of the Kosovo
Protection Corps and former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) Chief of Staff
Agim Ceku who said "Kosovo has separated from Serbia forever." 
     Impatience with the perceived slowness and incompetence of the
international mission-already strong-will rise. AAK chief Ramush
Haradinaj observed that, "The UN administration is killing the future of
Kosovo because it is not working." This kind of anger at the
international mission will intensify more rapidly if duplicity is added
to charges of incompetence. Some within the UNMIK administration have
shared their fears that Western governments-France and the United States
particularly-could take advantage of the upcoming November European
Union (EU) summit in Zagreb on South-eastern Europe to derail the
further development of independent political and economic institutions
in Kosovo until its future with Serbia is worked out. This is placing
enormous pressure on concerned UN officials to complete as much as
possible of Kosovo's legal and political framework in the short run,
essentially by the end of October, in anticipation of pre-emptive
pressure that may soon arrive from UN headquarters. "Right now no one in
New York is thinking about the effect (of changes in Serbia) on Kosovo,"
a senior UN official claimed. "It's been five days and I have yet to
receive a single call. We have to push something, anything, through
before someone in New York realises the local impact of this thing and
decides to pick up the phone." 
     If the international community's new-found love affair with
Belgrade is seen as compromising Kosovo's desire for independence,
support for hard-line elements within the Kosovo Albanian community will
likely rise. Before Milosevic fell, a senior figure within the Kosovo
Protection Corps is reported to have told Western diplomats that a
change of regime in Belgrade, together with the sweeping LDK victory in
the October municipal elections that many observers expect, could
increase the strength of radical elements and even cause the KLA to
prepare for a renewed armed struggle. 
     Another-and more positive-reaction to the victory of the Serb
opposition will be to stimulate Kosovo Albanian pressure on the
international community to move more promptly to create the Kosovo-wide
interim institutions of democratic self-rule that are called for under
UNSC 1244. Kosovo Albanians had argued for holding Kosovo-wide election
in the fall of 2000. They acquiesced-because they had no choice-in the
international decision to hold only municipal elections. Kosovo
Albanians understand-although the international mission in Kosovo seems
not to-how disadvantaged they now are in not having their own
institutions capable of dealing on a basis of equal democratic
legitimacy with the new democratic government in Belgrade. Even before
Milosevic's fall Kosovo Albanian leaders were becoming more publicly
vocal in demanding the introduction of an interim Kosovo constitutional
structure promptly after the October municipal elections, which Kosovo
Albanians now see as decidedly secondary affair. AAK leader Ramush
Haradinaj has said that he will demand that Kosovo-wide elections be
held in the spring of 2001 in order have Kosovo's first democratic
President inaugurated in June 2001, two years after the end of the 1999
war. Similar demands can be expected from other Kosovo Albanian leaders
as a result of the changes in Belgrade. 

VI. KOSOVO SERBS 

Support for the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) was widespread among
Kosovo Serbs, not out of enthusiasm for Milosevic but rather because
Belgrade's instruments of coercion and propaganda remained strong
throughout the Kosovo Serb community and because many Kosovo Serbs did
not see a better way to return Belgrade's rule to Kosovo and end what
they all hoped was the temporary nightmare of international rule. To a
certain extent, Kostunica's ability to control developments within the
Kosovo Serb community will depend on how promptly and how effectively he
takes charge of the propaganda, police, and financial instruments
Milosevic used to solidify his control over the minds and pocketbooks,
if not the hearts, of the Kosovo Serbs. 
     However, Kostunica's victory is already having a major impact on
politics and personalities in the Kosovo Serb community. In some ways
this impact will mirror the radicalisation within the Kosovo Albanian
community. The sight of world leaders rushing to embrace Kostunica, who
throughout his campaign sharply criticised NATO's 1999 war against
Serbia and the international presence in Kosovo, will diminish the
already tenuous willingness of the Kosovo Serbs to co-operate with the
international mission, which they view as responsible for failing to
protect them against Albanian attacks after the 1999 war and for working
to create a Kosovo separate from Belgrade. 
     The tenor of the response of Kosovo Serbs to developments in
Belgrade will nevertheless be different from that of the Kosovo
Albanians. Kosovo Albanians-now less confident that future trends will
go their way, meaning toward independence-are already reacting in a mood
of anger, resentment, and threats of future non co-operation. Kosovo
Serbs, by contrast, seeing from the outpouring of Western support for
Kostunica that their dream of the return of Kosovo to Belgrade's rule
may not be so unrealistic after all, will react with a tone of smug
self-satisfaction, calling for a change in the policies of the
international mission and for Kosovo Albanians to accept an outcome less
than independence. This switch in mood was already evident in the
above-mentioned 6 October IAC session. Although the Kosovo Albanians
reacted angrily to Kouchner's efforts to establish dialogue with
Belgrade, the Kosovo Serb representative on the IAC, Rada Trajkovic, was
cited afterwards as welcoming international support for the new
government in Belgrade and for calling upon Albanians and Serbs together
to build up the institutions of "Serbia and Yugoslavia." 
     On the personnel side, Oliver Ivanovic, the charismatic leader of
the Mitrovica Serbs, is likely to enhance his standing as a result of
the changes in Belgrade. Ivanovic endorsed Kostunica during the election
campaign and stood by Kostunica during the latter's ill-fated campaign
visit to Mitrovica, when rock-and-vegetable-throwing Milosevic thugs
forced Kostunica off the podium. Other beneficiaries of the new regime
are likely to be Marko Jaksic, Kostunica's representative in Mitrovica,
and Momcilo Trajkovic, leader of the Serb National Resistance party, who
was spotted with Kostunica on the podium in Belgrade as the latter made
his first victory speech. Bishop Artemije and Father Sava, the
international community's anointed "moderate Serbs," are likely to find
their support among Kosovo Serbs even more reduced. 

VII. POSSIBLE FLASHPOINTS 

There are several potential flashpoints where actions by the
international community or the Kostunica government could cause problems
in Kosovo. 
     The first possible flashpoint is the pace and conditions of
international community moves to integrate Belgrade into the world
community. Across-the-board actions such as lifting all sanctions,
restoring full diplomatic relations, and reintegrating Belgrade in
international organisations without seeking anything in return regarding
Kosovo would have a disastrous and potentially dangerous effect on the
mood of the Kosovo Albanians. Naim Jerliu, a Deputy Chairman of the LDK,
asserted that, "lifting sanctions without conditions on Kosovo would
increase the strength of nationalist and extremist forces in Kosovo."
Another senior LDK official said that lifting sanctions immediately
without conditions could lead to violence in Kosovo. 
     LDK leader Ibrahim Rugova made a distinction between lifting
economic sanctions, such as the oil embargo, which he said would help
democratic change through their positive impact on the daily lives of
Serbs, and broader steps such as recognition or membership in
international bodies, which he said should only be undertaken after
achieving certain guarantees regarding Kosovo from the new Kostunica
government. In recent days a number of Kosovo Albanian leaders and
political parties have issued statements on reintegration which
basically boil down to three demands: release of the estimated 2,000
Albanian prisoners held in Serb jails, extradition of indicted war
criminals to the UN-created tribunal in The Hague, and recognition of
the right of the Kosovo Albanians to self-determination. If, however,
the international community allows Serbia to reintegrate without gaining
the release of the Albanian prisoners, seized by Serb forces at the end
of the war and held illegally and reportedly in poor conditions since
then, the anger of the Kosovo Albanian community could be re-directed
from Milosevic toward the new democratic government and the
international community, jeopardising future co-operation with the
international community. 
     Another potential flash point would be the return of the up to 999
Serb troops that UNSC 1244 stipulates could be allowed into Kosovo.
Before the FRY election, the Milosevic regime had demonstrated a newly
formed unit of elite special forces troops, consisting of exactly 999
men, that it said was intended to return to Kosovo. During the election
campaign Kostunica said repeatedly, including during his brief foray
into Kosovo, that he intended to make it possible for Serb forces to
return to Kosovo. So far, KFOR has refused to allow these forces to
return on grounds that they would be a de-stabilising element. Should
the international community reverse this policy and decide to "make a
gesture" to Kostunica by allowing the return of these forces, the result
would be catastrophic. Kosovo Albanians would turn against the
international mission overnight. The Serb forces-together with the Serb
population in the enclaves-would come under immediate Albanian attack
and would need sizeable and permanent NATO guards to survive. AAK leader
Haradinaj said that if the 999 Serb troops returned to Kosovo, "it would
mean that the KLA would once more return to the field."  The return of
large numbers of Kosovo Serbs-some 150,000 of whom are believed to be
sheltering in Serbia, having fled Kosovo in the wake of the 1999
war-would be another possible flashpoint. During the election campaign
Kostunica said that all Serb refugees from Kosovo should promptly return
and sharply criticised the international community for not doing enough
to assist this. One of Kostunica's strongest backers in Kosovo is Oliver
Ivanovic, who has long advocated a more robust approach toward Serb
returns. Radicalisation of the Kosovo Albanian community because of the
Kostunica victory, however, will likely make more difficult even the
limited returns that have occurred so far. Depending on how far this
radicalisation goes, more aggressive Albanian actions against Serbs in
the enclaves cannot be ruled out, particularly in isolated areas such as
Orahovac or Obilic. Large-scale, internationally assisted Serb returns,
which the international community flirted with briefly in the spring and
early summer of 2000, would probably become even more difficult without
significantly expanded and permanent armed protection. Albanian
resistance to the more limited, step-by-step returns carried out under
the auspices of British forces as part of the "Trojan" program will
probably also mount and might threaten the results of Trojan, so far the
only successful program of Serb returns actually accomplished by the
international mission. 
     Another major complication could arise if the international
community invited the Kostunica government to participate in
negotiations over Kosovo's future without at the same time allowing
Kosovo Albanians to participate. This is another area where the absence
of interim democratic institutions in Kosovo could exacerbate tensions.
As Kouchner discovered during the 6 October IAC meeting mentioned above,
Kosovo Albanians simply will not recognise the right of the UN to
negotiate on their behalf on issues which affect their future status. If
Kostunica is, as expected, to attend the November EU summit on Southeast
Europe in Zagreb, it is imperative that a way also be found to allow
Kosovo Albanian representatives to participate. 
     Another obvious potential flashpoint is how Milosevic and other
senior indicted Serb war criminals are treated by the international
community. Kosovo Albanian leaders recognise the sensitivity of the
issue for Kostunica and are prepared to cut him and the international
community some slack regarding timing. Any attempt to allow Milosevic
and other senior indicted Serb war criminals to escape prosecution,
however, would subvert the prestige and effectiveness of the
international mission in Kosovo. 
     The most serious potential flashpoint would be if the Kosovo
Albanian community became convinced that the advent of a new government
in Belgrade had led the international community to rule out independence
as an eventual outcome for Kosovo. Albanians understand that
independence now is not an option. They also understand that in the
modern world independent states have many limits on their sovereignty
and they are prepared to consider regional arrangements with
neighbouring states, including Serbia. Kosovo Albanians have not the
slightest interest in "substantial autonomy" as an end point in their
relationship with Serbia. They are convinced that the international
community has an obligation-some claim to believe that they have been
promised this-to transform what they consider the de facto independence
they now enjoy from Serbia into de jure independence within a few years.
Should Kosovo Albanians conclude that this is impossible, their attitude
toward the international mission in Kosovo would shift fundamentally.
Discussing this prospect, a senior PDK official said with evident
bitterness that the international community had required the KLA to
disarm and if it now turned its back on Kosovo independence, "we are
ready to fight and to die," but the responsibility for the what he
called the ensuing "genocide" would rest on the international community. 

VIII. CONCLUSION 

With good will on all sides-seldom achievable in the Balkans-the
immediate impact in Kosovo of a Kostunica victory need not be dire,
provided the international community avoids the flashpoints described
above. In the short run, the new Kostunica government in Belgrade will
likely be preoccupied with consolidating power internally and with
working out its new relationship with the outside world. It is not yet
clear that it will have an interest in seeking immediately to engage on
Kosovo, although it will continue to adopt tough public stances on such
things as the return of Serb forces and Serb refugees to Kosovo. 
     Or so the Kosovo Albanians hope, because they have no interest in
seeing Kosovo become part of the international agenda with Belgrade
until after Kosovo-wide elections create their own interim democratic
institutions and leaders capable of participating on an equal basis in
any discussions on Kosovo's future status. 
     Over the next year, accordingly, the international community should
encourage both Belgrade and the Kosovo Albanians to lay the foundations
for reasonable engagement by, to the extent possible, avoiding mutually
inflammatory rhetoric and actions and exploring confidence-building
measures and dialogue that will facilitate more serious diplomatic
engagement at the proper time. All players-Kostunica, the Kosovo
Albanians, and the international community-should focus on the immediate
steps necessary for good-faith implementation of UNSC 1244, avoiding the
short-run flashpoints described above and efforts to prejudge any
potential option for the final political settlement of Kosovo's status. 

Pristina/Washington/Brussels, 10 October 2000


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct 11 22:20:00 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 19:20:00 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Probleme ne Breg?
Message-ID: <20001012022000.5241.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

Balotazhi ne Himare, financime per trazira
KOHA JONE
Anila Prifti

Basir Collaku

TIRANE - Shteti hidhet ne Himare. Informacionet e
oreve te fundit nga skaji i jugut te Shqiperise
paralajmerojne situate te veshtire. Balotazhi midis
Partise Socialiste dhe PBDNJ-se ka vene ne levizje
strukturat legale dhe ilegale te shtetit. Ka te dhena
se qarqe te posacme greke po financojne elemente
kriminale shqiptare me banim ne Greqi. Qellimi i tyre:
krijimi i nje situate te trazuar ne jug te Shqiperise,
vecanerisht me 15 tetor, dites se balotazhit ne
Himare. Kjo ka sjelle alarmin ne struktura te caktuara
te shtetit tone per te menjanuar situata te trazuara.
Persona te shumte jane zbuluar nga strukturat e
Policise kriminale te Ministrise se Rendit Publik ne
Tirane. Jane marre ne vezhgim te plote pikat e kalimit
kufitar ku ka informacione mbi levizjet me dokumente
falso te ketyre elementeve. Dje, ne oret e para te
dites, burime te Ministrise se Rendit Publik njoftuan
per shpalljen ne kerkim te disa individeve qe mendohen
si elemente trazues, ose perkeqesues te situates.
Duket se shteti shqiptar i ka "zgurdulluar" syte per
rastin "Himara", duke vendosur t'i trajtoje si persona
me rrezikshmeri te larte shoqerore, emrat qe priten te
shperthejne ne diten e balotazhit. Eshte kuptuar me ne
fund qe duhet te "tundet" kete radhe, sepse Himara nuk
toleron me teper neglizhence. Per t'i meshuar ketij
fakti, tashme jo tolerues, mesohet se policia eshte
urdheruar te kaloje ne gatishmeri te larte. Interpoli
dhe Drejtoria Kriminale duket se po kalojne ditet e
tyre me preokupuese, duke u vene ne ndjekje te
elementeve te akuzuar per vepra penale si dhe te
dyshuar per veprimtari coroditese qe pritet te ndodhe
diten e 15 tetorit.


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct 11 22:21:07 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 19:21:07 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Grekët për zgjedhjet në Shqipëri
Message-ID: <20001012022107.5326.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

Grek?t p?r zgjedhjet n? Shqip?ri 
Nga Ilir Mati 
SHEKULLI

Z?dh?n?si i Ministris? s? Jashtme greke uroi p?r
zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve n? Shqip?ri dhe deklaroi p?r
parregullsi t? tyre n? Jug t? Shqip?ris?, n? Himar?.
Sa her? ngrihen ??shtje midis Shqip?ris? dhe Greqis?,
pyetja e par? q? m? vjen n? mendje ?sht? t? gjej n?se
grek?t  jan? apo nuk jan? evropian?, sipas kuptimit q?
Evropa e Bashkuar i jep k?tij termi. Greqia ?sht? i
vetmi vend i Evrop?s s? Bashkuar n? Ballkan dhe, si e
till?, ka p?rgjegj?si t? madhe p?r p?rhapjen dhe
zbatimin e parimeve t? saj n? gadishullin plot me
probleme t? mbetura, n? radh? t? par? nga
nacionalizmi. N? rastin e zgjedhjeve t? fundit n?
Shqip?ri p?r pushtetin vendor, Evropa d?rgoi si
v?zhgues organizat?n e saj t? specializuar OSBE si
edhe ODIHR, an?tare e t? cilave ?sht? edhe Greqia.
?far? e shtyu z?dh?n?sin e Ministris? s? Jashtme t?
Greqis? t? deklarohet jo vet?m pavar?sisht, por edhe
ndryshe nga strukturat e specializuara evropiane,
an?tare e t? cilave ajo ?sht?? ?far? e shtyu vet?
ministrin e Jasht?m, Papandreu, t?i telefonoj? p?r
k?t? problem Kryeministrit t? Shqip?ris?, Meta, i cili
detyr?n e tij p?r kryerjen e zgjedhjeve dhe mbajtjen e
rendit publik e kreu, nd?rkoh? q? do t? ishte e udh?s
q? ministri grek t?i telefononte kryetarit t? OSBE-s?
a t? ODHIR-it, ose, n? fund t? fundit, kryetarit t?
Komisionit Qendror t? Zgjedhjeve n? Tiran?? A ka k?tu
??shtje jasht? rregullave dhe bindjeve t? Evrop?s s?
Bashkuar? Ky veprim, m? b?n t? kujtoj Kalin e Troj?s,
n? form?n e bashk?punimit midis shteteve, sipas
parimeve t? Evrop?s s? Bashkuar, n? barkun e t? cilit
fshihen luft?tar?t e skuadroneve t? nacionalizmit, t?
p?rgatitur n? kuzhina q? funksionojn? ende n? Ellad?n
e bukur me shum? probleme edhe p?r vet? komunitetin e
ri t? kontinentit t? vjet?r. N? disa zona t? Jugut t?
Shqip?ris?, si? duket, k?to skuadrone kan? dal? nga
barku i kalit modern, p?r t? keqen e tyre. Ata
pretendojn? dhe interesohen p?r t? drejtat e njeriut
q?, sipas tyre, i p?rfaq?son vet?m nj? parti shqiptare
me em?r t? till?. N? t? v?rtet?, k?saj radhe
skuadron?t gabuan, sepse i b?n? t? qart? opinionit
publik shqiptar dhe jo vet?m atij, q? ndoshta edhe ajo
parti ka gjas? t? jet? nj?si n? veprim e dal? nga
barku i Kalit modern t? Troj?s dhe s'ka t? b?j? aspak
me mbrojtjen e t? drejtave t? njeriut, por
p?rkundrazi. Pra, p?rpara fakteve t? tilla, opinioni
puplik shqiptar b?het i kujdessh?m p?r t? ndjekur dhe
kontrolluar t? gjitha veprimet dhe pranin? greke n?
Shqip?ri, sigurisht kurr? n?n prizmin e nacionalizmit,
pra, t? doktrin?s politike, e cila Evrop?s dhe
Ballkanit i ka shkaktuar miliona viktima. T? b?het i
kujdessh?m ndaj deklarat?s s? ambasadorit t? Greqis?
n? Himar? p?r rolin helenizues t? k?saj treve
shqiptare. T? b?het i kujdessh?m p?r pranin? e trupave
ushtarake greke, qoft? edhe n? p?rb?rje t? strukturave
t? NATO-s. T? b?het i kujdessh?m p?r pages?n e
pensioneve t? posa?me, t? cilat, q? nga Greqia, u
paguhen qytetar?ve shqiptar?. T? b?het i kujdessh?m
p?r trajtimin e ??shtjes ?ame, t? cil?n Qeveria Greke
thot? se "??shtjen ?ame e ka mbyllur", pra, pranon se
??shtja ?ame ?sht? ??shtje, se ajo ?sht? mbyllur n?
m?nyr? t? nj?anshme nga Greqia dhe, sipas logjik?s
normale t? gj?rave, duhet t? rihapet n? kushtet e
reja, p?r t?u mbyllur sipas parimeve n? t? cilat sot
beson komuniteti nd?rkomb?tar. T? b?het i kujdessh?m
ndaj Parlamentit t? Republik?s Greke, i cili ende mban
n? fuqi Ligjin e Luft?s me Shqip?rin?. T? b?het i
kujdessh?m ndaj m?simeve t? historis? q? grek?t u
b?jn? f?mij?ve t? tyre n? shkolla, n? lidhje me Epirin
dhe fqinj?sin? me Shqip?rin?. T? b?het i kujdessh?m
ndaj mohimit t? kontributit t? kultur?s shqiptare n?
kultur?n greke, e cila, d.m.th. kultura shqiptare, t?
pakt?n, n? Olimpiad?n e fundit, i dha Greqis? kat?r
medalje t? m?dha. T? b?het i kujdessh?m ndaj detyrimit
t? emigrant?ve ekonomik? shqiptar? p?r nd?rrimin e
emrit dhe fes?. T? b?het i kujdessh?m ndaj presionit
me ndihmat ekonomike. T? b?het i kujdessh?m edhe p?r
shum? ??shtje t? tjera, t? cilat ne, shqiptar?t,
mendojm? t'i zgjidhim me fqinjin ton? shekullor n?
baz? t? rrug?s q? kemi zgjedhur, n? paqe drejt
progresit t? gjith? s? bashku, duke eleminuar
nacionalizmin dhe pjellat e tij: racizmin, fashizmin,
nacional-socializmin, shovinizmin etj. Por shum? grek?
s'kan? faj. Ata shpesh d?shmojn? se nuk e njohin mir?
historin? e tyre. Madje, jan? t? tjer? ata q? ua u
kan? m?suar gjuh?n e humbur nd?r shekuj, q? ua kan?
shkruar historin? e Greqis? dyqind vjet m? par?. Jan?
t? tjer?t q? u kan? nxitur ndjenjat komb?tare, i kan?
udh?hequr n? luft? p?r ?lirim, u dhan? shtetin,
mbretin e par?, parlamentin, demokracin?. Greqia duhet
t? kuptoj? mir? pozicionin e saj n? Ballkan, si
pjes?tare e Evrop?s s? Bashkuar. N?se ajo nuk na
ndihmon si duhet ne, shqiptar?ve, n? rrug?n q? kemi
zgjedhur n? shoq?rin? e hapur drejt progresit, t?
pakt?n, ?sht? e detyruar t? mos na pengoj?. Sot
Shqip?ria nuk ?sht? si dikur, toka t? Turqis?, t?
cilat ai shtet i st?rmadh otoman i humbi dhe fqinj?t
mund t? b?nin ?far? t? donin jo vet?m me to, por edhe
me kultur?n, gjuh?n, traditat, fen? e shqiptar?ve. Sot
Shqip?ria ?sht? e sigurt n? aleancat e saj, ?sht?
besnike e rrug?s s? zgjedhur dhe pret nga fqinj?t dhe
aleat?t e saj sinqeritetin e duhur. Rasti i fundit i
deklarimit t? z?dh?n?sit t? Ministris? s? Jashtme
greke p?r rregullsin? e zgjedhjeve lokale flet jo
vet?m p?r munges? sinqeriteti. 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct 11 22:31:49 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 19:31:49 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] PD per zgjedhjet ne Himare
Message-ID: <20001012023149.6402.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

  
 

POLITIKA

Mustafaj: N? Himar? demokrat?t t?
votojn? p?r kandidatin socialist

"Elektorati i Partis? demokratike n? Himar? t? votoj?
p?r kandidatin e partis? socialiste", ka deklaruar dje
p?r Gazet?n p?rfaq?suesi PD p?r marr?dh?niet
nd?rkomb?tare Besnik Mustafaj. "Kjo nuk ka qen? nj?
marr?veshje paraelektorale, por reflektim i situat?s
q? ?sht? krijuar aty", tha Mustafaj. 
Zytari i lart? i Partis? demokratike nuk e konsideron
k?t? thirrje si nj? ?udi. "Ky ?sht? nj? q?ndrim i yni
parimor pas deklrat?s s? Qeveris? greke, e cila
vendosi t? p?rzihet n? zgjedhjet n? Shqip?ri", thot?
Mustafaj. Shefi i marr?dh?nieve nd?rkomb?tare t?
partis? demokratike l? qart? t? kuptohet se ka qen?
deklarata e ministrit t? jasht?m grek Jorgos Papandreu
p?r zgjedhjet n? Shqip?ri q? e detyron PD t? b?j?
thirrje q? n? Himar?, n? raundin e dyt? t? zgjedhjeve,
an?tar?t e saj t? votojn? p?r kandidatin q? p?rfaq?son
partin? kund?r t? cil?s kan? ngritur gjith? baterit? e
sulmeve. Papandreu kishte akuzuar qeverin? shqiptare
se kishte manipuluar zgjedhjet e 1 tetorit, nd?rkoh?
q? Athina ?sht? mobiluzuar q? n? k?t? qytet n?
jugper?ndim t? Shqip?ris? t? fitoj? me ?do kusht,
kandidati i PBDNj, partis? q? p?rfaq?on pakic?n greke.
"P?rmes k?saj deklarate qeveria greke ka shkelur
fqinj?sin? e mir? dhe standartet nd?rkomb?tare p?r t?
mos u p?rfshir? n? proceset elektorale t? vendeve t?
tjera", thot? Mustafaj. 


Ai b?n t? ditur se p?r raundin e dyt? t? zgjedhjeve
nuk ?sht? hera e par? q? Partia demokratike mb?shtet
nj? kandidat t? partis? socialiste. "Kjo ka ndodhur
dhe n? bashkin? e Gjirokastr?s, n? vitin 1992, kur
Bashkim Fino fitoi dhe me votat e partis? demokratike
kund?r kandidatit t? PBDNJ", thot? Mustafaj. "Ky ?sht?
nj? q?ndrim parimor i Partis? demokratike p?rmes t?
cilit k?rkojm? t'i tregojm? PBDNJ se ?sht? nj? parti e
rregjistruar si shqiptare dhe nuk duhet t? b?j?
fushat? me simbole dhe mb?shtetje t? vendeve fqinj?.
Esht? nj? q?ndrim parimor p?rmes t? cilit duam t'i
tregojm? qeveris? dhe partis? socialiste se duhet t?
kishin mbajtur nj? q?ndrim t? hapur p?r t? denoncuar
deklaratat e Papandreut", thot? Mustafaj. 
 
 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct 11 22:33:20 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 19:33:20 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Vejsiu per Himaren
Message-ID: <20001012023321.5107.qmail@web108.yahoomail.com>

POLITIKA

Vejsiu: N? Himar? t?
votohet p?r PS

"Mb?shtesim kandidatin socialist, q? konkurron n?
Himar?, ndaj kandidatit t? PBDNJ-s?". K?shtu deklaroi
dje, deputeti i PD-s? Ylli Vejsiu n? em?r t?
reformator?ve. "Kjo mb?shtetje q? i japim kandidatit
socialist b?het p?r t? mir?n e ??shtjes komb?tare",
n?nvizoi ai, duke v?n? n? dukje se, "pavar?sisht nga
mospajtimet e shumta me socialist?t, n? k?t? rast, n?
spektrin politik ?sht? e nvojshme t? reflektohet nj?
frym? tjet?r, sepse b?het fjal? p?r unitetin e
p?rgjithsh?m komb?tar". K?sisoj, Vejsiu i rreshton
reformator?t n? krah t? gjith? opozit?s, e cila
gjithashtu ka mb?shtetur kandidatur?n e PS-s? n?
Himar?. Sot pritet gjithashtu edhe nj? deklarat? e
DBSH dhe Bashkimit p?r Demokraci, n? lidhje me
q?ndrimin ndaj balotazhit q? do t? zhvillohet t?
diel?n n? Himar?. Vejsiu n?nvizoi se "kjo mb?shtetje
do t? b?het ndaj PS-s? vet?m p?r Himar?n, nd?rsa n?
zonat e tjera do t? p?rkrahim partit? e opozit?s, q?
konkurojn? ndaj socialist?ve". 
 


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From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Wed Oct 11 23:06:32 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 20:06:32 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Feste e madhe në Tiranë, Shkodër, Vlorë... Pire, Nju Jork
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Dje ne Tirane shqiptaret fitojne 2-0 me greqine. Fitore kuq e zi - l?m?
posht? Anglin? e Greqin?

Feste e madhe n? Tiran?, Shkod?r, Vlor?... Pire, Nju Jork
Dje n? Bulevardin e Tiran?s
Tirane- Festime t? jasht?zakonshme nga shqiptar?t kudo. Dy gola, t? Alban
Bushit dhe Ervin Fakaj, m? pas f?rsh?llima e fundit e nj? gjyqtari
norvegjez, kan? krijuar g?zim t? jasht?zakonsh?m mes shqiptar?ve kudo ku
jan? ndodhur.
S? pari, n? ?D?shmor?t e Kombit? n? zemr?n e Shqip?ris? n? Tiran?. Qindra
mij? njer?z jan? bashkuar dje n? mbr?mje, p?r gati 2 or?, mbi 20 mij?
tifoz?ve kuqezi, q? lan? ?Qemal Staf?n? duke krijuar t? nj?jt?n atmosfer?
tashm? n? rrug?t e kryeqytetit shqiptar. Por jo vet?m k?tu. Nga Vlora, 5
djemt? t? s? cil?s ishin dje m? t? mir?t e Komb?tares shqiptare, duke
vulosur lab?e fitoren, njer?z t? ndrysh?m telefonin dhe na transmetonin t?
nj?jt?n atmosfer? q? po shijonin n? rrug?t e Tiran?s. Gjithshka atje ishte
nj?soj dhe festohej nj?soj si n? Tiran?. N? t? nj?jt?n koh?, n? Shkod?r, nga
qyteti ku i ?sht? dh?n? Komb?tares shqiptare Rudi Vata, festohej n? t?
nj?jt?n m?nyr? por duke shtuar natyrisht edhe nj? qiell t? kuq nga
fishekzjarret.
Por, gjithshka ka vijuar e till? edhe jasht? Shqip?ris?. N? Pire t? Greqis?,
mij?ra shqiptar? q? jan? vendosur prej vitesh aty, kishin dal? n? rrug? me
makinat dhe motorret e tyre duke g?zuar edhe ata p?r fitoren e par? t?
Shqip?ris? n? ndeshjet p?r Kup?n e Bot?s.
Surpriz? p?r ne ka qen? fakti se, ndeshja e djeshme ?sht? ndjekur kudo nga
shqiptar?t. Dje, menj?her? pas v?rsh?llim?s s? fundit t? norvegjezit, shum?
e-mail-e kan? mb?rritur n? redaksi dhe na kan? ?uditur kur n? fund t? tyre
lexonim emrat e qyteteve t? ndryshme t? Amerik?s. ROJTER, AFP, AS-Press,
kan? qen? pran? shqiptar?ve duke ju dhuruar lajmin e bujsh?m t? fitores
historike. Kaq ka mjaftuar p?r t? filluar festa n? t? gjitha restorantet e
shqiptar?ve nga ku u nis edhe shprehja falenderim: ?Thank you brothers!? -
Faleminderit v?llez?r kuqezinj!?.

Thank You Brothers!
Nga Nju Jorku - Hamdi DEGA
NJU JORK.- Qindra e mijera emigrante shqiptare te Amerikes u bashkuan sot me
shpirt e zemer me vellezerit e vet ne Shqiperi dhe ndoqen me vemendje
ndeshjen jo vetem futbollistike midis Perfqesueses sone dhe asaj te Greqise.
Nepermjet internetit apo radiove shume te fuqishme ato ndoqen cdo cast te
kesaj ndeshjeje dhe komentet e shumta te agjencive me te medha te lajmeve ne
bote si ASPRESS, Reuters, AFP, etj. si dhe njoftimet e rrjeteve televizive
me te medha ne bote per kete ndeshje.
Te gjithe bashkoheshin ne nje pike. Shqiperise i duhej patjeter nje fitore
ndaj fqinjeve. Me cdo kusht. Ne kete pike, ketu ne Nju Jork, por sipas
njoftimeve telefonike edhe ne qytete te tjera te medha si Ditroiti, Bostoni,
Dallasi, etj., ku jetojne e punojne shume shqiptare, u harruan partite,
shoqatat, prirjet politike apo antaresite sociale. Ne kete pike u fshine
ndasite krahinore. Te gjithe shqiptaret emigrante nga Shqiperia apo Mali i
Zi, nga Maqedonia apo Kosova ishin te nje mendjeje dhe te nje ane: Fitore!
Fitore! Fitore per ne kuq e zinjte, sic shprehet nje ish- futbollist nga
Gjakova.
Njoftimet per golat dhe rezultati perfundimtar shkaktojne entusiazem.
perqafime vellazerore dhe pothuajse te gjitha restorantet, klubet sociale
shqiptare sot i qerasen pa pagese mysafiret e tyre shqiptare. Eshte nje
tradite kjo qe zbatohet vetem per festa kombetare si ajo e Flamurit apo
dasma te njerezve te kamur qe nuk pranojne para nga te ftuarit.
Mu be zemra mal dhe me duket vetja edhe me shqiptar, shprehet vlonjati A.Z.
me banim ne Conecticut, i cili ka punuar per tete vjet n? Athine. Goli i
pare ishte per flamurin kuq e zi. I dyti ishte per vellezerit e motrat tane
ne Athine, qe punojne e jetojne atje per ta mbajtur koken gjithnje larte,
shton ai dhe dy pika lot i rrjedhin faqeve. Jo nderhyn ne bisede Ahmet G.
nga Peja. " Goli i dyte ishte per shqiptare si Pirro Dhima qe nuk valvisin
flamurin e nenes", thekson ai.
Ashtu si ne Shqiperi edhe ketu ne Amerike sporti nuk i shpeton politikes.
Kjo eshte nje fitore historike, sic e quan me te drejte Rojteri, thote nje
shkodran. Eshte edhe nje mesazh per politikanet dhe mendimtaret shqiptare.
Ashtu sic krijuan Aleancen per Kombin per te fituar Himaren, politikanet
tane sot me teper se kurre duhet ta krijojne nje Aleance Kombetare ne mbare
vendin. Ti harrojne partite e shoqatat, grupet e interesat e vogla. T' ia
veme shpatullat halleve te kombit dhe Atdheut tone te vogel e te bukur , per
t;ju gjendur njeheresh ne krahe te gjithe shqiptareve kudo ku banojne ne
Kosove, Europe dhe Amerike.Te gjithe per njeri tjetrin, te gjithe se bashku
qe ta bejme Shqiperine lule, sic e donin rilindasit tane sic e duam e duhet
ta duam te gjithe ne qe i themi ujit uje e bukes buke.
Ti Shqiperi me ep nder me ep emrin shqiptar !, degjohet recitimi i 70
vjecarit Balidemaj nga Plave- Gucia e Malit te Zi.... Te gjithe degjojne
recitimin e tij ne Bronx, ku shqiptaret takohen, bisedojne qajne hallet edhe
bejne planet per te ardhmen ketu ne Amerike, Shqiperi, Kosove.... kudo ku i
thone bukes buke a ujit uje. Te gjithe kane vetem nje shprehje ne gojen e
tyre " Thank You Brothers" Faleminderit Vellezer te Peraqesueses kuq e zi te
Shqiperise per lojen tuaj me Greqine. Thank You Brothers!

Marre nga Zeri Popullit




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From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Wed Oct 11 23:13:56 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 20:13:56 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Greqia ne gjunje para Shqiperise
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Greqia ne gjunje para Shqiperise

Pas ndeshjes futbollistet e Kombetares ngrene ne krah kryeministrin Meta dhe
festojne para stadiumit Kombetar

Tirana ne ekstaze... kemi fituar. Ndeshja e "Qemal Stafes" ishte fundi i nje
fushate qe ishte me e shkurter, por padyshim shume me intensive se ajo e
zgjedhjeve lokale. Kete radhe ishin me shume se 4 milione shqiptare qe
therrisnin per fitore dhe interesant eshte fakti se pikerisht kete radhe,
shqiptaret nuk do te ndesheshin me njeri tjetrin. Tashme te gjithe kerkonin
vetem fitore dhe e arriten. Mijera flamuj qe kishin krijuar nje dekor te
mahnitshem, nje entuziazem qe nuk eshte ndjere prej vitesh i krijuar nga
njerez te deshiruar per te triumfuar dhe do te ishte mekat te ndodhte e
kunderta. Dhe nuk u zhgenjyen.

Marre nga Koha Jone

Shikoni e degjoni lajmet e fundit ne TV shqiptar ne
http://www.aths-travel.com
Informacione per bileta ajrore, trageti e treni dhe turizem ne
http://www.aths-travel.com
Rezervoni online hotele, bileta dhe makina me qera ne
http://www.aths-travel.com




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From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Thu Oct 12 01:07:05 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 22:07:05 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} =?iso-8859-1?Q?Mustafaj:_N=EB_Himar=EB_demokrat=EBt_t=EB_votojn=EB_?= =?iso-8859-1?Q?p=EBr_kandidatin_socialist?=
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Mustafaj: N? Himar? demokrat?t t?
votojn? p?r kandidatin socialist

"Elektorati i Partis? demokratike n? Himar? t? votoj? p?r kandidatin e
partis? socialiste", ka deklaruar dje p?r Gazet?n p?rfaq?suesi PD p?r
marr?dh?niet nd?rkomb?tare Besnik Mustafaj. "Kjo nuk ka qen? nj? marr?veshje
paraelektorale, por reflektim i situat?s q? ?sht? krijuar aty", tha
Mustafaj.
Zytari i lart? i Partis? demokratike nuk e konsideron k?t? thirrje si nj?
?udi. "Ky ?sht? nj? q?ndrim i yni parimor pas deklrat?s s? Qeveris? greke, e
cila vendosi t? p?rzihet n? zgjedhjet n? Shqip?ri", thot? Mustafaj. Shefi i
marr?dh?nieve nd?rkomb?tare t? partis? demokratike l? qart? t? kuptohet se
ka qen? deklarata e ministrit t? jasht?m grek Jorgos Papandreu p?r zgjedhjet
n? Shqip?ri q? e detyron PD t? b?j? thirrje q? n? Himar?, n? raundin e dyt?
t? zgjedhjeve, an?tar?t e saj t? votojn? p?r kandidatin q? p?rfaq?son
partin? kund?r t? cil?s kan? ngritur gjith? baterit? e sulmeve. Papandreu
kishte akuzuar qeverin? shqiptare se kishte manipuluar zgjedhjet e 1
tetorit, nd?rkoh? q? Athina ?sht? mobiluzuar q? n? k?t? qytet n? jugper?ndim
t? Shqip?ris? t? fitoj? me ?do kusht, kandidati i PBDNj, partis? q?
p?rfaq?on pakic?n greke. "P?rmes k?saj deklarate qeveria greke ka shkelur
fqinj?sin? e mir? dhe standartet nd?rkomb?tare p?r t? mos u p?rfshir? n?
proceset elektorale t? vendeve t? tjera", thot? Mustafaj.


Ai b?n t? ditur se p?r raundin e dyt? t? zgjedhjeve nuk ?sht? hera e par? q?
Partia demokratike mb?shtet nj? kandidat t? partis? socialiste. "Kjo ka
ndodhur dhe n? bashkin? e Gjirokastr?s, n? vitin 1992, kur Bashkim Fino
fitoi dhe me votat e partis? demokratike kund?r kandidatit t? PBDNJ", thot?
Mustafaj. "Ky ?sht? nj? q?ndrim parimor i Partis? demokratike p?rmes t?
cilit k?rkojm? t'i tregojm? PBDNJ se ?sht? nj? parti e rregjistruar si
shqiptare dhe nuk duhet t? b?j? fushat? me simbole dhe mb?shtetje t? vendeve
fqinj?. Esht? nj? q?ndrim parimor p?rmes t? cilit duam t'i tregojm? qeveris?
dhe partis? socialiste se duhet t? kishin mbajtur nj? q?ndrim t? hapur p?r
t? denoncuar deklaratat e Papandreut", thot? Mustafaj.

Marre nga GSH

Shikoni e degjoni lajmet e fundit ne TV shqiptar ne
http://www.aths-travel.com
Informacione per bileta ajrore, trageti e treni dhe turizem ne
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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 11 22:07:47 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 22:07:47 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Resolving the Balkan Conflict after the Fall of Milosevic by Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi
Message-ID: <001201c033f1$38a75840$6eb2f4d1@albania>

Resolving the Balkan Conflict after the Fall of Milosevic

by Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi


While the ouster of Slobodan Milosevic is profoundly important to the future of the Balkans and the whole of Europe, the West's premature euphoria about the birth of democracy in Serbia is disturbing. "We believe we have a duty to welcome a democratic Serbia with open arms," German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer said in Berlin on October 6. "Kostunica is a democrat. He believes in the people," asserted U.S. National Security Adviser Sandy Berger about Serbia's newly elected president on national television on October 5. While the rush to embrace the new government is understandable, it is too early to speak of a democracy in a country that has been a brutal Communist dictatorship for thirteen years. The United States and Europe appear to be resorting once again to the kind of "quick fix" approach that has prevented a just and lasting resolution of the Balkan conflict for more than a decade. 

History has shown us that as long as Slobodan Milosevic remains at large, he represents a threat to peace in the Balkans. Even his former spokesman, Aleksandar Tijanic, warned after Milosevic's concession speech that, "as long as he remains on the Serbian political scene, Milosevic poses a threat." The fact remains that, as long as Milosevic is free and intent on running the Serbian Socialist Party, with a significant number of paramilitary troops and an array of para-financial institutions and corporations still under his control, the victory of the opposition is not final. 

The world cannot afford Serbian or Western amnesia about what has transpired over the past decade. We cannot paper over the atrocities, the mass extermination, and mass expulsion of Bosnian Muslims and Kosovar Albanians at the hands of Milosevic and his henchmen. And we must not forget that many Serbian civilians were complicit in this history. For every Serb who opposed Milosevic's genocidal wars abroad and his repression of dissent at home, many more opposed Milosevic because he failed to achieve the dream of a Greater Serbia, because he lost Kosova and did not expel or exterminate its Albanian majority, because he ruined the Serbian economy, and because he isolated the nation from the rest of the world. We also should not forget that the United States and Western Europe appeased Milosevic as he rose to power on a platform of anti-Albanian racism, occupied Kosova for ten years, and waged four wars of conquest and aggression in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosova. There will be no stability in the Balkans until Serbia and the West come to grips with their respective roles in sustaining Milosevic's despotic rule and until there is justice for his victims.

President Vojislav Kostunica must take responsibility for his nation's history. Although he is a constitutional lawyer and scholar who has made some promising statements about refashioning Serbia into a modern, multiparty democracy, he is nevertheless a self-avowed nationalist who in the past has endorsed Milosevic's quest for a Greater Serbia. Although Kostunica has condemned ethnic cleansing, he is a friend of Bosnian Serb war criminal Radovan Karadzic and, as reported by the Western media, was photographed 

brandishing an AK-47 on a visit with masked paramilitaries in Kosova. Although he

Page 2/Cloyes DioGuardi

professes a commitment to the rule of law, he has repeatedly stated his refusal to recognize the authority of the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague and to deliver Milosevic to it. In his inauguration speech on October 8, Kostunica vowed to bring Kosova back under Serbian sovereignty. These are early warning signals of future trouble for Albanians in the Balkans, and so, too, they should be for the United States and Europe.

If Kostunica is truly a democrat, then he must demonstrate this by taking actions that will guide Serbia in transforming a political culture that subjugated Kosova for a decade and led more than 350,000 people to their deaths in Bosnia and Kosova. Unless Kostunica is willing to grapple with the root causes of the Balkan conflict in Serbian politics and culture, the international community cannot speak meaningfully of a movement toward democracy in Serbia, but only of a change in the individuals at the top of the power structure. Only if Kostunica commits Serbia to a genuine peace process, can the West expect the long hoped for reintegration of Serbia into the Balkans and into the political and economic structures of Europe.

The West stands at a strategic crossroads. If we do not want to lose the prospects for resolving the Balkan conflict and unifying Europe, then the lifting of economic sanctions on Serbia and its renewed access to international financial and political institutions should be gradual and contingent on meeting the following conditions:

  a.. All Albanian prisoners of war must be released immediately from Serbian jails and their safe return to Kosova guaranteed. Serbian journalist Miroslav Filipovic,who was convicted and imprisoned for reporting on Serbian war crimes in Kosova, along with lesser known Serbian dissidents who opposed genocide in Bosnia and Kosova, should also be freed. At the same time, Serbia must begin the investigative work necessary to giving a full accounting of the missing Kosovar Albanians. America's oft-lamented "lack of leverage" over Belgrade is at an end, and so now is the time to rectify its mistake in dropping the provision in the war-ending agreement that would have guaranteed the release of all Kosovar Albanian POWs.
  a.. There can be no shelter for war criminals. If the international community is serious about reinforcing the rule of law, then indicted war criminals, from Slobodan Milosevic and Milan Milutinovic to Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, must be apprehended and extradited to the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. The West's decision in this matter will reveal the level of our commitment to opposing genocide and dramatically impact our ability to prevent future conflicts and to build democracy and respect for human rights around the world. 
  a.. There must be an immediate cessation of repression and violence against the 
Albanians of Presheve, Medvegje, and Bujanovc and a recognition of their civil and human rights.

Page 3/Cloyes DioGuardi

  a.. Serbia must begin a "denazification" campaign to end a century of anti-Albanian and anti-Muslim racism. The Kostunica regime could constructively initiate such a campaign by acknowledging Serbia's responsibility for war crimes and by apologizing to the victims in Bosnia and Kosova.
  a.. Serbia must honor its stated commitments in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and help bring democracy and reconciliation to this fragile nation.
  a.. Serbia must come to understand, and the Kostunica government must accept, the new reality of Kosova. 
The new reality of Kosova is that it is on an irrevocable path to independence. In this regard, the United States and Western Europe have an historic opportunity to bring peace to the Balkans once and for all. Perhaps the most pernicious assumption driving U.S. and European foreign policy since the breakup of the former Yugoslavia began in 1991 has been that an independent Kosova will threaten peace and stability in Europe, when in fact, the reverse is true. As Croatian scholar Branka Magas stated in a speech to the Bosnian Institute in London on May 10, 1999, "Unless the process of dissolution of Yugoslavia is allowed to be completed and the Former Republic of Yugoslavia dissolved into its component parts, thus setting Kosova on a path to independence, it will be impossible to build a peaceful and democratic state system in southeastern Europe." If the international community wants to bring peace to the Balkans, then it should seize this moment to recognize the independence of Kosova and Montenegro under international law.

As Balkan expert Noel Malcolm has explained, when the Yugoslav federation started dissolving, each constituent unit had a legal right to self-determination under international law. The world recognized the independence of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Macedonia. Hence, independence for Kosova and Monetengro would have followed an established precedent. Instead, the West allowed Serbia, in the name of "keeping Yugoslavia together," to wage wars, and it embargoed Bosnia's access to arms. In this way, the Europe and the United States unwittingly and unfortunately aided Milosevic's strategy of ethnic cleansing and destabilization. 

Equally important is the body of international law that has evolved from the Nuremberg trials of Nazi war criminals to the modern-day establishment of the International War Crimes Tribunal, which maintains that respect for state sovereignty goes hand in hand with respect for human rights. Kosova can never again be brought under Serbia, which forfeited any claims it might have to Kosova by waging a genocidal war against the Albanian majority. Kosovar Albanians have earned the right to determine their own future. If the West does not send a signal to Serbia that there can be no return to the old formula of a Yugoslav federation, we will risk a whole new chapter of strife and march to war.

# # #





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From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Thu Oct 12 01:12:50 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 22:12:50 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} =?iso-8859-1?Q?Qeveria_zbret_n=EB_stadium_Shqip=EBria_=E7mendet_p=EBr_m?= =?iso-8859-1?Q?ir=EB?=
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Qeveria zbret n? stadium
Shqip?ria ?mendet p?r mir?

TIRANE

Nj? fitore magjike, e cila u dha mund?si shqiptar?ve t? festojn? gjith?
nat?n e mbr?mshme e ta mbajn? kok?n lart. Tirana ka ushtuar mbr?m? nga
borit? e makinave dhe brohoritjet e njer?zve, nd?rsa Kryeministri shqiptar
Meta pas premtimit p?r nj? superpremio ka marr? t? gjith? qeverin? me vete
n? stadium p?r t'i dh?n? m? grint? skuadr?s.

Presidenti Meidani ka qen? i pari q? ka zbritur p?r t? takuar skuadr?n, i
ndjekur m? pas nga gjith? ministrat. Pak ?aste pas v?rsh?llim?s s? arbitrit
p?r p?rfundimin e takimit, Vlora dhe Shkodra kan? p?rjetuar disa or? krisma
kallashnikovi e fishekzjarresh, por n? k?to qytete edhe policia ka qen? n?
fest? e p?r krismat ka patur amnisti. Ministri i Kultur?s, Edi Rama, ka
p?rjetuar mbr?m? k?naq?sin? e fundit n? at? post. "Fituam derbin e
Ballkanit", ?sht? shprehur ai e n? ndryshim nga koleg?t e tjer? ka ecur n?
rrug? e ka p?rsh?ndetur tifoz?t q? qarkonin makinat e tyre n? bulevard.


Meta ka thirrur mbr?m? n? nj? takim falenderimi t? gjith? ekipin komb?tar
dhe nuk ka ngurruar t? shprehet se premtimi do t? rritet, nd?rsa rrug?t
kryesore t? kryeqytetit kan? p?rjetuar nj? nga mbr?mjet m? t? k?ndshme.
Bulevardi kryesor nga stadiumi n? sheshin "Sk?nderbej" ?sht? mbushur nga
autovetura e furgon?. Flamuj komb?tar? q? valviteshin nga dritaret e
makinave, drita t? ndezura e sirena policie kan? ngaz?llyer mbr?m? t?
gjith?. At? q? tifoz?t shqiptar? kan? par? n? kanale t? huaja televizive dhe
q? e kan? ?nd?rruar p?r vite me radh?, dje kan? pasur mund?sin? ta
interpretojn? n? m?nyr?m m? t? bukur. Lojtar?t sapo kan? marr? vesh k?t? fak
dhe pasi kan? d?gjuar zhurmat n? stadium i kan? hipur autobusit dhe pasi
kan? p?rshkuar t? gjith? rrug?n, kan? zbritur n? tribun?n e Pallatit t?
Kultur?s, duke shtuar entuziazmin n? shesh. P?r disa minuta, ata jan?
p?rsh?ndetur me publikun e m? pas jan? nisur drejt Linz?s, ku mbr?m?
Kryeministri Meta ka shtruar dark?n e fitores.

Pamjet e rralla, t? cilat kan? b?r? xheloz? krer?t e partive kan? dh?n?
mesazhin m? t? qart? p?r shqiptar?t. Gjith?ka ?sht? p?rpjekur t? imitohet
edhe n? qytetet kryesore t? vendit. Vlora e Shkodra, dy qytetet m?
sportdash?se t? vendit, kan? ushtuar mbr?m? nga fishekzjarret, por edhe nga
kallash?t, nj? mod? festimi e imponuar nga '97. Festime ka pasur gati n? t?
gjith? qytetet, por lajmet m? interesante vijn? nga Greqia. N? sheshet e
qyteteve kryesore e sidomos n? Pire, shqiptar?t kan? dal? nga lokalet e
sht?pit? e p?r her? t? par? n? jet?n e tyre dhjet?vje?are n? vendin fqinj
kan? l?vizur n? rrug? kok?lart?.


N? nj? dit? ku debatet politike kan? qen? t? ashpra dhe zgjedhjet e
balotazhi ka qen? argumenti kryesor i dit?s, Komb?tarja ka treguar se n?
k?t? vend nuk jetohet vet?m p?r politik? e k?naq?sia e nj? fitoreje ?sht?
shum? m? e madhe sesa fitorja e nj? bashkie apo komune. Mbr?m? shqiptar?t
jan? "?mendur" nj? her? p?r mir?.

Marre nga GSH

Shikoni e degjoni lajmet e fundit ne TV shqiptar ne
http://www.aths-travel.com
Informacione per bileta ajrore, trageti e treni dhe turizem ne
http://www.aths-travel.com
Rezervoni online hotele, bileta dhe makina me qera ne
http://www.aths-travel.com




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From juniku at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 12 07:33:00 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 07:33 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Article from the globeandmail.com Web Centre
Message-ID: <m13jgc1-000b9MC@jules.theglobeandmail.com>

This e-mail has been sent to you by Uk Lushi (juniku at hotmail.com) from the globeandmail.com Web Centre.

Message: 

The Globe and Mail, Thursday, October 12, 2000

Ethnic Albanians use Web in fight against Serb control
  TRENDS: The Internet is growing in popularity among Kosovars who continue to push for an independent nation
By Julian Sher


PRISTINA, YUGOSLAVIA -- Former Yugoslavian president Slobodan Milosevic's power may have collapsed in the face of hundreds of thousands of protesters from across Serbia, but a small army of Web warriors in the province of Kosovo vow to continue their fight against Serbian domination, regardless of who rules in Belgrade.

In the capital of Pristina, Afredita Kelmendi gazes out of her 16th-floor office, over the rubble and mangled buildings of a city scarred by war and ethnic hatred, to the satellite dishes that pump her Albanian-language Webcasts around the world.

"We started in exactly the opposite way the media in the West did," she explained.

"We began on the Web and then moved to the old-style radio airwaves. We were forced to survive on the Web, and that survival showed us that anything is possible."

Just over a year ago, she was huddled in a Macedonian refugee camp, one of tens of thousands of Kosovo Albanians who fled the province in the face of Serb aggression. She cobbled together an emergency Web page as the voice of resistance during the Kosovo war.

Now she is the director of Radio 21, a full-fledged radio and TV station, respected for its independent reporting.

Four out of five journalists are under 30. Most of them are women. The toilets don't work in the building; the elevators are erratic; the hallways are filled with debris.

But thanks to funds from foreign foundations and a helping hand from U.S. Internet firms, Ms. Kelmendi, 43, has put together a bustling news operation.

"We are the future, the 21st century; that's why we call ourselves Radio 21," she explains.

Like its most popular radio station, all of Pristina seems caught in a curious time warp: There is often no running water in the evenings; the phone service is notoriously unreliable; the electricity flickers during regular brownouts; there is no functioning postal service. But computer users can surf the Web at lightning speed, with networks connected directly by satellite to servers abroad.

In the middle of Pristina, next to the twisted metal and crushed concrete walls that used to be the police station, young people line up at caf? for a hot connection.

Last year, Pristina had not a single Internet caf?; now it has nine Web salons and there are about a dozen more in the region.

Veton Rugova sports the short-cropped hair and fast-clipped, slightly accented English that are the trademarks of the under-30 Web warriors here.

He is the foreign editor for RTK, the public broadcasting network.

"The Web is the best solution to build bridges between communities. Through the Web, I can speak to Serb dissidents," Mr. Rugova said as he clicked through various Albanian, Croatian, Serbian and English-language Web sites.

Ironically, it was Mr. Milosevic's repression of ethnic-Albanian culture, starting in 1990, that gave birth to what people call the "Internet generation" of Kosovars. The former president shut down Albanian-language radio, TV stations and newspapers, forcing young people and journalists to turn to e-mail and the Web.

Ms. Kelmendi and her colleagues, including her news-editor husband, went underground. Radio 21 emerged in 1998, when Ms. Kelmendi started broadcasting Albanian news on the Web.

She and her family moved from house to house, from computer to computer, to get the news out. She hung on for almost a year, until Serbian police caught up with her. She and her family left Kosovo in April, 1999, joining thousands of others of ethnic Albanians who fled to safety across the Macedonian border.

Within days, she had set up a new Web site and was issuing news reports for two hours a day.

"I'll never forget the first message we sent on the Web: 'We are back; we are going to try to do everything to inform you,' " Ms. Kelmendi recalled, her voice cracking.

When North Atlantic Treaty Organization troops entered Kosovo in June, 1999, Ms. Kelmendi's Web army was right behind them. Last summer, Radio 21 began broadcasting by radio on the air 24 hours a day and expanded its Web broadcasts. It also offers Albanian-language news 24 hours a day on the Web.

Radio 21's newscasts are now filled with much more than resistance bulletins. Its reporters cover human-rights issues, international relief efforts and infighting among Pristina's politicians.

But even with Mr. Milosevic gone, ethnic-Albanian journalists do not hold out much hope for substantive change for Kosovo.

The new President, Vojislav Kostunica, is also a strong nationalist and an opponent of NATO's policies.

Having survived Mr. Milosevic, the challenge now for Kosovo Albanian journalists is how well they tackle the enemy within.

There have been more than 330 serious ethnic crimes in Kosovo since January, about two-thirds committed by ethnic Albanians against Serbs and other minorities.



Copyright 2000 | The Globe and Mail

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From albania at netzero.net  Thu Oct 12 06:13:58 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 06:13:58 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Kosovo Albanians Threaten New War If Belgrade Troops Return
Message-ID: <001f01c03435$23e20560$4e4af6d1@albania>

Kosovo Albanians Threaten New War If Belgrade Troops Return 

PRISTINA, Oct 12, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Kosovo Albanian guerrillas would take up arms to prevent Yugoslav forces returning to their breakaway province, political leaders said Wednesday.

"If they ever came back in uniform, we'd know how to react," Naim Maloku, head of the Central Liberal Party of Kosovo and a former fighter in the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), told AFP.

"If anyone thinks the KLA is dead, they're kidding themselves," he warned.

Zoran Djindic, a close ally of the new Yugoslav president Vojislav Kostunica, said in a interview published in Belgrade that 1,200 Serb police and Yugoslav troops could return to Kosovo by the end of the year.

But Ramush Haradinaj, a former guerrilla leader and head of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, said the Serbian forces would be turned back at the province's frontier by fighters from Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority.

"If they ever tried to come they would not be able to cross the border," he said, adding: "There are NATO forces there and Kosovo Albanian forces which would be well-prepared to resist them."

Bilal Sherifi, chief of staff to Hashim Thaci, the former political chief of the KLA and now leader of the Democratic party of Kosovo, described the idea that Yugoslav troops could return as a "dream."

"This idea is over forever," he insisted.

Yugoslav personnel were to be given authorization to return to Kosovo under a UN Security Council resolution which defined terms under which the province became a UN protectorate at the end of the 1998-1999 war between the KLA and Belgrade.

But the terms did not define the number of personnel to return or the timing of such a move.

General Juan Ortuno, leader of the NATO-led peacekeeping force in charge of maintaining security in Kosovo, said that it was his decision when Yugoslav troops could return and that no discussions had begun with the new Belgrade authorities. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

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From albania at netzero.net  Thu Oct 12 06:22:22 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 06:22:22 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Soccer-Albania In Historic 2-0 Win Over Greece
Message-ID: <004c01c03436$505b1a40$4e4af6d1@albania>

Soccer-Albania In Historic 2-0 Win Over Greece 

TIRANA, Oct 12, 2000 -- (Reuters) Headers by Alban Bushi and substitute Ervin Fakaj gave Albania a 2-0 victory over Greece in a World Cup qualifier on Wednesday and their first ever win over the Greeks in an official match.

Bushi jumped higher than the Greek defense to head the ball home after a cross by Fatmir Vata in the 50th minute.

The Greek side, unable to field some of their best players, including defenders Grigoris Georgatos and Giorgios Amanatidis, played a better tactical game in the first half but failed to turn three good chances into goals.

Albanian striker Igli Tare squandered his team's best chance in the 30th minute when he was alone in front of the Greek goal but sent a lame shot into the hands of Antonis Nikopolidis.

Despite three substitutions in the second half, the Greek team could not manage to shake the Albanians who were galvanized by the home crowd of about 20,000 and the promise of a USD 10,000 bonus each by Prime Minister Ilir Meta should they win.

Fakaj sealed the Albanian victory with a header in the final moments, delighting the fans who headed for the streets to celebrate.

Albanian Prime Minister Ilir Meta, wearing the national team colors, celebrated the victory with the team and members of his government at the squad hotel residence outside Tirana.

"Thanks for the victory," Meta told the players. "You are the country's best ambassadors. Albania needed this victory to raise national pride."

Albanian captain Rudi Vata said he was happy they had won the so-called "Balkan derby", especially for those Albanians living and working as immigrants in Greece.

"I wish it could bring luck to the future of (impoverished) Albania," said Vata.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 12 10:04:49 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 14:04:49 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] News from Greece
Message-ID: <F309dIBirXXeQM7gyoP00001d7d@hotmail.com>

[18] REPPAS: THE STATEMENTS MADE BY NANO ARE UNACCEPTABLE
Greek government spokesman Dimitris Reppas characterized as unacceptable the 
statements made by Albanian Socialist Party president Fatos Nano, who called 
"criminals" the members of the ethnic Greek minority in Albania who are with 
the Human Rights Union Party.
Mr. Nano made his statement on the occasion of a violent incident in the 
village of Drimades in the region of Himara where, according to the 
Socialist leader, the village priest was beaten up by members of the Human 
Rights Union Party because he had coffee with him.

Mr. Reppas stated that such statements create problems in bilateral 
relations

24] EU AMENDMENT FOR THE PROTECTION OF THE GREEK MINORITY IN ALBANIA
The safety and protection of ethnic minorities in Albania must be among the 
priorities of the Albanian government in order to make possible essential 
improvements in the social and economic sector, as it is mentioned in an 
amendment tabled by right-wing main opposition party of New Democracy 
Euro-deputy Christos Zacharakis that has been included in the relevant 
report issued by the Euro-parliament's foreign affairs committee on the EU 
action plan on Albania and the neighboring region.
The basic goal of the specific action plan is the economic development of 
Albania aimed at stopping the immigration wave from Albania.

According to the conclusions included in the report, if internal security in 
Albania is not improved there can be no essential improvements in the social 
and the economic sectors. At this point, Mr. Zacharakis suggested that the 
protection of the ethnic minorities must also be taken under consideration 
and his intervention was accepted by the responsible committee.





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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Thu Oct 12 10:19:53 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 07:19:53 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: TODAY: Ivo Banac lecture
Message-ID: <20001012141953.981.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>


Note: forwarded message attached.


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Subject: TODAY: Ivo Banac lecture
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 10:05:26 -0400
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From juniku at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 12 16:18:25 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 20:18:25 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Political killings in Kosova/Kosovo Mach-June 1999 by American Bar Association (11 October 2000)
Message-ID: <F1361gZ9lEchW71qh1a000015e0@hotmail.com>

>Wednesday October 11, 6:35 pm Eastern Time
>
>Press Release
>
>SOURCE: American Bar Association
>
>CEELI, American Association for the Advancement of Science Report
>Documents Killing of 10,500 Kosovar Albanians During the Conflict in
>Kosovo
>
>CHICAGO, Oct. 11 /PRNewswire/ -- The American Bar Association Central
>and East European Law Initiative and the American Association for the
>Advancement of Science issued a report today documenting that
>approximately 10,500 Kosovar Albanians were killed from March to June
>1999, and that the pattern of killings supports the argument that there
>was a coordinated effort targeting ethnic Albanians during the conflict
>in Kosovo.
>      The report, entitled Political Killings in Kosova/Kosovo,
>March-June 1999, uses statistical techniques to address two
>controversial questions regarding the events in Kosovo last summer: 1)
>the number of ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo; and 2) whether those
>fatalities were inadvertent casualties of the conflict between Serbian
>forces and the Kosovo Liberation Army, or the targets of a campaign of
>systematic ethnic cleansing.
>      The report represents only the views of the authors. It has not
>been presented to the ABA's policy-making House of Delegates, and does
>not represent the views of the American Bar Association.
>      The study applies established statistical methods to witness
>testimonies to estimate the total number of Kosovar Albanians killed. In
>addition, the study builds upon previous research conducted by the
>American Association for the Advancement of Science to conclude that the
>patterns of killings are consistent with the hypothesis that the
>killings were a result of a coordinated effort targeted at ethnic
>Albanians.
>      The Central and East European Law Initiative interviewed many of
>the refugees of the conflict between April and October of last year and
>collected much of the raw data that was used for the statistical
>analysis by AAAS.
>      Other non-governmental organizations participating in the study
>were the Physicians for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, and The Center
>for Peace Through Justice.
>      The report makes special note of the fact that five human rights
>non-governmental organizations, operating under different mandates,
>shared their information and technical expertise in this cooperative
>effort, and concludes that such inter-organizational technical
>cooperation is a promising development.
>      The report adds, ``The results detailed herein demonstrate the
>utility of pooling information for its own sake. ABA/CEELI and AAAS hope
>that this study spurs additional scientific investigation of civilian
>suffering during the conflict between Yugoslavia and NATO in 1999 ...
>ABA/CEELI and AAAS invite like-minded non-governmental organizations to
>join them in this ongoing initiative.''
>      The full text of the report can be accessed on the Internet at
>http://hrdata.aaas.org/kosovo/pk.
>      CEELI is a public service project of the American Bar Association
>designed to advance the rule of law in the world by supporting legal
>reform in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.
>      The American Bar Association is the largest voluntary professional
>membership association in the world. With more than 400,000 members, the
>ABA provides law school accreditation, continuing legal education,
>information about the law, programs to assist lawyers and judges in
>their work, and initiatives to improve the legal system for the public.
>
>SOURCE: American Bar Association
>_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
>
>http://hrdata.aaas.org/kosovo/pk/
>
>Political killings in Kosova/Kosovo
>Mach-June 1999
>
>This report is dedicated to the Kosovar people. Without their
>willingness to report the very personal tragedies that they experienced,
>we would not have been able to provide this systematic documentation of
>these events.
>
>PDF Version     http://hrdata.aaas.org/kosovo/pk/politicalkillings.pdf
>
>Copyright ? 2000
>American Bar Association Central and East European Law Initiative
>

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From juniku at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 12 16:22:36 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 20:22:36 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Serbs must face up to Kosovo crimes!
Message-ID: <F212lsMoP2HjYGe80oE000019a7@hotmail.com>

>Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 21:59:30 +0200
>
>http://www.guardianunlimited.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,380984,00.html
>
>Serbs must face up to Kosovo crimes, says freed reporter
>
>Jonathan Steele in Belgrade
>Thursday October 12, 2000
>
>Like most first-time prisoners, Miroslav Filipovic, the courageous
>Serbian journalist who was given a seven-year sentence for "revealing
>state secrets" and "spreading false information", says he learned a
>great deal from his time behind bars.
>      "I shared a cell with two or three others. The inmates were moved
>around but I usually had Albanians with me. I had never had such close
>contact with them before," Filipovic said in Belgrade after he was freed
>on Tuesday on the instructions of the new president, Vojislav Kostunica.
>      His crime was to be the first Serb journalist to write directly
>about atrocities in Kosovo and to try to explain how some Serb units
>attacked Albanian civilians.
>      He was tried in a military court and held in a military prison in
>Nis, in southern Serbia. Some of his Albanian fellow inmates were
>convicted of membership of the Kosovo Liberation Army. Others were
>awaiting trial. He believes most are innocent and ought to be freed.
>      "The Albanians treated me well. I made friends with several. I had
>written about Kosovo and in some way was on their side," he said. They
>listened together to radio reports of Slobodan Milosevic's downfall.
>      Exhausted but neatly dressed in a suit, ready for an interview on a
>Serbian TV channel, Filipovic does not look the part of a brave
>investigative reporter. Now 50, he was not trying to start a career as a
>young journalist with a splash. He had not done any critical reporting
>before he joined the London-based Institute for War and Peace Reporting
>as its correspondent in Kraljevo, a town in southern Serbia.
>      "If I had known what would happen to me, I would not have written
>those articles. I am not so brave," he said. "I was just in the right
>place at the right time."
>      What he picked up, and then published, was a series of searing
>accounts given after the war by several officers and men who had served
>in Kosovo. One saw a three-year-old Albanian boy beheaded in front of
>his family. Others witnessed the artillery shelling of defenceless
>villages, and forces going in to massacre civilians.
>      Filipovic does not believe that collective guilt can be placed on a
>whole people. The atrocities were carried out by particular units. But
>he does not accept that few Serbs knew what was happening in Kosovo.
>      "Everyone who was in Kosovo knew, as well as their friends and
>families. They talked about it. There are people who still cannot sleep
>properly for thinking about what was done," he said.
>      Unlike most Serbs, he believes that Mr Milosevic and the other
>suspected war criminals should go on trial in the Hague, not in Serbia.
>"They will get a fairer trial there," he said.
>      Serbs have to start to face up to and discuss war crimes fully, he
>believes. This is vital if good relations are to be restored with
>Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. "We cannot go forward otherwise."
>      After some rest, Filipovic plans to write a book and more articles
>on atrocities. The pieces which caused the military to put him in prison
>this summer appeared only on the internet.
>
>Guardian Unlimited ? Guardian Newspapers Limited 2000
>

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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Thu Oct 12 15:59:30 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 21:59:30 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} PRESS: Serbs must face up to Kosovo crimes, says freed reporter  (Guardian, October 12, 2000)
Message-ID: <39E61822.3DBCBFA6@bndlg.de>

http://www.guardianunlimited.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,380984,00.html

Serbs must face up to Kosovo crimes, says freed reporter 

Jonathan Steele in Belgrade 
Thursday October 12, 2000 

Like most first-time prisoners, Miroslav Filipovic, the courageous
Serbian journalist who was given a seven-year sentence for "revealing
state secrets" and "spreading false information", says he learned a
great deal from his time behind bars. 
     "I shared a cell with two or three others. The inmates were moved
around but I usually had Albanians with me. I had never had such close
contact with them before," Filipovic said in Belgrade after he was freed
on Tuesday on the instructions of the new president, Vojislav Kostunica. 
     His crime was to be the first Serb journalist to write directly
about atrocities in Kosovo and to try to explain how some Serb units
attacked Albanian civilians. 
     He was tried in a military court and held in a military prison in
Nis, in southern Serbia. Some of his Albanian fellow inmates were
convicted of membership of the Kosovo Liberation Army. Others were
awaiting trial. He believes most are innocent and ought to be freed. 
     "The Albanians treated me well. I made friends with several. I had
written about Kosovo and in some way was on their side," he said. They
listened together to radio reports of Slobodan Milosevic's downfall. 
     Exhausted but neatly dressed in a suit, ready for an interview on a
Serbian TV channel, Filipovic does not look the part of a brave
investigative reporter. Now 50, he was not trying to start a career as a
young journalist with a splash. He had not done any critical reporting
before he joined the London-based Institute for War and Peace Reporting
as its correspondent in Kraljevo, a town in southern Serbia. 
     "If I had known what would happen to me, I would not have written
those articles. I am not so brave," he said. "I was just in the right
place at the right time." 
     What he picked up, and then published, was a series of searing
accounts given after the war by several officers and men who had served
in Kosovo. One saw a three-year-old Albanian boy beheaded in front of
his family. Others witnessed the artillery shelling of defenceless
villages, and forces going in to massacre civilians. 
     Filipovic does not believe that collective guilt can be placed on a
whole people. The atrocities were carried out by particular units. But
he does not accept that few Serbs knew what was happening in Kosovo. 
     "Everyone who was in Kosovo knew, as well as their friends and
families. They talked about it. There are people who still cannot sleep
properly for thinking about what was done," he said. 
     Unlike most Serbs, he believes that Mr Milosevic and the other
suspected war criminals should go on trial in the Hague, not in Serbia.
"They will get a fairer trial there," he said. 
     Serbs have to start to face up to and discuss war crimes fully, he
believes. This is vital if good relations are to be restored with
Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. "We cannot go forward otherwise." 
     After some rest, Filipovic plans to write a book and more articles
on atrocities. The pieces which caused the military to put him in prison
this summer appeared only on the internet. 

Guardian Unlimited ? Guardian Newspapers Limited 2000


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From babyface at home.se  Wed Oct 11 15:08:28 2000
From: babyface at home.se (babyface at home.se)
Date: Wed, 11 Oct 2000 21:08:28 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Albanians today
References: <20001012144610.39033.qmail@web9306.mail.yahoo.com>
Message-ID: <001a01c033c2$fea0d8c0$09414bd4@pop25683>

Shqiptar?t kan p?rparuar.
www.getit.at/albania

Babyface
Sweden


----- Original Message ----- 
From: vitore stefa <vitore2000 at yahoo.it>
To: <albeuropa at egroups.com>
Cc: <bota-letrare at egroups.com>
Sent: Thursday, October 12, 2000 4:46 PM
Subject: {QIKSH ?ALBEUROPA?} Blert?s - Pranver? t? mbetesh p?rher?


> VITORE STEFA-LEKA:
> Trieste, 12 tetor 2000
> 
> PRANVER? T? MBETESH P?RHER?
>   (poetesh?s son? t? re)
> 
> Blert?s
> Me shum? simpati
> Po i dedikoj
> Nj? t'vog?l poezi
> 
> Vet? emri q? ke
> Blerta
> T? kujton
> Pranver?
> -
> N? stin?n q? je
> N? shpirt
> K?shtu t? mbetesh
> P?rher?
> 
> Plot
> Shend rinor
> E dashuri
> T'uroj
> Blerta e dashur
> Ty me mbar? t'Shqipes rini
> 
> 
> ______________________________________________________________________
> Do You Yahoo!?
> Il tuo indirizzo gratis e per sempre @yahoo.it su http://mail.yahoo.it
> 
> 
> 
> N?se don t? ?regjistrohesh nga ALBEUROPA, d?rgo nj? Email n?:
> 
> albeuropa-unsubscribe at egroups.com
> 
> 
> 
> 



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From kosova1 at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 12 16:44:17 2000
From: kosova1 at hotmail.com (=?Windows-1252?B?UUlLU0ggq0FsYmV1cm9wYbs=?=)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 22:44:17 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} =?Windows-1252?Q?TREPCA.NET_-_THIRRJE_P=CBR_MANIFESTIM_PARA_OKB?=
Message-ID: <OE16TFur2iz2Mb1s7nl00000416@hotmail.com>

TREPCA.NET / THIRRJE P?R MANIFESTIM PARA OKB






           Thirrje p?r Manifestim para OKB-s? n? Gjenev?

           12/10/2000 - Trep?a.net

--------------------------------------------------------------------


           Af?r 7 000 gra, burra e f?mij? kosovar? jan? zhdukur ose gjenden
n? burgjet serbe.

              P?r familjet dhe t? af?rmit, ashtu si edhe p?r ?do njeri q?
mbron t? drejtat e njeriut dhe dinjitetin njer?zor, kjo gjendje ?sht? e
padurueshme dhe e papranueshme.

              P?r t? shprehur indinjat?n ton? dhe p?r t? k?rkuar q? kjo
gjendje e padurueshme t? marr? fund, ne i b?jm? thirrje bashk?sis?
shqiptare, miqve t? saj, si dhe organizatave e shoqatave p?r t? cilat t?
drejtat e njeriut nuk jan? fjal? boshe t? marrin pjes? n?

              MANIFESTIMIN

              E 21 tetorit 2000, n? or?m 13.00

              Para OKB-s? n? Gjenev?
              (n? Sheshin e Kombeve)


              1.       P?r lirimin e menj?hersh?m t? t? gjith? t? burgosurve
n? burgjet e Serbis?.
              2.       P?r hidhjen drit? mbi t?r? t? zhdukurit
              3.       P?r nxjerrjen para Gjykat?s s? Hag?s t? t? gjith?
kriminel?ve t? luft?s dhe p?r respektimin e t? drejtave t? njeriut kudo e
p?r k?do, n? p?rputhje me instrumentet nd?rkomb?tare p?rkat?se.


              Organizator?:
              Lidhja Shqiptare Bot?rore
              Bashkimi i Intelektual?ve Shqiptar? n? Zvic?r
              Universiteti Popullor Shqiptar n? Gjenev?


              Gjenev?, m? 4 tetor 2000











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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Thu Oct 12 19:39:48 2000
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja)
Date: Thu, 12 Oct 2000 19:39:48 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] green card loto
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.10.10010121938150.19507-100000@ws17.fas.harvard.edu>

lloton e mbyllin ne 26 Tetor, kshuqe ata qe do e hedhin llotarine duhet te
shpejtojne.

Ky eshte link per informacionet mbi DV-2002
 
http://travel.state.gov/dv2002.html

eriola.



From i_spaho at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 12 21:39:18 2000
From: i_spaho at hotmail.com (irma spaho)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 01:39:18 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Sa per t'u shkeputur nga politika...
Message-ID: <F239I8NFr9oD6XMLDth00002a0d@hotmail.com>

DJALL NE MISH


Zjarr,
kam mijera vjet qe bashke me ty digjem,
brenda dhe jashte,
perpelitem delirante nen llaven e deshires se ndezur,
ujezohem,
gllaberohem nen kthetrat e saj hipnotike,
eci somnambul,
ne gjysem-mbylljet e syve si ne pikturat e Dalise,
gjymtyret me tjetersohen.

Trupat tane te lakuriqte reflektohen mbi te bardhen e akullt te mureve,
vallezojne,
si shtojzavallet ne kete gjysem-enderr te lagesht,
kundermimndjellese,
ne belbezimet tona e ne puthjet e embla,
te pafund,
ndihet pulsimi i jetes, i deshires se pakthimte,
te pandreqshme.

O Zot!
Keshtu te kaperthyer me njeri tjetrin jemi qe nga lashtesia,
qe ne krijim.
Kush tha se dashuria qenka e vdekshme,
humbiska pa lene emer?!
Me pulson ne cdo qelize dashuria e vdekshme,
nga vdekja lindur,
me mbin ne buze nje kenge kenaqesie,
JAM FEMER.

Tetor, 2000
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From albania at netzero.net  Fri Oct 13 06:32:16 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 06:32:16 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Kostunica Pledges To Respect Will Of Montenegro
Message-ID: <006101c03500$dc706740$b153f6d1@albania>

Kostunica Pledges To Respect Will Of Montenegro 

ROME, Oct 13, 2000 -- (Reuters) Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunuca said on Thursday that if the people of Montenegro wanted to break away from the Yugoslav Federation in the future, their will would be respected.

Kostunica, who took office on Saturday after mass protests forced Slobodan Milosevic to finally concede defeat in a September ballot, said it was Milosevic's fault if relations between Belgrade and Podgorica were now strained.

"The democratic changes in Serbia will one day make possible a democratic dialogue with Montenegro," he said in television interview with one of Italy's most prominent TV reporters.

A text of the interview was released ahead of its broadcast on Thursday night.

Dialogue, he said, would "lead to new constitutional solutions through a testing of the will of the people of Serbia and Montenegro to live in the same state or not".

Yugoslavia includes the powerful republic of Serbia and the much smaller republic of Montenegro in the south.

"The relations between the two countries will in any case be worked out in respect of the will of the people," he said, referring to a pledge he has made in the past that referendums should be held in both republics.

"If the will of the people of Montenegro will be not to be part of the federation, this will is to be respected, even if history, mutual relations and the current situation lead one to think that the intention of having one common state will prevail," he said.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From albania at netzero.net  Fri Oct 13 06:34:47 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 06:34:47 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Yugoslavia Could Compromise on Kosovo, But No Independence
Message-ID: <006c01c03501$36e39da0$b153f6d1@albania>

Yugoslavia Could Compromise on Kosovo, But No Independence 

BELGRADE, Oct 13, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) A former Yugoslav army commander backing the country's new president Vojislav Kostunica said Thursday the moderate nationalist leader could reach a compromise on the UN-run province of Kosovo.

General Momcilo Perisic however ruled out independence for the southern province, whose ethnic Albanian majority demand a complete break with Belgrade after a bloody civil which ended last year.

"The new power will find a way to reach a compromise with the ethnic Albanians and the international community on the status of Kosovo on behalf of Serbia and Yugoslavia," Perisic told AFP.

"There is no real and rational possibility for Kosovo to obtain its independence," said the general, who was sacked as army chief in 1998 by ousted president Slobodan Milosevic but has been tipped for a possible return under Kostunica.

Milosevic scrapped Kosovo's constitutional autonomy in 1989, provoking years of peaceful resistance which degenerated into violence in 1998.

Perisic also warned that secession by Montenegro, Serbia's independence-minded partner in federal Yugoslavia, would spark Kosovo's own break with what remains of Yugoslavia after a decade of war and disintegration.

"The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples are linked by history and there is no force than can separate them," Perisic said.

However, Kostunica said in an interview with Italy's RAI television earlier in the day that despite such strong ties, if Montenegrins "no longer want to be part of the federation, then this wish will be respected".

Kostunica had previously insisted his main priority as president was to keep the federation intact.

Like Kostunica, Perisic was dismissive of Western pressures to hand Milosevic over to a UN tribunal in The Hague, where he is indicted for war crimes in Kosovo.

"If Milosevic is guilty in the eyes of the UN tribunal, then so are Tony Blair, Bill Clinton, Jacques Chirac and others who bombed Yugoslavia," he said, referring to the three-month NATO air campaign led by the British, U.S. and French leaders.

After leaving the army, Perisic formed the Movement for Democratic Serbia (PDS), but has been tipped by the press here to replace current armed forces chief Nebojsa Pavkovic, a Milosevic loyalist.

"I would accept the post, but only for a short time, if it was necessary to get over the crisis" and bring certain Milosevic loyalists in the army into line with the constitution, he said.

Some press reports have said it was Perisic who told the army to disobey orders to intervene in last week's mass protests to force Milosevic to finally accept he had been defeated in September's federal polls. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

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From albania at netzero.net  Fri Oct 13 06:40:04 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 06:40:04 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Albania Says Concerns Linger Over Yugoslavia
Message-ID: <007d01c03501$f3b15b20$b153f6d1@albania>

Albania Says Concerns Linger Over Yugoslavia 

PRAGUE, Oct 13, 2000 -- (Reuters) Albania is cautiously optimistic on recent developments in Yugoslavia but still harbors concerns over how the Albanian ethnic majority in Kosovo will be treated, Albanian Foreign Minister Paskal Milo said on Thursday.

"(We hope that the new administration) will give Albanians in Albania, but especially in Kosovo a clear sign that they will be treated like a nation which has a right to live in its country," Milo told reporters in Prague.

"We do not belong to those governments and states which are ecstatic over the latest developments in Yugoslavia. We are following developments there very carefully and with certain reservations."

Vojislav Kostunica took office as Yugoslav president last week after mass protests forced Slobodan Milosevic to concede defeat in a September presidential election.

Tension has long existed between the two countries over independence-minded ethnic Albanians in the Serbian province of Kosovo, supported by the Albanian government.

Last year NATO bombed Yugoslavia, expelling the Serbian forces sent by Milosevic to Kosovo and stopping their bloody repression of the ethnic Albanians. The United Nations now administers the province.

But Kostunica's ouster of Milosevic does not mean that Yugoslavia is any more willing to let go of its southernmost province.

Senior reformer Zoran Djindic told the Beta news agency on Wednesday that the new government of Kostunica would seek to have Serb forces once more stationed on Kosovo soil, a move United Nations chief administrator in Kosovo Bernard Kouchner rejected for fears of provoking further conflict.

For its part, Albania hopes that the new Yugoslav administration will "abandon the old anti-Albanian and nationalistic heritage, and that it will not have any connection with the old Milosevic regime," Milo said adding that the change alone was not a panacea for Yugoslavia's troubles.

"It would be a mistake to think that the advent of (Vojislav) Kostunica to the forefront in Yugoslavia will solve all of the problems that Yugoslavia inherited from the crisis of the last 10 years," he said.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From dea_m78 at yahoo.com  Fri Oct 13 09:36:27 2000
From: dea_m78 at yahoo.com (Dea Marko)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 06:36:27 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Government calls on Tirana to help Greek-Albanian relations
Message-ID: <20001013133627.28092.qmail@web1006.mail.yahoo.com>

Athens News


Government calls on Tirana to help Greek-Albanian
relations


Papandreou says friendship can only be based onrespect
for human rights

BY GEORGE GILSON - GREECE's Balkan policy in a period
of sweeping changes
topped the agenda of an inner cabinet meeting chaired
by Premier Costas Simitis as a new page appeared to
open in relations with a democratic Yugoslavia and
older tensions with Albania were rekindled by recent
statements made by that country's former socialist
prime minister, Fatos Nano.

Domestic politics in Albania after the October 1
municipal elections and in view of a Sunday run-off
have produced ethnic tensions and recriminations. In
Himara - which has an ethnic Greek community that was
once much larger and has long demanded Greek language
schools to no avail - the socialist party accused the
Human Rights Party (HRP), which is supported by most
of the country's ethnic Greeks, of resorting to undue
pressure to influence the elections in a close race
and "Hellenise" the city with support from Athens.

Alleging that the HRP attempted to buy votes and that
party members attacked a priest for having coffee with
him, Nano called the members of the opposing party
"criminals". "You are richer than those who attempt to
buy you off. You are smarter than those who try to
fool you," Nano told a crowd in the Himara square in
advance of Sunday's scheduled run-off ballot, where
HRP is pitted against the socialists, backed by former
president Sali Berisha's Democratic Party.

Fears ran high yesterday that a 2002 world cup
qualifying match in Tirana between the Greek and
Albanian national teams could lead to violent
incidents after last week's municipal elections and in
the light of the recent report that Albanian Premier
Ilir Meta had promised each player a $10,000 bonus in
the event of a victory. The game ended
withoutincident.

Human Rights Party President Vasili Melo - who is of
ethnic Greek origin - had said that the socialists had
engaged in ballot tampering and Greek foreign ministry
spokesman Panos Beglitis charged on October 3 that
"psychological violence" was exercised against the
ethnic Greek community in southern Albania. Beglitis
said that foreign observers had noted improprieties,
including ballot tampering, against the HRP-Omonia
candidate in Himara. Omonia is the largest
organisation of ethnic Greeks in Albania.

Greek government spokesman Dimitris Reppas issued a
stern response yesterday. "This is why our foreign
minister from the first moment called Albanian Prime
Minister [Ilir] Meta, who convened the competent state
organs and said that he would preside over a
conference to eradicate such phenomena
[ballot-tampering] in next Sunday's elections. We are
following events closely in Albania and believe that
Tirana should proceed with democratisation
morerapidly," he said.

"Greek-Albanian relations are not a one-way street and
both sides must contribute. We have proven that we
desire the progress of a democratic and economically
developed Albania and continue to work toward that.
Unacceptable and unjustified statements by various
politicians create a problem. If they believe they can
harm Greek-Albanian relations in this way, they should
understand that they are mainly harming themselves and
not Greece," Reppas underlined.

Following yesterday's inner cabinet meeting, Foreign
Minister George Papandreou stressed that good
neighbourly relations with Albania must be based on
"respect for human rights and minority rights". "As a
matter of principle, Greece always guarantees the
protection of minorities, especially the Greek
minority, which we view as a bridge of friendship with
Albania. Today's soccer match between Greece and
Albania, in the athletic spirit... cannot but be a
friendly contest," he said, calling on everyone
toavoid fanaticism.

Focusing on the crucial developments in Yugoslavia,
Papandreou said that with the democratic transition "a
black hole" has been removed from the Balkans and
announced that Finance Minister Yiannos Papantoniou
will visit Belgrade with Greek businessmen next month
to review details regarding a Greek aid package. He
also announced that Defence Minister Akis
Tsochadzopoulos and Public Order Minister Michalis
Chrysohoidis will also go to Belgrade in November for
talks with the military leadership.

Papandreou is to discuss Yugoslav developments and the
Cyprus problem today with visiting Russian Foreign
Minister Igor Ivanov, who postponed a scheduled visit
yesterday due to the Middle East crisis.

__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Oct 13 12:35:47 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 09:35:47 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Unacceptable provocation by Cohacopullos
Message-ID: <20001013163547.2164.qmail@web108.yahoomail.com>

THE ALBANIAN GOVERNMENT SHOULD PROTECT THE GREEK
MINORITY RIGHTS 
Thessaloniki, 13 October 2000 (17:32 UTC+2)
MPA  
 
 
 
The Albanian government has an obligation to protect
the rights of the Greek minority in the country,
stated Greek minister of defense Akis Tsochatzopoulos
commenting on the attacks against the ethnic Greek
minority launched by government and Socialist Party
officials in view of the second round of the municipal
elections in Himara and other regions. 

Mr. Tsochatzopoulos stated that the Greeks in Albania
have the same rights with the Albanian-speaking
population in Kosovo for which every Albanian was
ready to fight for. Therefore, a positive future can
be formed to the extend that those principles are
mutually respected. He also said that Greece and
Albania are neighbors and work for the same ideals
namely, security, peace, development, social progress
and prosperity and the efforts toward this direction
can continue.  


__________________________________________________
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Get Yahoo! Mail - Free email you can access from anywhere!
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From deti at ont.com  Fri Oct 13 01:31:31 2000
From: deti at ont.com (etel)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 00:31:31 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: Artikull per historine e shqiperise
Message-ID: <3.0.3.32.20001013003131.006c84f0@mail.ont.com>

Disa dite me pare, ose ndoshta nje ose dy jave me pare, dikush kishte
derguar nje artikull per historine e shqiperise dhe te gjuhes shqipe.
Gabimisht une  e fshiva. 
Ka mundesi dikush nga ju, nqs e dini per ke artikull behet fjale, ta
dergoni perseri? 

Faleminderit,

Ethel Haxhiaj 
Etel H.



From kbejko at hotmail.com  Fri Oct 13 13:57:52 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 17:57:52 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Prominent Arvanite dies
Message-ID: <LC6-LFD67QoPAzdaQYr0000025d@hotmail.com>

Prominent Arvanites Lobbyist Dies


ATHENS - Aristides Kola, a Greek lawyer who led the Besa group that sought 
to develop the identity of Greeks of medieval Albanian origin, died in 
Athens on Thursday.

Kola created Besa in the 70s, and contributed to the known history of the 
Arvanites, Albanians who migrated in the middle ages from Albania to Greece.

Last year, Kola was a lone voice in Greece in supporting the NATO 
air-strikes against Yugoslavia, in defence of the human rights of Albanians 
in Kosovo.

_________________________________________________________________________
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From i_spaho at hotmail.com  Fri Oct 13 15:12:17 2000
From: i_spaho at hotmail.com (irma spaho)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 19:12:17 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [Alb-club] (sans sujet)
Message-ID: <F155NZSPGNkY5TetpIu00001269@hotmail.com>


>
>
>Tensioni yne i djeshem ne pritje te vendimit te Akademise Suedeze te cmimit
>Nobel, ku prej vitesh eshte kandidat edhe shkrimtari i shquar shqiptar 
>Ismail
>Kadare, nisi te ftohej nga ora 11.00 kur ne disa Radio u fol se tani "tani
>shume kandidatura kane rene dh e po flitet per nje autor anglofon". Nje ore
>me vone, nje *informator suedez* i shtypit europian shprehu per cudi 
>mendimin
>* une mendoj se kandidati kryesor eshte Gao Xinxhian". Ne mesdite u 
>konfirmua
>supozimi tij.
>
>Cili eshte Gao Xinxhian?
>
>Gao Xinxhian eshte refugjat politik ne France qe nga viti 1988. Tani cdo 
>gje
>flet se ai eshte i  pari autor ne gjuhen kineze qe nderohet me kete cmim te
>larte.
>Romancier, dramaturg, perkthyes, kritik letrar dhe piktor ai shihet edhe si
>nje pionier i artit dhe i letersise moderne kineze, e cila u masasakrua
>barbarsht nga regjimi komunist gjate te fameshmit revolucion kinez. Libri 
>tij
>me i njohur eshte *Mali i shpirtit*, i cili ne te vertete u cilesua si
>*magjistral* nga Akademia Suedeze.
>Gao Xinxhian, ka lindur  me 1940 ne Ganzhu, (Kina Lindore) dhe eshte
>diplomuar ne gjuhen franceaze ne nje Universitet te Pekinit. Si te gjithe
>intelektualet kineze te kohes, ai gjate Revilucionit Kulturor,  u dergua ne
>nje kamp riedukimi. Pikerisht ne kete kohe ai u detyrua te djege nje 
>valixhe
>te  tere me doreshkrime, per te cilat kishte punuar me vite te tera.
>Ai arriti ne France, me 1988 duke perfituar nga ftesa qe i beri nje 
>fondacion
>gjerman. Vizen mundi ta nxjerre fale miqesise qe kishte me ministrin e
>Kultures se asaj kohe.
>Kur ne oren 12.45 te dates 12 tetor nje gazetar hyri ne apartamentin e tij 
>ne
>katin e 19, diku ne afersi te Parisit  dhe e pyeti, a e moret ju cmimin
>Nobel? Gao u pergjegj me nje buzeqeshje te cilter e te permbajtur: *Ne te
>vertete ka shume fjale per kete cmim, por kjo qe thoni ju eshte e vertete. 
>KA
>vetem pak minuta qe Akademija suedeze me dha lajmin*.
>
>Gazetari pastaj tregon se biseda tij me shkrimtarin nisi te turbullohej
>gjithnje e me shpesh sepse  telefoni e faksi tij kishin nisur te 
>tingellinin
>pareshtur.
>Ambasada juaj a ka marre kontekt me ju? pyet ai.
>Gao Xinxhian: une nuk e di nese ata jane ne gjendje ta bejne kete.
>Pyetjes se a keni menduar ju se jeni i pari shkrimatr kinez me cmim Nobel,
>Gao Xinxhian i pergjigjet: Kjo eshet e vertete, po une prej tre vjetesh kam
>nacionalitetin francez dhe madje tani shkruaj ne frengjisht. Tani ishte 
>radhe
>e gazetarit  e emocionohet dhe te shkruaje me shpejtesi se fale Gao 
>Xinxhian,
>Franca tani eshte laureate e cmimit Nobel per vitin 2000.
>
>Gao Xinxhian u tregon te sapoardhurve pikturat qe ka bere gjate viteve te
>fundit. Nje pjese e tyre do te ekspozohen pas disa ditesh ne Karuselin e
>Luvrit.  E atehere vjen natyrshem pyetja: Po ju jeni shkrimtar apo piktor?
>Letersia eshte lluks dhe cmimi Nobel eshte nje luks i madh, thote ai. 
>Romanet
>e mia dhe pjeset teatrale jane perkthyer kudo neper bote, por ato nuk me
>sjellin asnje te ardhur. Megjithe ndonje gjest simpatik te botuesve, ata e
>dine se une jam refugjat politik, me duhet mua te mendoj me gjate per jeten
>time. Keshtu profesioni im mbetet piktura. Te gjithe te ardhurat me vijne
>prej saj.
>
>Ne fillim te viteve 80 Gao Xinxhian ka ndezur nje sere debatesh mbi 
>realizmin
>dhe modernizmin ne art. Dhe pastaj per te shkrar kryevepren e tij ai ka
>punuar shtate vjet. Ai sjell ne te gjithe nje Kine te dikureshme me
>legjendat, ritet, bukurine e pikturave te saj, me vallet e shenjta dhe
>shpirtin e plagosur te nje Line te diteve tona. Ne kete kontekst lind 
>i?azhi
>i nje Kine te perjetshme, pavaresisht nga regjimet qe i lene vendin njeri
>tjetrit.
>
>Pas ketij romani Gao emigron ne  Paris dhe per disa vjet i kushtohet 
>shkrimit
>te nje romani-deshmi vetiake e teper tronditese mbi pasojat e makines
>totalitare *Libri i nje njeriu te vetmuar*. Nje veper e pa kompromis dhe e
>veshtire per tu harruar per imazhet  qe krijon per njeriun e shnatyralizuar
>nga poshtrimi; njeriun e kafsheruar per njeriun. Nje liber mesazh ku gjen 
>si
>bashkeshoqerues edhe  kujtimet e feminise, mallin per nenen, dramen e te
>vdekurve, vetmine qe pushton shpirtin e torturuar nga dhimbja njerzore.
>Gao eshte dikush qe zhduket para tragjedise se qenijes njerezore. Si nje
>njeri i teatrit eshte me te vertete nje talent  qe refuzon te mbyllet ne
>vetevete. Ceshtjes qe perben prania e te keqes ne bote nje prej 
>personazheve
>te tij i pergjigjet: Nuk ka mrrekullira, ja se ?me ka thene Zoti.
>Dhe me te vertete, mrrekullia eshte forca morale e nje artisti te tille, qe
>perkunder gjithckaje ka vazhduar vepren e tij, n je veper ku ndihet e keqja
>qe sjell urrejtja, nevoja per te marre ne dore fatin tend, megjithe 
>kujtimet
>e dhimbeshme qe nuk duan te fundosen ne harrese.
>
>Pergatiti KD
>***Alb-Club***
>____________________________________________________
>Alb-Club mailing list: Alb-Club at alb-net.com
>http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/alb-club

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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Fri Oct 13 14:30:01 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 20:30:01 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} NEWS: Yugoslavia Could Compromise on Kosovo, But No Independence (AFP,  Oct 13, 2000)
Message-ID: <39E754A9.642689FA@bndlg.de>

http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=209114&section=Kosovo

Yugoslavia Could Compromise on Kosovo, But No Independence

BELGRADE, Oct 13, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) A former Yugoslav army
commander backing the country's new president Vojislav Kostunica said
Thursday the moderate nationalist leader could reach a compromise on the
UN-run province of Kosovo.
     General Momcilo Perisic however ruled out independence for the
southern province, whose ethnic Albanian majority demand a complete
break with Belgrade after a bloody civil which ended last year.
     "The new power will find a way to reach a compromise with the
ethnic Albanians and the international community on the status of Kosovo
on behalf of Serbia and Yugoslavia," Perisic told AFP.
     "There is no real and rational possibility for Kosovo to obtain its
independence," said the general, who was sacked as army chief in 1998 by
ousted president Slobodan Milosevic but has been tipped for a possible
return under Kostunica.
     Milosevic scrapped Kosovo's constitutional autonomy in 1989,
provoking years of peaceful resistance which degenerated into violence
in 1998.
     Perisic also warned that secession by Montenegro, Serbia's
independence-minded partner in federal Yugoslavia, would spark Kosovo's
own break with what remains of Yugoslavia after a decade of war and
disintegration.
     "The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples are linked by history and
there is no force than can separate them," Perisic said.
     However, Kostunica said in an interview with Italy's RAI television
earlier in the day that despite such strong ties, if Montenegrins "no
longer want to be part of the federation, then this wish will be
respected".
     Kostunica had previously insisted his main priority as president
was to keep the federation intact.
     Like Kostunica, Perisic was dismissive of Western pressures to hand
Milosevic over to a UN tribunal in The Hague, where he is indicted for
war crimes in Kosovo.
     "If Milosevic is guilty in the eyes of the UN tribunal, then so are
Tony Blair, Bill Clinton, Jacques Chirac and others who bombed
Yugoslavia," he said, referring to the three-month NATO air campaign led
by the British, U.S. and French leaders.
     After leaving the army, Perisic formed the Movement for Democratic
Serbia (PDS), but has been tipped by the press here to replace current
armed forces chief Nebojsa Pavkovic, a Milosevic loyalist.
     "I would accept the post, but only for a short time, if it was
necessary to get over the crisis" and bring certain Milosevic loyalists
in the army into line with the constitution, he said.
     Some press reports have said it was Perisic who told the army to
disobey orders to intervene in last week's mass protests to force
Milosevic to finally accept he had been defeated in September's federal
polls. 

((c) 2000 Agence France Presse)


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From i_spaho at hotmail.com  Fri Oct 13 16:31:20 2000
From: i_spaho at hotmail.com (irma spaho)
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 2000 20:31:20 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: [A-PAL] oct. 13, 2000 a-pal newsletter
Message-ID: <F248ASHMZNNA85Ur8YM0000130e@hotmail.com>



>A-PAL: KOSOVA PRISONER ADVOCACY ---OCTOBER 13, 2000
>
>WE URGE OUR READERS TO KEEP UP THE STRONG PUBLIC PRESSURE ON PRESIDENT
>KOSTUNICA TO PROVE THAT HIS CLAIM TO CREATE A LAWFUL AND DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY
>IN SERBIA IS MEANINGFUL--HE HAS NO EMAIL ADDRESS, NOR IS THERE CURRENTLY A
>SERB MINISTER OF JUSTICE TO WRITE TO. BUT YOU CAN WRITE TO:
>
>Javier Solana                    Tony Blair: gbrun at undp.org
>Council Secretariat              OSCE Secretariat: info at osce.org
>Rue de la Loi 1715               Jaques Chirac-fraun at undp.org
>Brussels B1048                   Madeleine Albright-secretary at state.gov
>Belgium                          US Senate For. Affairs--Sen. Wellstone,
>Lugar,
>                                  Helms, Biden, Lieberman
>
>____________________________________________________________
>
>
>FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
>
>SERBIA/E.U.: HUMAN RIGHTS AGENDA FOR THE NEW YUGOSLAVIA
>
>(New York, October 12, 2000)?European leaders who will meet Serbia's new
>president Vojislav Kostunica this weekend should send the message that
>human rights must be at the top of his agenda, said Human Rights Watch
>today. The European Union Council, which  meets on Friday in Biarritz,
>has invited Mr. Kostunica to attend their session.
>
>"This is an important time for European leaders to discuss with
>President Kostunica a fresh vision for human rights and democracy in the
>new Yugoslavia," said Rachel Denber, Acting Director of Human Rights
>Watch's Europe and Central Asia. "Key issues range from transferring
>indicted war criminals to the Hague to re-establishing the independence
>of the judiciary. They are critical to restoring the rule of law to a
>country that for so many years languished under authoritarianism."
>
>Monday the E.U. dropped most sanctions against the former Yugoslavia.
>These sanctions were imposed in 1998 and 1999 to punish the Milosevic
>government for war crimes in Kosovo.
>
>"The E.U. is of course keen to see Yugoslavia reintegrated into European
>institutions," said
>Denber, "But part of re-integration is that the new government in
>Belgrade?when it's formed?will eventually have to cooperate with the war
>crimes tribunal in the Hague. It's an indispensable part of the rule of
>law package for Europe."
>
>  Ms. Denber listed some of the most important
>human rights issues on the horizon as including:
>
>   the release of political prisoners;
>
>   reinstating judges, university professors, and others who were fired
>for political reasons;
>
>   restoring the independence of the judiciary,
>
>and bringing to justice
>police and security officials responsible for serious abuses during the
>Milosevic era.
>
>Serbian human rights groups estimate that some 850 Kosovo Albanians who
>were arrested during last year's NATO war are currently serving prison
>sentences in Serbia.
>
>Most sentences resulted from unfair trials lacking evidence against the
>accused. [See Human Rights Watch's October 10 press release, at
>www.hrw.org/press/2000/10/yugo1010.htm] Today a Serbian court will
>re-hear the cases of several of these prisoners, including Flora
>Brovina, chair of the League of Albanian Women in Kosovo. Brovina, a
>poet and physician,  was sentenced in November 1999 by a district court
>in Nis to twelve years in prison on absurd charges of conspiracy to
>commit "hostile
>activity" and terrorism.
>
>President Kostunica is opposed to the war crimes tribunal in the Hague
>and has said he does not intend to hand over former president Slobodan
>Milosevic. Denber said that the E.U. should make clear that
>non-cooperation with the tribunal is unacceptable, and that cooperation
>would be a condition for certain loans and credits. "The E.U. and other
>institutions should treat Yugoslavia's cooperation with the tribunal on
>the same terms that it treated Croatia and Bosnia," she said. Last year
>the E.U. governments postponed a decision about a consultative task
>force on contractual relations with Croatia due to limited cooperation
>with the tribunal.
>
>For further information, please contact:
>Rachel Denber (New York): +212-216-1266
>Bogdan Ivanisevic (Belgrade): +381-63-832-9032
>
>_______________________________________________________________________
>http://www.guardianunlimited.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,381871,00.html
>
>New hope for Kosovans in Serb jails
>
>Rory Carroll in Pozarevac and Ewen MacAskill
>Friday October 13, 2000
>
>Sixteen months after being spirited out of Kosovo, Serbia's forgotten
>prisoners are counting on revolution to end their daily round of torture
>and corruption.
>      Jails are softening their regimes as pressure piles on the new
>Yugoslav president, Vojislav Kostunica, to release the hundreds of
>jailed ethnic Albanians.
>      However, Mr Kostunica wants to link their fate to the question of
>missing Serbs. He has indicated a pardon would be possible only after
>more than 1,000 Serbs who disappeared in Kosovo are accounted for.
>      About 2,000 ethnic Albanians, arrested in Kosovo in the runup to
>last year's war, were transferred to jails in Serbia as the Nato bombing
>began. Lists are incomplete but the estimates of those still being held
>range from 600 to 900.
>      Little has been heard of the prisoners since they vanished into
>jails in the cities of Nis, Sremska Mitrovice and Pozarevac.
>      In Pozarevac, the Milosevic family's home town, claims of beatings
>and killings have been made.
>      Guards allegedly formed two lines to greet the arrivals with a game
>of "hot rabbit". One by one the Albanians were ordered to run through
>the lines while fists, boots and sticks rained down.
>      Some of the prisoners, aged 14 to over 70, were wounded during
>their journey from Kosovo. "And do you know what?" said one prison
>source. "Not one of them made a sound. They didn't scream or beg for
>mercy.
>      "The beatings were savage but the longer it went on, the more the
>guards came to respect them. They had dignity and were tougher than Serb
>prisoners," the source said.
>      A former prisoner told the Belgrade-based Humanitarian Law Centre
>that between seven and nine inmates were bludgeoned to death with
>chains. There has been no independent confirmation.
>      "Serbian prison guards tend to be badly educated and don't know
>much about human rights," said Gradimir Nalic, a lawyer who has defended
>some of the ethnic Albanians.
>      Mr Nalic said a mafia-type extortion racket offered freedom to
>those who could afford to bribe judges, prosecutors and guards. "Those
>left behind were the poorest."
>      Another lawyer, Husnija Bitic, a Kosovo Albanian who has
>represented many of those in prison, cuts an incongruous figure. For the
>most part, he looks like any other lawyer, dressed in a grey pinstripe
>suit. The oddity is his baseball cap.
>      He has good reason to wear the cap: a 7cm hole in his skull, the
>result of a beating by masked men who burst into his home in Belgrade on
>March 16. He had faced a series of death threats for working with the
>prisoners.
>      Mr Bitic listed lots of cases of people being held without any
>evidence and of people being sentenced without the prosecution even
>putting up cases. He has not worked since the beating.
>      At one stage he represented Flora Brovina, one of the best-known
>Kosovan prisoners whose retrial was postponed yesterday until November
>16. She is accused of assisting the Kosovo Liberation Army by supplying
>medicine, treating wounded fighters and helping to supply them with
>uniforms. Although her 12-year sentence was quashed on appeal, a retrial
>was then ordered. There is increasing speculation that she may be
>released.
>      Mr Bitic was particularly upset about the fate of another client,
>Ukshin Hoti, the leader of one of the Kosovan parties. He was allegedly
>released in May last year without Mr Bitic's knowledge and has not been
>seen since.
>      Paul Miller, based in Skopje as a field researcher for the human
>rights group Amnesty International, said: "Our first challenge to
>Kostunica to prove his commitment to the rule of law is to release
>prisoners of conscience such as Flora Brovina."
>      Apart from a group of 144 mostly students and middle- class
>professionals from the Kosovo town of Djakovica, the prisoners tend to
>be farmers or labourers.
>
>Guardian Unlimited ? Guardian Newspapers Limited 2000
> >----------------------------------------------------------
>KOMITETI SHQIPTAR I HELSINKIT
>ALBANIAN HELSINKI COMMITTEE
>RR.  Sami Frash?ri, Pall. 20/1, Hyrja B, Ap. 21, Tirana - ALBANIA
>Tel-Fax: ++ 355 42 336 71/40891      e-mail: helsinki at ngo.org.al
>
>RELEASE ALBANIANS WHO ARE KEPT IN SERBIAN PRISONS
>
>The broad international opinion has welcomed the last changes in Serbia
>which led to Milosevic's removal from the position of the President of
>Yugoslavia.  Milosevic is the root of many upsetting events within the
>Former Federation of Yugoslavia.  He is the representative of the typical
>Serbian chauvinism which has been the source of severe crisis especially in
>the Balkans.
>
>However the changes in Belgrade will be appreciated if the brutal 
>repressive
>system which Milosevic and his group has left behind will be denounced and
>strongly combated.  Righteously enough, concrete steps are required in this
>direction.  One of the factors which show the readiness of the new
>leadership to open a new page and put Yugoslavia on the pathway to 
>democracy
>is the respect of human rights.  One of the first requirements in this 
>field
>is the release of the political prisoners.  Among them there are thousands
>of Albanians sentenced in the framework of the repressive campaign which 
>has
>been enforced for years now in  Kosova.
>
>The AHC supports their request for their immediate release.  We greet the
>initiatives which have been undertaken by several official and social
>circles within Yugoslavia and abroad.  The AHC greets especially the open
>and common letter of International Helsinki Federation and the Serbian
>Helsinki Committee which has been sent to the new Yugoslavian president Mr.
>Kostunica where among other requests was the release of the Albanian
>prisoners who are victims of the Serbian regime.  The American organization
>of the human rights "Human Rights Watch" has strongly supported this
>initiative as well.
>
>The AHC addresses the appeal to the international community so that they
>make this request among the first ones to the Yugoslavian leadership.  A
>quick reaction to the release of the Albanian prisoners is expected from 
>the
>community of all human rights organizations in Europe.
>
>__________________________________________
>
>Postponement of Brovina trial ? obstruction of process
>
>12 October 2000
>The Humanitarian Law Center (HLC) strongly protests against the unjustified
>postponement of the new trial of Dr Flora Brovina and her continuing
>detention. The trial was scheduled to open today.  However, Judge Marina
>Milanovic who presides the panel, and Dragoljub Zdravkovic, a member of the
>panel, both from Kosovo, failed to appear in court. Counsel for the defense
>requested their recusal because of bias and obstruction of process.
>
>Judge Saveljic, who is not assigned to the case, informed the defense and
>prosecution that the trial had been put off until 16 November because of 
>the
>alleged illness of Judge Marina Milanovic.  On 10 October, however, he told
>the HLC that Judge Milanovic had taken ?a few days leave to redecorate her
>apartment, but the trial will be held as scheduled.? No explanation was
>given for the absence of Judge Zdravkovic.
>
>Defense counsel Rajko Danilovic accused Prosecutor Miodrag Surla of bias 
>and
>said he had brought the same indictment in spite of the Serbian Supreme
>Court?s finding that no evidence was presented at the first trial to prove
>that Dr Brovina had committed the charged criminal offenses. Surla replied
>that he could not amend the indictment without the approval of Federal
>Public Prosecutor Vukasin Jokanovic, who is currently on a visit to China.
>Co-counsel for the defense, Branko Stanic, noted that Flora Brovina had 
>been
>held in custody without extension of her detention order since 16 May when
>the Supreme Court quashed the Nis District Court?s decision and ordered a
>retrial. Because of this violation, he moved that Dr Brovina be released on
>recognizance.
>
>After leaving the court, defense lawyers, reporters and Dr Brovina?s 
>husband
>visited her at the Pozarevac prison where she told them she had been
>notified of the postponement at 9.30 that morning.
>
>Last December, the panel of the District Court in Nis presided by Judge
>Marina  Milanovic found Flora Brovina guilty of seditious conspiracy in
>conjunction with terrorism and sentenced her to 12 years in prison.
>Considering the appeal, the Serbian Supreme Court in May this year set 
>aside
>the decision and ordered a new trial.
>  _____________________________________
>
>
>
>
>The director of the Centre for Human Law, Natasa Kandic said today that
>there
>are still about a thousand political prisoners in Serbia. Kandic and lawyer
>Rajko Danilovic appealed to the Serbian Supreme Court to grant clemency to
>these as they had in the case of Kraljevo journalists Miroslav Filipovic,
>who
>was released yesterday.
>
>Kosovo Albanians in Serbian jails were political prisoners, said Danilovic,
>and had not been accused and convicted of classical criminal acts. Such a
>show of mercy would greatly facilitate the return of Serbs to Kosovo, he
>said, and was imperative if Yugoslavia wanted to be part of Europe.
>
>Kandic quoted Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica as saying that the
>question of Albanian prisoners was connected with the fate of prisoners in
>secret jails in Kosovo. "It is not correct for prisoners now in custody to
>be
>retained as hostages for future negotiations," she added.
>
>  ------------------------------------------
>
>Families of Kosovo abductees appeal to Kostunica
>
>PRISTINA, Wednesday -- The Alliance of Families of Abducted and Missing
>Persons in Kosovo today appealed to Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica
>not
>to allow the release of Albanian prisoners now held in Serbia until
>information was obtained about missing Kosovo Serbs. The Alliance informed
>the president that they had information that armed and uniformed Albanian
>organisations in Kosovo had kidnapped about 1,200 persons between 1998 and
>this year.
>
>"We ask you in the name of the pain and uncertainty we have lived in for 
>the
>past three years to accept our suggestion not to allow the release of
>convicted Albanians until the fate of our innocent family members is 
>known,"
>said the Alliance.
>-----------------------------------------------------
>FreeB92  Last update: Oct 13, 2000 17:11 CET
>
>Protesters call for Albanians to be released
>
>17:03 PRISTINA, Friday - Thousands of Albanians from all over Kosovo
>today gathered in the centre of Pristina to call for Kosovo Albanian
>prisoners in Serbian jails to be released.
>      Protest leader Surije Redza demanded that the prisoners be released
>indiscriminately.
>      Former Kosovo Liberation Army leader Hashim Thaqi said that,
>together with the United Nations, Albanians would apply pressure on the
>Belgrade regime in order to resolve the situation of Albanians who had
>disappeared or been imprisoned.
>      Thaqi, saying that the demands would relayed to senior officials of
>the international community, said that there was no was for Serbia to
>build a democratic state while it continued to run prisons and
>concentration camps.
>_______________________________________________________________________
>h

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Oct 14 07:25:57 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 14 Oct 2000 04:25:57 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Important archeological discovery
Message-ID: <20001014112557.17222.qmail@web109.yahoomail.com>

2,000-year-old shrine in Croatia
Archaeologists believe they are the first to set foot
in ancient Illyrian sanctuary since Romans

First-timers.
Members of the team work around the Illyrian shrine
deep inside the cave near Spila. The cave contains
layers of 

material 

dating from as far back as Neolithic times, 6,000
years ago.

By Davor Huic 

Reuters

ZAGREB - An international team of archaeologists has
uncovered what may be a pre-Roman pagan shrine that
has lain undisturbed beneath the hills of southern
Croatia for more than 2,000 years. 

The Croatian-Canadian team says the site, dating from
the third century BC, is the only shrine of the
ancient Illyrian people ever found. 

They believe they are the first people to have set
foot in it since it was sealed up as Rome's legions
marched across Europe. 

The dramatic discovery was made deep inside a cave at
Spila, near the village of Nakovana on the Peljesac
peninsula in southern Dalmatia, about 100km (60 miles)
northwest of the Adriatic city of Dubrovnik. 

Pottery and a huge phallic stalagmite in the cave
indicate that it was used as a shrine. 

"We believe that the center of the cave served as an
altar for some pagan ritual, probably linked to
fertility or potency," Dr. Staso Forenbaher of the
Croatian Institute for Anthropological Research told
Reuters. 

"To our knowledge, this is the only Illyrian sanctuary
ever found," he added. 

The Illyrians inhabited the western Balkans before the
Romans conquered the region and were assimilated by
migrating Slavic tribes in the early Middle Ages.
Albanians are their only modern descendants. 

Forenbaher and Dr. Timothy Kaiser of the Royal Ontario
Museum discovered deeper channels in the Spila cave
almost by accident, during excavations at the entrance
in August 1999. They returned a year later to lead the
project. 

The cave contains several layers of archaeological
material dating from the early neolithic era, 6,000
years BC. The most valuable findings were hidden
behind a mass of stones and earth deep inside. 

Forenbaher said he believed the entrance might have
been sealed on purpose at some point during the first
century BC, at the time of the Roman conquest,
possibly to prevent the sanctity of the site from
being violated. 

"It looked completely intact. The surface was crusty,
and there was no evidence whatsoever that any human or
animal had walked there for centuries," said
Forenbaher. 

The fact that the shrine has been completely untouched
for two millennia makes its significance even greater.


"Hopefully, this will give us a chance to try to
reconstruct what had been going on there," Forenbaher
said. 

As the team went into the cave, a corridor 50 meters
(164 feet) in length and tall enough for a person to
stand up in, opened up roughly in the middle of a
circular area about 10 meters (32 feet) in diameter. 

In the middle of this stood a 60cm (two-feet) tall red
and white stalagmite in the form of a phallus. The
team believe it played a central role in whatever
rituals went on in the cave when it was used as a
shrine. 

"We dug around and under the stalagmite and found that
it had not grown there naturally. It had to be brought
in from someplace else - perhaps even from the cave
itself - to be installed there by humans," Forenbaher
said. 

Scattered around were hundreds of pieces of
Hellenistic pottery, mostly plates and chalices, some
of them bearing inscriptions in ancient Greek and
Latin. Their function and position around the phallus
indicate they were used in some sort of a ritual that
included feasting, drinking and probably making
offerings to pagan gods. 

Most pieces seem to have originated from Magna Graecia
- Greek colonies in southern Italy - and from Greek
settlements in the southern Dalmatian islands of
Korcula (Korcyra Nigra), Hvar (Pharos) and Vis (Issa).
The team dug out about three tonnes of material from
the cave, taking everything they could find to the
Dubrovnik Archaeology Museum for further research,
Forenbaher said. 

They also found containers with what looked like
remains of food that will be sent to Britain to be
analyzed, while radioactive carbon dating will be done
in Croatia. 

More than 100kg (200 lb) of collected pottery will be
sorted out and put together by local experts. 

"We expect first reports to come out within a year,
and the whole project to take three years," Forenbaher
said


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From albania at netzero.net  Sat Oct 14 13:04:14 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Sat, 14 Oct 2000 13:04:14 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Two Serb Police Killed Near Kosovo
Message-ID: <00ae01c03600$c8a30280$e7b4f4d1@albania>

Two Serb Police Killed Near Kosovo 

BELGRADE, Oct 14, 2000 -- (Reuters) Two Serbian police officers were killed and nine were wounded when their vehicles drove over a landmine on a road close to the boundary with Kosovo, the Serbian Interior Ministry said.

Four of the wounded officers were transferred to a military hospital in Belgrade while the others were treated locally, said a ministry statement carried by Serbia's Beta news agency.

The boundary area has been the scene of several small-scale clashes this year between Serbian police and ethnic Albanian rebels.

Serbian officials say the guerrillas are trying to provoke a military conflict similar to the one in Kosovo last year but the rebels say they are defending people against police brutality.

The ministry statement said the mine had been planted by "members of Albanian terrorist gangs from Kosovo and Metohija", using the traditional Serbian name for the province.

It said the incident had taken place between the villages of Veliki Trnovac and Mali Trnovac, a few kilometers east of the boundary, shortly before midday.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Sun Oct 15 02:15:50 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Sat, 14 Oct 2000 23:15:50 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Greket terrorizojne Himaren
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Greket terrorizojne Himaren

Nga Himara Anila Basha

Himara gdhihet sot ne ankth dhe tension. Dje gjate oreve te vona te pasdites
ne qytetin e Himares kane mberritur 8 deputete greke qe i perkasin Partise
Demokracia e Re ne Greqi, pra partise opozitare te Karamanlisit. Po ashtu,
gjate gjithe dites se djeshme ne qytetin e Himares ka qene konsulli i
Greqise ne Gjirokaster dhe gjate oreve te vona te mbremjes dhe nje pjese e
mire e trupit diplomatik grek te akredituar ne Tirane. Pervec shtetareve
greke, ne Himare kane vershuar edhe nje lum stacionesh televizive greke qe
transmetojne gjate gjithe kohes per shtetin fqinj me Shqiperine. Ne oret e
vona te mbremjes se djeshme ne bulevardin kryesor te qytetit te Himares kane
mberritur dhe 13 autobuse nga Greqia te mbushur plot me refugjate, te cilet
kane ardhur per te hedhur voten ne 15 tetor. Perballe gjithe ketij fluksi te
madh grek qe ka "pushtuar" Himaren, gjendet vetem deputeti socialist Sabit
Brokaj. Ai ka qendruar deri ne oret e vona te mbremjes ne bulevardin kryesor
te qytetit, duke kontaktuar, jo vetem me autoritetet lokale e partiake, por
dhe me njerezit e shumte qe vinin. Nderkohe qe deputetet greke, te cilet
jane instaluar ne hotelet e Himares, kane vazhduar nje sere takimesh, madje
jane marre dhe me organizimin e refugjateve gjate gjithe mbremjes. Ata
preferojne te vijne vetem ne Himare nen pretekstin per te ndjekur procesin
zgjedhor, por nuk preferojne te shkojne ne zona te tjera, te cilat jane ne
balotazh dhe qe i perkasin Vlores si p.sh. Selenice dhe Orikum. Kjo sipas
autoriteteve lokale himariote ndodh vetem sepse ata e konsiderojne Himaren
si minoritet. Deri tani ne qytetin e Himares ka pasur nga te ardhurit e
shumte 7 djem te rinj te arrestuar, te cilet policia i ka ndaluar per shkak
te moskryerjes se detyrimit ushtarak. Po ashtu, ne qytetin e Himares dje
rreth mbremjes kane vershuar dhe forca te shumta policie per te ruajtur
rendin dhe qetesine. Sot perfundimisht mbyllet lufta per kryetarin e
bashkise ndermjet dy kandidateve Viktor Mato, kandidat i PS, i mbeshtetur
nga shumica e partive shqiptare dhe Vasil Bollano kandidat i partise se te
Drejtave te Njeriut, i mbeshtetur aktualisht nga Omonia dhe nga gjithe
shpura e deputeteve greke qe mberriten dje ne Himare. Gara do te jete e
veshtire, per me shume autoritetet lokale jane trembur nga fluksi i madh i
te ardhurve.

Sot votohet nga Palasa ne Qeparo per keta dy kandidate, por nuk dihet se sa
eshte saktesisht numri i te ardhurve gjate gjithe kesaj jave. Sipas
statistikave ne Himare te ardhurit refugjate nga Greqia kane qene rreth 3
mije vete, ndersa tani fluksi eshte rritur shume. Dje ne oret e vona te
mbremjes ne rruget e Himares flitej vetem greqisht dhe bridhnin vetem
deputetet greke me shpura te medha shoqeruesish nga pas, ndersa autoritetet
lokale ishin te shqetesuar per situaten. Policia ka vazhduar kontrollet e
autobuseve qe vinin e zbrazeshin ne qender te qytetit pergjate gjithe nates,
por ende nuk dihet se cili eshte numri real i te arrestuarve dhe te
ndaluarve. Gjithsesi neser Himara do te tregoje se sa shqiptare eshte, duke
votuar Viktor Maton.

Marre nga Koha Jone

Shikoni e degjoni TV shqiptar ne
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From info at LongIslandTrip.com  Sun Oct 15 02:27:29 2000
From: info at LongIslandTrip.com (ATHS Inc)
Date: Sat, 14 Oct 2000 23:27:29 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} =?iso-8859-1?Q?Himar=EB=2C_Greqia_=E7on_700_votues?=
Message-ID: <002101c02e86$78210860$8a1283d0@besnik>

Himar?,
Greqia ?on 700 votues
Policia bllokoi 13 autobuz? t? Athin?s n? Kakavie

M? shum? se 700 himariot? kan? udh?tuar dje nga Greqia n? drejtim t?
Shqip?ris? p?r t? marr? pjes? n? raundin e dyt? t? zgjedhjeve lokale p?r
bashkin? e qytetit t? vog?l bregdetar. Sipas informacioneve t? dh?na nga
Ministria e Rendit, por dhe nga burime n? qytetin e Himar?s, organizata
Omonia ka p?rdorur t? gjitha rrug?t e mund?shme p?r t? sjell? n? Shqip?ri
nj? num?r sa m? t? madh votuesish.

13 autobuz? t? nisur nga Greqia jan? ndaluar t? hyjn? n? pik?n e Kalimit
Kufitar t? Kakavies, pasi shofer?t e tyre nuk kishin dokumentat e nevojshme.
M? pas t? gjith? emigrant?t q? ndodheshin n? k?to autouza jan? sistemuar n?
automjete t? tjera q? ishin v?n? n? dispozicion nga shoqata Omonia dhe kan?
mb?rritur n? Himar? dje n? or?t e para t? mbr?mjes. Asnj? traget nuk ka
mundur t? hyj? n? portin e k?tij qyteti, pasi n? uj?rat teritoriale
patrullonte flota luftarake shqipare.


Kufiri
Afro 700 udh?tar?t e autobuzave jan? lejuar t? kalojn? pik?n doganore t?
ndihmuar dhe nga konsulli grek i Gjirokastr?s, dhe m? pas jan? nisur drejt
qytetit t? Himar?s me autobuza dhe mjete t? siguruara nga Omonia dhe deg?t
lokale t? PBDNJ-s? n? jug t? vendit. Po dje anijet lufatrake shqiptare kan?
kryer manovra n? af?rsi t? bregdetit t? Himar?s, duke mos lejuar asnj?lloj
trageti t? zbres? n? qytetin e vog?l. I vetmi traget i nisur nga Greqia p?r
n? Himar? ?sht? detyruar q? t? kthehet mbrapsht dhe t? ankorhet n? portin e
Sarand?s. Sipas burimeve t? policis? thuhet se "qytetar? t? Himar?s kan?
kaluar kufirin n? num?r t? vog?l edhe n?p?rmjet pik?s s? Qaf? Bot?s".


Kakavija
Dje n? or?t e para t? m?ngjesit 13 autobuz? me targa t? qyteteve t? ndryshme
t? Greqis? i jan? drejtuar Pik?s s? Kalimit Kufitar n? Kakavij? p?r t? hyr?
n? territorin shqiptar. N? autobuza kan? qen? afro 650-700 shtetas shqiptar?
banor? t? Himar?s, t? cil?t jan? sjell? n? m?nyr? t? organizuar nga
sillogjet greke dhe organizata Omonia p?r t? marr? pjes? n? raundin e dyt?
t? zgjedhjeve lokale. Sipas Ministris? s? Rendit thuhet se "nga ana e
policis? jan? kryer t? gjitha procedurat p?r kalimin e shtetasve shqiptar?,
por nuk jan? lejuar t? kalojn? autobuzat me targa dhe dokumenta t? shtetit
grek, pasi nuk kan? patur dokumentacionin p?rkat?s p?r kalimin e kufirit.
Nga ana e autoriteteve t? shtetit shqiptar dhe t? policis? jan? marr? masa
p?r sigurimin e l?vizjes s? tyre n? territorin shqiptar sipas destinacionit
q? ata d?shironin".


Manovrat
P?r kalimin e himariot?ve n? pik?n e Kakavij?s ?sht? interesuar personalisht
dhe konsulli grek n? Gjirokast?r. Deg?t lokale t? PBDNJ-s? n? jug t? vendit
kan? siguruar mjetet e nevojshme, autobuz?, furgon? dhe vetura p?r
transportimin e t? ardhurve nga Greqia n? drejtim t? Himar?s. Sillogjet
greke kan? organizuar kthimin e himariot?ve edhe n?p?rmjet pik?s s? Qaf?
Bot?s si dhe me linjat e tragetit n? Sarand?. P?rpara dat?s 1 tetor ishin dy
tragete greke q? zbarkuan n? qytetin e Himar?s nj? num?r t? madh qytetar?sh,
t? cil?t duhet t? sigurojn? patjet?r fitoren e kandidatit t? PBDNJ-s?
Bollano, ndaj atij t? PS-s?. Trageti q? udh?tonte dje p?r Himar? u kthye
mbrapsht n? drejtm t? Sarand?s, pasi nuk u lejua nga anijet luftarake
shqiptare t? zbriste n? qytetin e Himar?s. Flota Luftarake Detare e
Shqip?ris? ka kryer dje me nj? num?r t? vog?l anijesh luftarake manovra n?
af?rsi t? bregdetit t? Himar?s.

Marre nga GSH

Shikoni e degjoni TV shqiptar ne
http://www.aths-travel.com

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Oct 15 16:26:40 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 15 Oct 2000 13:26:40 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Himara me kenge labe
Message-ID: <20001015202640.2535.qmail@web108.yahoomail.com>

Partia Socialiste feston fitoren, mor?m dhe Himar?n 
15-Tetor-2000 8:55 PM 

TIRANE - Himara fitohet nga socialist?t. Tani po
festohet n? seline roz?. Sipas gazetarit t? "Gazet?s
Shqiptare " n? selin? e PS mb?rrijn? procesverbalet t?
cilat konfirmojn? fitoren e kandidatit socialist ndaj
atij PBDNJ n? Himar?". Ne keto momente atmosfera eshte
ajo e nje feste mbare popullore. Ne sheshin e Himares,
po kercehen valle himariote dhe kenge labe. /an
(BalkanWeb) 

 


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From azekolli at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 16 10:11:39 2000
From: azekolli at hotmail.com (Arsim Zekolli)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 10:11:39 CEST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} 28N - ne Himare
Message-ID: <F177PRyZTZaidlJYs7t000023e7@hotmail.com>

Nje gjest simbolik qe Qeveria ne Tirane do te mund te ben eshte qe te sjell 
vendim per organizim te festimit qendrore per nder te Dites se Flamurit ne 
Himare. Njekohesisht, duhet qe per here te pare ky festim te organizohet ne 
rrafsh kombetar - jo shteteror - dhe te ftohen qytetaret (jo subjektet 
politike, shteterore, diplomatike etc. etc. etc) nga Kosova, Maqedonia, Mali 
i zi dhe (posaqerisht) Cameria qe te marrin pjese ne kete manifestim ... 
Dicka si 'Albanian-love-parade'

Se fundi, edhe nese qeveria nuk e organizon kete - mundemi ne vet. Ja, nje 
incentiv per te gjithe anetaret e listes qe me ne fund nga fjalet te dalim 
ne vepra!

Por mos te fillojme tani te debatojme se kjo do te kuptohet ashtu e keshtu, 
se kjo eshte me kete qellim apo ate qellim ... le te mbyllim pak gojen dhe 
te bejme dicka...

OK, deshiroj te shkoj ne Himare ... Me fton kush atje, apo jo :)

Arsimi
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From endril at rocketmail.com  Mon Oct 16 09:13:25 2000
From: endril at rocketmail.com (Endri Leno)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 06:13:25 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albania accuses Greeks of Interference
                  interference"
Message-ID: <20001016131325.26899.qmail@web2902.mail.yahoo.com>

The governing Socialist party in Albania has accused
Greece of violating Albanian sovereignty by
interfering
in local elections held at the weekend. 

The comments followed election-related incidents in
the
border town of Himare, which Greece says has an ethnic
Greek majority. 

The Albanian Socialist party has claimed an       
overwhelming victory in the town, although it says    
            visiting Greek politicians had pressured
citizens to vote for a Greek minority party. 

But Athens said ethnic Greeks had been prevented from
voting, including six-hundred Albanians employed in
Greece who, it says, were barred from returning home
to
cast their votes. Elsewhere, the Socialists have won
most seats, ending the domination of local councils in
Albania by the opposition Democratic party. 

>From the newsroom of the BBC World Service

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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 16 09:52:55 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 13:52:55 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Artist - Mayor Aims to Shake Up Albanian Capital
Message-ID: <F100t0nlNFf82rPe4n400002ff2@hotmail.com>

(we've lost "Europe's poorest" title to Moldova according to Reuters)

Artist - Mayor Aims to Shake Up Albanian Capital

By REUTERS
Filed at 10:13 p.m. ET

TIRANA (Reuters) - Self-respect, a sense of belonging and a willingness to 
clean up the mess outside their front doors -- that is what Edi Rama hopes 
to instill in the people of Tirana as the new mayor of the Albanian capital.

The tall, bearded painter, elected mayor this month as candidate for the 
ruling Socialist Party, has transformed the Ministry of Culture since 
entering government in May 1998.

He now aims to do the same for Tirana, an anarchic Balkan city of some 
600,000 people plagued by poverty, official corruption, garbage, 
uncontrolled urban development and an infrastructure reminiscent of the 
Third World.

``The problem is to start nourishing a sense of belonging to the city,'' 
Rama told Reuters. ``People should feel they are living in a town where they 
have to respect some rules. I think it is possible.''

Albania, Europe's poorest country until it recently lost that dubious honor 
to Moldova, has been prone to periodic political violence since overthrowing 
communism in 1991.

State institutions have been weak and corruption is endemic. Albanians are 
fiercely loyal to their family and clan but have little sense of civic 
pride.

VISIBLE SIGNS OF IMPROVEMENT

Rama, a charismatic 36-year-old, believes his country, often written off as 
a hopeless case by the outside world, can change if people are given hope 
and see visible signs of improvement.

As Minister of Culture, he inherited a gloomy institution staffed by aging 
bureaucrats housed in a ramshackle building. There was not a single 
computer. Typists cooked meals in their offices. Morale and working 
standards were low.

``When I entered this building I felt like I was entering a Kafkaesque 
nightmare,'' Rama says.

He first set to work on transforming the building, bringing in gangs of 
young artists to help him redecorate it. ``I painted a lot of it myself.''

He persuaded Germany's Dresdner Bank to donate computers -- ''At first they 
thought I was an Albanian Mafioso'' -- removed two-thirds of the staff and 
put young people in senior posts.

``We are now the only institution in Albania where there are more women than 
men,'' he says.

Rama introduced new letterheads for ministry notepaper and raised standards 
by fining employees for every typing or spelling error in official 
documents.

``I am very proud of all this because it has completely changed the 
spirit,'' he says. ``Since the ministry has been restored, people stay in 
the office. You find people working overtime just because they feel good 
here.''

Instead of simply administering institutions such as the National Theater 
and National Library, the ministry has become an active patron of 
independent artists which works with foreign institutions to arrange 
funding.

RENOVATIONS A SIGN OF HOPE

Rama has already left his mark physically in Tirana.

The city, without a cinema for much of the past 10 years, now has a plush, 
modern movie theater, built by private investors after Rama's ministry 
provided a financial guarantee.

Italianate government buildings in the city center have been beautifully 
renovated, in marked contrast to the crumbling decay all around them, with 
funds arranged by a new office of national heritage created by Rama.

``This is very important psychologically,'' Rama says. ``It's not only that 
these buildings are beautiful, they are a sign of hope for people. When they 
see them, they have a feeling that something is starting.''

Not everything went smoothly. Musicians at the state opera staged a hunger 
strike this year in protest at subsidy cuts.

The opposition Democratic Party, which ran Tirana for the last 10 years, 
denounced Rama as autocratic and phony.

``Rama's reforms amount only to a very expensive painting job,'' said former 
Culture Minister Teodor Laco.

Rama shrugs off the criticism and insists that change, with all its risks, 
is better than stagnation. ``It is much better to accept new kinds of 
mistakes than to carry on with the mistakes which people have been making 
since 1944,'' he says.

How will he tackle his new job?

``By doing things that are visible,'' Rama says.

He will concentrate on reducing garbage, improving street lighting -- the 
city is often blacked out by power cuts -- and getting residents to feel 
Tirana belongs to them.

``If people realize you are committed and not corrupt, they will respect 
your efforts. If every businessman makes sure there is no garbage in front 
of his shop, there will be no more garbage. If the mayor gives them a model, 
they will do it.''

``I had my first moment of hope in this town when I saw that some 
shopkeepers had repaired their sidewalks by themselves.''

He plans to hold radio phone-ins several times a month, broadcast city 
council meetings live on local radio and open up the city's accounts to 
convince a skeptical public that their elected representatives are not 
simply stealing their money.

Rama, who acknowledges that simple narcissism is one of his motivations for 
being in politics, believes ordinary Albanians are saner and more realistic 
than most of their politicians.

``They have realized finally that capitalism is not paradise. They no longer 
expect the government to make them rich the next day,'' he says. ``They want 
some stability, peace, opportunities and they want examples of commitment.''

Rama no longer has time to paint but feels the often crazy world of Albanian 
politics has its own compensations. ``I think politics in Albania is the 
highest level of conceptual art,'' he said.

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From albanianpride at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 16 17:41:14 2000
From: albanianpride at hotmail.com (ardian kanina)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 17:41:14 CEST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Citat i vjeteruar ............................
Message-ID: <F85UUeXRbou1dsDBrDS000035e1@hotmail.com>


Citatit "Europe's poorest country Albania" i ka dale boja .E perdorin disa 
injorante gazetare apo korrespondente Evropeane (shume prej tyre as kane 
qene ndonjehere ne Shqiperi) dushoj ne kapacitet gazetareske te ketyre 
"korrespondenteve" te huaj .Tek revista The Ekonomist (revista me 
prestigjoze Evropeane) Shqiperia nuk eshte renditur e fundit per nga 
standardi Ekonomike por le edhe disa vende pas.Diferenca me Bullgarine dhe 
Rumanine eshte shume e ngushte,po te llogaritet edhe ekonomia e pa 
regjistruar (e kam fjalen per ekonomine e zeze e cila ekziston edhe ne 
vendet me te zhvilluara) standardi i jeteses ne Shqiperi eshte edhe me i 
larte sesa vete Bullgaria.

Kur e shohe ne ndonje gazete Gjermane apo Franceze nuk me revolton aq shume 
por kur e lexoj ne ndonje gazete Angleze habitem me hipokrizine Britanike.
Perjashto Londren pjesa tjeter e Anglise eshte me e varfera ne Evrope 
.......disa zona jane edhe me te varfera sesa Shqiperia.Ne Berlin dhe gjetke 
nje pjese  e emigranteve qe punojne ne ndertim, jane Angleze ,Skoceze 
,Irlandez .Me pak fjale kualiteti i jeteses ne Angli eshte shume i ulet po 
te fuse edhe klimen si kriter -standarti -jetese ne Angli nuk jetohet me 300 
dite shi ne vite.

Ne disa gazeta Angleze lexova shqetesimin e tyre rreth ndeshjes se ardhshme 
Shqiperi-Angli per kampionatin boteror ne futboll.Konstatova panike dhe ka 
shume mundesi qe Anglia e "Madhe" te humbase ne Tirane ndaj Shqiperise se 
Vogel ne mars dhe te skualifikohet perfundimisht.

Fatkeqesisht citatin "Albania the Poorest Country " e lexoj edhe ne ndonje 
gazete Shqiptare .Por ne shtypin Shqiptar kam lexuar shume shkrime me 
karakter antiShqiptar ,pa respekt per Shqiperine.

Nuk e di sesi ndjehen Greket superiore mbas fundosjes qe pesuan ne futboll 
javen e kaluar dhe goditjen qe pesoj Akropoli i Helenizmit ne Himare kete 
fundjave.

Personalisht nuk u ndjeva mire me fitoren e Socialisteve ne zgjedhjet e 
fundit(per arsye te ndryshme).Megjithate ecuria paqesore e zgjedhjeve tregoj 
qe populli Shqiptar eshte nder popujt me te emancipuar ne bote.ne shtypin e 
huaj funderina te ndryshme perhapnin panike pati nga ata qe shpreheshin qe 
zgjedhjet e 1 Tetorit ndoshta do te jene zgjedhjet e para te lira.
Deshiroj te theksoj qe zgjedhjet e 1 Tetorit ishin zgjedhjet e radhes te 
lira.
Mars 1991 zgjedhje te lira.
Mars 1992 zgjedhje te lira parlamentare
Korrike 1992  zgjedhje te lira Lokale
Tetor 1995    referendumi i lire

Maj 1996 relativisht te lira ,jo aq te palira sa theksohet.
Tetor 1996 zgjedhje lokale te lira

Vetem zgjedhjet e Qershorit te 1997 nuk ishin te lira.

Pra ne historine 10 vjecare demokratike populli Shqiptar ka votuar 
shume-here i lire  dhe ka ditur te organizoje zgjedhje te lira ,demokratike.

Sot del si detyre depolarizimi i shoqerise Shqiptare.Rasti i Himares ishte 
shume pozitive ,shovinisteve Greke populli Shqiptar u mbylli gojen.Humbja 
Greke ne Shqiperi ne zgjedhjet e 1 Tetorit ishte shume e turpshme.PBDNJ-ja 
dhe Omonia nuk fituan as 1perqind te votave edhe pse PBDNJ-ja paraqitet si 
parti edhe e minoritetit Vllehe dhe Maqedonas.

Pra pretendimet Greke qe ne Shqiperi jetojne 600mije Greke u ka dale 
gjithashtu boja.Padyshime qe shovinistet e Athines po mundohen te 
pozicionohen ne situaten e krijuar duke i kerkuar minoritetit Greke qe ne te 
ardhmne te integrohet ne partite e medha Shqiptare per te influencuar atje 
politiken Greke.Shovinistet Greke kane rene ne panike por ata paraqesin 
gjithmone rrezike per Shqiperine sidomos sot kur populli Shqiptar eshte i 
varfer dhe ata po mundohen me dhrahmi ta shkombetarizojne popullin tone.

Kerkoje si Shqiptar nxjerrjen jashte ligjit te PBDNJ-se dhe OMONIAS si 
organizata terrorriste gjithashtu edhe largimin urgjentisht te ambasadorit 
Greke ne Gjirokster i cili nuk merret me pune diplomatike por ilegalisht ka 
krijuar nje rrejete pensionesh per te blere popullin Shqiptare dhe per ta 
shkombetarizuar ate.

Me nderime ardi....


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From ipilika at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 16 11:58:21 2000
From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 15:58:21 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kostunica on independent Kosova
Message-ID: <LC6-LFD223oHMwVN7mi000003ae@hotmail.com>



TIME: Can you envision an independent Kosovo?

Kostunica: I can envision many things. But after that picture goes another 
picture ? of the Albanians in Macedonia, in southern Serbia, and in 
Montenegro and even Greece. One should be pragmatic. There are some problems 
that you can't solve ? like Jerusalem.




TIME EUROPE
Monday, October 16, 2000

"This Is More Than A Velvet Revolution"
TIME's exclusive interview with Yugoslavia's President Vojislav Kostunica


Srdjan Ilic/AP


Yugoslavia's new President Vojislav Kostunica met with TIME's Andrew Purvis 
and Dejan Anastasijevic in his wood-paneled office in Belgrade's cavernous 
Federation Palace. Looking rumpled but rested in a loose gray suit, he 
discussed his views on issues ranging from war crimes to the future of 
Kosovo.

TIME: Are you concerned that the old regime will attempt a countercoup?

Kostunica: There are no chances for that. That notion is based on the idea 
that the Milosevic regime can't be beaten. But he has lost. And now his 
party is in disarray.

TIME: You have spoken about a volcano beneath the surface of Serbian 
political life in recent days. Would you explain?

Kostunica: We have had small revolutions within state enterprises. In some 
cases they were spontaneous and quite justifiable, and in some cases they 
were imported by people close to the Democratic Opposition of Serbia. I am 
not happy about it. Still it is very difficult because no one is in control 
of the police. We are not like the Czechs. This is more than a velvet 
revolution.

TIME: Should Milosevic be tried for war crimes?

Kostunica: At this moment I am not thinking about that. We are burdened by 
all sorts of difficulties concerning the social and economic situation. An 
instant trial in the Hague would endanger the very fragile democratic 
process here.

TIME: What about in the future?

Kostunica: It's possible. Quite possible. But this is more complicated than 
it's been made out. The Serbs created a cult of personality around him, but 
that cult was made stronger by the international community. Anyway, more 
important than war crimes is political responsibility before one's own 
people.

TIME: Do you agree Serbs committed war crimes in the 1990s and should be 
tried for those?

Kostunica: Yes. But war crimes were committed by all nations.

TIME: Serbs do not bear the preponderance of responsibility?

Kostunica: It's a complicated matter. If the Croatian President had not 
tried to revive the idea of a Croatian independent state, the Serbs would 
not have rebelled and Milosevic would not have had a chance to abuse that. 
And when it comes to war crimes, there were war crimes committed by nato 
last year.

TIME: Can you envision an independent Kosovo?

Kostunica: I can envision many things. But after that picture goes another 
picture ? of the Albanians in Macedonia, in southern Serbia, and in 
Montenegro and even Greece. One should be pragmatic. There are some problems 
that you can't solve ? like Jerusalem.

TIME: Do you have a message for the rest of the world?

Kostunica: This is something very important. It is God's will and punishment 
that we in Serbia and Montenegro are where we are. Sometimes we suffer 
because of our geopolitical position. But we are also proud. This has 
nothing to do with Milosevic. He was just abusing these sentiments. But we 
hope that the West will now understand us in that positive sense.


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From ipilika at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 16 12:03:35 2000
From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 16:03:35 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Long Goodbye
Message-ID: <LC6-LFD68qdiixjnzi9000003d1@hotmail.com>

But will it be that simple? Many of the people now cheering for Kostunica 
were throwing flowers on tanks rolling toward Vukovar in 1991. And the 
following year, they were firmly convinced that the citizens of Sarajevo 
were shooting and shelling their own children and blaming innocent Serbs. 
They explain in detail how the Srebrenica massacre was staged by Western 
intelligence agencies, and how cnn invented the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo. 
If they blame Milosevic for anything, they blame him for losing wars for 
Greater Serbia. A surprising number of smart, educated people I know believe 
without a shadow of doubt that Milosevic is a U.S. agent recruited by the 
cia to drag Serbia into the abyss.





TIME EUROPE
Friday, September 29, 2000

Viewpoint

The Long Goodbye
Milosevic may be finished, but Serbia still has some questions to answer
By DEJAN ANASTASIJEVIC




Serbia is in a revolutionary mood. I am not saying this because there is a 
large crowd of people on the streets demanding Milosevic's resignation even 
as I'm writing these words. We have seen it all before, and it didn't change 
anything. I am saying this because my eight-year-old daughter comes back 
from school chanting anti-Milosevic slogans she learned from her friends. 
And because my 68-year-old aunt, who never cared much for politics, now goes 
out night after night, risking arrest and harassment, to put stickers with 
the words "He's Finished!" over Milosevic's campaign posters. Something deep 
has moved beneath the murky surface of Serbian politics, and despite all the 
cunning and brutality, there is nothing that Milosevic can do to stay 
afloat.

So this time he is really finished, whether he chooses to go in a nice way, 
perhaps settling down in some remote corner of the world, or meets a violent 
end in the manner of Mussolini or Ceausescu. In a matter of weeks, Serbia 
will be free of the man who, in the course of the past 13 years, has brought 
out the worst in his own country and in neighboring countries, perverting or 
destroying everything in his path. Like a Sleeping Beauty after the kiss of 
Prince Charming, Serbia will awake under Vojislav Kostunica's leadership, 
and everything will spring back to life again. Like an evil witch, Milosevic 
will disappear in a puff of smoke. We will be, as Kostunica once promised, 
"a dull, average European country, with an average economy, an average 
relationship with its neighbors, an average health care system and an 
average political life." Kostunica realized before anyone else that Serbian 
people are suffering from an overdose of history and historical ambition. He 
has promised them dull normalcy instead, and it worked.


But will it be that simple? Many of the people now cheering for Kostunica 
were throwing flowers on tanks rolling toward Vukovar in 1991. And the 
following year, they were firmly convinced that the citizens of Sarajevo 
were shooting and shelling their own children and blaming innocent Serbs. 
They explain in detail how the Srebrenica massacre was staged by Western 
intelligence agencies, and how cnn invented the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo. 
If they blame Milosevic for anything, they blame him for losing wars for 
Greater Serbia. A surprising number of smart, educated people I know believe 
without a shadow of doubt that Milosevic is a U.S. agent recruited by the 
cia to drag Serbia into the abyss.


These are not the foundations upon which normalcy can be built. And when the 
revolutionary trance is over, Serbs will have to address the issue of war 
crimes and atrocities committed in their name. The chain of command that led 
to these crimes, from Milosevic to the last drunken paramilitary burning, 
raping and looting in a Bosnian village, will be easy to reconstruct. The 
war crimes tribunal at the Hague has already made great progress in this 
field. It will be far more difficult to explain the persistent silence and 
denial by so many "ordinary" people who refused to get interested in these 
issues before the hand of war touched their very households last year. And 
even then, many failed to make a connection between nato bombs and the 
ethnic cleansing of Kosovo.

These are complex and difficult issues. Unfortunately, they cannot be 
resolved in the Hague or before any other criminal court: although 
determining individual guilt helps, the question of collective 
responsibility can be resolved only by a thorough and painful public debate 
leading to some kind of national catharsis. So far, Kostunica has shown no 
ambition to initiate or encourage such a debate. He claims his primary goal 
is to restore democracy in Serbia, and that the opening of war wounds would 
interfere with that effort.

He may be right. After years of drunken rage, Serbia needs time to recover 
from a terrible national hangover. But not too much time, or Milosevic's 
legacy will outlive him ? and maybe even create an environment for his 
future clone. Mass graves and normalcy are a bad mix.

It is midafternoon, and my daughter is about to come back from school. She 
was concieved during the siege of Vukovar, born in the year of the Bosnian 
war, and started school in the year Kosovo began to boil. Once she is old 
enough to ask how and why all these terrible things were possible, she will 
require a honest answer.

Dejan Anastasijevic, TIME's reporter in Yugoslavia, was forced to flee a 
year ago after his writings provoked death threats. He returned for last 
week's election


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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 16 12:45:35 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 16:45:35 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece threatens retaliation
Message-ID: <LC8-LFD24qyPmBIzJ9s000003a7@hotmail.com>


[07] Greek premier calls on Albania to respect the rights of the Greek 
minority in that country

BIARRITZ, 16/10/2000 (ANA - V. Mourtis)
Prime Minister Costas Simitis on Saturday called on Albania to respect the 
rights of the Greek minority in that Balkan country, during a press 
conference, following a two-day informal European Union summit in this 
French seaside resort.
Greece stands by its positions for unobstructed relations of cooperation 
with Albania, he said, in light of problems that arose days before local 
government elections in the neighboring country.

Press reports noted that the Greek minority in Albania was faced with 
problems arising from pressures applied to minimize the vote to 
representatives of the Greek community in that country, including the 
obstruction of voters' ability to travel to their home-districts.

On his part, Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou contacted the Albanian 
government on Friday evening noting that efforts to obstruct ethnic Greek 
Albanian citizens to exercise their democratic right to vote were 
unacceptable and non-friendly.

Main opposition New Democracy (ND) deputy Dora Bakoyianni called on the 
Greek government to undertake measures to secure the free movement of people 
at the Greek-Albanian border and to inform international organizations of 
the affair.

Meanwhile, the Greek ambassador to Tirana handed a relevant demarche to the 
Albanian government, Greek government spokesman Dimitris Reppas said.

"The stance of the Albanian government is negative and has repercussions. 
Greece possesses all the means necessary to defend the democratic rights of 
the Greek minority and will do so. Thus the Albanian government should 
immediately confront and resolve the problem," Reppas said.

[08] Greek minority Albanian parties charge irregularities, violence in 
Sunday's elections
GJIROKASTER, 16/10/2000 (ANA - P. Barkas)

Run off elections for local government officials in Albania were plagued by 
violence and fraud, according to charges made by the Greek minority leaders 
in that country.
Accusations for fraud and violence, by "Omonia" and the Human Rights Union 
parties, were growing in number as the election day came to a close, 
charging beatings, ballot box stuffing and inaccurate voter registration 
lists.

Press reports on Friday and Saturday noted that voters coming from Greece 
also faced obstruction of travel to their home-districts.


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Mon Oct 16 14:28:26 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 20:28:26 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} NEWS: U.S.: Kosovo Should Be Republic (AP, October 15, 2000)
Message-ID: <39EB48CA.180AE5F0@bndlg.de>

http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/ap/20001015/wl/kosovo_s_future_2.html

Sunday October 15 4:12 PM ET

U.S.: Kosovo Should Be Republic 

By GEORGE JAHN, Associated Press Writer 

PODGORICA, Yugoslavia (AP) - The United States is proposing that Kosovo
gain republic status, making the province one of three self-governing
republics within Yugoslavia, Western diplomats say.
     Yugoslavia currently is made up of two republics - larger, dominant
Serbia and tiny Montenegro - and Kosovo is a province within Serbia. But
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority is demanding an independent state,
which no country supports. With the Serbs and ethnic Albanians still
ready to fight over Kosovo, Western diplomats say republic status is the
only way to defuse tensions.
     However, the plan, which is being promoted following the ouster of
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic (news - web sites), faces numerous
hurdles.
     It would require both the Kosovo Albanians and the Slavs of
Montenegro to abandon dreams of independence. And Serb nationalists have
long opposed any formula which would loosen Serbia's claim over Kosovo,
the birthplace of Serbian culture.
     Nevertheless, Western diplomats, who outlined the plan on condition
of anonymity, said Washington believes it offers the best chance for
bringing stability to the Balkans and diminishing prospects for more
ethnic conflict.
     ``Kosovo does not want to remain part of Serbia, that is clear,'' a
senior Western diplomat said on condition of anonymity. ``But Kosovo
could become part of a new Yugoslavia.''
     The U.S. plan would require a commitment by Montenegro to remain in
Yugoslavia: If Montenegro were to split with Serbia, Yugoslavia would be
destroyed. A U.S. message opposing Montenegrin independence was
delivered last week by Balkan envoy James C. O'Brien.
     But Montenegro has long talked of splitting with Serbia, and the
U.S. stance is not going over well within Montenegro's government. It
insists independence remains an option, and if talks with new Yugoslav
President Vojislav Kostunica fail, Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic
may call a referendum on whether to remain part of Yugoslavia.
     ``If we don't find a solution to coexist, we can certainly always
ask the people's opinion,'' Montenegrin Prime Minister Filip Vujanovic
told The Associated Press.
     Selling the republic formula to the Kosovo Albanians will not be
easy either, especially after the bitterness of an assault launched
against them by Milosevic: The crackdown and mass expulsions costs
thousands of Kosovo Albanians their lives and only ended last year after
a 78-day NATO (news - web sites) bombing campaign.
     Ironically, the proposal for a Kosovo republic within Yugoslavia
was offered first by the ethnic Albanians themselves decades ago. The
Communist government in Belgrade rejected it, fearing a backlash from
the Serbs.
     As Serb repression intensified under Milosevic in the late 1980s, a
growing number of ethnic Albanians abandoned any formula which would
keep the province within Yugoslavia and instead began agitating for full
independence.
     Independence sentiment reached a highpoint with the emergence in
1997 of the Kosovo Liberation Army, which began ambushing Serb police in
the province.
     Milosevic responded in 1998 with the massive crackdown, triggering
the NATO bombing campaign. The bombing ended in June 1999 under an
agreement in which Yugoslav forces left the province and handed it over
to the United Nations (news - web sites) and a NATO-led peacekeeping
force.

Copyright ? 2000 The Associated Press


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct 16 21:38:04 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 21:38:04 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Second round of Albania poll less transparent-OSCE
Message-ID: <ee.be46341.271d077c@aol.com>

Second round of Albania poll less transparent-OSCE
  
TIRANA, Oct 16 (Reuters) - Europe's election watchdog, the OSCE, said on 
Monday the second round of Albanian local elections was less transparent than 
the first, but it ruled out any impact on the overall result. 

The OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights said the 
campaign for Sunday's second round vote was marred by "nationalistic 
rhetoric" in the Himare area of southwest Albania, facing Corfu, where there 
is a sizeable Greek speaking minority. 

Greece expressed concern that there were violations in southern Albania, 
adding there was "a democratic deficit" in its northern neighbour that could 
affect relations with Greece and the European Union. 

The ruling Socialist Party won both rounds of the local polls. The main 
opposition Democratic Party, charging there was manipulation in the first 
round vote on October 1, told its candidates to quit what it called an 
"electoral carnival." 

"While the first round of the local government...marked significant progress 
towards meeting the standards for democratic elections, the second round on 
15 October was less transparent and inclusive," the ODIHR said. 

Eugenio Polizzi, head of the ODIHR which monitored the vote along with a 
delegation from the council of Europe, said the irregularities would not 
influence the outcome, however. 

The vote, the first political test since the anarchy of 1997 and a dry run 
for next year's general election, passed off in an orderly fashion. 

IRREGULARITIES AND NATIONALISTIC RHETORIC 

In Himare, the withdrawal of the Democrats from the second round led to a 
race between the Socialist Party candidate and an ethnic Greek candidate of 
the Union for Human Rights Party. 

"In Himare, the situation was marked by some serious irregularities ranging 
from the intimidation of commission members to one case of violence in which 
a ballot box was destroyed, to verified evidence of fraud in at least three 
other voting centres," the ODIHR statement said. 

It urged the Albanian authorities to investigate the irregularities fully. 

The Socialist candidate won in Himare, gaining 1,870 votes compared to 690 
cast in favour of his rival. 

Albanian government spokesman Thoma Gellci said the local polls were proof 
democracy had taken root in Albania and pledged to work with the ODIHR to 
repair any mistakes. 

"An artificial climate of tension was created in Himare to depict an election 
race between two Albanian parties as an ethnic competition," Gellci told 
Reuters. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct 16 21:39:47 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 21:39:47 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece worried over Albanian election violations
Message-ID: <a1.bf35ccd.271d07e3@aol.com>

Greece worried over Albanian election violations

ATHENS, Oct 16 (Reuters) - Greece said on Monday it was concerned about 
voting violations in southern Albania during the second round of local 
elections. 

``From the facts we have gathered from our consulate in Gjirokaster and from 
international observers, there have been serious violations mainly in the 
region of Chimara during voting on Sunday,'' said Foreign Ministry spokesman 
Panos Beglitis. 

``These violations, including forcing members of the Greek minority not to go 
to the polling stations, will definitely influence results,'' he said. 

Southern Albania has a large ethnic Greek population with close ties to 
Athens. 

But Beglitis said problems caused to the Greek minority during Sunday's 
second round voting was not an issue affecting only Greece and Albania. 

``It is also a problem affecting the relations of Albania with the European 
Union,'' he said. 

Government spokesman Dimitris Reppas said there was ``a democratic deficit'' 
in Albania.'' 

He said Greece has all the means and will take measures to protect the 
minority. 

Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou criticised Albania's vote during a 
news conference at an informal EU summit in Biarritz on Sunday. 

``The Albanian position will affect the relations of the two countries,'' he 
said. 

On Saturday, Albanian authorities had refused entry to buses carrying Greek 
Albanians into the country to vote charging they they lacked proper 
documentation. 

``We will present all the facts we have to the European Union and the 
international organisations and you can be certain that we will closely 
monitor this issue,'' Beglitis said.


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct 16 21:41:18 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 21:41:18 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Artist-mayor aims to shake up Albanian capital
Message-ID: <af.1de3405.271d083e@aol.com>

Artist-mayor aims to shake up Albanian capital

By Richard Murphy

TIRANA, Oct 16 (Reuters) - Self-respect, a sense of belonging and a 
willingness to clean up the mess outside their front doors -- that is what 
Edi Rama hopes to instil in the people of Tirana as the new mayor of the 
Albanian capital. 

The tall, bearded painter, elected mayor this month as candidate for the 
ruling Socialist Party, has transformed the Ministry of Culture since 
entering government in May 1998. 

He now aims to do the same for Tirana, an anarchic Balkan city of some 
600,000 people plagued by poverty, official corruption, garbage, uncontrolled 
urban development and an infrastructure reminiscent of the Third World. 

``The problem is to start nourishing a sense of belonging to the city,'' Rama 
told Reuters. ``People should feel they are living in a town where they have 
to respect some rules. I think it is possible.'' 

Albania, Europe's poorest country until it recently lost that dubious honour 
to Moldova, has been prone to periodic political violence since overthrowing 
communism in 1991. 

State institutions have been weak and corruption is endemic. Albanians are 
fiercely loyal to their family and clan but have little sense of civic pride. 

VISIBLE SIGNS OF IMPROVEMENT 

Rama, a charismatic 36-year-old, believes his country, often written off as a 
hopeless case by the outside world, can change if people are given hope and 
see visible signs of improvement. 

As Minister of Culture, he inherited a gloomy institution staffed by ageing 
bureaucrats housed in a ramshackle building. There was not a single computer. 
Typists cooked meals in their offices. Morale and working standards were low. 

``When I entered this building I felt like I was entering a Kafkaesque 
nightmare,'' Rama says. 

He first set to work on transforming the building, bringing in gangs of young 
artists to help him redecorate it. ``I painted a lot of it myself.'' 

He persuaded Germany's Dresdner Bank to donate computers -- ``At first they 
thought I was an Albanian Mafioso'' -- removed two-thirds of the staff and 
put young people in senior posts. 

``We are now the only institution in Albania where there are more women than 
men,'' he says. 

Rama introduced new letterheads for ministry notepaper and raised standards 
by fining employees for every typing or spelling error in official documents. 

``I am very proud of all this because it has completely changed the spirit,'' 
he says. ``Since the ministry has been restored, people stay in the office. 
You find people working overtime just because they feel good here.'' 

Instead of simply administering institutions such as the National Theatre and 
National Library, the ministry has become an active patron of independent 
artists which works with foreign institutions to arrange funding. 

RENOVATIONS A SIGN OF HOPE 

Rama has already left his mark physically in Tirana. 

The city, without a cinema for much of the past 10 years, now has a plush, 
modern movie theatre, built by private investors after Rama's ministry 
provided a financial guarantee. 

Italianate government buildings in the city centre have been beautifully 
renovated, in marked contrast to the crumbling decay all around them, with 
funds arranged by a new office of national heritage created by Rama. 

``This is very important psychologically,'' Rama says. ``It's not only that 
these buildings are beautiful, they are a sign of hope for people. When they 
see them, they have a feeling that something is starting.'' 

Not everything went smoothly. Musicians at the state opera staged a hunger 
strike this year in protest at subsidy cuts. 

The opposition Democratic Party, which ran Tirana for the last 10 years, 
denounced Rama as autocratic and phoney. 

``Rama's reforms amount only to a very expensive painting job,'' said former 
Culture Minister Teodor Laco. 

Rama shrugs off the criticism and insists that change, with all its risks, is 
better than stagnation. ``It is much better to accept new kinds of mistakes 
than to carry on with the mistakes which people have been making since 
1944,'' he says. 

How will he tackle his new job? 

``By doing things that are visible,'' Rama says. 

He will concentrate on reducing garbage, improving street lighting -- the 
city is often blacked out by power cuts -- and getting residents to feel 
Tirana belongs to them. 

``If people realise you are committed and not corrupt, they will respect your 
efforts. If every businessman makes sure there is no garbage in front of his 
shop, there will be no more garbage. If the mayor gives them a model, they 
will do it.'' 

``I had my first moment of hope in this town when I saw that some shopkeepers 
had repaired their sidewalks by themselves.'' 

He plans to hold radio phone-ins several times a month, broadcast city 
council meetings live on local radio and open up the city's accounts to 
convince a sceptical public that their elected representatives are not simply 
stealing their money. 

Rama, who acknowledges that simple narcissism is one of his motivations for 
being in politics, believes ordinary Albanians are saner and more realistic 
than most of their politicians. 

``They have realised finally that capitalism is not paradise. They no longer 
expect the government to make them rich the next day,'' he says. ``They want 
some stability, peace, opportunities and they want examples of commitment.'' 

Rama no longer has time to paint but feels the often crazy world of Albanian 
politics has its own compensations. ``I think politics in Albania is the 
highest level of conceptual art,'' he said. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Mon Oct 16 22:03:58 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 22:03:58 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] FAREWELL TO THE BALKANS-Vremya Novostei
Message-ID: <3f.b6db3fc.271d0d8e@aol.com>

Published in Johnson's Russia List/October 16, 2000.

Vremya Novostei
October 16, 2000
[translation from RIA Novosti for personal use only]
FAREWELL TO THE BALKANS
They Do Not Need Russia There Anymore 
By Timofei BORDACHEV, senior researcher, Institute of Europe  
of the Russian Academy of Sciences
     
     
This autumn Russia is withdrawing from the Balkans completely.  Despite 
Moscow's touching attempts at least to mark its presence, it will never again 
be one of the determining factors of local politics for a number of objective 
and subjective reasons.
     
The fall of Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia really winds up a whole period of 
European history, making the entire political space from the Bug to the 
Atlantic Ocean really homogeneous. Its nations are either already drawn into 
the process of European integration or consistently working to become drawn 
into it. In this context, the fate of Yugoslavia is in fact predetermined, 
despite inevitable difficulties of the transition period. The prospects of 
Serbia's and Montenegro's integration into the Euro-Atlantic space do not 
depend on the desire of either their people or their political elites. The 
importance of Yugoslavia for the entire Balkan region, which is 
preconditioned by its geographical situation and scale, merely forces NATO 
and the European Union into currying favors with the new Belgrade leader.  
With such a line-up there is practically no room left for Russia.
     
Furthermore. After the change of regime Yugoslavia stopped being a player of 
European politics and became part of internal European politics. That is why 
Russia, as an outside player with regard to so-called Greater Europe, 
automatically loses the possibility to take part in its internal affairs. 
Under the new conditions, the rules of the game for Belgrade will be 
determined in Brussels - the way it is with Poland, the Czech republic and 
other candidates to EU membership. Using the fact that Moscow does not 
understand this, the Belgrade smart alecks will undoubtedly try to continue 
using Russia as a card in bargaining with the EU. Under such circumstances, 
however, it will be a hundred times more difficult for Russian diplomats to 
have a serious expression on their faces, which will deprive Moscow's 
presence in the region of the smallest meaning.
     
Reasons of a subjective character, which are connected with certain 
peculiarities of our national policy, have also had a no less important role 
to play in the loss by Russia of what was left of its erstwhile influence in 
that region. Practically throughout the whole of its almost 10-year-long 
history Russian diplomacy has been senselessly knocking about in Yugoslavia.

Under three of its foreign ministers it repeatedly dared to open 
confrontation with the West, flirting with Milosevic and desperately ignoring 
the UN. Its declared aims were to take care of its "historical ally" and 
preserve its political positions in the region, but unofficially it tried to 
help Russian business to get hold on the Balkans. And this was against the 
obvious historical facts, which show that relations between Moscow 
(St.Petersburg before it) and Belgrade were ostentatiously friendly only when 
temper and selfish interests pushed Serbs on the brink of military troubles. 
No sooner had an outside threat retreated, than the Balkan "Slavic brothers" 
forgot all about their Russian brothers in faith and preferred more 
advantageous cooperation with the West. Now that the regime of Milosevic the 
Terrible has collapsed, Serbia is swiftly turning to Europe, while Russia is 
kicked out from the programs of Yugoslavia's restoration. By and large, 
Moscow's many-year-long activities towards stopping bloodshed in the Balkans 
have not reaped any concrete political and economic fruit.    
 
The non-sanguine residue of the Yugoslav crisis, which has been one of the 
most important international events of the late 20th century, has become a 
not very comforting sentence for Russian diplomacy in the region and the 
entire foreign policy activities of the new Russia. Moscow's failure in the 
Balkans is explained not only by the non- professionalism of concrete Foreign 
Ministry officials. Its fiasco in the Balkans and some other regions is the 
result of the lack of new foreign policy ideas and strategy, which would 
adequately reflect the present state of affairs and international situation. 
For ten years since the disintegration of the USSR Moscow has clung to its 
geopolitical legacy, looking at the world through the spectacles of Soviet 
foreign policy. And this has naturally been leading it to new setbacks.


From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct 16 23:08:38 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 23:08:38 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Radio Kontakt - Aktualitet - Ceshtja e Himares
Message-ID: <000a01c037e7$8cb1a7c0$3eb7f4d1@albania>

Flota Ushtarake Shqiptare nuk ka penguar hyrjen ne Hiamre te asnje trageti grek. 

Deklarata eshte bere nga Ministria shqiptare e Mbrojtjes, e cila i eshte pergjigjur keshtu disa njoftimeve te mediave te huaja per shkelje te ligjeve nderkombetare te udhetimit. Zedhenesi i Ministrise se Mbrojtjes beri te ditur se  "nuk jane te verteta lajmet e perhapura nga disa media te shkruara se anije luftarake shqiptare nuk kane lejuar tragetin me destinacion Himaren per te shkuar ne kete qytet". Ministria e Mbrojtjes siguron opinionin publik, vendas e te huaj, se Forcat e Armatosura Shqiptare kane vepruar dhe do te veprojne konform normave dhe ligjeve te vendit dhe atyre nderkombetare. 

 

Diplomacia greke konteston zgjedhjet ne Himare. 

Ministria e Jashtme greke, edhe pas fitores se socialsiteve ne Himare, nuk ka qendruar ne qetesi. Ne oren e pare te dites se sotme, zedhenesi i Ministrise se Jshtme Greke ka dekalruar se gjate raundit te dyte te zgjedhjeve ne zonen e Himares jane jane shenuar shkelje serioze te procedures zgjedhore. Korrespondentet nga Athina thone se ne deklarate theksohej se faktet e mesiperme na shkaktojne shqetesim te vecante dhe na ve ne mendime perderisa qeveria shqiptare kishte dhene garanci per zhvillimin normal te zgjedhjeve. Per ministrine e Jashtme greke ajo qe sipas saj ka ndodhur ne Himare deshmon per dificite serioze te demokracise ne Shqiperi. Qeveria greke thote se do te mbroje ne BE dhe ne organizmat e tjere nderkombetare te drejtat e minoritetit grek. 

 

Udh?heq?sit e opozit?s demokratike n? Jugosllavi kan? arritur nj? marr?veshjeje me Partin? Socialiste t? udh?heq?sit t? rr?zuar, Sllobodan Milloshevi?, p?r shkrirjen e parlamentit serb dhe mbajtjen e zgjedhjeve t? parakohshme n? Serbi. 

Udh?heq?sit e Partis? Socialiste dhe ata opozitar? u takuan n? zyr?n e presidentit serb n? m?ngjes p?r t? shqyrtuar detajet e fundit t? marr?veshjes. Marr?veshja ka t? b?j? me mbajtjen e zgjedhjeve serbe m? 24 dhjetor. Partia Socialiste ka shprehur d?shir?n t? lejoj? mbajtjen e zgjedhjeve t? reja n? Serbi dhe t? ndajn? pushtetin me opozit?n n? qeverin? tranzitore t? vendit. 

Ministrit? ky?e n? qeverisjen e p?rkohshme, ajo e informacionit, financ?s dhe drejt?sis?, mund t? ndahen n? m?nyr? t? ekujlibruar mes autoriteteve t? vjetra dhe atyre t? reja. P?rkrah?s t? presidentit t? ri jugosllav, Vojisllav Koshtunica, kan? paralajm?ruar se ata do t'u kthehen demonstratave n?se do t? jet? e nevojshme p?r t? penguar ?do p?rpjekje p?r t? risjell? n? pushtet Miloshevi?in. 

  

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From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct 16 23:05:46 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 23:05:46 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Radio Kontakt - Politike - Chestja e himares
Message-ID: <000a01c037e7$267be240$3eb7f4d1@albania>

Kreu i PBDNJ, Melo, deklaron se socialistet politizuan ceshtjen e Himares per te shkeputur vemendjen nga bojkoti i demokrateve. 

Melo i cili ka pranuar njekohesisht edhe humbjen e partise se tij ne balotazhin e djeshem. "Megjithate - eshte shprehur Melo- shteti ne Himare perdori presionin politik per te larguar vemnedjen nga pjesa tjeter me e rendesishme epolitikes shqiptare, terheqjen e PD nga raundi i dyte i zgjedhjeve. Zoti Melo mendonte se vajtja ne Himare e deputetve greke apo shqiptare, nuk sherbyen per te normalizuar atje situaten dhe per te realizuar atje zgjedhje te rregullta e demokratike.  

Elona Meco 

 

PS akuzon opoziten greke per shkelje te sovranitetit te shtetit shqiptar. 

Sekretari i Pergjithshem i Partise Socialiste, Gramoz Ru?i, ne perfundim te raundit te dyte te zgjedhjeve ka pershendetur qeverine per masat e marra per organizimin e nje pro?esi zgjedhjesh qe ai e quajti demokratik.  Pasi ka dhene rezultatet e fitores se PS ne shumicen dermuese te balotazheve, zoti Ruci ka deklaruar ne emer te mazhorances qeveritare se Partia Socialiste garanton elektoratin se fitorja e PS-se eshte fitore e te gjithe shqiptareve, te cilen ajo do ta perdore ne dobi te tyre. Ne deklaraten e tij ne mesnate, zoti Ruci nuk ka lane pas dore edhe ceshtjen e Himares, si dhe pranine atje te disa politikane greke. Duke u treguar i kujdeshem per te mos acaruar marredheniet me qeverine greke, zoti Ruci ka akuzuar opoziten gereke se ka shkelur sovranitetin e Shqiperise per interesat e saj shoviniste. Zoti Ruci mendonte se deklaratat kercenuese te qeverise greke ishin pasoje e disinformime te medias se huaj, te disa perfaqesuesve te Omonias, PBDNJ-se dhe deputeteve te PBDNJ-se. 

Elona Meco 

 

Zedhenesi i qeverise shqiptare reagoi ndaj deklaratave te disa zyrtareve te larte greke lidhur me situaten eletorale ne Shqiperi ne prag te raundit te dyte te zgjedhjeve lokale. 

Permes nje deklarate per shtyp ai beri te ditur se qeveria shqiptare shpreh keqardhjen dhe habine e saj per deklaratat e zyrtareve te larte te qeverise greke dhe shpreson se ato jane pasoje e keqkuptimeve dhe informacioneve te pasakta lidhur me pergatitjet per raundin e dyte te zgjedhjeve lokale ne Shqiperi. Sipas tij, Qeveria e Shqiperise informon opinionin publik brenda dhe jashte vendit se i ka marre te gjitha masat e nevojshme qe asnje shtetas shqiptar, pavareshisht nga kombesia apo vendbanimi te mos ngelet pa ushtruar te drejten e votes edhe ne raundin e dyte te zgjedhjeve 

 

Kreu i PS p?r Tiran?n, Ulqini b?n bilancin e socialist?ve n? sfid?n zgjedhore t? 15 Tetorit. 

10 balotazhet e zgjedhjeve t? djeshme jan? fituar nga kandidat?t socialist?, meqen?se braktisja e strukturave zgjedhore nga kandidat?t dhe komisioner?t e PD -s? ka qen? edhe m? e qarte dhe e shpallur publikisht. P?r Ulqinin nuk ka qen? problem pjes?marrja e ul?t e votuesve n? zgjedhje dhe as numri thuajse i nj?jt? i votave q? mor?n kandidat?t socialist? thuajse n? t? dy raundet zgjedhore. Duke b?r? edhe nj?her? nj?rezume t? cil?sive q? zot?rojn? kandidat?t, tashm? kryetar? t? nj?sive bashkiake, Ulqini premtoi se nuk do t? jet? problem zbatimi i kompetencave q? parashikon ligji p?r organizimin dhe funksionimin e pushtetit lokal, edhe pse duket sheshit se kryetar?t e rinj t? bashkive kan? nj? hije ilegjitimiteti tek elektorati i djatht?. 

Ilir Nikolla 

 

Berisha pershendet bojkotin e shqiptareve ne raundin e dyte te zgjedhjeve lokale. 

Ne nje konference per gazetaret kryetari i PD ka deklaruar se zgjedhesit shqiptare kane bojkotuar me percmim dhe masivisht faresen zgjedhore. Sipas Berishes shqiptaret bojkotuan ne shenje perbuzjeje dhe neverie ndaj gares moniste me nje kandidat. Zoti Berisha pershendeti bojoktin si nje akt te pergjegjesise se larte te zgjedhesve, qe sollen ngricen elektorale per qeverine shqiptare. "reagimi i qytetareve shqiptare ehste i ligjshem dhe nje leksion i madh i ndaj manipulatoreve te votes se lire" - ka deklaruar Berisha. Sipas tij diten e djeshme shqiptaret deshmuan sesa te lire votuan ata nje jave me pare, sesa te ndershme ishin zgjedhjet javen e kaluar. Berisha tha se qeveritaret deshmuan para shqiptareve dhe mbare botes si demone te pushtetit, verberine para te ciles nuk i pengojne te thyjne cdo ligj e rregull. Persa i perket pjesemarrjes se kandidateve demokrate ne balotazhe Berisha tha se ata moren pjese vetem ne 13 % te zonave. Megjithate Berisha ka siguruar se keta nuk do te ndeshkohen nga strukturat e PD, sepse ata kane zbatuar vendimin Kombetar te PD, i cili lejonte cdo kandidat te hynte individualisht ne zgjedhje. 

Elona Meco 

 

Asnje informacion zyrtar nga KQZ per raundin e dyte te zgjedhjeve. 

KQZ -ja ka b?r? nj? ndryshim t? politik?s s? saj n? marr?dh?niet me publikun. 

Pas polemikave q? shp?rthyen dje lidhur me pjes?marrjen e shqiptar?ve n? zgjedhje, z?dh?n?si i KQZ -s? Aldrin Dalipi konfirmoi p?r Radio Kontakt shifr?n 45 % t? pjes?marrjes s? zgjedhjesve n? votime por deklaroi se njoftime p?r rezultatet do t? jepeshin vet?m zyrtarisht dhe pasi t? jen? konfirmuar nga t? dy strukturat zgjedhore, KZQV -t? dhe KQZ -ja. Nuk ka pasur asnj? problem n? zgjedhjet e djeshme dhe shifra e larte e pjes?marrjes n? votime konfirmoi kredibilitetin e procesit zgjedhor, tha Dalipi, duke kund?rshtuar edhe z?rat e mediave mbi shtimin e numrit te ankesave nga organizmat nd?rkomb?tre. P?r KQZ -n? problemet e shprehura n? shtyp nga ambasadori i OSBE -s? Gert Ahrens dhe p?rfaq?sues t? K?shillit te Evrop?s jan? probleme q? i takojn? infrastruktur?s zgjedhore dhe munges?s s? kuadrit ligjor n? t? kaluar?n dhe jo kredibiliteit t? kQZ -s?. Megjith? deklarimet e z?dh?n?sit t? KQZ -s? n? t? mir? t? procesit zgjedhor shum? parti po pregatisin dosje t? ve?anta me parregullsit? e tij, nd?rkoh? q? partit? e grupimit Bashkimi p?r Demokraci kan? planifikuar mbledhjen s? shpejti t? forumeve t? tyre m? t? larta lidhur me mosnjohjen e k?tij procesi. 

Ilir Nikolla 

 

Vezhguesit nderkombetare deklarojne se zgjedhjet lokale ne Shqiperi shenojne perparim. 

Deklarata eshte bere pasditen e sotme nga shefi i Misionit Vezhgues te ODIHR, Euxhenio Polici dhe perfaqesuesi special i Keshillit te Europes ne Shqiperi, Jorgen Grunet. Ne nje konference per shtyp ata kane paraqitur nje raport paraprak per raundin e dyte te zgjedhjeve, sipas te cilit ne kete raund jane vene re disa parregullsi. Vehguesit europiane mendojne se raundi i dyte ishte me pak transparent dhe gjitheperfshires sesa raundi i pare. ODIHR dhe KE nuk kane mirepritur as bojkotin e PD, si dhe kane bere te ditur se nuk vleresojne qendrimin e KQZ. Sipas tyre gjate balotazheve reagimi i KQZ ishte i ngadalshem dhe i paplote, cka ka bere te pavlefshem nje sere ankesah te partive te ndryshme politike. Shefat e vezhguesve europiane si parregullsi te tjera kane verejtur hapjen e qendrave te votimit me vonese dhe mosngjyrosjen e gishtit nga votuesit, cka do te thote se ata kane patur mundesi te votojne me shume se nje here. Persa i perket Himares vezhguesit kane mohuar nderhyrjen e deputeteve dhe politikane te tjere greke, duke thene se ne gjashte qendra votimi te vezhguara ata nuk kishin pare atje asnje prej perfaqesuesve te politikes greke. 

Elona Meco 

 

Kryetari i KQZ Fotaq Nano, n? nj? prononcim p?r shtyp, e cil?soi normal dhe korrekt zhvillimin e raundit t? dyt? per zgjedhjet e pushtetit vendor. " 

Pavar?sisht ndonj? incidenti t? vog?l zgjedhjet u karakterizuan nga nje ecuri normale dhe pjes?marrja ishte e p?lqyeshme", tha kryetari Nano.
Lidhur me t?rheqjen e kandidat?ve demokrat?, z.Nano tha se "KQZ nuk ?sht? n? dijeni t? t?rheqjes s? kandidat?ve pasi n? k?t? komision nuk ka t? depozituar asnj? kerkese zyrtare. T?rheqja e tyre ?sht? politike". P?r largimin e komisioner?ve te PD nga komisionet zgjedhore, kryetari Nano tha se, "Komisionet Zgjedhore t? Qeverisjes Vendore kan? funksionuar normalisht, jo vet?m n? KZQV por edhe n? Komisionet e Qendrave t? votimit". Sipas kryetarit te KQZ-se, pro?esi zgjedhor n? Himar? (nj? nga zonat m? t? diskutuara, ku n? balotazh ishte PS-PBDNJ) ?sht? zhvilluar normalisht. Nd?rsa p?r nd?rhyrjet e deputet?ve grek? n? pro?esin zgjedhor n? Himar?, Z. Nano tha se, "ata nuk kan? statusin e v?zhguesit, i parashikuar qart? n? Kodin Zgjedhor t? RSH. Ata (deputet?t) nuk kan? qen? t? autorizuar t? nd?rhyjn? n? qendrat e votimit, megjithat? p?r k?t? KQZ nuk ka informacion t? plot?". 



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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Tue Oct 17 08:34:31 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 08:34:31 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Dokument i rralle i Nolit
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05c6b67d.0971786027.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

KULTURE
Gazeta Shqiptare

Zbulohet
dokumenti i Nolit
Nj? shkodran e ruante dhurat? nga Kryeministri 

TIRANE

Jepet dokumenti origjinal, me t? cilin Fan Noli n? vitet '20, ka hartuar 
k?rkes?n, q? Shqip?ria t? an?tar?sohet n? Lidhjen e Kombeve. Lajmi konfirmohet 
dje, nga burimet e shtypit t? Muzeut Komb?tar. Historia e dokumentit lidhet 
edhe nj? her? me qytetin e Shkodr?s dhe trash?gimin? e rrall? q? p?rmban 
qyteti. 

Pik?risht, qytetari Njac Do?i, (n? dokument ka paraqitur t? gjith? element?t e 
Curriculum), e ka dhuruar dokumentin dje n? Muze. Qytetari ka p?rshkruar atje 
edhe m?nyr?n sesi ka arritur dokumenti deri n? duart e tij. Dokumenti, ?sht? 
nd?rtuar sipas protokollit t? asaj kohe, i pajisur me 15 pika. Prej koh?s ka 
nj? kopertin? t? zb?rdhylur, por gjithsesi shum? e mbajtur. Fan Noli e ka 
dhuruar k?t? dokument p?r familjen e avokatit Dr.Sokol Baci n? Shkod?r. Pas 
vdekjes s? tij, e gjith? trashgimia dokumentare ka mbetur tek Do?i, i cili duke 
d?gjuar p?r gati-?eljen e k?ndit kushtuar Fan Nolit, ka k?rkuar edhe dor?zimin 
e tij n? Muze."Por, nuk duhet harruar se duhet nj? shp?rblim, -ka th?n? 
drejtori i Muzeut M.Zeqo,-sepse qytetari me gjith? d?shir?n e mir?, edhe mund 
ta kishte shitur k?t? dokument t? rrall?". Lidhja e Kombeve, simotra e OKB-s?, 
ka jetuar deri n? vitin 1946. Lidhja kishte an?tare rreth 44 shtete dhe u 
formua nga fituesit e Luft?s s? par? Bot?rore. Shqip?ria u pranua n? organizat? 
pas shum? peripecive n? dhjetorin e vitit 1920, pas pranimit t? k?tij 
dokumenti. 
 



From wplarre at bndlg.de  Mon Oct 16 14:27:20 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 20:27:20 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} PRESS: Kosovo faces a new moment of truth (Washington Post, 16 October  2000)
Message-ID: <39EB4888.27BB8BA4@bndlg.de>

http://www.msnbc.com/news/477069.asp?cp1=1

Kosovo faces a new moment of truth
                 
Power shift in Belgrade sets clock running for proponents of self-rule

By Daniel Williams
THE WASHINGTON POST

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, Oct. 16 -  The most routine plans for self-rule in
Kosovo have quickly become urgent necessities. Politicians and citizens
here say that Vojislav Kostunica's ascent to power in Yugoslavia means
that Kosovo must get its political act together, tame its unruly society
and show it can stand as its own country.

     'Milosevic was not just a person, but
     also a symbol of an ideology of
     hatred. The Serbs need not only to
     change their president, but theirminds.' 
     - ASTRIT SALIHU
     philosophy professor 

       "THE WORLD is too quick to kiss Kostunica," complained Vehbi
Rafuna, president of the War Invalids Association, which aids people
wounded in the fight last year against Serbian-led Yugoslav security
forces. "And what about us? We must show we are a state, and everybody
must understand we are a state. This unclear situation of ours can only
hurt." He limps from bullet wounds to his legs. "We must make moves."
       Two weeks ago, the majority ethnic Albanian population in this
NATO-occupied province of Serbia, the dominant republic in Yugoslavia,
gave little thought to the political machinations in Belgrade,
preoccupied as they were with their own battle for independence. But
with Kostunica now occupying the president's office and Slobodan
Milosevic on the outs, they fear that the world will forget or obstruct
Kosovo's separatist aspirations.
       Kosovo is hamstrung by its status as an international
protectorate run by the United Nations since the end of the NATO
bombardment of Yugoslavia last year. Institutions of self-government are
few, and the ones that exist are poorly run. 
       With Kostunica pledging an open and democratic Yugoslavia,
Kosovo's deficiencies may begin to stand out, people worry. "Look at our
city; look at the garbage lying around," said Murat Zhubi, a travel
agent in Pristina, Kosovo's capital. "Last winter, we had no heat.
Criminals come here and can rob, get arrested and be on the street
within a few hours. Will we deserve independence if this continues?"
       
PUSH FOR CALM

       So Kosovo's ethnic Albanians are pushing ahead with a
step-by-step approach to getting their affairs under control. Municipal
elections are scheduled for the end of this month, and elected officials
will replace ad hoc councils formed largely by remnants of the
officially disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army, the guerrilla group that
led the fight against Milosevic's forces before the 2?-month NATO
offensive that began in March of last year.
       After the municipal balloting, Kosovo Albanians want to hold
parliamentary elections within six months, followed by a referendum on
independence. 
       "We have the right to a referendum, and this should be accepted
by the international community. It's the democratic right of every
people," said Hashim Thaqi, head of the Kosovo Democratic Party, the
political offshoot of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
       In the meantime, he said, "it's up to us to build local and
centralized institutions, and these institutions must be a stable
partner for the international community."
       Naim Jerliu of the Democratic League of Kosovo echoed that
thought: "The municipal elections are a first step in showing the world
we are serious about taking responsibility for ourselves."
       
ALTERNATE TAKE ON KOSTUNICA

       In the meantime, Kosovo Albanians are fighting a rear-guard
action against the glistening international image of Kostunica. He is
portrayed by many here as Milosevic in sheep's clothing. Newspapers have
prominently displayed a 1998 Associated Press photograph that shows a
grinning Kostunica holding an AK-47 rifle. 
        Kostunica has said  many times that Kosovo,  still legally part
of Serbia  despite the current U.N.  administration, cannot  split off
permanently. But  he has also talked in fatalistic terms of being able
to imagine a Serbia without Kosovo.
       He has acknowledged that about 900 ethnic Albanian prisoners were
carried off by Yugoslav authorities before NATO troops entered, and
remain jailed in Serbia.
       In an interview with The Washington Post, he raised the
possibility of freeing them, but said he wanted an accounting of Serbs
who have disappeared in Kosovo since NATO arrived.
       Among the Albanian prisoners is Flora Brovina, a pediatrician
snatched outside her apartment in Pristina in April. Her case was
supposed to be heard last week in Nis, a southern Serbian city, but the
judge called in sick. The hearing was rescheduled for November.
       Brovina's continuing detention has attracted widespread
condemnation. Her family says she suffers from angina and was mistreated
in captivity. "Kostunica is supposed to be democratic, but he robs time
from the life of innocent people," said Brovina's son, Uranik.
       Events such as this make people dig in their heels. "In Belgrade,
they are again playing the nationalist card," said Jakup Krasniqi, a
former guerrilla commander. "Serbs were forced to withdraw from Kosovo.
Kosovo will walk to independence."
       "We wait for fuller changes in Serbia," said Astrit Salihu, a
philosophy professor and independent political analyst. "Milosevic was
not just a person, but also a symbol of an ideology of hatred. The Serbs
need not only to change their president, but their minds."
       
WORRIES ABOUT THE WEST

       Many people here worry that the longing gaze the West is giving
Kostunica means it may try to block Kosovo's independence. Western
governments have long opposed establishment of an independent state on
the grounds that it might destabilize neighboring Macedonia, which also
has a large ethnic Albanian population.
       U.N. Resolution 1244, issued at the war's end, declares Kosovo to
be part of Yugoslavia. Officially, the goal is "substantial autonomy"
for the province, which would mean some kind of Yugoslav presence.
       So people here shivered when reports spread that Bernard
Kouchner, the top U.N. administrator in Kosovo, planned to travel to
Belgrade to discuss the return of a limited number of Yugoslav security
forces to Kosovo. Zoran Djindjic, a senior official in Kostunica's
victorious coalition, predicted the forces would be dispatched by year's
end.
       Kouchner denied receiving an invitation to visit Belgrade and
said that if he ever does go, he would discuss prisoner release.
       The return of the Serbian forces to Kosovo would lead to
violence, many people say. 

     'We have the right to a referendum,
     and this should be accepted by the
     international community. It's
     the democratic right of every people.' 
     - HASHIM THAQI
     Kosovo Democratic Partyleader 

       That would be a nightmare for NATO troops spread across the
province and could bring them into conflict with ethnic Albanians. Baton
Haxhiu, editor of the newspaper Koha Ditore, warned that ethnic
Albanians would "turn against the international mission" if a Belgrade
presence was permitted to return.
       For the West, NATO's bombing attack may have been a humanitarian
rescue mission, but for most ethnic Albanians it was the culmination of
a national liberation war. New granite monuments to combat troops
sprinkle the Kosovo countryside.
       "We paid with our bodies," said Enver Krasniqi, a veteran who
lost his right leg to an artillery shell while trying to cross from
Albania. "We cannot forget and cannot pardon. The Serbs can never come
back here. The West has misunderstood us. Autonomy is not an issue."
                                
? 2000 The Washington Post Company


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From kosova1 at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 16 17:31:26 2000
From: kosova1 at hotmail.com (=?iso-8859-1?B?UUlLU0ggq0FsYmV1cm9wYbs=?=)
Date: Mon, 16 Oct 2000 23:31:26 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} [alb-information] Rruzull: Aferdita - sipas James Wm. Pandeli
Message-ID: <OE29VadoTS2rxcddfhV00001a8e@hotmail.com>

HUAZIM:
-----Messaggio Originale-----
Da: Alvin Ekmekciu <a96_aeu at arch.kth.se>
A: <bota-letrare at eGroups.com>
Cc: <alb-information at eGroups.com>; <alb-info-talk at eGroups.com>


                     Perendesha Aferdite - sipas James Wm. Pandeli


James Pandeli thote se rendesia e vertete e tezave te tij nuk qendron ne
faktet qe ka sjellur mbi prejardhjen e fjaleve por qe ato jane te lidhura
me dicka ne histori si shkrimet e Hesiodit - pra dicka nga klasicizmi grek.
Akoma me e rendesishme eshte menyra se si eshte kryer deshifrimi pergjate
proceseve te arsyetimit qe ndiqte njeriu i lashtesise - si menyra si ai i
kapte gjerat dhe lidhja me vecorite e natyres dhe emertimet e vjetra te
vendeve, lumejve etj.

Per njeriun qe jetonte ne pjesen perendimore te Ballkanit vendi ku fillonte
Bota ishte burimi i lumit Genusus (Shkumbin) dhe jo Kopshti i Eden-it sipas
versionit te mevonshem grek dhe hebrej.
Atje bashkohe e bejne dashuri dheu me qiellin.
Tek fjala "Genusus" - perendia Ge, Dh?u eshte nuse "Ge-nus". Qielli eshte
dhender - "Dh?-nder" - i shperndare mbi (nder) dh? duke e mbuluar ate.
Keshtu nje veper e gjate dashurie sipas menyres qe njihej ne lashtesi midis
nenes Dh?, Ge, dhe Qiellit Ou-ra duke krijuar plot shkume mbi lumin
Shkumbin per te cilen kane shkruar shpesh greket e lashte eshte e shoqeruar
me lindjen e Diellit dhe ardhjen e dites. Nga kjo dashuri rrjedh Aferdita.
Ajo eshte simbol i dashurise dhe mbaresimit.
Akti i pare i kesaj vepre dashurie solli lindjen e Aferdites se pare diku
prane lumit Shkumbin afer Elbasanit (emri i lashte i vendbanimit ka qene
Scampa - S?kam pa ) per te cilen njeriu i lashte arsyetonte se nuk e kishte
pare tek lindte pasi ishte nje cast afer dite por kur ishte akoma erresire.
Me lindjen e Aferdites u ndricua edhe Bota.

Si tek rasti Me-dite-ra (mediterranean) dhe tek Afer-dita, shikohet sesi
njeriu i lashte i shpjegonte keto dukuri duke iu referuar dites.

Pandeli thote se ka ndryshim te madh midis menyres sesi nje shqiptar shpreh
dicka dhe nje ilir shprehte dicka. Por per te kuptuar vehten tende duhet te
kuptosh paraardhesit e tu dhe te marresh prej tyre e jo prej asaj qe
sugjerojne fete e mevonshme.


Pergatiti Alvin Ekmekciu - Mbeshtetur ne letershkembimin me vete autorin e
librit 'Oh Albania, My Poor Albania', James Pandeli.



*****

Gjate javes qe shkoi tek revista e internetit Rruzull ka dalur edhe ky
shkrim:

Dashuri: Xhelozia - mekanizem mbrojtes

dt. 12 tetor     Xhelozia ka lindur si nje mjet mbrojtes ndaj kercenimit te
pabesnikerise dhe lenies. Ajo mund te pasuroje lidhjen bashkeshortore dhe
te ndeze pasionet.       (me teper tek faqja e Rruzullit)

Faqen e Rruzullit ne internet do ta gjeni ne kete adrese:
http://rruzull.albaniannetwork.com/

Alvin Ekmekciu





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From koliqi at bluemail.ch  Mon Oct 16 19:16:02 2000
From: koliqi at bluemail.ch (koliqi at bluemail.ch)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 01:16:02 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} MERO BAZE:Koment - Perse kane fituar greket ne Himare
Message-ID: <3208f2b10b.2b10b3208f@bluemail.ch>

----- Messsaggio originale -----
Da: Mero Baze <tema at albaniaonline.net>
Data: Luned?, 16 Ottobre 2000, 18:30
Titolo: Koment:Perse kane fituar greket ne Himare

Ja pse kan? fituar grek?t n? Himar?
 
Mero Baze
 
Komisioni Qendror i Zgjedhjeve njoftoi paraprakisht se 
"koalicioni" i forcave komb?tare me n? krye Partin? Socialiste arriti 
t? fitoj? n? Himar?, pas nj? stuhie t? ngritur papritur nga qeveria 
shqiptare p?r rrezikun e fitores s? Partis? s? t? Drejtave t? Njeriut 
n? at? qytet t? bregdetit shqiptar. Shum? qytetar? shqiptar? pan? p?r 
her? t? par? me syt? e tyreangazhimin e nj? makine t? t?r? 
propagandistike "antigreke" duke detyruar t? shkojn? n? Himar? 7 
deputet? grek? t? parlamentit t? Athin?s, dhe disa deputet? shqiptar? 
t? Tiran?s s? bashku me nj? qerre gazetar?sh t? qeveris?.Por pas 
betej?s "patriotike" n? fakt  u arrit nj? fitore e shk?lqyer greke,
pasi p?r her? t? par? n? historin? e k?tyre dhjet? viteve pluraliz?m, 
steka e k?rkesave greke u ngrit nga Dervi?ani n? Himar?. Tani grek?t 
arrit?n t? b?jn? nj? betej? diplomatike n? syt? e gjith? bot?s n? 
zemr?n e bregdetitshqiptar, duke e b?r? krejt t? diskutuesh?m 
homogjenitetin shqiptar atje.
 Ajo q? arriti t? b?j? qeveria shqiptare ?sht? se  tani Athina nuk flet 
m? p?r t? drejta t? minoritetit grek n? Dropull, por p?r t? drejta t? 
shkelurat? minoritetit grek n? Himar?. K?shtu ata p?r muaj t? t?r? do 
t? flasin p?r manipulim votash, frik?sime policie, represion mbi 
pakic?n etj.. 
 Skem?np?r t'u b?r? t? besuesh?m n? k?t? retorik?, ua dha qeveria 
shqiptare, e cila ende pa filluar zgjedhjet filloi t? 
angazhohej "patriotikisht" p?r Himar?n. Bile disa nga ministrat e 
qeveris? filluan t? bindin gazetar?t t? shkojn? n? Himar?, pasi atje ka 
nj? rrezik t? madh, pasi paska th?n? shefi i madh i CIA-s se Himara 
?sht? greke dhe t? tjera pallavra si k?to. Ata q? e marrin ambasadorin 
amerikn p?rkahu sa her? q? v?n? tulla n? bulevard dhe sa her? 
shp?rndajn? jelek? antiplumb p?r policin?, gjat? gjith? k?saj jave
flisnin vesh m? vesh kund?r tij, se "ai paska th?n? se n? Himar? ?sht?
manipuluar se k?shtu i ka udh?zimet nga CIA". Me k?t? retorik? ata 
arrit?nta kthejn? k?shtu Himar?n n? nj? ??shtje nd?rkomb?tare q? zuri 
vend n? v?mendjen e shtypit grek dhe atij greko amerikan, m? shum? se 
?do ??shtjek?to vitet e fundit n? raport me Shqip?rin?. 
 N? fakt rreziku i vet?m q? i kanosej Himar?s tani nuk u shmang. Duhej 
nj? shkas q? Himara t? popullarizohej n? shtypin per?ndimor dhe 
v?mendjen e diplomat?ve si bastion i pakic?s greke dhe k?t? arriti ta 
b?j? qeveria shqiptare. Se kush i fitoi dhe kush i vodhi votat n? 
Himar? kjo ka pak r?nd?si. Himara nuk helenizohet as pse hapet ndonj? 
shkoll? n? gjuh?n greke as se shqiptarizohet duke recituar Naim 
Frash?rin. Himara mbetet shqiptare,kur shteti shqiptar t? vendos? 
sovranitetin e tij mbi Shqip?rin?. Ata q? b?n? loj?n me Himar?n, n? 
fakt ia dol?n ta kthejn? at? n? nj? ??shtje t? diskutueshme mes Greqis? 
dhe Shqip?ris?. N?se administrata e Berish?s, zhvilloi nj? betej? me 
grek?t, q? nga shum?kush mund t? gjykohet dhe e panevojshme, ajo e 
zhvilloi s? paku n? Dervi?an, n? zemr?n reale t? nacionalizmit grek n? 
jug t? Shqip?ris? dhe jo n? Himar?.  
 Qeveria e Tiran?s ia arriti ta zhvendos? tashm? qendr?n e 
nacionalizmit grek n? Himar?, duke dep?rtuar dhe 100 km mbi Dervi?an. 
Kjo p?r Greqin? ?sht? nj? fitore shum? her? m? e madhe diplomatike dhe 
politike se sa fitorja e p?rdhosur elektorale e Ilir Met?s dhe 
kabinetit t? tij q? tani rri gjakngrir? se mos ?sht? nxehur v?rtet 
Greqia.

 

--
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From albania at netzero.net  Tue Oct 17 07:28:58 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 07:28:58 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Italian General Takes over Kosovo Command
Message-ID: <000c01c0382d$72718560$fd46f6d1@albania>

Italian General Takes over Kosovo Command 

PRISTINA, Oct 17, 2000 -- (Reuters) Italian Lieutenant-General Carlo Cabigiosu took command on Monday of NATO-led peacekeepers in Kosovo, insisting his mission was unaffected by the downfall of Slobodan Milosevic as Yugoslav president.

Cabigiosu said the task of the Kosovo Force (KFOR) remained to provide a safe and secure environment for the province for as long as its mandate lasted, regardless of changes in Belgrade.

"In the past few weeks, we have been witnesses to the change in Serbia, but this does not change my mission," he said in a speech as he assumed command from Lieutenant-General Juan Ortuno of Spain in a routine handover. Milosevic has been indicted by a UN war crimes court, accused of masterminding a campaign of Serb repression of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority which prompted the 1999 NATO bombing campaign and KFOR's deployment in the province.

Ethnic Albanians have voiced fears that international authorities may now be more sympathetic to Belgrade, which had virtually no influence in the running of Kosovo by the United Nations and NATO while Milosevic was in power.

But Cabigiosu made clear that at least the military element of the international presence in Kosovo was not affected by the arrival of new Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostiunica.

"The safe and secure environment that KFOR will maintain remains essential," he said.

Cabigiosu becomes the fourth commander of KFOR since it moved into Kosovo in June last year, with more than 40,000 troops under his control in the province.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. 

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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 17 13:35:05 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 17:35:05 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Helsinki Committee Condemns Himara incidents
Message-ID: <LC4-LFD87SMkdqUZP4Y00000221@hotmail.com>

An Unwanted Incident which should not infringe the friendly Coexistence with 
the Minority Population

Tirana, 16 October 2000. During the electoral campaign an unwanted incident 
suddenly happened which was in opposition to the general spirit 
characterizing the second round of elections.

The electoral competition of Himara municipality served as a cause for this 
which took disproportional dimensions compared to a number of localities 
with an inconsiderable population. Efforts overpassing the objectives of the 
elections were made and this case was taken advantage of in order to return 
to some goals and prejudices of the ancient times.

Perhaps in some declarations of some parties some high emotional tones 
should have been avoided. But the atmosphere was flared up severely by the 
reactions of certain Greek circles. Some declarations with threatening tones 
were addressed to the Albanian government. Elementary regulations of the 
relations, which have been characterized by a close cooperation between the 
two states, were openly violated. Many Greek parliamentarians, journalists 
as well as diplomats without having the status of observers arrived in 
Himara and observed the electoral process. They did not hesitate to make 
propaganda in favor of one party thus violating the Electoral Code. However, 
this has not compromised the voting process which according to many 
observers have been developed under normal circumstances.

The AHC has followed with special interest the minority issue in Albania, 
the general situation of which is evaluated positively and this opinion is 
expressed by the respective international organizations. The AHC's monitors 
have been sent time after time to the whole southern part in order to follow 
closely the developments of the events as well as to identify eventual 
problems.

Our monitors not long ago than this spring have been in the region of Himara 
and the findings were not new. The majority of the population of this region 
is Albanian, there are, however, ethnic Greek elements. The whole region is 
inhabited by an autochthon Albanian population. The only issue that has been 
raised in these cases has been that of teaching Greek as a foreign language 
in order to take advantage of the facilities, which the knowledge of this 
language offers, for trade and economical relations with Greek partners.

Taking into account the above, the AHC expresses its regret for such an 
incident. This Committee believes that this will remain as an isolated 
episode, which will be overcome by a spirit of understanding and respective 
tolerance. This incident should never influence negatively the position of 
the minority in Albania and will never infringe the firmly established 
traditions of a friendly coexistence with the minority population, which is 
a very important achievement of the Albanian society.


ALBANIAN HELSINKI COMMITTEE
RR. Sami Frash?ri, Pall. 20/1, Hyrja B, Ap. 21, Tirana - ALBANIA
Tel-Fax: ++ 355 42 336 71/40891 e-mail: helsinki at ngo.org.al



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Oct 17 15:17:13 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 12:17:13 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: lecture: The New US-Greek Initiative for Technology Cooperation in the Balkans
Message-ID: <20001017191713.16129.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>


Note: forwarded message attached.


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Tue Oct 17 13:49:51 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 19:49:51 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} PRESS: U.S. Seeks Release of Ethnic Albanians, Peaceful Return of Serbs  to Kosovo (Los Angeles Times, October 15, 2000)
Message-ID: <39EC913F.DDB5D0CB@bndlg.de>

http://www.latimes.com/news/nation/20001015/t000098337.html

Sunday, October 15, 2000

U.S. Seeks Release of Ethnic Albanians, Peaceful Return of Serbs to
Kosovo 

By DAVID HOLLEY, Times Staff Writer

    PRISTINA, Yugoslavia--U.S. envoy James C. O'Brien on Saturday called
for Yugoslavia's new government to quickly release ethnic Albanian
political prisoners held in Serbian jails and for the people of Kosovo
to tolerate the return of former Serbian residents. 
    "Serbs who want to return home should now have the chance," O'Brien,
envoy to the Balkans, said at a news conference here. "It's incumbent
upon everyone in Kosovo to help create the conditions that will allow
anyone who wants to live in Kosovo to live here safely and normally." 
     O'Brien said he stressed the importance of a quick release of
ethnic Albanian prisoners in talks Thursday with new Yugoslav President
Vojislav Kostunica in Belgrade, the Yugoslav and Serbian capital. 
     Kostunica responded that "he would consider it," but he stressed
his own interest in enabling former Serbian residents to return to
Kosovo, O'Brien said. 
     Kosovo is a province of Serbia, the larger of Yugoslavia's two
republics. Yugoslav troops were forced to withdraw from the province
last year after the North Atlantic Treaty Organization carried out a
78-day air campaign to aid ethnic Albanians being oppressed by Serbs. 
     About 1,100 ethnic Albanians from Kosovo, many of them independence
fighters captured by Yugoslav forces before and during the air war,
remain imprisoned elsewhere in Serbia. 
     Ethnic Albanian leaders who met with O'Brien here Saturday stressed
that release of the prisoners would create a better atmosphere for Serbs
to live safely in Kosovo, the envoy said. 
     "It's a very constant message from the Albanian political leaders,
that if you release the detainees, you'll improve the climate," he said.
"They're not drawing a specific link. It's not an exchange program." 
     The United States is pressing hard for both sides to take these
steps, he said. 
     Tens of thousands of Serbian residents of Kosovo fled after
international peacekeeping forces entered the province in June 1999.
Most left either alongside withdrawing troops and police or in
subsequent weeks after a wave of revenge attacks on the remaining Serbs. 
     O'Brien implied that if ethnic Albanians--who make up about 95% of
Kosovo's roughly 1.6 million population--want the international
community to support their aspirations for more autonomy, they must live
peacefully with Serbs as neighbors. 
     "I think, as the world judges how Kosovo develops over the next
several years, it will look not only to elections or to the way the
government operates, it will look to the way that a real society is
re-created, in which people are able to live where they want, move
freely and have normal lives," he said. 
     In speaking to Kostunica about the prisoners, "I made clear that
it's very important to the United States, to the region, to the
families, and really to the foundation of the new democratic government
in Belgrade that these people be released immediately," O'Brien said. 
     Kostunica replied that, while he "respects this as an issue of
basic human rights," he also "believes that there needs to be a legal
process for him to be able to release these people," O'Brien said. 
     "He's at the moment just the president of the federal government,
without control over many of the ministries, without his own people in
them, and without control over the Serbian ministry which has direct
legal responsibility, and he's working his way through those issues as
part of the solution to this problem," O'Brien said. 
     O'Brien expressed confidence that Kostunica will be able to exert
his authority more forcefully in coming days, despite resistance from
the supporters of former President Slobodan Milosevic. 
     The ex-president's Socialist Party still controls the parliament
and government of Serbia. 
     Control by Kostunica and his allies of federal and municipal
revenue sources is one important means of "leverage," O'Brien said, as
is the "sunlight" of new information being made public about financial
and other abuses committed by Milosevic and his supporters.

Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times


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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 17 13:35:05 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 17:35:05 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian Helsinki Committee Condemns Himara incidents
Message-ID: <LC4-LFD87SMkdqUZP4Y00000221@hotmail.com>

An Unwanted Incident which should not infringe the friendly Coexistence with 
the Minority Population

Tirana, 16 October 2000. During the electoral campaign an unwanted incident 
suddenly happened which was in opposition to the general spirit 
characterizing the second round of elections.

The electoral competition of Himara municipality served as a cause for this 
which took disproportional dimensions compared to a number of localities 
with an inconsiderable population. Efforts overpassing the objectives of the 
elections were made and this case was taken advantage of in order to return 
to some goals and prejudices of the ancient times.

Perhaps in some declarations of some parties some high emotional tones 
should have been avoided. But the atmosphere was flared up severely by the 
reactions of certain Greek circles. Some declarations with threatening tones 
were addressed to the Albanian government. Elementary regulations of the 
relations, which have been characterized by a close cooperation between the 
two states, were openly violated. Many Greek parliamentarians, journalists 
as well as diplomats without having the status of observers arrived in 
Himara and observed the electoral process. They did not hesitate to make 
propaganda in favor of one party thus violating the Electoral Code. However, 
this has not compromised the voting process which according to many 
observers have been developed under normal circumstances.

The AHC has followed with special interest the minority issue in Albania, 
the general situation of which is evaluated positively and this opinion is 
expressed by the respective international organizations. The AHC's monitors 
have been sent time after time to the whole southern part in order to follow 
closely the developments of the events as well as to identify eventual 
problems.

Our monitors not long ago than this spring have been in the region of Himara 
and the findings were not new. The majority of the population of this region 
is Albanian, there are, however, ethnic Greek elements. The whole region is 
inhabited by an autochthon Albanian population. The only issue that has been 
raised in these cases has been that of teaching Greek as a foreign language 
in order to take advantage of the facilities, which the knowledge of this 
language offers, for trade and economical relations with Greek partners.

Taking into account the above, the AHC expresses its regret for such an 
incident. This Committee believes that this will remain as an isolated 
episode, which will be overcome by a spirit of understanding and respective 
tolerance. This incident should never influence negatively the position of 
the minority in Albania and will never infringe the firmly established 
traditions of a friendly coexistence with the minority population, which is 
a very important achievement of the Albanian society.


ALBANIAN HELSINKI COMMITTEE
RR. Sami Frash?ri, Pall. 20/1, Hyrja B, Ap. 21, Tirana - ALBANIA
Tel-Fax: ++ 355 42 336 71/40891 e-mail: helsinki at ngo.org.al



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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 17 16:51:24 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 20:51:24 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] AHC on Himara
Message-ID: <LC5-LFD10d5JzlanxQf000000ec@hotmail.com>

http://www.ihf-hr.org/reports/0009albminorities.pdf

Albanian Helsinki Committee

Report on the Status of the Minorites in the Republic of Albania
<...>
Himara

A special observation was conducted in the town of Himare,
which lies on the Albanian seacoast,between Vlore and Sarande. The Greek 
minority organizatio OMONIA has been asking for more than 3 years that an 
elementary schools be established in Himare, based on the idea that there's 
a considerable number of the Greek minority in this town too.

The data collected by our observation team, and the many talks they had with 
the local people in Himare, show that the number of the Greek minority has 
always been small....

Presently, there are three thousand inhabitants in Himare, and only a very 
small number belongs to the Greek minority. Almost half of the population of 
Himare has moved to Greece... Lastly it is worth mentioning that, like in 
other areas where there's (recognised) Greek minority, in Himare the Greek 
government gives pensions to the the elderly. Many people who were 
interviewed by our team, confirmed that due to "pragmatic" reasons they have 
accepted such financial contributions though they do not feel that they 
belong to the Greek minority.

http://www.ihf-hr.org/reports/0009albminorities.pdf


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From kosova at JPS.NET  Tue Oct 17 16:50:14 2000
From: kosova at JPS.NET (kosova at JPS.NET)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 13:50:14 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Lajme: Perendimi dyshon ne 'demokratizmin' e Koshtunices
Message-ID: <LNBBKKIEKFOPADHBEFPFKEFMDFAA.kosova@jps.net>


Perendimi dyshon ne 'demokratizmin' e Koshtunices

Isuf Hajrizi (Uashington, 16 tetor, 2000)
Per gazeten Zeri, Prishtine

N? shtypin per?ndimor kan? filluar t? dalin n? shesh dyshimet e para p?r
sinqeritetin e "demokratizmit" t? liderit t? opozit?s serbe Vojislav
Koshtunica.  Dhe dyshimet kryesisht lidhen me problemet e Kosov?s.
   Si fillim, me dat?n 13 tetor u shty edhe p?r nj? muaj gjykimi i poetes
dhe akivist?s p?r t? drejtat e nj?riut Flora Brovina.
   "Vazhdimi i mbajtjes s? saj n? burg hedh dyshim mbi sinqeritetin e
qeveris? se re serbe p?r parimet e t? drejtave t? njeriut p?r t? gjith?,"
shkruajn n? nj? deklarat? p?r shtyp dy organizatat nd?rkomb?tare p?r t?
drejtat e shkrimtar?ve t? burgosur  WiPC dhe International PEN.
   Nj? z? tjet?r me ndikim, ish senatori dhe kandidati p?r president t?
SHBA-ve, Bob Dol, n? komentin e tij t? botuar n? gazet?n Uashington Post me
dat?n 12 tetor terheq v?rjetjen kund?r asaj q? ai e quan "Jugo-fori."
   Dol, i cili aktualisht ?sht? kryetar i komisionit nd?rkomb?tar p?r
personat e zhdukur n? Bosnje, i b?n thirrje komunitetit nd?rkomb?tar q? t'i
shmanget euforis? dhe t? jet? i kujdessh?m me Koshtunic?n.
   "Fatkeq?sisht, euforia rreth ardhjes n? pozit?n e kryetarit t?
Jugosllavis? s? rr?nuar t? Vojislav Koshtunic?s seriozisht e ka mjegulluar
gjykimin e nj? numri t? zyrtar?ve amerikan? dhe evropian?," shkruan Dole.
    Udh?heq?sit e Bashkimit Evropian t? shtun?n i shtruan Koshtunic?s
qilimin e kuq drejt ri-hyrjes s? Serbis? n? kontinentin e vjet?r duke
premtuar nj? infuzion t? menj?hersh?m prej 173 milion? dollar?sh ndihm? p?r
karburante, ushqim dhe ila?e p?r popullin serb q? ta kaloj? dimrin.
   "Pres mb?shtetje nga Evropa p?r ndryshimet demokratike n? Serbi dhe p?r
kthimin e saj ku gjithmon? e ka patur vendin -- n? Evrop?," u tha Koshtunica
evropian?ve.  Mir?po, ai n? t? njejt?n koh? u deklarua qartas se nuk kishte
plane q? t? bashk?punonte m? gjykat?n e krimeve t? luft?s n? Hag?.
   "Refuzimi i tij p?r t? bashk?punuar me gjykat?n e Hag?s shkel ligjin
nd?rkomb?tar , gj? q? do ta vazhdon, n? vend q? t'i jep fund, statusit t?
Serbis? si shtet plang?prish?s," shkruan profesori i t? drejtave t? njeriut
n? Shkoll?n Qeveritare Kenedi t? Harvardit, Majk?l Ignatif, n? gazet?n Nju
Jork Tajms.  Sipas profesorit amerikan qeverit? per?ndimore duhet t?
sigurohen q? populli serb e kupton faktin se padia e Milosheviqit nuk ?sht?
padi kund?r serb?ve por ka p?r q?llim q? ti ndaj? kriminel?t nga popullata
duke v?n fajin mbi supet e p?rsonit.
   N? an?n tjet?r, "asnj? (sanksion) nuk duhet t? hiqet, derisa Koshtunica
t? mos bashk?punoj? (me Hag?n).  Pajtimi (i per?ndimit) me Serbin? ?sht?
urgjent, por jo n? llogari t? drejt?sis?," shkruan Ignatif.  Ai gjithashtu
p?rkujton faktin se ideja e Koshtunic?s p?r ta gjykuar Milosheviqin brenda
Serbis? ka implikime m? t? thella se sa ?sht? dukur fillimisht.  Sipas tij
gjykimi i Milosheviqit brenda Serbis? do ti inojoronte krimet e tij ndaj
popullat?s shqiptare t? Kosov?s, krimeve n? Bosnj? dhe Kroaci.  Sepse n?
Serbi ai do t? gjykohej p?r manipulim votash, kurse n? Hag? ai do t?
gjykohej p?r krime t? luft?s.   Sipas analist?ve per?ndimor? refuzimi i
Koshtunic?s p?r dor?zimin e Milosheviqit dhe kriminel?ve t? tjer? t? luft?s,
nuk do ta distanconte Koshtunic?n nga krimet e atyre qe ai i strehon.
   N? t? njet?n koh?, kritik?t per?ndimir? kan? v?rejtur se edhe pse
Koshtunica ka deklaruar se "epoka e Milosheviqit ka p?rfunduar," ai vazhdon
t? mban n? pushtet aleat?t e kriminelit serb t? luft?s.  P?r shembull
Gjenerali Nebojsha Pavkovic, i cili ?sht? nd?r aleat? m? t? af?rt t?
Milosheviqit ende mban postin n? krye t? ushtris?. Qeverit? per?ndimore jan?
t? shqet?suara se bashk?punimi i vazhduesh?m dhe veprimi i ngadalsh?m i
Koshtunic?s p?r t'u distancuar nga njer?zit e Milosheviqit mund ta rrezikon
pozit?n e presidentit t? ri jugosllav, q? nj?herit do t? rrezikonte edhe
mar?dh?njet e posa filluara t? per?ndimit me Beogradin.
   Nj? element tjet?r shqet?sues p?r organizatat nd?rkomb?tare q? lidhet me
Koshtunic?n ?sht? mosmarrja e hapave t? menj?hersh?m t? tij p?r t'i liruar
t? burgosurit politik? shqiptar? q? mbahen n? burgjet serbe.
   T? shtun?n organizata nd?rkomb?tare p?r t? drejtat e njeriut, "Human
Rights Watch" i b?ri thirrje qeveris? serbe q? "urgjentisht" ta shqyrtoj?
fatin e 650 t? burgosur?ve shqiptar? n? Serbi.  Kjo organizat? thekson se n?
burgjet serbe aktualisht mbahen 850 t? burgosur shqiptar? por 200 prej tyre
nuk jan? t? burgosur politik?.  Sipas k?saj organizate, "komuniteti
nd?rkomb?tar duhet ta mbaj Koshtunic?n p?rgjegj?s p?r pozicionin e tij t?
deklaruar se do t'i respekton t? drejtat e njeriut dhe do ta zbaton ligjin."




Ky shkrim mund te ribotohet me kusht qe te theksohet autori dhe revista
Zeri, Prishtine.



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From info at trepca.net  Wed Oct 18 05:33:21 2000
From: info at trepca.net (Trepça.net)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 11:33:21 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Reduction in Kosovo Peacekeepers Is More Likely Now, Officials Say
Message-ID: <74220001031893321401@trepca.net>

Los Angeles Times 
Tuesday, October 17, 2000 

Reduction in Kosovo Peacekeepers Is More Likely Now, Officials Say 
By DAVID HOLLEY, Times Staff Writer

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia--A new democratic government in Yugoslavia and
law-and-order gains in Kosovo will open the door to reductions of the
international peacekeeping force in the province, but cuts must be
made gradually, military and civilian authorities here say. 

U.S. Air Force Gen. Joseph W. Ralston, commander of North Atlantic
Treaty Organization forces in Europe, noted at a news conference here
Monday that troop levels have been boosted to provide security before
local elections set for Oct. 28. He strongly implied that the force
will begin returning to preelection levels after the vote. 

While avoiding any timetable, Ralston also indicated that the
international force here, known as KFOR, could be further reduced if
the Yugoslav army no longer appears to pose a threat of attack. 

KFOR has 39,900 troops in Kosovo, including 5,700 Americans. An
additional 5,500 KFOR soldiers, including 1,000 Americans, are in
support capacities in nearby Macedonia, Albania and Greece. Before
the preelection buildup, KFOR had about 36,000 troops in Kosovo. 

"We go through on a continuous basis looking at the environment,
looking at the threat, looking at the mission tasks," Ralston said
when asked about the apparent decrease in the threat of Yugoslav
attack under the new government of President Vojislav Kostunica. The
peacekeepers arrived in the separatist province last year after an
11-week NATO bombing campaign against Kostunica's predecessor,
Slobodan Milosevic. 

In their debate last week, both Republican presidential nominee
George W. Bush and Democratic nominee Al Gore expressed the desire to
pull U.S. troops out of Kosovo. 

Bush noted during the debate that he is "on record as saying, at some
point in time, I hope our European friends become the peacekeepers in
Bosnia and in the Balkans. I hope that they put the troops on the
ground so that we can withdraw our troops." 
Gore responded, "I certainly don't disagree that we ought to get our
troops home from places like the Balkans as soon as we can, as soon
as the mission is complete." 

Bernard Kouchner, the Frenchman who heads the U.N. mission here, said
in an interview that "with the change in [the Yugoslav capital of]
Belgrade, we can consider the eventuality of reducing some forces." 

"In some few months, and eventually some few years, we can certainly
reduce the forces," Kouchner said. "In terms of tanks, heavy cannons,
heavy weapons, etc., [KFOR's size] will be decreased. But I'm not a
specialist." 
So far, however, the Yugoslav army has "not changed," Kouchner added.
"For the moment, they are the same people. So let's wait. It will be
absolutely childish to believe that in one day, or in one month, the
army just changed. It is not true." 
Oliver Ivanovic, head of the Serb National Council in northern
Kosovo, said he is pressing KFOR to provide greater protection for
Serbian enclaves in the predominantly ethnic Albanian province of
Serbia, Yugoslavia's dominant republic. But the elimination of the
threat of attack by the Yugoslav army should make it possible to cut
KFOR by half over the next two or three years, he said. 

In addition to its purely military functions, KFOR has played a major
role in policing duties, despite its troops' not having been trained
for police work. 

Efforts have been underway for more than a year to build up U.N. and
local police forces to take over those responsibilities. A strong
local police force and generally improved public safety in Kosovo
could eventually relieve KFOR of at least part of that burden, but
this process is still far from complete. 

According to U.N. police statistics, there were 430 murders in
Kosovo, many of them ethnically motivated revenge killings, between
KFOR's entry in mid-June 1999 and the end of the year. So far this
year, there have been 205. Major crimes have dropped since August to
an average of 450 a week, compared with about 500 a week during the
first half of the year. 
KFOR soldiers have played a major role in providing humanitarian aid
in Kosovo, and the gradual fulfillment of those duties could also
free up some troops to go home. 

But even as all these changes open up the possibility of a reduction
in KFOR's size, all sides agree that KFOR is likely to remain in
Kosovo for many years. Many ethnic Albanian leaders stress that a
continued U.S. presence--not just European troops--is essential in
Kosovo to ensure stability, largely because most ethnic Albanians
place greater trust in the United States. 
"Albanians just need Americans' guarantee," said Baton Haxhiu, editor
in chief of Koha Ditore, Kosovo's most widely respected
Albanian-language newspaper. "They do not believe in European policy
for the region. If Americans leave the region, conflict is imminent.
It's impossible to stop the conflict, believe me, if Americans go
from here. 

"If you have 1,000 American soldiers here, it would be OK. We need
moral support. We need to see the American flag in the street.
Nothing has changed in Serbia. It's just the transfer of power from
one nationalist side to another nationalist side." 
Milazim Krasniqi, vice president of the Liberal Center of Kosovo, an
ethnic Albanian political party, said he is confident that the United
States won't pull out all its troops for many years. 

"If the Balkans--especially Kosovo and Bosnia--are left in the hands
of Europeans, I'm deeply sure they will end up again in chaos,"
Krasniqi said. "Whoever wins the presidential race, we believe a
pullout from Kosovo and the Balkans is impossible for a long period." 

Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times 
http://www.latimes.com/news/asection/20001017/t000098944.html


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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 18 06:37:54 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 06:37:54 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} UN, Yugoslav Leader To Discuss Kosovo In Zagreb
Message-ID: <000d01c038ef$79e89a00$ef5af6d1@albania>

UN, Yugoslav Leader To Discuss Kosovo In Zagreb 

ZAGREB, Oct 18, 2000 -- (Reuters) The head of the United Nations mission in Kosovo suggested on Tuesday that a Balkans summit next month would be a good occasion for the UN to start talks on the future of the province with the new Yugoslav leadership.

Speaking in Zagreb after meeting Croatian President Stipe Mesic, Bernard Kouchner told reporters: "It will be a good, good occasion to start discussion between the newcoming democrats and the people representing the...UN"

He was referring to President Vojislav Kostunica and the country's united opposition bloc, which took power in the rump Yugoslavia - consisting of Serbia and Montenegro - earlier this month.

The UN has been in charge of Kosovo since the end of a NATO bombing campaign in 1999, triggered by deposed Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic's repression of the province's ethnic Albanian majority.

The province remained formally part of Yugoslavia after a NATO-led force replaced Milosevic's security forces in June, but the UN kept Belgrade at bay, fearing interference by Milosevic could stir conflict in the province.

Kostunica's election has opened the possibility of more active links with Belgrade, although these are likely to be resisted by Kosovo's Albanians, who insist on independence.

Kouchner said he was so far the only person who would represent Kosovo at the November 24 summit in Zagreb of the European Union and the countries springing from the former Yugoslavia after its break-up in 1991.

KOSOVO LEADERS MAY ATTEND SUMMIT

However, the Kosovo delegation might involve some "political leaders", Kouchner said, without specifying whether these would include only Kosovo Albanians or Serbs as well.

Asked by reporters if his delegation would attend the summit as part of the Yugoslav delegation, headed by Kostunica, Kouchner said: "Certainly not, I don't think so. But it will be a good opportunity to be close to them, as part if you like, and to talk to each other."

Kouchner said he and Mesic shared the view that the change in Belgrade was welcome and that Kostunica needed time to consolidate power.

"It would not be easy at the moment to treat all the problems at the same time. He is just coming to power and has to look at his own Serbian election in December," Kouchner said.

"I discovered with pleasure that, step by step, one speech after the other, Mr Kostunica was more and more open to the rest of the world...to the reality of Europe and the reality of democracy around Serbia."

Mesic, the last president of ex-Yugoslavia before its dissolution in 1991, has seen his plans to visit Kosovo postponed twice in the past few months for security reasons.

Kouchner said Mesic would eventually be able to visit, but did not give a precise timetable.

"I don't believe that it would provoke big clashes, I don't believe so, but we have to be very cautious about it," Kouchner said.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. 

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From albania at netzero.net  Wed Oct 18 06:39:18 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 06:39:18 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Albanian Foreign Minister To Visit Kosovo
Message-ID: <001801c038ef$abe625e0$ef5af6d1@albania>

Albanian Foreign Minister To Visit Kosovo 

TIRANA, Oct 18, 2000 -- (BBC Monitoring) Foreign Minister Paskal Milo will leave tomorrow on a working visit to Kosovo, the ministry spokesman announced. The head of the Albanian foreign service will meet Bernard Kouchner, special administrator of the United Nations Organization in Kosovo. During the visit Mr Milo will also hold meetings with representatives of Kosovar political parties.

The meetings will focus on the processes of democratization and stabilization of life in Kosovo, the political developments in Serbia and the current situation in the region.

Source: Albanian Radio, Tirana, in Albanian 1330 GMT 17 Oct 00

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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Tue Oct 17 23:08:07 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Tue, 17 Oct 2000 23:08:07 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] LGI Fellowship: Integration and Participation: Requirements for Establishing Democratic Governance in Multiethnic States of SEE (Deadline 22.10.2000)
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05c88533.0971838460.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

An embedded message was scrubbed...
From: bieberf at seep.ceu.hu
Subject: [balkans] LGI Fellowship: Integration and Participation: Requirements for Establishing Democratic Governance in Multiethnic States of SEE (Deadline 22.10.2000)
Date: Sat, 14 Oct 2000 12:20:43 +0200
Size: 11600
URL: <http://www.alb-net.com/pipermail/albsa-info/attachments/20001017/866455a0/attachment.mht>

From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Wed Oct 18 11:44:38 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 11:44:38 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ignatieff on Kosova
Message-ID: <H0002d7b05c95f13.0971883721.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

Michael Ignatieff, a Visiting Professor on Human Rights at Carr Center of J.F> 
Kennedy School of Government, will present today (Wednesday, October 12, 2000) 
a lecture on Kosova - Its Right to Self-Determination.
The lecture will be held at Coolidge Hall, at 12.00.



From acapa at bu.edu  Wed Oct 18 13:47:19 2000
From: acapa at bu.edu (Alma Capa)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 13:47:19 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] eclips
Message-ID: <000a01c0392b$769f9240$eb5dc580@bu.edu>

The final eclipse of the Second Millennium will occur on 12/25/00

beginning at approximately 12:30 PM and lasting for 

approximately

3hrs27min...and it will be about 60% of a full eclipse....just FYI....a

Christmas Day Eclipse.....



http://sunearth.gsfc.nasa.gov/eclipse/extra/PSE2000Dec25.html



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct 18 14:18:46 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 11:18:46 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Shkoza in Berlioz's Faust
Message-ID: <20001018181846.445.qmail@web117.yahoomail.com>

                               The Times (London)
The Times
October 18, 2000, Wednesday
 Berlioz in all his Technicolor glory


    LSO/Davis

    Barbican/Radio 3

    Hilary Finch

    BERLIOZ knew all too well that the amphitheatre of
the imagination could be 
broader and more resonant than the interior of an
opera house; and so he
insisted that his "dramatic legend", The Damnation of
Faust, be strictly for
concert performance. As the London Symphony
Orchestra's Berlioz Odyssey
approaches its final destination in next month's
performances of The Trojans,
the imaginative prowess of both performers and
listeners was thrillingly tested 
in Berlioz's response to Goethe's masterwork.

    From the plains of Hungary to the taverns of
Leipzig, from Hell to Paradise,
Berlioz's music lingers then leaps ahead, pans wide
then zooms in, with a
cinematographer's visionary animation of its tableaux
vivants.

    Colin Davis was in the director's chair. His
understanding of Berlioz, and
the LSO's intuitive grasp of his responses, is now
such that music is made as if
by a sixth sense. Think only of the way a single viola
line was swept up into a 
radiant orchestral dome of light as Faust's first dawn
breaks. Or of how
Mephistopheles's invocation of the will-o'-the-wisps
became a virtuoso
choreography of orchestral pizzicato. Or - perhaps
most extraordinary of all -
how Davis paced the final Ride to the Abyss, every
vowel and hoof-beat telling
in this hurtle of Hell.

    The London Symphony Chorus deserve the next lot of
praise. They, after all, 
have the responsibility for leading and setting each
rapidly shifting scene, and
their carnival of characterisation - from dancing
peasants to pious Christians, 
from boozers to gnomes, sylphs and soldiers and back
again - was as remarkable
as was their virtuosity of rhythm and enunciation.

    Which leaves the soloists. Some audience members
were bemoaning the lack of 
an authentically Gallic team. But there is nothing
like an enthusiastic Italian 
for getting tongue and larynx round the French
language, if he has the will. And
Giuseppe Sabbatini's Faust, with his acute sense of
the play of an individual
conscience against a fast-moving diorama, would have
delighted Berlioz. His
searing open vowels and tactile consonants brought
anger and frustration to a
brooding grief; his final yearning cry for Marguerite
silenced the house.

    Michele Pertusi's dark Mephistopheles was by turns
menacing and melancholy: 
his Flea Song was chillingly elegant and understated.
Marguerite was sung with
chaste ecstasy by the  Albanian  mezzo, Enkelejda
Shkosa, and David
Wilson-Johnson stepped in at short notice as a
rollicking ratcatcher of a
Brander.


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct 18 16:44:40 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 13:44:40 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Majko at Tufts
Message-ID: <20001018204440.26150.qmail@web110.yahoomail.com>

The Program in Southwest Asia and Islamic 
Civilization, The 
International
Security Studies Program,  and The  International
Negotiation and 
Conflict
Resolution Program are pleased to  present:


The Effects of Globalization on Small  States:
Managing Ethnic Conflict 
in
                                  Kosovo
                                 A talk by
                               Pandeli Majko
                    Deputy in the Albanian Parliament,
                     former Prime Minister of Albania

                         Monday, October 23, 2000
                                  5:00 pm
                                 Cabot 206



To be followed by a reception at the Hall of  Flags.
Fletcher Students are encouraged to attend.


For information, please contact Roberta Breen, Cabot
609,  ext. 7-3120,
roberta.breen at tufts.edu.



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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Wed Oct 18 15:15:15 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 21:15:15 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} NEWS: Albania official warns Belgrade over Kosovo (Prague Post, October  18, 2000)
Message-ID: <39EDF6C3.84CD35C2@bndlg.de>

http://www.praguepost.cz/news101800g.html

Wednesday, October 18, 2000

Albania official warns Belgrade over Kosovo 

Foreign minister, in Prague, says situation uneasy
By Jeffrey Donovan 

Albanian Foreign Minister Paskal Milo has admonished the new Yugoslav
leadership over the future of Kosovo. 
     In Prague to meet with Czech officials, Milo responded to Zoran
Djindjic, an official close to President Vojislav Kostunica. Djindjic
said Belgrade might station Yugoslav army troops and police officers in
Kosovo. 
     "That's really dangerous if they start thinking this way," Milo
told The Prague Post. "It shows they are going in the same direction as
[former President Slobodan] Milosevic." The United Nations also
dismissed Djindjic's comments. 
     Milosevic, who presided over so-called "ethnic cleansing" of the
Muslim population of Kosovo, was ousted in a popular rebellion earlier
this month. 
     Milo's visit was the first by an Albanian foreign minister in four
decades. For nearly 50 years, the impoverished state was run by
isolationist Stalinist dictator Enver Hoxha, who maintained relations
only with North Korea and China. 
     "We have made good progress," said Milo, here to discuss bilateral
relations, the Balkans and joint business deals with Czech companies.
"Our goal is to join the European Union, although that of course is a
long-term project. But Albania will soon be a prosperous country." 

Image makeover 

Albania, which recently staged local elections that were praised by the
United Nations and the United States, has had modest success in
recasting its image from that of a backwater nation to a more stable
Balkan state. 
     The military of Europe's poorest country now trains with NATO and
international organizations and governments are starting to invest. 
     Milo, a 52-year-old former history professor, was cautious about
developments in Serbia. "Albania is not as enthusiastic as some are
about the situation in Serbia." 
     Tensions between Belgrade and Tirana over the treatment of Kosovo's
independence-minded Albanian majority have always run high. Moreover,
the newborn Kostunica government does not seem eager to change its
stance toward the province. 
     "We have explained to our Czech colleagues that we have adopted a
wait-and-see attitude [toward Belgrade]," Milo said. "We still believe
that Milosevic has enough support inside the country to create problems.
And we know that Kostunica, before and during the election campaign, has
made statements about Kosovo that hardly differ with what Milosevic
says." 
     He said many Albanians, in Kosovo and Albania, would like to see
either one united country or independence for the Yugoslav province,
where democracy gets its first test in municipal elections on Saturday,
Oct. 28. 
     "But this is not the official Albanian position," said Milo, who
met his counterpart Jan Kavan and Chamber of Deputies Chairman Vaclav
Klaus. "We think it is very important to stabilize Kosovo ... to build
new democratic institutions and to create an environment in which a
multi-ethnic society can grow." 
     He added: "Kosovo will be under international control for many
years. We may be able to speak about independence after 10 years ...
Later, there will be enough time to discuss a final solution for
Kosovo." 
     Milo said Albania sought deals with Czech firms in the electricity
sector. He cited Prague's H&B Engineering, Ceska Integracni a.s., R&M
Stavebni izolace s.r.o. and Regula Praha as target companies. 
     Albania, he said, already had old Czech technology, "and we would
like to renew those capacities with Czech participation. It's much
easier for us and, economically speaking, it's in our interests." 
     Milo urged the international community to speed up the Stability
Pact, a $1 billion-program set up last year to link troubled southeast
Europe with the affluent West by investing in highways and other
infrastructure projects. 
     "We have problems from the past, with people and their emotions,"
he said. "We need to treat these things very carefully, to keep them
under control, because in the Balkans there are a lot of emotions
everywhere." 

Jeffrey Donovan's e-mail address is jdonovan at praguepost.cz

The Prague Post Online contains a selection of articles that have been
printed in  The Prague Post, a weekly newspaper published in the Czech
Republic. 
Unauthorized reproduction is strictly prohibited.


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Oct 18 22:17:39 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 19:17:39 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: THIS FRIDAY: Yugoslavia: The Challenge of Democracy
Message-ID: <20001019021739.3619.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>


Note: forwarded message attached.


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-------------- next part --------------
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From juniku at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 19 00:35:58 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 04:35:58 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kosova qe prej tri ditesh
Message-ID: <F273n2Yf0scL9NtDEJm0000a802@hotmail.com>

Mbase do te jete interesante edhe per ju?!


Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 19:46:17 EDT
>
>Uk,
>
>Me poshte po ti percjell pershtypjet e nje vajze nga Tirana per Kosoven. 
>Letra eshte derguar para nje muaji...
>

>Miqte e mi,
>
>Kam tri dite ne Kosove. Diten e pare kisha shume
>kuriozitet, dhe shume deshire per paqe. Kur arrin ne
>aeroportin e Prishtines ndjesia  e pare eshte cudia:
>"Qenka i vogel e mistrec si Rinasi". Pervec
>permasave te vogla te Rinasit, ne fakt asgje trejter nuk i
>shtohet ngjashmerise. Aty ka rregull dhe
>miresjellje, qe ta largon mendjen nga Rinasi, dhe nga mania per
>te gjeteur te perbashketat. Nje Police franceze nuk
>mbeti e kenaqur nga dokumentat e mia, dhe me beri nje
>kontroll, qe s? di pse me shaktoi aq gaz sa e beri
>ate te me mbante jo pak aty. ASnje nga punonjesit e huaj
>qe merren me viza apo kontrolle, nuk kane patur
>piken e intuites per mua. Nuk me merziti fare kjo. FUndja
>une po shkoja ne KOsove:Toka e ndaluar, toka e
>njemije e nje tmerreve dhe njemije e nje gjykimeve, e
>padijes me te falshme dhe e rruges ku ti nuk ke shkelur
>sepse nuk e di, dhe qe e ke lene ne nje qosh te zemres
>tende, duke preferuar me mire te heshtesh per kete.
>PAstaj nje sere taksish qe te therrasin dhe nje
>djale simpatik (punonjes i SCK) dhe rruga per ne
>Prishtine.
>
>Une nuk i di kenget qe kendohen per Prishtinen, dhe
>une nuk shoh televizor. Une njoh serbe qe i dua dhe
>i vleresoj, Une adhuroj faljen dhe mas me aftesine per
>te falur. Prandaj dhe deri sa arritem ne hotel Grand,
>vetem pyesja me njemije pyetje te ndryshme: A mund
>te kete paqe mes kosovareve dhe serbeve. Person qe na
>shoqeroi u merzit shpejt me mua dhe pergjigjej
>vazhdimisht: Nuk e di. DHe une nuk e di cfare nuk me
>tha ai.
>
>Nuk te rrieht ne hotel, do te prekesh cdo cep te
>prishtines dhe do te pyesesh gjtije njerezit. Ne
>fillim gjithkujt i dukej normale dhe me pergjigjej.
>Nega fundi i dites nje shok i Gentes me dha mesazhin
>se s#duhej te beja shume nga keto pyetje.
>NE cdo hap ke UNMIK un me vete, qe nuk e di a eshte
>mire a eshte prezence lufte e perhershme, apo
>paaftesie shqipataresh per te drejtuar. Por ka
>pergjigje qe nuk mund t? marresh ne nje dite. Djem
>te bukr e te gjate, vajza me taka shuem te larta, te
>huaj dhe njerez qe tregojne shume me teper se mosha e
>tyre.
>
>Ti blen njee reviste letrare, dhe aty ke Tirane.
>Njerezit qe nuk jane habitur apo dyshuar per pyetjet
>e tua, shafqin respekt sapo ti i thua se je nga
>tirana.
>
>Kurse ata qe jane me te drejtperdrejte thone vetem :
>ne ju kemi patur ideal, qe do te thosh qe nuk ju
>kemi me. Ti do t? thuash se  sa shume e vret koken prej
>idhujve, por nuk guxon, se ata e dine me mire kete.
>Mbremja u mbyll me nje koncert xhazi prej disa
>instrumentisteve fantasktike shqiptare, dhe me
>shetitjen naten. Prishtina naten eshte zili.(Ti nuk
>mund te shetisesh naten ne Tirane.) Sikurse dhe
>diten ti  e dallon televizionin e bonbarduar dhe godinat e
>djegura. Per shprese? Askush nuk ta pohon, askush
>nuk te thote te kunderten.
>
>Une nuk dua te therras per nacionalizem. Une i urrej
>kufijte dhe luftrat per kufij. Une i lutem faljes
>dhe e nderoj faljen. Une kam pyetur te gjithe kosovaret
>qe kam takuar: A do te kete paqe midis serbeve dhe
>kosovareve, dhe kam marre pergjigje nga me te
>ashprat deri te me te durueshmet. Askush nuk me ka dhene
>pergjigjet qe me dhane shtepite e pafundme te djegura
>te rruges Prishtine Peje. Varret e perbashketa ma
>mbyllen gojen, por nuk qava. Pyeta prap. Dhe varret
>e perbashketa nuk i kuptova. Atehere mendova se une
>kurre nuk do te mund ta kuptoj kete popull, pra as
>ta gjykoj per rezistencen per paqe me serbet, per aq
>kohe une nuk kam qene ketu .
>
>Ne peje njerezit jane shume mikprites dhe ti ndihesh
>keq qe ata gati te nderojne me respektin e tyre. Ne
>mbremje ndersa une hapa per seri diskutimin mbi
>Paqen, dikush na tha te ulim zerin"se nuk eshte mire".
>pastaj na treguan per listat, qe shqipataret kishin per
>shqipater e perzjere ne lufte. Lista do te thote:
>eleminim. Ata benin shaka me mua se nese vazhdoja me
>keto "Intervista" do te isha dhe une ne listen e
>tyre.
>
>Dhe une mendoja se ne jemi nje popull fatkeq, qe
>vetem do te lajme hesape pas hesapesh, pa ditur cfare mund
>te behet tjeter. Dikush sot me tha se botes tani nga
>keto vrasje shqiptar - shqiptar, po i jepet mesazhi.
>Nuk paska qene faji i serbeve, shqipareet nuk dine
>gjuhe tjeter. Ti i pyet se si eshte liria per ata,
>dhe ata e kane akoma enderr. Nuk ka fatkeqsi me te madhe
>per dike, se sa te enderrosh lirine, edhe kur e ke
>ate. Te mos e realizosh qe poseidon dicka, kjo eshte
>per te ardhur keq. Perfytyro se cfare permasah merr
>kjo, kur flitet per lirine.
>
>Sot ne mengjes nje shofer i SCK, nje burre plak me
>ulet ne tavolinen e mngjesit dhe me thote:"Une kam
>shume respekt per ju shqiparet e Shqipewrise. KAm
>jetuar 2 muaj ne kohen e luftes. Me ka mbajtur nje
>familje jo shume e pasur. por erdhem dhe moren ne
>Pallatin e sportit me gjithe familjen dhe me kane
>dhen cfare kishin ne shtepine  tyre, derisa mbaroj lufta.
>Nuk do t? harroj kurre.."dhe u perlot. U perlota dhe
>une dhe thashe nje shume fjalesh, ku thelbi duhet te
>ish "Mbase jemi edhe me te mire sec dihemi". Mu
>kujtua Andi qe ne ate kohe me kish derguar nje mesazh, qe
>sot tingellon qesharak e patetik, por atehere
>tingellonte prej Andi: Mos i lini ne rruge, Brike!!
>TAni jam ne diten e trete, dhe ka kaq shume fjale qe
>i dashuroj prej tyre. DHe une i dua akoma shoket
>serbe.
>
>Por ndjej se kam shume me shume miq, sesa atehere
>kur Kosova ishte per mua  Toka e ndaluar, toka e njemije
>e nje tmerreve dhe njemije e nje gjykimeve, e padijes
>me te falshme dhe e rruges ku ti nuk ke shkelur sepse
>nuk e di, dhe qe e ke lene ne nje qosh te zemres tende,
>duke preferuar me mire te heshtesh per kete.
>
>Nese dikush me pyet nese dua te rri me gjate une
>perseri do te jap nje pergjigje qe do ta jepja edhe
>nga Shqiperia: Dua t?ja mbath, si nga te gjitha
>gjerat qe i dua,
>
>Ju perqafoj nga Peja, Kena
>

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From juniku at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 19 00:39:54 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 04:39:54 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US Denies Backing Republic Status for Kosova
Message-ID: <F96PiyAphwFutJLtosJ00008de5@hotmail.com>



>From: NAACDC at AOL.COM
>To: NAACDC at aol.com
>Subject: [alb-information] US Denies Backing Republic Status for Kosova
>Date: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 16:30:03 EDT
>
>National Albanian American Council
>2000 L Street, N.W., Suite 200, Washington, DC  20036
>(202) 416-1627    Fax: (202) 416-1628
>Email: NAACDC at aol.com
>______________________________________________________________________
>PRESS RELEASE
>
>
>US Denies Backing Republic Status for Kosova
>
>
>Washington, DC, October 18, 2000:  In a meeting on October 17th with NAAC, 
>US
>Special Envoy to the Balkans Jim O'Brien denied a press report that the US 
>is
>promoting the idea that Kosova should become a third republic within a
>Yugoslav Federation that includes Serbia and Montenegro.
>
>The Associated Press reported on October 15, 2000 that a "western 
>diplomat,"
>speaking on condition of anonymity, said that the US believes this plan
>offers the "best chance for bringing stability to the Balkans and for
>diminishing prospects for more ethnic conflict."
>
>O'Brien denied that the US is backing such a plan: "The US is not promoting
>any plan regarding the final status of Kosova," said O'Brien. "We support
>resolving the question of final status by using the procedures set forth in
>UN Resolution 1244.  We believe that now is not the time to resolve the 
>final
>status issue.  We are focusing instead on helping to build democratic
>institutions, civil societies, and market economies in both Kosova and
>Serbia, and we hope Kosovars and Serbs will do the same."
>
>The Associated Press story created some concern among Albanians, who view 
>the
>United States as its savior and closest ally.  Albanians also believe that
>the American people strongly support independence, after a national poll
>conducted in March by Penn, Schoen and Berland showed that nearly 80 
>percent
>of the American people support creating a democratic, independent Kosova.
>
>"Serbia annexed Kosova by force, held on to it through oppression, and
>finally used mass expulsions, murder, and rape in an effort to cleanse it 
>of
>its indigenous Albanian population," said Ilir Zherka, NAAC President.
>"Given this history, it is understandable why Kosovars will never accept
>anything short of independence.  We are satisfied that the current
>Administration understands this point and that it is not attempting to
>advance any solutions to the final status question that undermines the will
>of the people of Kosova."
>
>
>###
>
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From juniku at hotmail.com  Thu Oct 19 00:42:56 2000
From: juniku at hotmail.com (Uk Lushi)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 04:42:56 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] CHOCO MATHS
Message-ID: <F97gXLsxpTljBOh8s4K00008cc8@hotmail.com>




>CHOCOLATE MATHS
>
>Don't cheat. Don't look at the result. Go throught the test.. it  takes 30 
>seconds. Do EXACTLY what you are asked to do.
>
>1. How many days a week would you like to spend eating chocolate (write 
>down the number.. no less than 1 and no more than 10)?
>(example: 1)
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------
>
>2. Multiply by 2
>(example:  1 x 2 = 2)
>>
>---------------------------------------------------------------
>
>3. Add 5.
>(example: 2 + 5 = 7)
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------
>
>4.  Multiply the result by 50.
>(Are you crazy? I'll wait till you find your calculator)
>(example:  7 x 50 = 350)
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------
>
>5. If you already had your birthday this year, add 1750. If not, add  1749.
>(example: 350 + 1750 = 2100)
>
>  ---------------------------------------------------------------
>
>6. Now distract a year of your birth from the result (If you still remember 
>it).
>(example: 2100 - 1970 = 130)
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
>
>
>
>++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
>Result: the first number of the result is the number in question 1.
>The second two numbers represent your age.
>
>(example: 130 -> 1 day/week eating chocolate, 30 years old)
>
>++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
>

This is the only year (2000) in which this little game works, so you
may want to spread it while there's still time. Interesting,
right?


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From albania at netzero.net  Thu Oct 19 15:58:50 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 15:58:50 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Kosovo Guerrillas Return To Stronghold For Nostalgic Election Rally
Message-ID: <000c01c03a07$0134e640$23ac9840@albania>

Kosovo Guerrillas Return To Stronghold For Nostalgic Election Rally 

GLOGOVAC, Oct 19, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) The red and black Albanian banner was flying above every shop in Glogovac Wednesday, as supporters of the political movement which sprung out of the Kosovo Liberation Army converged on one of their last strongholds.

"Here, it's 100 percent PDK," a UN police officer surveying the 6,000 strong crowd at the election rally of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) said. "If the PDK don't win here, they won't win anywhere."

Despite its association with the heroes of Kosovo's unfinished battle for independence, the PDK is expected to do badly in next week's municipal election -- except perhaps here in the Drenica valley, the movement's home base.

In Glogovac the PDK wheeled out its big guns: party leader and former KLA political chief Hashim Thaci, his deputy Bardhyl Mahmuti, and Jakup Krasniqi, who heads the candidate list in the municipality.

Activists from neighboring municipalities had been bussed in for the event, a show of force, with so many crowding onto a section of waste ground near the town that some were forced to scramble onto half-finished buildings to catch a glimpse of their heroes.

A minute of silence was held for the martyrs of the KLA's armed struggle against Yugoslav rule, which ended last year with the arrival of a NATO peacekeeping force and the imposition of a United Nations mandate.

Then the speeches started, and there was only one theme: the KLA. Many Kosovo Albanian parties include former guerrillas in their ranks, and all want independence, but the PDK has worked throughout the campaign to associate itself and itself alone with the fighters.

"The liberation struggle started here, and it's here that the Serb police suffered their first blow," Thaci declared, to wild cheers.

"You always helped the KLA, and you, with the KLA, liberated Kosovo. Our candidates are those who will never allow the Serb police and army to come back. A vote for the PDK is a vote for independence," he continued.

Mahmuti worked the crowd with a hymn of praise to their region's role as the KLA's symbolic heartland: "Drenica gave us two of the most important figures in our history: Hashim Thaci and Adem Jashari."

Jashari, whose bearded features loom out of posters and monuments across UN-run Kosovo, became the KLA's most famous martyr when, along with most of his clan, he was killed by Serb police at his home in northern Drenica in the first months of the conflict in 1998.

The rally's speeches barely touched on the PDK's program should they succeed in protecting in a democratic vote the stranglehold on Kosovo's municipal councils they won by virtue of the guerrillas' military might.

The speakers preferred to appeal more to their supporters' patriotism than to their civic concerns.

"We knew how to make war, we will know how to build Kosovo's local institutions," was the best promise Krasniqi could come up with.

And so to the obligatory celebration of Albanian folklore -- a culture which suffered greatly during the 10 years of Serb repression which preceded the KLA's revolution -- as Thaci saluted the crowd and gave his place to a dancing troupe which was to celebrate "The Albanian victory over the Serbs." ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

-------------- next part --------------
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From albania at netzero.net  Thu Oct 19 16:01:19 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 16:01:19 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Early Serbian Poll Puts West in Kosovo Dilemma
Message-ID: <002201c03a07$5999af00$23ac9840@albania>

Early Serbian Poll Puts West in Kosovo Dilemma 

BELGRADE, Oct 19, 2000 -- (Reuters) Plans by Yugoslavia's new rulers to hold early Serbian elections present the West with a sudden dilemma over Kosovo that it has been desperate to avoid.

The elections, scheduled for December 23, force diplomatic powers to confront quickly the issue of whether Kosovo remains part of Serbia. Whatever their decision, it is likely to anger one ethnic group or another in Europe's most volatile region.

If the international powers that run Kosovo as a protectorate let the elections take place in the province, they risk the wrath of the ethnic Albanian majority which fought for independence after years of repression under Serb rule.

If they decide not to allow the polls, they will enrage Kosovo's Serb minority and risk alienating new Yugoslav president Vojislav Kostunica and the people of Serbia proper, whom they are anxious to steer towards Western democracy.

The West has embraced Kostunica as a democrat. Elections to the Serbian parliament, still dominated by allies of former Yugoslav president and the West's Balkan nemesis Slobodan Milosevic, are a key part of his campaign to consolidate power.

"I can see from the Kostunica point of view that it's the earlier the better in order to change the chemistry in Serbia - but it will put us in a very delicate position," said Daan Everts, a deputy head of Kosovo's international administration.

DECISION COULD PRE-EMPT STATUS TALKS

Western governments previously stuck to the line that the vexed question of Kosovo's status should be resolved at some vague future date, hoping that time would heal the wounds of the bloody conflict between Serbs and ethnic Albanians.

Now Western minds which had been concentrating on Kosovo's own municipal elections due on October 28 have just a matter of weeks to focus on the bigger picture.

"If you say the elections have to be held in Kosovo also, you basically pre-empt the later final-status negotiations because you are saying Kosovo is part of Serbia," Everts told a recent briefing for journalists in Vienna.

Officials in the UN-led administration admit they have yet to formulate their position. Some officials and diplomats speculate Kostunica may not insist on the poll being held in Kosovo but agree they will be in a tight spot if he does.

"It's a tough one," said one Western source in the Kosovo capital Pristina. "It's difficult to see how we could say 'no'."

The administration, set up in June last year after NATO bombing drove out Serbian forces, works according to a UN resolution which says Kosovo remains a part of Yugoslavia but does not specify whether it is part of Serbia.

Kosovo was a province of Serbia, Yugoslavia's dominant republic, with an autonomous status withdrawn by Milosevic.

CONCERN COULD TURN TO ANGER

Albanians could just about tolerate being part of some sort of nebulous Yugoslavia for an interim period as long as this had virtually no practical implications.

International officials took the view that as long as Milosevic was in power, Yugoslav and Serbian authorities had forfeited the moral right to have any say in running Kosovo.

Milosevic's authorities set up some polling booths in Serb enclaves in Kosovo for last month's Yugoslav elections but the move was not endorsed by the UN and treated as an irrelevance by Kosovo Albanians.

Organizing Serbian elections in Kosovo with active international help may provoke a very different response.

Kostunica's arrival in power and his whirlwind courtship with the West already has ethnic Albanians worried.

Any increased influence by Yugoslav authorities in Kosovo could enrage Albanians, raising the specter of the majority population turning against NATO-led peacekeepers and international officials initially feted as liberators.

"There is already great concern," said Louis Sell, a former U.S. diplomat who heads the Kosovo office of the International Crisis Group think tank. "It could turn to anger."

Officials suggest if the UN mission did decide to give the elections its blessing, it would also have to state that the decision would not prejudice talks on Kosovo's final status.

Whether ethnic Albanians would accept that declaration is open to question. Some analysts believe they might be more willing if they were also offered sweeteners such as the promise of general elections to a Kosovo assembly soon.

Kostunica's ascent to power means many long-moribund questions on the future of the Balkans are up for discussion and Kosovo Albanians are anxious to take part. A Kosovo-wide assembly would provide representatives to do just that.

"They want a seat at the table," Sell said. "They need their own Kosovo-wide government structures."

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From albania at netzero.net  Thu Oct 19 16:10:11 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 16:10:11 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Turkey, Albania To Boost Defense Cooperation For Regional Peace
Message-ID: <004401c03a08$a7c30860$23ac9840@albania>

Turkey, Albania To Boost Defense Cooperation For Regional Peace 

ANKARA, Turkey, Oct 19, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Turkey and Albania expressed determination Thursday to boost defense cooperation to bolster stability and peace in the volatile Balkans.

"We will expend efforts to strengthen our cooperation in the defense and security realms," visiting Albanian Prime Minister Ilir Meta told reporters after a meeting with his Turkish counterpart Bulent Ecevit.

Ecevit, for his part, said the Turco-Albanian military cooperation would contribute to peace and stability in the war-ravaged Balkan region.

The ministers did not elaborate what concrete steps the two sides would take.

Turkey has already provided 40 million dollars for upgrading Albania's army, a sum expected to double by 2004, and is involved in modernizing Albania's principal military base at Pasha Liman, which was completely destroyed during a rebellion in 1997.

Ankara also plans to help restore an arms factory in Albania.

Meta said that Turkey and Albania would also work for boosting bilateral economic exchange and increasing Turkish investments in Albania.

Meta had arrived in Turkey earlier this week to participate in a business meeting in Istanbul.

Turkey has close historical, cultural and religious ties with Albania, which was a part of the Ottoman Empire during its half-a-century rule in the Balkans. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Thu Oct 19 16:25:58 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 22:25:58 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} NEWS: Moscow condemns Kosovo vote (WorldNetDaily.com, 19 October 2000)
Message-ID: <39EF58D6.5F005C67@bndlg.de>

http://www.worldnetdaily.com/bluesky_westerman_news/20001019_xnwes_moscow_con.shtml

THE BALKANS QUAGMIRE 

Moscow condemns Kosovo vote 

Calls upcoming elections 'a travesty'  meant to tear province from
Yugoslavia 

By I. J. Toby Westerman
? 2000 WorldNetDaily.com 

Moscow has condemned the upcoming elections in Kosovo as "a travesty,
... another move to tear Kosovo from Yugoslavia," according to official
Russian sources. 
     The Voice of Russia World Service quotes the Yugoslav government as
stating that the nominally Yugoslav province is in the grip of
"anti-Serb terror." Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica is quoted as
saying that the head of the U.N. Mission in Kosovo, Dr. Bernard
Kouchner, is running Kosovo as a "governor general of some colonial
country," while striving to please "Albanian extremists." Kostunica,
according to Moscow sources, regards the atmosphere in Kosovo as
"absolutely abnormal" for holding elections. 
     Voice of Russia World Service is the official broadcasting service
of the Russian government.
     The elections -- which the U.N. Mission in Kosovo, or UNMIK, has
scheduled for municipal governments in Kosovo for Oct. 28 -- are
considered an important initial step toward local self-government for
the war-torn province. Eligible voters will include those inside and
outside of Kosovo. Most of the province's Serb population, however, is
expected to boycott the elections. 
     A U.S. State Department official, who wished to remain unnamed, was
unmoved by Moscow's concerns, and said the Kosovo election was "open to
anyone," and that all in the province are free to participate in running
for office, as well as the balloting. 
     The State Department source also stated that -- in contrast to the
earlier Yugoslav vote -- the elections in Kosovo will have "total
transparency," because the 41,000 U.N. troops in the province would
provide protection "as good as it can be." 
     The Kosovo elections will take place amidst continuing ethnic
violence. Between 200,000 and 300,000 have fled the province, mostly
Serbs, but also Gypsies and other minority groups. 
     A report released yesterday on the Kosovo system indicates that
those Serbs remaining in Kosovo face danger not only from terrorist
gangs -- but even from the law itself. 
     In its report, "Kosovo: A Review of the Criminal Justice System,"
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe states that
there is "clear and compelling evidence" of anti-Serb bias in the
courts, that imprisonment exists "in violation of international
standards," and that some provisions of Kosovo law "may conflict with
human rights standards." 
     The report also finds that "vulnerable groups," including
"juveniles and victims of sexual violence within the criminal system,"
need greater protection, while noting that those wrongfully imprisoned
lack a legal remedy "to challenge illegal detentions." 
     Ethnic Albanians have reacted angrily to official Belgrade
statements that Yugoslav troops could re-enter Kosovo by January 2001,
and are vowing to rekindle fighting upon their arrival. 
     The State Department spokesman said he did not believe Yugoslav
troops would return to Kosovo "for the foreseeable future," describing
such a development as "highly destabilizing." 
     Violent incidents are, however, occurring both within and on the
borders of Kosovo. As U.N. KFOR troops struggle to maintain order in the
province itself, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians continues on
the border of Kosovo. A guerrilla group is active in Albanian areas on
the Serb-Kosovo border, and recently killed two Serb police officers
patrolling the area. 
     The guerrilla force calls itself the Liberation Army of Presevo,
Medvedja and Bujanovic -- after village areas in the region. 
     An Oct. 12 Los Angeles Times story quoted Albanian leaders within
Kosovo as being confident that the struggle for an independent Kosovo
has already been won, and that the Oct. 28 elections are in reality a
step leading to eventual independence. Former leaders of the Kosovo
Liberation Army are active in the present election campaign, and look
forward to province-wide elections, which may occur next year. 
     Moscow has already condemned the Oct. 28 vote as simply a contest
between various groups seeking independence for Kosovo. 
     Ethnic conflicts in the southern Balkans are not limited, though,
to Yugoslavia and its nominal province, Kosovo. 
     Albania and Greece have exchanged accusations regarding the right
of ethnic Greeks to take part in Albanian elections. Athens states that
both ethnic Greeks living in Albania and those residing in Greece are
forbidden to take part in voting in Albania. 
     For its part, the Albanian government is protesting the visit of
Greek politicians to Albania, accusing them of urging the Greek minority
in Albania to support a minority Greek party, and thereby violating
Albanian sovereignty. 

I.J Toby Westerman, a contributing editor to both WorldNet Magazine and
WorldNetDaily.com, focuses on current events in the Commonwealth of
Independent States and the Balkans.

? 2000 WorldNetDaily.com, Inc.


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From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct 19 22:53:03 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 22:53:03 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kostunica Summons Milosevic Allies
Message-ID: <61.828a966.27210d8f@aol.com>

Kostunica Summons Milosevic Allies

By KATARINA KRATOVAC

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - President Vojislav Kostunica summoned allies of 
ousted leader Slobodan Milosevic on Thursday, urging them to insure security 
at home. 

At the same time in a show of Western support for Kostunica, Yugoslavia was 
invited to rejoin the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe 
after an absence of eight years. 

Kostunica met Serbian President Milan Milutinovic, army chief Gen. Nebojsa 
Pavkovic and, for the first time, the chief of Milosevic's secret service, 
Rade Markovic. Serbia and the smaller republic of Montenegro make up the 
Yugoslav federation. 

``It was concluded that the army and police must fully meet all legal 
obligations,'' said a statement from Kostunica's office, without elaboration. 

There have been fears that some Milosevic allies in the security service 
remain loyal to him and that they may be planning a coup against the new 
pro-democracy leaders. 

With the situation in Yugoslavia precarious nearly two weeks after Kostunica 
took office, Western governments have rushed to promise aid and support to 
the new government. 

In the latest initiative, the 55-nation Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE, announced it has invited Yugoslavia to join 
the group in time for its next ministerial meeting in Vienna, Austria, on 
Nov. 27. 

Yugoslavia's membership was suspended in 1992 because of its involvement in 
the ethnic war in Bosnia. Austria's Foreign Minister Benita Ferrero-Waldner, 
the current head of the OSCE, said Yugoslavia should submit a new application 
as a ``successor state'' to the former Yugoslav federation, which 
disintegrated in the 1990s. 

The Western overtures have angered Serbian radicals, who claim Kostunica is 
leading the country toward American domination. 

``We know who decides what is good and what is bad for the Belgrade 
revolutionaries,'' Vojislav Seselj of the Serbian Radical Party told 
reporters. He labeled Kostunica's group as ``coup leaders, now seeking to 
legalize their revolution.'' 

``The strings are being pulled by Americans,'' Seselj said. ``America has a 
clear-cut project to carve up our state into three republics: Serbia, 
Montenegro and Kosovo, by way of a loose confederation.'' 

Seselj said Yugoslavs who were ``tired of misery and poverty voted for those 
who promised milk and honey.'' 

``But nothing will come out of these promises,'' he said. ``Only drops of 
humanitarian aid.'' 

Kostunica claimed victory over Milosevic in the Sept. 24 election. When 
Milosevic said Kostunica failed to win enough votes to avoid a runoff, 
hundreds of thousands of people rioted, forcing the longtime leader to 
concede defeat. 


From Gazhebo at aol.com  Thu Oct 19 22:56:20 2000
From: Gazhebo at aol.com (Gazhebo at aol.com)
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 2000 22:56:20 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kosovo independence demand still stands - Rugova
Message-ID: <d9.b157244.27210e54@aol.com>

Kosovo independence demand still stands - Rugova

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, Oct 19 (Reuters) - Ethnic Albanian leader Ibrahim 
Rugova said on Thursday his party would accept nothing less than independence 
for Kosovo despite the coming to power of pro-democracy reformers in 
Belgrade. 

The leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo, the territory's largest 
political force, said he welcomed the downfall of Slobodan Milosevic as 
Yugoslav president but stressed this did not change his party's stance. 

"Independence is the only solution for Kosovo," said Rugova, whose party is 
favourite to emerge as the strongest from Kosovo local elections due a week 
on Saturday. 

Milosevic, who has been indicted by a U.N. court for Serb atrocities 
committed against members of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority, was forced by 
a mass uprising to admit defeat to Vojislav Kostunica in last month's 
elections. 

Kosovo legally remains part of Serb-dominated Yugoslavia but has been run as 
a de facto international protectorate since June last year, when NATO bombing 
drove out Serb forces. 

Rugova said the West would come to recognise the desire of the overwhelming 
majority of ethnic Albanians for independence and suggested Serbian leaders 
should do the same. 

"It is clear to everybody that the independence of Kosovo is inevitable," he 
told reporters in the Kosovo capital Pristina. 

"It would certainly be good if Belgrade recognised the fact. Otherwise the 
international community will at some point recognise the independence." 

Rugova said Milosevic and his opponents in Belgrade had long shared a similar 
stance over Kosovo but added he was open to meeting Kostunica if he proved 
his democratic credentials. 

"Of course, why not meet with Kostunica? But we have to wait a little bit and 
see what direction they are taking and how democratic and pro-European those 
changes are," he said. 


From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Oct 20 08:05:29 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 20 Oct 2000 05:05:29 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Milosevic's money
Message-ID: <20001020120529.14230.qmail@web108.yahoomail.com>

Kathimerini 

Greece denies allegations of harboring Milosevic money

Germany confirmed on Wednesday that it had
intelligence on ousted Yugoslav leader Slobodan
Milosevic's financial holdings abroad but still could
not pinpoint where he had stashed his money.
A German intelligence report says Milosevic and his
associates are criminals who have stashed well in
excess of $100 million in ill-gotten funds in various
countries.

"We still do not know where the money is parked,"
deputy Foreign Minister Gunter Pleuger told InfoRadio
Berlin-Brandenburg.

Greek government spokesman Dimitris Reppas, commenting
on Wednesday, said that there was no evidence
indicating that the former Yugoslav president had any
holdings in Greece, and he called on the German
government to release any such information that it
might have.

In the report the German Federal Intelligence Service
(BND) said Milosevic's private financial empire
extended to Russia, China, Cyprus, Greece, Lebanon and
South Africa. In Switzerland alone the agency
estimated holdings at $100 million.

"If such accounts are really found, then they will be
confiscated," Pleuger said.

Officials reporting to new President Vojislav
Kostunica have said they may make efforts to seek the
millions Milosevic and his backers are believed to
have diverted abroad. 

"Considerable evidence indicates Milosevic and his
entourage constitute an OC (organized crime) structure
and are engaged in drug dealing, money laundering and
other criminal acts," an internal executive summary of
the report said.

Estimates 

"The suspected amount of the Milosevic assets,
although most are not verifiable individually, could
hardly have been legally obtained during that time
frame," the report said. "Estimates speak of at least
three-digit millions of U.S. dollars."

The report said those involved in the financial
dealings included his brother Borislav Milosevic,
Yugoslavia's ambassador to Moscow, wife Mirjana
Markovic and son Marko, who fled the country after his
father was toppled. It said Marko was heavily involved
in cigarette and tobacco smuggling.

Milosevic, his family and cronies have repeatedly been
accused of corruption and enriching themselves through
state-controlled companies during his 13-year rule of
Yugoslavia, which collapsed in the face of protests in
Belgrade this month.

"The near total occupation of key economic positions
by Milosevic loyalists opened the possibility of
illegal capital transfers for personal enrichment,"
Bild quoted the intelligence report as saying.

The report alleges that some 60 Milosevic cronies
controlled virtually all sectors of the Yugoslav
economy, according to BND spokeswoman Lydia Rauscher. 

They allegedly include the speaker of the Serbian
Parliament, Dragan Tomic, Serbian premier Mirko
Marjanovic and former energy minister Dragan Kostic.

Government institutions under the influence of
Milosevic's regime included the national bank, the
customs service, the JAT airline, the Jugopetrol oil
company, TV stations and a telecommunications company,
the BND charged.
 
 


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From albania at netzero.net  Fri Oct 20 07:38:11 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Fri, 20 Oct 2000 07:38:11 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Kosovo Albanian Publisher Sees Challenges for Serbia
Message-ID: <001c01c03a8a$3ade02e0$3e5ff6d1@albania>

Kosovo Albanian Publisher Sees Challenges for Serbia
By Jeremy Bransten 

PRAGUE, Oct 20, 2000 -- (RFE/RL) Veton Surroi was first asked how the recent change in leadership in Belgrade, and particularly the apparent surrender of power by former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, is likely to affect Kosovo:

"I think it's still not Milosevic's exit from the scene. Milosevic can exit from the scene only when he gets to [UN war-crimes tribunal at] The Hague or otherwise is out physically from the region. But in any case, I think it is very important as a movement -- the deposing of Milosevic -- because it is a first step toward democracy in Serbia. That in itself will create plenty of opportunities for the Serb opposition and some of the tests of its will, will be immediate. For example, the release of Albanian prisoners who are in Serb jails, or dealing with questions of the past, or dealing with questions of constitutional relations with Montenegro."

Some commentators have noted that Milosevic's ouster may, paradoxically, hurt the interests of independence-minded Kosovars. According to their logic, as long as Milosevic remained in power as Europe's bogeyman, Kosovars could be sure of Western attention and protection. With democratic rule in Belgrade, the West may seek to reduce its commitment to Kosovo and push for the province's reintegration into Serbia. Surroi was asked for his view:

"I think it would be short-sighted for the Kosovars to think that their future can depend on the life of Milosevic -- that would mean a totally unnatural relationship with the man who is responsible for the death of 10,000 Kosovars and of many other people all over the former Yugoslavia. So in that sense, I think the Kosovars are more realistic. They have assumed there would be a change. This now of course is a serious test for the Kosovars to move forward in their democracy."

Surroi said he does not foresee a time when Serbian forces could return to Kosovo:

"No, I think that process is irreversibly dead. I don't see anyone accepting Serb forces in Kosovo, any Kosovar accepting Serb forces in Kosovo."

Surroi noted that United Nations Resolution 1244, adopted by the Security Council in June 1999, draws no link between democratization in Serbia and a return of Serbian forces in Kosovo. Instead, the resolution gives the UN a mandate to create democratic, autonomous institutions in the province. He said this is what the UN must continue to do, regardless of developments in Belgrade.

"Resolution 1244 has created an engagement that is rather independent from developments in Serbia. So what needs to be done is to strengthen self-rule in Kosovo, deepen democracy, create better economic conditions -- move in a fast-forward mode to fulfill resolution 1244."

Surroi was also asked to evaluate the performance of the UN civil administrator in Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner.

"Dr. Kouchner has no doubt had his heart in the right place. The question is always whether a UN administration can replace an authentic government -- and it can't."

That problem will be partially solved after October 28, when Kosovo is due to hold its first local elections since the start of UN administration. Surroi said he was satisfied with the progress of the electoral campaign so far.

"There will be local elections. Despite my initial fears, I think there has been considerable progress on the part of the parties, their responsibility towards the elections and towards maintaining them as non-violent as possible."

Surroi was then asked whether the changes in Belgrade, as some commentators have suggested, may drive more of the Kosovo electorate toward nationalist parties out of fear the province may be pushed toward reintegration with Serbia. Surroi said he does not believe this to be true. In any case, he noted, all political parties representing ethnic Albanians in Kosovo advocate independence for the province -- a goal supported by the overwhelming majority of the province's population.

Independence, Surroi summed up, is not the position of one political party or another in Kosovo. It is, he said, "a consensual position of all the people."

Copyright (c) 2000 RFE/RL, Inc

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From i_spaho at hotmail.com  Fri Oct 20 13:09:36 2000
From: i_spaho at hotmail.com (irma spaho)
Date: Fri, 20 Oct 2000 17:09:36 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ca qyfyre me gazeta
Message-ID: <F78Z2y2Fko8C7wyfwjH0000a0a3@hotmail.com>


>
>
>Who reads these newspapers?
>
>1. The Wall Street Journal is read by the people who run the
>   country.
>
>2. The New York Times is read by people who think they run the
>   country.
>
>3. The Washington Post is read by people who think they ought to
>   run the country.
>
>4. USA Today is read by people who think they ought to run the
>   country but don't understand the Washington Post.
>
>5. The Los Angeles Times is read by people who wouldn't mind
>   running the country, if they could spare the time.
>
>6. The Boston Globe is read by people whose parents used to run
>   the country.
>
>7. The New York Daily News is read by people who aren't too sure
>   who's running the country.
>
>8. The New York Post is read by people who don't care who's
>   running the country, as long as they do something scandalous.
>
>9. The San Francisco Chronicle is read by people who aren't sure
>   there is a country, or that anyone is running it.
>
>10. The Miami Herald is read by people who are running another
>    country.
>

_________________________________________________________________________
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From alb2001 at beld.net  Fri Oct 20 16:55:58 2000
From: alb2001 at beld.net (ALBANIA 2001)
Date: Fri, 20 Oct 2000 16:55:58 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [2001ajs] FWD: Limprecht Public Forum and Dinner Please RSVP
Message-ID: <200010201655.AA2315255964@f155.beld.net>

Please see note below if you will be in New York on Wednesday October 25th when the US Ambassador to Albania (Joseph Limprecht) will be in New York as part of a Public Forum sponsored by the National Albanian American Council.

---------- Original Message ----------------------------------
From: NAACDC at aol.com
Date: Fri, 20 Oct 2000 13:37:40 EDT


The NAAC forum with Ambassador Limprecht will take place at the Loews New 
York Hotel at 569 Lexington Ave (Hotel telephone 212-752-7000) on Wednesday, 
October 25, 2000, 6:30-8:30pm.  



--
ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Suite #417
160 Commonwealth Avenue
Boston, MA 02116
Telephone:  781-843-1056
Telephone:  617-262-6665
Fax:  617-262-2340
E-Mail:  alb2001 at beld.net

ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Rruga Asim Vokshi
Pallati #141
Tirana, Albania
Telephone:  355-42-40842
Telephone:  355-42-39748
Fax:  355-42-39748
E-Mail:  alb2001 at icc.al.eu.org

--

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Oct 21 21:55:30 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 21 Oct 2000 18:55:30 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Tensions between Greece and Turkey
Message-ID: <20001022015530.21311.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

Territorial tension continues between Greece, Turkey 
 





ISTANBUL, Turkey (October 21, 2000 6:22 p.m. EDT ) -
In another day of rising tensions in the eastern
Mediterranean, Turkey warned of "undesired results" if
Greece persisted in flying over two Aegean islands on
Saturday, while Turkish jets blocked Greek warplanes
from participating in a joint NATO exercise. 

Greece's Defense Ministry asked NATO to cut short the
multinational exercise in Turkey after the two Greek
A-7 Corsair jets were forced to return to base. 

There was no official response from NATO. But a NATO
official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the
alliance was trying to resolve the dispute. 

Tensions have been escalating for days between the two
neighbors, which are at odds over military boundaries
in the Aegean Sea. 

Turkey said it warned against letting Greek planes fly
over the islands of Lemnos and Ikaria, considered
"demilitarized zones" under international agreements. 

"If in the coming days Greek planes continue to
infringe on flight security, it could lead to
undesired results," Turkey's General Staff said in a
statement. 

Greece says there are no such international
agreements. Defense Minister Akis Tsochadzopoulos
accused Turkey of violating NATO exercise plans by
placing the two islands out-of-bounds. 

Troops from the United States, Britain, Germany, Spain
and Italy, as well as Greece and Turkey, are taking
part in the NATO exercise, Destined Glory, which ends
Wednesday. 

Meanwhile, Turkish and Greek warplanes also engaged in
intense mock dogfights over the divided island of
Cyprus when Turkish jets tried to prevent four Greek
fighter bombers from taking part in a separate
exercise there Saturday, the Cypriot Defense Ministry
said. 

Turkey did not confirm the incident over Cyprus, which
has been divided between Greece and Turkey since the
1970s. 

The display of force "could block all roads to peace"
between Turkish and Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriot
leader Rauf Denktash said. 

Territorial disputes in the Aegean and on Cyprus are
among the thorniest of issues dividing Greece and
Turkey, which have come close to war three times in
the last 26 years. 

Relations began thawing last year after the two
countries agreed to focus on secondary issues such as
tourism and economic cooperation to build friendship. 

On Saturday, Greece's foreign minister, George
Papandreou urged "respect for sovereign rights,
peaceful resolution of disputes and respect for
international law" between the two countries. 

He stressed that the European Union, which accepted
Turkey as a candidate for EU membership last year,
sought mutual respect as a basis for better
Greek-Turkish relations. 




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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Oct 21 23:37:45 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 21 Oct 2000 20:37:45 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Himaren
Message-ID: <20001022033745.27062.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

. 22 Tetor 2000 
Gazeta Shqiptare 
 

SPECIALE

E v?rteta historike
mbi autoktonin? e Himar?s

??shtja e "Himara", e cila ridoli n? sken? me
zgjedhjet e pushtetit lokal, nuk ishte nj? problem i
ri. Ka koh? q? daullet e shovinizmit helen dhe t? disa
qarqeve antishqiptare q? i b?jn? iso atyre, bien n?
sinkron t? plot? me orekset e shfrenuara t? nj?
politike shterp? e cila duke shtremb?ruar t? v?rtet?n
historike p?rpiqen q? t`na e paraqesin Himar?n si nj?
tok? greke. Pa dashur t? biem n? kurthin e atyre
qarqeve antishqiptare, t? cilat d?shirojn? q? t? v?n?
n? pikpyetje dhe diskutim prejardhjen e himariot?ve
dhe autoktonin? e tyre shqiptare, ju drejtuam p?r nj?
intervist? lidhur me k?t? problem historianit t?
njohur Prof. Sherif Delvina i cili me fakte dhe
argumenta shkencor? t? bazuara n? dokumenta arkivore
kryesisht t? Vatikanit, Stambollit dhe Rusis? hedh
drit? t? plot? mbi t? v?rt?t?n historike t? Himar?s
dhe himariot?ve. 

A p?rmendet Himara q? n? lasht?si dhe cil?t jan?
historian?t q? i referohen asaj?
"N? lasht?si Himara ndodhej n? Kaonin? e Epirit e
banohej nga fisi i keraun?ve. N? veri Epiri kufizohej
me malet Keraun? (malet e Vet?tim?s), nd?rsa n? Jug me
Greqin?, n? fund t? Gjirit t? Ambrakis?. Nga
historiani Skylaksi m?sojm? se Epiri, p?rkat?sisht
Kaonia, fillon me keraun?t (Skylaksi fq.26-28) Fisi i
Keraun?ve e kishte marr? k?t? em?r nga malet keraune
(vargu Karaburun-Sh?ndelli-?ik?). Rripi i ngusht? i
prapatok?s q? nga Palasa n? Hund?sov? me dy q?ndra t?
paisura me kala q? ruhen edhe sot, (kalaja e Himar?s
dhe ajo e Borshit) ishte vendi ku banonin keraun?t
(himariot?t) e koh?s s? lasht?. Himara p?rmendet si
k?shtjell? nga autori latin Gai Plini i Dyt? (shek. I
i-r? pas Krishtit) n? vepr?n e tij"Historia e
Natyr?s". 


N? vitin 395 Himara u p?rfshi n? Epirin e Vjet?r. Ajo
p?rmendet n? shekullin e gjasht? nga Prokopi i
Qezares?, historian bashkoh?s i Justinianit.
(viti.527-568 pas Krishtit) Perandor i Bizantit. Deri
n? shekullin e VIII-t? Epiri i Vjet?r, ku p?rfshihej
edhe Himara, ishte pjes? p?rb?rse e patriakatit romak,
si? b?het e ditur nga historiani Alain Ducellier. N?
vitin 1020, Himara figuron si peshkopat?, ajo varej
nga patariakana e Ohrit. N? vitin 1199, Perandori i
Bizantit, Aleksi i III-t? Komneni, u njohu venedikasve
privilegjet n? krahin?n e Himar?s. N? vitin 1275 Karli
i I-r? Anzhu e p?rmend at? n? mbret?rin? e Arb?ris?.
N? shekullin e XIV, (viti 1385) princ Balsha i II-t?
zot i Himar?s, u vra n? betejen e Savr?s nga turqit.
N? zot?rimet q? trash?goi gruaja e tij Komita Muzaka,
p?rfshihej dhe Himara. N? regjistrin osman t?
Sanxhakut t? Shqip?ris? t? vitit 1431, p?rfshihej edhe
Himara. Ajo ?sht? nahije e p?rb?r? nga n?nt? fshatra,
Balas, Vune, Belovode, Stefanaj, Kavalariledi?,
Rufani, Selc?, Shalsi dhe Kirderjani me 229 shjt?pi,
23 gra t? veja dhe 22 beqare. Taksat e t? dhjetave, q?
i paguanin k?to fshatra sunduesit osman, ishin 548
dukat? ari. Ato mereshin p?r nj? vit nga nahija e
Himar?s." 


Cili ?sht? roli i himariot?ve n? periudh?n e
Sk?nderbeut?
"N? at? koh?, vjehrri i Sk?nderbeut Gjergj Arianit
Komneni i theu n? grykat e Kurveleshit ushtrit?
osmane. N? ushtrin? e tij b?nin pjes? dhe himariot?t.
Kapedani i tyre Andon Lin Jerosa, u vra n? betej?n e
29 qershorit 1444. Pas k?saj ishte Gjergj Stres Balsha
ai q? i udh?hoqi himariot?t n? luftrat n? koh?n e
Sk?nderbeut. Kjo krahin? e vazhdoi luft?n dhe pas
r?nies s? Kruj?s n? dor? t? osman?ve. Pas pushtimit t?
Shqip?ris? n? vitin 1479, n? disa zona malor? t?
Arb?ris? u krijuan disa vatra q?ndrese, ku nj? nd?r
k?t? ishte dhe Himara. Ajo at?here p?rfshinte dhe
Lab?rin?. Dokumentet e vitit 1481 e paraqesin k?t?
zon? me 100 milje gjat?si dhe 50 milje gjer?si. Shum?
banor? t? saj u shp?rngul?n n? fund t? shekullit XV-t?
p?r ti shp?tuar hakmarrjes osmane dhe u vendos?n n?
mal?sit? e Kurveleshit, nd?rsa t? tjer?t p?rtej detit
Jon n? Italin? Jugore. Me vendosjen e tyre n? Jugun e
Italis?, ata vazhduan q? t? ruajn? idenditetin e tyre
me gjuh?n e zakonet t? cilat i kan? dhe sot. Atje, m?
1592-in himarioti Lek? Matr?nga p?rktheu nga
italishtja dhe botoi n? Rom? nj? katekiz?m shqip.
Historiani i njohur Marin Barleti i cil?son himariot?t
si nj? popullsi e pamposhtur dhe trime, q? i p?rballoi
me sukses osman?t e harbuar. Kjo popullsi e vazhdoi
luft?n kund?r turq?ve e komanduar nga Konstandin
Muzaka duke vrar? Komnen Aranitin, sanxhakbeun e
Vlor?s. M? von? ata zun? rob lufte bejlerbeun e
Rumelis?, Sulejman Ali Bej Eunukun dhe m? 1481-in ja
dorzuan at? Gjon Kastriotit t? II-t?, t? birit t?
Sk?nderbeut. Ja ?` na thon? disa fragmente nga
dokumentat q? b?jn? fjal? mbi luftrat e himariot?ve m?
1492-in kundra sulltanit osman Bajazitit t? II -t?.
"Dhe pasha d?rgoi nj? anije n? Korfuz, p?r t? th?n? q?
t? mos nxirrej asnj? njeri nga vendet e Arb?ris?,
sepse aty ishin duke ardhur dy sanxhakbejler? p?r tu
r?n? arb?rve t? Himar?s dhe Sopotit, Lajmi u muar m?
26 q?rshor (Stefano Manjo, bashk?koh?s i cituar nga
Sathasi) Ata (himariot?t) nuk iu n?nshtruan urdh?rit
perandorak dhe godit?n e vran? komandant?t q? van?
atje me daulle e flamuj e shum? prej tyre i zun?
rob?r. Nga ana tjet?r, meq?nse t? pafet? e
arb?rit,qen? fortifikuar n? disa shpella, u ngarkua
Daut Pasha q? s? bashku me repartin e Jeni?er?ve, ti
pushtonte ato vende domosdo." (Ali Kunh-Ul Ahabar
"Historia e Aliut" fq.159). Sipas Papadakis "Historia
diplomatike e ??shtjes s? Vorio-Epirit", Athin? 1958)
himariot?t p?rfunduan nj? traktat me Port?n e Lart?
duke fituar venomet m? 1518-t? t? cilat synonin :T?
qeveriseshin vet?, t? mbanin arm?t dhe ti paguanin
hara? Sulltanit. Po k?shtu Joanis Leunclavi n? vepr?n
e tij "Pandectae", t? botuar m? 1587-?n, kur flet p?r
luftrat e himariot?ve kund?r turq?ve m? 1572-it, na
b?n t? ditur (n? C.H.R viti 1572.fq.342) se popullsia
e Himar?s dhe krahina e tyre jan? pjes? e Arb?ris?. M?
tej po aty p?r t? sqaruar se ?far? jan? himariot?t ai
p?rdor tre sinonime: arnaut?, shqiptar? dhe epiriot?.
Karakteri etnik thjesh shqiptar i k?saj krahine nuk
vihet n? dyshim edhe nga shum? autor? t? tjer?."


Si q?ndron e v?rteta e letr?s q? himariot?t i d?rguan
Pap?s s? Rom?s nga mesi i shekullit t? XIX-t??
"Pa i b?r? komente k?saj letre q? himariot?t i d?rguan
Pap?s s? Rom?s m? 12 korrik t? vitit 1577, po e citoj
at? ku midis t? tjerash thuhet:"Shum? i shtrenjti
Pap?, m? t? Lartit t? Rom?s s? Lasht?. Babait t?
jetim?ve dhe ngush?llues i atyre q? k?rkojn? ndihm? e
tij. O m? i larti Pap?! Per?ndin? shum? t? Shenjt?, m?
t? lart? nga t? gjith?, e pranojm? o baba i jetim?ve
dhe ngush?llues i t? huajve, ne nga Himara e Epirit,
prift?rinj, klerik? dhe laik? e gjith? shteti, t?
gjunj?zuar vullnetarisht, i b?jm? homazh Shenjt?ris?
Suaj! T? b?jm? t? ditur o At shum? i shenjt?, se qysh
nga epoka e t? madhit Sk?nd?rbe, shum? i kthjellti
mbret, i mbiquajturi Sk?nderbej, kurr? ndonj?her?, as
dhe vet? armiku i fes? krishtere, e i egri e i
pam?shirshmi turk, me gjith? fuqin? e tij t?
urejt?shme nuk ka mundur t? na n?nshtroj?, megjithse
?do dit? e ?do ?ast ai nuk na l?, na torturon me prita
t? vijueshme q? na ngre, n? m?nyr? q? t? na shkaktoj?
d?me t? m?dha, humbje n? njer?z, t? vrar? n? luftime
ose t? na kthej? n? skllev?r. Turqit kan? shprishur
tri her? sht?pin? e peshkopit dhe pastaj i kan? v?n?
zjarrin. Ne sot gjendemi n? mizerjen m? t?
llahtarshme, nuk kemi asgj? p?r t` i b?r? q?ndres?
armikut dhe p?r t? ngritur s?rish rezidenc?n e
peshkopat?s, sepse dhe qytetet e tjer? si dhe krahinat
e af?rta, ndihen t? n?nshtruara dhe jan? n? pamund?si
t? na ndihmojn?. Nd?rkaq, p?r k?t? arsye,
bashk?kombasit tan? Gjik? Nikolla dhe Gjergj Katasi,
vijn? pran? Sh?njteris? Suaj si p?rfaqsuesit tan? dhe
n?p?rmjet tyre ne lutemi: Ti do t? na jap?sh prova p?r
mir?sin? dhe mirdashjen t?nde, n? m?nyr? q? ne, me t?
marr? ndihm?n q? do t? na falni, do ? na b?het i
mundur restaurimi i Peshkopat?s si dhe blerja e arm?ve
p?r t` u rezistuar t? pabes?ve. Mos na lini pa na
plot?suar lutjet tona, sepse ne nuk shpresojm? t?
marrim ndihma tek asnj? tjet?r, por tek i vetmi djal?
i t? Shenjtit dhe i t? Pandashmit Trinitet i
Shenjt?ris? Suaj, q? jeni z?dh?nsi i vet? Krishtit, t?
cilit ne i jemi p?rkushtuar dhe ty, ne, t? gjith? s?
bashku, t? lutemi t` u mirpres?sh lutjen t? d?rguar?ve
tan?. Per?ndia e b?ft? p?rher? t? lumtur Shenjt?rin?
Tuaj dhe i plot?soft? ?ka d?shiron! Nga Himara,
d.m.th. nga Epiri i Shqiptar?ve. 12 korrik 1577,
Sh?rb?tor? dhe Shtetas t? Shenjt?ris? Suaj nga Epiri i
shqiptar?ve, prift?rinj, klerik? dhe laik? dhe i
gjith? shteti yn?." Pra si? shikohet edhe nga kjo
let?r d?rguar Pap?s s? Rom?s, himariot?t q? nga ajo
koh? shp?timin e tyre e k?rkonin tek Vatikani, n?
per?ndim, ndon?se ata ishin krishter? ortodoks? si
grek?t, kurr? nuk ju drejtuan Patriakan?s s?
Stambollit dhe kish?s greke sepse ata nuk i lidhte
asgj? me ta."


Cilat jan? lidhjet e Himar?s me arb?resh?t e Italis??
"Sipas regjistrave kadastral? osman? t? shekullit t?
XVI-t?, fshtrat e Bregut t? posht?m t? Himar?s u jan?
n?nshtruar taksave me t? dhjetat. N? fillim t?
shekullit t? XVII-t? n? Himar? erdh?n misionar?t
bazilian?. Shumica e tyre ishin arb?resh?. N? vitin
1630 erdhi n? Himar? misionari katolik Neofit Rodino,
nj? m?sues i palodhur. Nj? nga nx??sit e tij q? m?
von? u b? prift, ishte Papa Dhimitri nga Dh?rmiu, prej
familjes Gjoleka. Me ndihm?n e tij Neofiti p?rktheu n?
shqip katekizmin. Sipas raportit t? Vikarit Apostolik
t? at?hersh?m n? Himar?, himariot?t i paguanin Turqis?
gjysm?n reale (monedh? argjendi e asaj kohe) hara? p?r
sht?pi. Himariot?t vinin n? shkoll? dhe nga fshatrat e
ndryshme t? krahin?s s? Himar?s, bile vinin p?r t?
m?suar dhe nx?n?s myslyman?. Murgu Zef Skiroi i
fillimit t? shekullit 18-t?, na tregon se himariot?t
banonin n?p?r kasolle. Ai u m?sonte katekizmin edhe n?
sheshe publike n? gjuh?n greke (gjuh? e ritit) edhe n?
gjuh?n shqipe. Zef Skiroi vazhdon:" Vinin shpesh
prind?rit e k?naqeshin q? shihnin predikator?t e
vegj?l." ("Roma e Lindja", v?ll.5, n?ntor 1912-prill
1912) Zef Skiroi hartoi nj? gramatik? dhe nj? fjalor
shqip-italisht, t? cilat gjenden n? familjen e
Skirojve n? arb?resh?t e Italis?. Ai bashk? me
misionarin tjet?r katolik Lek? Matrang?n, me origjin?
himariote, b?n? nj? pun? mjaft t? madhe p?r p?rhapjen
e arsimit n? Himar?. Liku q? vizitoi Himar?n n?
fillimin e shek.XIX-t?, v? n? dukje se grat? himariote
flisnin shqip n? sht?pi, nd?rsa burrat p?rve? shqipes
dinin ose italisht ose greqisht. Millingeri ,mjeku i
Bajronit shkruan shprehimisht se dyqind vullnetar?
himariot? q? i shkuan p?r ndihm? revolucionit grek, t?
gjith? t? veshur me fustanella, nuk dinin asnj? fjal?
greqisht." 


Pas fitores s? pavarsis? Greqis? n? vitin 1829, cili
ishte q?ndrimi i shtetit helen ndaj Shqip?ris? dhe t?
ashtuquajturit Vorio-Epir?
"Pasi Greqia fitoi pavarsin? n? vitin 1829 dhe
Kryeminist?r i par? i shtetit grek u zgjodh Jan
Kapodistria, ish minis?r i jasht?m i Rusis?, baz? e
politik?s s? jasht?me t? tija u b? vija e arroganc?s
komb?tare dhe e shtypjes s? minoriteteve. N? sfondin e
ideologjis? grekomadhe, shqiptar?t i fut?n si viktima
t? para q? duhej t? flijoheshin. Q? t? zinin mir?
themelet e Megaliides?, u planifikua q? t? merrej
Epiri, kjo tok? etnike shqiptare nga Greqia dhe t?
gjitha k?to u b?n? nga rusofili Jan Kapodistria. P?r
t? v?n? n? zbatim Megaliiden? u p?rpoq me mish e me
shpirt edhe Spiro Miloja. M? 1829 ai k?rkoi t? ngrinte
flamurin e Greqis? n? Himar?, pastaj n? Vlor? e, m?
von?, n? t?r? Shqip?rin? e Jugut. Himara, sipas tij,
duhej t?i aneksohej Greqis?. Spiroja p?r disa vjet
arriti t? b?hej minist?r i Mbrojtjes i Greqis?. Ai s?u
kthye m? n? Himar?. Pasardh?sit e familjes s? tij,
brez pas brezi pasuan vij?n e Spiros me diversione
ushtarake e politike; her? me pushk? e her? me pen?
ata ndoq?n rrug?n e tradhtis?.


Sipas Arvantinoit, t? 7 fshatrat e Himar?s (Bregu i
Sip?rm) m? 1856 kishin 3300 banor?. (P.Arvan-tinoi,
"Kronologji e Epirit", Athin? , 18556, V.II, f.178).


N? vitin 1870 gjejm? kajmekan t? Turqis? n? Himar?
Myslim Gjolek?n, t? birin e Zenel Gjolek?s. N? mesin e
shkurtit t? vitit 1878 shovinist?t grek? nis?n
pushtimin e L?kur?sit me andart?. N? saj? t? manovrave
t? sukseshme t? reparteve t? komanduara nga Myslim
Gjoleka s? bashku me forcat e tjera q? u derdh?n n?
ndihm?, grek?t u shpartalluan. Kjo qe nj? aventur? e
armatosur me t? cil?n Greqia. S? bashku me Fanarin, u
p?rpoq?n t? shfryt?zojn? edhe faktorin fetar, por
d?shtuan me turp.
Sipas Megaliides?, q? ishte shtylla vertebrore e
politik?s s? jashtme greke, u shpall bot?risht
diagnoza: " Epiri vuan nga sundimi osman . Terapia
?sht? helenizimi i shpejt i tij". Me trinomin
"Patrikan?-qeveri greke- shkolla greke t? Himar?s" m?
kot u p?rpoq?n ta helenizojn? Himar?n, sepse kurr?
grek?t nuk arrit?n ta ndryshonin substanc?n
krejt?sisht shqiptere t? saj. Pas Revolucionit
Xhonturk, n?p?rmjet doktor Epaminonda Kolek?s, u
krijua n? Himar? m?simi i gjuh?s shqipe. Pleq?sia e
Himar?s mori nj? let?r n? t? cil?n shovinist?t grek?
d?nonin veprimtarin? e Konom Zotos, sepse kishte
lejuar p?rhapjen e gjuh?s shqipe dhe k?ndimin shqip t?
Ungjillit. D?nohej, gjithashtu, veprimtaria e
shqiptar?ve Naqo Konomi, Kost? Kondi, Gaqo Kapore
sepse m?sonin gjuh?n shqipe n? kund?rshtim me gjuh?n e
Zotit!"


Po folklori dhe veshjet himariote nga anojn??
"Himariot?t jan? k?nmg?tar? t? mir?. N? folklorin e
tyre nuk gjen nj? krijim t? pajtuesh?m me folklorin
grek. Ka mjaft k?ng? trim?rie me karakter politik, t?
ngritura aty p?r aty nga populli. Nd?r stilet muzikore
t? polifonis? labe, k?nga himariote dallohet p?r
bukuri dhe origjinalitet stili n? ekzekutim. Ne
veshjen e Himar?s p?rdoren derivatet t? veshjes s?
Lab?ris?. N? veshjen e grave mbizot?ron nj? k?mish? e
gjat? e bardh?e n? pjes?n e sip?rme t? saj?, spikasin
pjes? veshje prej leshi, zbukurime t? b?ra me fije
leshi me ngjuyra natyrore, t? ngjashme me ato t?
mal?sis? s? Lab?ris?. Element?t e ndikimit t? huaj n?
veshje jan? tep?r t? vona dhe kan? t? b?jn? me
kurbetin. Shovinist?t grek? kan? dashur t? ngren?
folen? e tyre n? Himar? dhe t? ngat?rrojn? fen? me
komb?sin?, por t? gjith? himariot?t jan? shqiptar?
autokton? dhe k?t? e tregojn? n? t? gjitha aspektet e
jet?s, bile dhe n? vajtimet q? i kan? t? nj?jta me
zona t? tjera t? Lab?ris?."
 
gazetari>> Dashnor Kalo?i 
 


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From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct 23 06:10:49 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 06:10:49 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Montenegrin Minister Wants Independence
Message-ID: <000c01c03cd9$8593ce40$97d4d23f@albania>

Montenegrin Minister Wants Independence 

PODGORICA, Oct 23, 2000 -- (Reuters) The foreign minister of Montenegro, joined with Serbia in the Yugoslav federation, was quoted on Sunday as calling for a new partnership between two independent states.

"I am certain that for both Montenegro and Serbia...it would be better if both states would have complete independence and start building suitable relations as sovereign, independent and internationally recognized states and UN members," Branko Lukovac said in an interview with the Montenegrin weekly Polis.

The minister, a long-time advocate of independence for Montenegro, called for a loose association without any special international and legal status.

"It would have as many joint functions as it suits both of them, aiming at coordinating rather than limiting the basic functions of the states that would form such an association."

The Montenegrin daily Vujesti said the republic's government would adopt a new platform this week for negotiations with Serbia based on two independent states with some shared functions in the fields of security, foreign affairs and economic and financial policy.

The comments and the report come as new Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica is seeking to form a new federal government.

Kostunica swept to power earlier this month after popular demonstrations forced authoritarian leader Slobodan Milosevic to concede defeat in September elections. He is due to visit Montenegro later on Sunday, after a trip to Bosnia, for talks with local politicians.

Creation of a new federal government is seen as a priority issue in order to handle millions of dollars of international aid that has been promised to Yugoslavia following the overthrow of Milosevic, an indicted war criminal.

Western governments have made it clear they do not see an independent Montenegro, with just 640,000 people, as viable, and want it to remain part of Yugoslavia.

Quite apart from the independence issue, the search for a new government is also complicated by the fact that Montenegro's ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) boycotted last month's federal elections called by Milosevic.

This means that the Montenegrin members of a new government would be drawn from the pro-Milosevic Socialist People's Party (SNP), which did take part in last month's polls.

The Montenegrin leadership became increasingly estranged from Serbia during Milosevic's rule, during which he imposed a trade embargo on the coastal republic and sent in special army units to control the local police.

A new transitional government in Serbia, the federation's dominant partner, is expected to be formed on Monday, to run the country until new elections in December.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. 

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From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct 23 06:13:06 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 06:13:06 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} Austrian Official: Montenegro 'Moving in Direction of Independence'
Message-ID: <001701c03cd9$d76ba620$97d4d23f@albania>

Austrian Official: Montenegro 'Moving in Direction of Independence' 

BELGRADE, Oct 23, 2000 -- (RFE/RL) Albert Rohan, who is general-secretary at the Austrian Foreign Ministry, told Vienna's "Die Presse" of 20 October that Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic recently left him with the impression that Podgorica is "moving along in the direction of independence, albeit with a certain degree of caution."

Rohan added that unspecified domestic and foreign policy considerations have prompted Djukanovic to be less than clear about his intentions in public.

The Montenegrin president told the Austrian official that his government wants a new legal relationship with Serbia that would amount to a "union of independent states." According to Djukanovic, Serbia and Montenegro would have common foreign, defense, and financial policies but would otherwise function as independent countries.

Rohan noted that he found little interest in Montenegro in the future of Kosova, which his interlocutors told him is "Serbia's problem, not ours." Swedish diplomat Carl Bildt recently suggested that Yugoslavia should be reconstructed as a federation consisting of Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosova. Kosovars firmly reject anything short of independence.

Copyright (c) 2000 RFE/RL

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From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct 23 06:23:14 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 06:23:14 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} FWD: NEW LEADER, BUT SAME OLD SERBIA
Message-ID: <002601c03cdb$41ee1400$97d4d23f@albania>

----- Original Message -----
From: "Wolfgang Plarre" <wplarre at bndlg.de>
http://theage.com.au/news/20001023/A1046-2000Oct22.html

   NEW LEADER, BUT SAME OLD SERBIA

By BALINT BALASA
Monday 23 October 2000

What does a change of president mean for Serbia? After electing Slobodan
Milosevic several times and keeping his photo on their walls for almost
a decade and a half, what was the main reason Serbians suddenly woke up?
     I believe it was hurt national pride. Their God had betrayed them
by losing control over Kosovo, the cradle of Serbian culture. Other
reasons may be purely selfish as well: Serbians knew they would be under
sanctions forever if they had kept their Slobo as leader. They want and
need Western money.
     All this is understandable, because life has been miserable for the
great majority of the population. What is hard to understand is that
very few Serbian souls seemed disturbed about the atrocities committed
by their own people in Kosovo, Srebrenica, Sarajevo or Vukovar. They had
collectively supported their government's Greater Serbian policies and
crimes for many years. They have always seemed to find an outside force
responsible for their misfortune and suffering: the Turks, Germans,
communism, Slovenians, Croatians, Bosnian Muslims, Albanians, the United
States, NATO, Tony Blair, Bill Clinton and, most recently, dictatorship
and Slobodan Milosevic.
     What have these same Serbian people done recently that is so worthy
they are suddenly being called overthrowers of a tyrant? Those people
who now change their support from Milosevic to Vojislav Kostunica are
the same people who kept Milosevic in power for more than a decade - and
he is still supported by a large proportion of the population. All the
signs suggest the new government and the people of Serbia will let him
stay involved in their country's political life as long as they can get
away with it.
     Perhaps the worst scenario would be if the new "democratic"
Yugoslav government were allowed to have control over Kosovo again. Then
the building of new Serbian settlements would start, and the vicious
cycle would resume.
     Only Serbian nationalists have been able to get senior positions in
the Yugoslav government since the collapse of the former Yugoslavia, yet
there is still a large non-Serbian population that includes Albanians,
Serbian Muslims, Montenegrins, Croatians, Hungarians, Romanians, Slovaks
and others. Nothing has changed in that respect after the most recent
events.
     Not much is known about Kostunica, but one thing about him is
certain: he is a Serbian nationalist. In fact, he opposed changes to the
Yugoslav Constitution in 1974 that gave Vojvodina and Kosovo greater
autonomy, while even Milosevic and his fellow communists were still
applauding Tito's policy of "Brotherhood and Unity".
     Many might say that at least Kostunica seems to be more honest than
his predecessor; that, at last, here is an honest Serb nationalist. But
how big a step forward is that?
     Many also believe Kostunica has already finished his task by
removing his opponent, and good changes will start happening
automatically now. That is the stuff of fairy tales.
     On October8 on Channel Nine's Sunday, Alexander Downer was asked a
straightforward, important question: has Kostunica ever spoken up
against the "ethnic cleansing" in Kosovo? Downer politely avoided the
question and kept talking about how Kostunica was a great democrat, how
he wanted all the Serbian refugees to be able to go back to Kosovo, and
to get Kosovo back into Serbian hands. What Serbian does not want that?
     Downer also said the Australian view on Milosevic is clear: he
should be sent to The Hague for trial. Kostunica is opposing that. Yet
our government has already congratulated Kostunica on his appointment,
and the world has already started lifting its sanctions.
     Kostunica's view on Milosevic's crime is that he should be tried in
Serbia (if at all), under Yugoslav law, because this case is
Yugoslavia's internal affair. Does Kostunica mean trial by the same law
under which Care Australia workers were jailed for many months without
evidence? Would Slobodan get the same treatment, or would he be offered
a glass of sljivovica by the prosecutors and allowed home free?
     If Milosevic's case is Yugoslavia's internal affair, perhaps
rebuilding their economy should also be their internal affair. Perhaps,
before any financial assistance is given, the world community could make
sure Serbians are committed to live in peace and harmony with their
close neighbors and the world, and that their first agenda item will not
be the rebuilding of their armed forces.
     World leaders should stick to their principles, and not give an
inch yet. The new Serbian Government should not be given any financial
assistance until Milosevic, Karadzic, Mladic and all the rest of them
are on a plane to The Hague. Any compromise on that will have dire
long-term consequences.

Balint Balasa is a Melbourne musician. E-mail:
opinion at theage.fairfax.com.au

Copyright ? The Age Company Ltd 2000.

********************************************************************
           Wiederaufbau Kosov@ - Reconstruction Kosov@
              Rind?rtimi i Kosov at s - OBNOVA KOSOVA
   http://www.osnabrueck.netsurf.de:8080/~dbein/wiederaufbau.htm
********************************************************************

     +---------------------------------------------------+
     | Wolfgang Plarre                                   |
     |     Dillinger Str. 41, D-86637 Wertingen, Germany |
     |     E-mail: wplarre at bndlg.de  w.plarre at kosova.nu  |
     |     Tel: +49-8272-98974       Fax: +49-8272-98975 |
     |     Internet: http://www.bndlg.de/~wplarre        |
     +---------------------------------------------------+
   _________________________________________________________

     Ein Zeichen setzen: @ !   KosovO + KosovA = Kosov@ !
   _________________________________________________________



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From albanianpride at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 23 18:57:44 2000
From: albanianpride at hotmail.com (ardian kanina)
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 18:57:44 CEST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Give Kosovo Independence or... [The Guardian]
Message-ID: <F230kNE9YPW0tkmTr0W00008fac@hotmail.com>


Give Kosovo independence or "Face Fresh Conflict"

Jonathan Steele .
23/10/2000
Gazeta The Guardian:

Strong Warning to the international community not to drop the option of 
eventual independence for Kosovo because Slobodan Millosevis has been 
replaced by a democratic government in Serbia are contained in two new 
reports by international experts.
The world should consider moving the largely Albanian populated former 
province of Serbia to "conditional independence",according to a report from 
a commission set up by the Swedish prime minister ,Goran Person,which will 
be handed to the UN secretary general , Kofi Annan,today.

The world would have to guarantee the security of the new state ,oversee the 
protection of human rights for Serbs and other minorities,and integrate 
Kosovo into the Balkan stability pact,the report says.
But the world powers must also recognise that although UN resolution 
1244,which ended the war in Kosovo,kept the territorry within of 
yugosllavia,that is not tenable in the long term.
In a seperate report a respected think tank ,the International Crisis 
Group,says Mr Millosevic departure makes it imperative to accelerate a 
decision on Kosovo.It warns that support for hardliners within the Kosovo 
Albanian community would rise"if the international community's new-found 
love affair with Belgrade is seen as compromising Kosovo's desire for 
independence".

It also says that the west must be careful not to make the wrong gestures to 
the new Yougoslav president ,Vojislav Konstunica.In speech given when he was 
sworn in,Mr Kostunica called for a strengthening of ties between Serbia and 
Kosovo.Under UN resolution 1244 Yougoslavia is entitled eventually to send 
up to 1000troops back to Kosovo for work at border crossing and to guard 
historical sites.For the UN to grant that right would be "catastrofic" the 
ICG warns and would alienate Kosovo albanians overnight.

It would be equally disastrous if the Kosovars became convinced that the 
arrival of a new government had led the international community to rule out 
independence.To show that the Kosovars right to self-determination is 
accepted,the ICG has urged the European Union ,which holds a Balkans summit 
in Zagreb next month,to invite not only Mr Konstunica but also Kosovo 
Albanian representatives.

The Kosovo commision offers five options for Kosovos future status.Renewing 
the current United Nations protectorate for an indefinete number of years 
may seem attractive but Kosovo Albanian impatience might lead to parallel 
underground institutions or outright rebellion.

Partition might satisfy serbs in Mitrovice but would lead to the forced 
relocation of most other Serbs as well as the end of the international 
community's commitment to maintain the multi-ethnic characters of all 
Ballkan states.Full independence for Kosovo and the end of the UN mandate 
would be oposed by Russia and China ,create anxieties in neighbouring states 
and be resisted by Kosovos Serb and Roma communities.

Autonomy within Yougoslavia is impractical ,the commision argues:"The simple 
truth is that no Kosovar will accept to live under Serb rule ,however 
notional,ever again."The only viable solution ,it concludes,is "conditional 
independence".
The commision finds that Nato's intervention against Yugoslavia was "illegal 
but legitimate" and critisises Nato for "major mistakes" in thinking that 
the bombing campaign would be short and in not anticipating the Serbian 
revenge attacs on Kosovar Albanians.

It urges the UN to close the gap between legality and legitimacy by 
preparing a new framework for intervention.It also suggests that general 
assembly produce a declaration which would sanctify three principles that 
would have to be met before any humanitarian intervention could be 
accepted:massive civilian suffering,the overriding commitment to the direct 
protection of civilians , and the calculation that the intervention has a 
resonable chance of ending the catastrophe.







_________________________________________________________________________
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From alb2001 at beld.net  Mon Oct 23 16:45:37 2000
From: alb2001 at beld.net (ALBANIA 2001)
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 16:45:37 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [2001ajs] FWD: Software p=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=EBr_m=EBsimin_e_gjuh=EB?=s shqipe
Message-ID: <200010231645.AA1694368084@f155.beld.net>

---------- Original Message ----------------------------------
From: myftiu <myftiu at MCIWORLD.COM>
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 16:49:07 -0400

N? p?rvoj?n time t? shkurt?r t? pun?s nj? vje?are n? sistemin edukativ amerikan pata nderin dhe fatin t? takohem me profesionist? t? shquar t? l?mis? s? edukimit.  Ne kemi themeluar nj? laborator me 28 kompjuter?   q? punon gjasht? dit? n? jav? me  programin m? t? ri amerikan p?r m?simin e gjuh?s amerikane, q? mund t? filloj? nga nivele t? ndyshme deri n?  nivel afarist (business level). M?simet jan? falas nga programi p?r refugjat? dhe komuniteti shqiptar ( 15,000) n? Waterbury p?r her? t? par? po i ekspozohet nj? dukurie t? till? intensive t? edukimit gjuh?sor. Me transport t? aranzhuar kemi 70 pjes?marr?s t? rregullt ditor nd?rsa numri i pjes?marrve q? vin? me veturat e tyre ?sht? mbi k?t? num?r. Programi jep udh?zime  t? p?rkthyera n? m? se 28 gjuh? t? ndryshme. Gjuha shqipe hyri n? sofware me k?rkes?n dhe insistimin tim vjet . P?rkthimi u b? n? UTAH  p?r m? shkurt se dy muaj.
P?r ?udi, kemi aq shum? pjes?marr?s amerikan? q? vin? dhe provojn? t? m?sojn? shqip n? m?nyr? indirekte,nga instruksionet e p?rkthyera dhe nga komuniteti.

Nj? nga  projektet e propozuara ?sht? zhvillimi i nj? sistemi shum? t? sofistikuar p?r m?simin e gjuh?s shqipe ( akademike) me instruksione t? pavarura nga softwari q? do t? quhet ALLIS. 

M? duhet p?rgjigje urgjente p?r pyetjen se a ka software eksistues p?r m?simin e gjuh?s shqipe?  Kam hyr? n? bisedime me nj?  p?rfaq?sip?r zhvillimin e ALLIS-it.
ALLIS ( Albanian Language Learning Instructional System). N?se ka di?ka eksistuese t? jeni t? sigurt se ALLIS-i do t? jet? nj? mrekulli edukative . Do t? ishte mir? megjithate t? dihet se ?ka ka n? p?rdorim.

P?rsh?ndetje,

Ganimete Pashoja Myftiu
Refugee Program Coordinator
Department of Education
240 Bank Street
Waterbury
tel 1 203 574 8288




--
ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Suite #417
160 Commonwealth Avenue
Boston, MA 02116
Telephone:  781-843-1056
Telephone:  617-262-6665
Fax:  617-262-2340
E-Mail:  alb2001 at beld.net

ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Rruga Asim Vokshi
Pallati #141
Tirana, Albania
Telephone:  355-42-40842
Telephone:  355-42-39748
Fax:  355-42-39748
E-Mail:  alb2001 at icc.al.eu.org

--


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Mon Oct 23 16:48:55 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 22:48:55 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=AB?=ALBEUROPA=?ISO-8859-1?Q?=BB?=} NEWS: Bulgarian Foreign Minister Says Kosovo Remains Main Threat To  Balkan Security (BBC Monitoring, Oct 23, 2000)
Message-ID: <39F4A437.F9F2FD80@bndlg.de>

http://centraleurope.com/news.php3?id=212148

Bulgarian Foreign Minister Says Kosovo Remains Main Threat To Balkan
Security

SOFIA, Oct 23, 2000 -- (BBC Monitoring) "The new foreign policy of
Bulgaria is based on the thesis that our countries have broad common
interests, despite of the inherited contradictions," Bulgarian Foreign
Minister Nadezhda Mikhaylova said at the opening of a two-day
international seminar on "Possibilities for Positive Change in
Southeastern Europe," organized by the European People's Party (EPP),
the Robert Schuman Institute and the ruling Union of Democratic Forces
(SDS).
     The Stability Pact, the situation in Romania, Yugoslavia and
Macedonia, local administration and regional policy will top the
agenda...
     "The current moment is the right time to hold such a discussion.
Our ability to assess and take advantage of the emerging new
opportunities will determine the success of our efforts to reach the
common goals - security and prosperity of the people of Southeastern
Europe, comprehensive integration of our countries with the European and
Euro-Atlantic structures," Mikhaylova told the seminar. "In our view the
possibilities for a positive development of the Balkans are linked to
the establishment of a joint Euro-Atlantic community comprising also the
countries of Southeastern Europe as full members," she observed.
     "The achievement of political stability is a basic prerequisite for
positive development of the region. To this end, we have to manage the
security risks," the speaker argued...
     "The establishment of close interaction by the new leadership of
FRY with EU and NATO is extremely important to Bulgaria," Mikhaylova
stressed. This interaction will be based on several elements, and above
all fulfillment of the requirements of the UN War Crimes Tribunal in The
Hague. "The issue affects the successful completion of the Dayton
process," she added. "Nevertheless, the biggest challenge for the
regional security remains the Kosovo tangle. The beginning of
constructive dialogue between the new Yugoslav leadership and the
representatives of the international community will be of key
importance," the foreign minister said.
     "Bulgaria highly appreciates the efforts of all European
institutions which work for Europe's unification, for the elimination of
the existing dividing lines and non-admission of new ones, and for the
establishment of the EU as a key political and economic factor
guaranteeing the security and wellbeing of its citizens," Bulgarian
President Petur Stoyanov writes in a greetings address to the
participants in the seminar. "The enlargement process, opening the way
to Europe's re-integration after the continent's artificial division in
the Cold War era, is indeed a unique historic opportunity to ensure
peace and stability in the new millennium," the head of state says in
his message.

Source: BTA web site, Sofia, in English 20 Oct 00

(C) 2000 BBC Monitoring


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From albania at netzero.net  Tue Oct 24 06:20:17 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 06:20:17 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} Kostunica Acknowledges Kosovo Genocide
Message-ID: <000c01c03da4$02fdeb20$d5b4f4d1@albania>

Kostunica Acknowledges Kosovo Genocide 

NEW YORK, Oct 24, 2000 -- (Reuters) President Vojislav Kostunica has acknowledged that Yugoslav security forces committed genocide in Kosovo and said he was ready to take responsibility for crimes committed by his predecessor Slobodan Milosevic.

Milosevic, who has been indicted by a UN court for his security forces' crimes against members of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority, was forced by a mass uprising to admit defeat to Kostunica in last month's elections.

Kosovo legally remains part of Serb-dominated Yugoslavia but has been run as a de facto international protectorate since June last year, when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces.

In an interview with CBS's "60 Minutes II", released on Monday and to be aired on Tuesday, Kostunica was asked if there was any doubt that the Yugoslav army and police were guilty of genocide in Kosovo.

"Those are the crimes and the people that have been killed are victims," the president responded, adding: "I must say also there are a lot of crimes on the other side and the Serbs have been killed.

"I am ready to, how to say, to accept the guilt for all those people who have been killed so I'm trying to, taking responsibility for what happened on my part. For what Milosevic had done and as a Serb I will take responsibility for many of these, these crimes,"

On whether Milosevic would stand trial somewhere, Kostunica replied: "Yes, somewhere." Asked about Serb crimes against humanity, he said Milosevic was "among those responsible."

Kostunica said his government had not arrested Milosevic because there were "too many things to be done at this moment, too many priorities."

The president also said "before anything else we are in need of democracy being, how to say, consolidated in this country. By opening the questions of the Hague (court) that democracy may be put into question."

After the sacking of the parliament building in Belgrade, Kostunica said he had feared a visit from the security forces.

"We were somewhere between democracy and revolution. And I must say that that morning I went to bed and had the specific feeling that someone might knock at my door."

Asked if had feared arrest, he replied: "Exactly."

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From albania at netzero.net  Tue Oct 24 06:21:55 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 06:21:55 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} Grenade Attack against Moderate Kosovo Candidate
Message-ID: <001701c03da4$3dd3de80$d5b4f4d1@albania>

Grenade Attack against Moderate Kosovo Candidate 

PRISTINA, Oct 24, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) A candidate in Kosovo's municipal elections was targeted by a grenade in the latest in a series of attacks against members of Ibrahim Rugova's moderate LDK party, UN police spokesman Derek Chappell said Monday.

Fahri Morina, candidate for the Democratic League of Kosovo in the western Kosovo municipality of Djakovica, was not injured in the attack early Sunday which damaged his house, Chappell said.

The chairman of the LDK in Djakovica, Aqif Shehu, told AFP that three more candidates had been targeted but that grenades thrown at their homes had not exploded.

In a separate incident Sunday, an LDK candidate in Glogovac, central Kosovo, received a letter threatening his life, Chappell said. LDK officials say such letters are commonplace. Most warn recipients that if they don't quit politics they will be liquidated.

Since June 15 two senior LDK officials have been murdered, two more shot and wounded and a reporter working for a newspaper sympathetic to the party has been assassinated.

The LDK's main rivals in Saturday's municipal election, Kosovo's first since the end of the province's armed rebellion against Yugoslav rule, are the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) of former guerrilla leader Hashim Thaci.

LDK officials who wished to remain anonymous have told AFP that the violence is orchestrated by people close to Thaci, and PDK supporters have been sanctioned by Kosovo's international election monitors for making violent pronouncements. But the UN mission has said no link has been proven between the party and the killings. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse) 

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From albania at netzero.net  Tue Oct 24 06:34:39 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 06:34:39 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} =?iso-8859-1?Q?Albania_Honors_NATO's_Shea_For_Kosovo_Role_?=
Message-ID: <003e01c03da6$045c57c0$d5b4f4d1@albania>

Albania Honors NATO's Shea For Kosovo Role 

TIRANA, Oct 24, 2000 -- (Reuters) Albania awarded NATO spokesman Jamie Shea its Golden Eagle medal on Monday and thanked him for being "a face of truth and hope" during last year's Kosovo war.

Shea, who became a daily fixture for Albanian television viewers and ethnic Albanian refugees here during NATO's 11-week campaign to drive Serb forces from Kosovo, received his medal from President Rexhep Meidani at a ceremony in Tirana.

He joins U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former NATO military commander Wesley Clark on the list of personalities whom Albania has honored for helping to end Serb aggression in Kosovo.

"I decided to award Mr Jamie Shea...for the distinguished contribution to the settlement of the Kosovo crisis, protecting the values of humanity, democracy, freedom and human rights," Meidani said.

He called Shea a protagonist in "the greatest media battle that the democratic world has waged" against former president Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia.

"Jamie Shea was one of the most well-known faces of this victory of humanity, the face of truth and hope for all those on the run from their homes, who suffered in the mountains and for the deportees in refugee camps," Meidani said.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. 

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From alb2001 at beld.net  Tue Oct 24 11:15:20 2000
From: alb2001 at beld.net (ALBANIA 2001)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 11:15:20 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [2001ajs] FWD: [2001del] FWD: Ambassador Limprechts Remarks at Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington
Message-ID: <200010241115.AA12189906@f155.beld.net>

---------- Original Message ----------------------------------
From: "ALBANIA 2001" <alb2001 at beld.net>
Reply-To: 2001del-owner at egroups.com
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 10:04:42 -0400


---------- Original Message ----------------------------------
From: NAACDC at aol.com
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 09:33:30 EDT

Albania:  Democracy, Prosperity, Stability
Ambassador Joseph Limprecht
October 2000

? Thank you for inviting me to join you today.  Albania is at a critical 
crossroads for consolidating its democratic progress and moving closer 
towards integration with Europe and the Trans-Atlantic community.  The 
Albanian government and people have shown tremendous political commitment to 
democratic reform from holding successful local elections to restoring a 
degree of normality to public life.  Our Embassy has responded by tempering 
travel warnings for American citizens, increasing our staff, and encouraging 
foreign investment through the establishment of an American Chamber of 
Commerce.  However, much remains to be done to strengthen electoral 
institutions, build a sustainable infrastructure, and implement 
legal-judiciary reforms that instill public - and investor - trust.   As 
such, I would like to examine the strides made and the challenges remaining 
in three areas that represent not only the pillars of the Stability Pact, but 
also priority issues for Albania - democracy, economic development, and 
security.  

? Let me begin with the significant democratic test Albania faced in the 
recent local elections.  The country took an important step forward in 
meeting international standards and joining the European mainstream.  
International observers generally agreed that despite some tension in the 
air, the elections occurred in a remarkably peaceful atmosphere.      

? The U.S. provided election observers to support the international effort, 
led by OSCE and ODIHR.  Embassy officials were deployed in voting districts 
throughout the country, and observed no serious incidents of violence or 
fraud.  I traveled with U.S. Special Advisor for Balkan Elections Robert 
Frowick and OSCE Ambassador Geert Ahrens to voting centers in Shkodra and 
Berat, as well as Tirana, on the day of the elections.  We were especially 
pleased with the great efforts made by the Albanian people to travel to 
polling stations and exercise their right to vote in a calm and congenial 
electoral atmosphere.  Police were also evident at polling stations and 
checkpoints throughout the country and generally carried out their duties 
with restraint. 

? While the respect shown for international standards helped affirm the 
democratic legitimacy of the elections, Albania still must work on some of 
the procedural shortcomings identified by international and domestic 
observers.  This process has not been easy.  We worked closely with the OSCE, 
the Central Election Commission, and the Albanian government in the run-up to 
the elections to correct technical problems with voters lists and election 
mechanics.  Although international observers came across voters who were not 
on lists or could not find their polling stations, no one has presented any 
evidence to claim widespread fraud in these elections.  Nevertheless, there 
is much to do to bring the Commission up to adequate standards for efficiency 
by next spring's national elections.

? In spite of the protests of the Democratic Party leadership against what 
they perceived as manipulation of voters lists, individual Democratic Party 
candidates ended up taking part in the second run-off.  [Will insert DP's 
participation in second round, results and Berisha's reaction] 

? We will continue to offer our support as Albania improves the technical 
aspects of the electoral process, particularly the voter lists, in 
anticipation of parliamentary elections next spring.  In order to get it 
right, a great deal remains to be done.  In the meantime, we have encouraged 
Albania to move forward with a peaceful transition of power at the local 
level, and to continue strengthening the foundation of the country's 
democratic institutions.
 
? Of course, the key to keeping Albania on its path into the democratic 
mainstream remains in ensuring sustained economic development, which is the 
next area I'd like to address.  Developing a strong, dynamic economy in 
Albania will require coordinated activity on at least three levels - 
individual, local, and national.

? First, at an individual level, people have to be willing to take risks to 
invest their savings and create enterprises and jobs.  A quick walk down any 
street in any town will reveal that Albanians are by their very nature 
entrepreneurial.  They seem to have little problem identifying a market, 
finding a product to fill it, and then discovering a way to import it so that 
they can re-sell it at a profit.  The downside is that relatively little is 
manufactured in-country.

? At the local level, cities and regions need to market their competitive 
advantages to businesses and individuals.  They should be focusing on 
attributes that set them apart from other cities and regions, including 
location on the seashore, access to a port, rich agricultural land, a 
competitive labor market, natural beauty or historic tourism potential, and 
other factors.

? Unfortunately, economic development promotion at the local level is 
virtually unheard of in Albania.  The time is ripe, however, to change this.  
Albania has just finished electing new mayors and city councils for its 76 
municipalities and hundreds of villages and communes.  As the Albanian 
government moves ahead with plans to decentralize power, they should be able 
to develop economic programs.  In order to assist Albania's new leaders with 
best practices in this area, my Embassy will be looking for American 
associations and businesses to share their expertise and knowledge.

? Third, at the national level, the government must create overall conditions 
that allow business to prosper.   This entails three areas:  1)  developing 
and maintaining macro-economic stability;  2) providing the infrastructure 
that allows unimpeded commerce, such as good roads, functioning railroads and 
ports, quality education, and access to credit; and 3) the rule of law - 
i.e., a functioning, independent legal system that provides investors with 
reasonable assurance that their assets will be protected, their profits may 
be repatriated, and corruption will at least be kept to manageable levels.

? The government's track record is mixed.  It deserves high marks for its 
efforts in conjunction with the IMF to achieve economic stability.  Inflation 
was zero last year and is expected to total between 2 and 3 percent this 
year.  The budget deficit is under control and tax and customs revenues are 
on target.   

? The country's infrastructure, however, remains problematic.  An erratic, 
unreliable energy system routinely throws the country into cold and darkness 
and disrupts factories, plants and shops.  Roads are still inadequate - it 
takes four hours to travel the roughly 70 miles from the Macedonian border at 
Pogradec to Tirana - and this is one of the better roads.  The port of Durres 
is hampered by inadequate facilities. 

? While the government of Albania is ultimately responsible for improving the 
infrastructure, the U.S. and the international community must continue to 
play a role in this area.    Through the South Balkan Development Initiative, 
the U.S. provided funds to conduct feasibility studies for the improvement of 
Rinas airport and development of cargo facilities at the port of Durres.  The 
GOA is investing approximately USD 5 million of US budgetary assistance to 
repair local roads.  

? The Stability Pact has also identified 7 "Quick Start" projects totaling 
USD 110 million to help Albania upgrade its infrastructure, including roads 
and water systems.   Our USAID mission is also developing an ambitious plan 
to reform and privatize the ineffective state energy company -- KESH.  The 
challenge for the Albanian government is now to manage these investments and 
ensure that the projects are implemented in a timely fashion.  

? The government has also done little to develop policies that will attract 
outside investment.  Taxes are punitive in relation to the government 
services provided, and not enough financial, tax, or infrastructure 
incentives exist for those looking to open businesses.   Albania's cheap 
labor and proximity to Western Europe are, by themselves, not enough to 
induce hard-headed investors who know that cheap labor is not limited to 
Albania. 

? Despite all the challenges Albania faces, we believe in the potential of 
the Albanian economy.    Our confidence is reflected in Embassy Tirana's 
recent work to establish an American Chamber of Commerce in Albania.  The 
chamber, or "AmCham," already has nearly 40 members and has raised 
approximately $17,000.  The AmCham will work to increase U.S.-Albanian trade 
and promote right-minded economic policies in Albania.

? In order to create an environment that is hospitable to investment, 
tourism, and economic development, Albania needs a secure and legal state - 
my final area of examination today.  During a speech I gave to a 
Parliamentary Committee on September 14, I noted that rule of law -- of which 
public order is a key part -- is a top priority for closer relations between 
Albania and its democratic partners. 
 
? Albania has made great strides in promoting domestic peace and stability.  
Since my arrival, I have observed first-hand the introduction of uniformed 
police on the streets, the installation of traffic lights, and the 
dismantling of illegal kiosks.  Albania has also been identified as a leader 
in the region for efforts to reduce the threat of small arms, marked by the 
government signing a memorandum of commitment with Assistant Secretary of 
State Eric Newsom in September to destroy over 130,000 weapons collected from 
civilians.  These are clear indications of the government's commitment and 
ability to bring a measure of normal life to the country. 

? Other initiatives taken this year, such as the reorganization of police 
into a more effective and efficient organization, will lay the basis for 
further progress in creating a professional, civilian police force.   
Likewise, the legal-judicial system has undergone an extraordinary 
transformation when compared with the situation a decade ago.  Its 
restructuring in accordance with the 1998 constitution and European standards 
-- including implementation of concrete reforms to guarantee the Judiciary 
independence from the Executive branch - is designed to help ensure a 
democratic and professional judiciary.
 
? Due to the improved security situation, the State Department in April 
updated the US travel advisory for Albania from a warning against "all travel 
to Albania" to a reasonable note of caution.  In fact, approximately two 
months ago, I met in Saranda with a group of American tourists exploring the 
Adriatic on a small cruise ship --  the first such group to visit Albania in 
at least four years.  

? The Embassy has also increased its staff dramatically from its reduced 
level of 18 months ago.  We have already resumed all our consular services, 
including processing diversity visas.  The normalization of the public order 
situation over the past year has enabled us to bring new people on and to 
give them greater leeway to travel extensively throughout the country and 
carry out their jobs.   Our presence is highly visible in Albania, and we 
have improved our knowledge and ability to analyze the situation.
 
? Although Albania has made important strides in restoring public order and 
establishing a legal framework, laws and statements are not enough.  The 
challenge lies in enforcing laws and ensuring that judgments are honored so 
that Albania builds public confidence in rule of law.  Political commitment 
and genuine follow-up must be there.  Both law enforcement and legal-judicial 
bodies need to improve their relationships with one another to arrest, 
convict and punish criminals -- the critical key to winning over public 
trust.              

? The United States foreign assistance program this year provided $32 million 
to Albania -- in per capita terms, one of the largest aid programs we have.  
Of this amount, $4 or $5 million goes directly to help Albania build 
sustainable law enforcement, legal, and developmental infrastructures through 
programs that combat criminality and prosecute and punish appropriately those 
who threaten public order.  Additional amounts indirectly support these 
objectives.

? We also work closely with other members of the Friends of Albania through 
the coordinating leadership of the OSCE.   WEU-MAPE's extensive police 
training program -- which has the capacity to train police throughout Albania 
-- works in a complementary fashion with our smaller ICITAP program, which 
provides targeted assistance to the Ministry of Public Order.

? Despite progress with the general public order situation, Albania faces a 
particularly difficult challenge in the fight against organized crime.  The 
US Government is prepared to lend a helping hand with material and technical 
assistance as well as political support.  But the larger share of 
responsibility rests on Albania. 
 
? Trafficking in narcotics, women and children, migrants, stolen cars, or 
other contraband, remain serious threats to Albania's reputation regionally 
and in Europe.  Organized crime leads to domestic problems of drug abuse and 
enriches an illicit corrupt economy at the expense of a legitimate one that 
would benefit the entire community.  Albania needs to ensure that illegal 
trafficking does not grow unchecked or stand in the way of Albania's movement 
towards a normal democratic society.
 
In conclusion, Albania must be credited with embarking on a process of 
political reform and institution-building that, if sustained, will eventually 
bring it closer to the family of democratic nations.  Nonetheless, in order 
for Albania to integrate itself within Europe, it must continue to build a 
sound economic infrastructure and a greater degree of the stability that 
characterizes the established democracies of the world.  Much has been done 
and much remains to be done.  We and the rest of the international community, 
working with the OSCE and in the framework of the Friends of Albania, must 
continue to provide not only essential material and technical support, but 
also the political involvement and support needed to ensure its 
effectiveness.  With this support, but above all, with sustained Albanian 
commitment to stability and the rule of law, Albania has the potential to 
become a full-fledged member of a democratic, stable, and prosperous Europe.  
 






--
ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Suite #417
160 Commonwealth Avenue
Boston, MA 02116
Telephone:  781-843-1056
Telephone:  617-262-6665
Fax:  617-262-2340
E-Mail:  alb2001 at beld.net

ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Rruga Asim Vokshi
Pallati #141
Tirana, Albania
Telephone:  355-42-40842
Telephone:  355-42-39748
Fax:  355-42-39748
E-Mail:  alb2001 at icc.al.eu.org

--



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--
ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Suite #417
160 Commonwealth Avenue
Boston, MA 02116
Telephone:  781-843-1056
Telephone:  617-262-6665
Fax:  617-262-2340
E-Mail:  alb2001 at beld.net

ALBANIA 2001
Investment and Finance
Rruga Asim Vokshi
Pallati #141
Tirana, Albania
Telephone:  355-42-40842
Telephone:  355-42-39748
Fax:  355-42-39748
E-Mail:  alb2001 at icc.al.eu.org

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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 24 13:34:34 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 17:34:34 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece raises Himara issue in Europarliament
Message-ID: <LC5-LFD881qdiixjnzi00000307@hotmail.com>

[08] PASOK and ND Eurodeputies call for repeat of elections in Himara, 
Albania

BRUSSELS, 24/10/2000 (ANA - Y. Zitouniati)
The heads of the PASOK and New Democracy parties' Eurodeputies George 
Katiforis and Antonis Trakatellis, addressing a European Parliament plenary 
session in Strasbourg on Monday, called for the repeat of local government 
elections held in Himara, Albania, earlier this month.
Katiforis said that incidents of violence and adulteration occurred during 
the recent elections, which were directed against the ethnic Greek minority 
in the region, which was ascertained by observers of the Organization for 
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

"This is the first lesson in democracy we should teach this country, which 
is starting now to build democracy in it," Katiforis said.

Trakatellis also called on the EU to demand a repeat of elections in Himara, 
saying that the report by OSCE observers leaves no doubt as to violations of 
human rights and of democratic procedures.

"Such attitudes should not be accepted by the EU. Otherwise, we shall be 
closing our eyes to basic human rights issues and violations of minority 
rights," he said.

Meanwhile, the President of the European Parliament's Committee for 
southeastern Europe Doris Pak said the issue of the Albanian elections would 
be discussed at the Committee since "it constitutes a serious violation of 
democratic procedures in the heart of Europe."


_________________________________________________________________________
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From mehollim at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 24 16:39:32 2000
From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 20:39:32 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: FW: Albanian prisoners Euro A-PAL action
Message-ID: <F25033HFnwpGR881Np700000087@hotmail.com>

>From: "Alice Mead" <amead at maine.rr.com>
>To: Mimoza Meholli <mehollim at hotmail.com>
>Subject: FW: Albanian prisoners held in Serb prisons
>Date: Mon, Oct 23, 2000, 5:10 PM

>Dear Friends!
>The website with our email-action has started today.
>If you want to join, please visit:
>EMAIL-ACTION: RELEASE THE PRISONERS NOW!
>http://www.kosova-info-line.de/APP/
>It?s not a petition but an action, we hope it will be helpful!
>Please forward the idea and address of the website to people, you think
>they might be interested in joining!
>My best whishes to you!
>Divi Beineke

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From albania at netzero.net  Tue Oct 24 06:27:24 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 06:27:24 -0400
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} "Conditional Independence" Proposed for Kosovo
Message-ID: <002401c03da5$01457040$d5b4f4d1@albania>

"Conditional Independence" Proposed for Kosovo 

UNITED NATIONS, Oct 24, 2000 -- (Reuters) Kosovo, under interim UN administration since June 1999, should have "conditional independence," according an independent international commission that studied last year's conflict over the mainly ethnic Albanian Serb province.

The commission, that circulated a report on Monday, also found that the 11-week NATO military bombing campaign that forced the withdrawal of Yugoslav troops and police from Kosovo was illegal, since it did not have Security Council consent, but was legitimate from a political and moral point of view.

The commission's main findings were summarized by its co-chairman, South African Constitutional Court Judge Richard Goldstone, after he and other members handed a copy of its report to Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

Although established on the initiative of Swedish Prime Minister Goran Persson, the commission, co-chaired by Carl Tham of Sweden, was a completely independent body, Goldstone said. It included members from Benin, Britain, Canada, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Japan and the United States and its findings were unanimous.

"We came to the conclusion that...having regard to the ethnic cleansing by Serb forces...of the Albanian population of Kosovo, the terrible human rights violations which took place in Kosovo, that it is not realistic or justifiable to expect the Albanians in Kosovo to accept rule from Belgrade," Goldstone said.

"At the same time we recognize that, in order for there to be any peace and...any legitimacy, that the Kosovo Serbs and other minorities - the Roma - have absolute rights to protection, to be able to live peacefully in Kosovo," he said.

"We have come up with what the commission has called 'conditional independence'," he continued. This meant Kosovo should become independent, subject to a number of conditions that might take many years to fulfil.

One condition was that there should be good faith negotiations with neighbors and with the Balkan states generally on the future independence of Kosovo. It could not exist without open borders for political and economic viability, said Goldstone, who was chief prosecutor from 1994 to 1996 of the UN war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.

DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION

Other conditions were that Kosovo have "an acceptably democratic constitution" and sufficient assurances that the Serb, Roma and other minorities could live in absolute safety, with protection for their human rights. Those forced to leave Kosovo should be able to return with those assurances.

A June 1999 Security Council resolution that authorized the establishment of an interim UN administration for Kosovo, backed by a NATO-led peacekeeping force, called for "substantial autonomy and meaningful self-administration" for the Serb province.

But it also reaffirmed the commitment of all UN members to "the sovereignty and territorial integrity of" Yugoslavia,

Belgrade has repeatedly accused the UN administration of usurping Yugoslavia's sovereignty over Kosovo.

Regarding last year's NATO military intervention, Goldstone said the commission concluded that it "was illegal, a contravention of international law, because it did not have the consent of the Security Council, which under the UN Charter is a sine qua non for military intervention of this kind."

But, he said, the NATO intervention "was legitimate both from a political and from a moral point of view."

The commission recommended that this "gap between legality, on the one hand, and legitimacy on the other" should be narrowed sooner rather than later.

The report set out 11 conditions that should exist to justify humanitarian intervention, including both military intervention and action short of that, such as sanctions and embargoes.

Goldstone said the UN General Assembly should consider drafting a declaration determining the conditions that would be necessary before military intervention could be contemplated legitimately.

"It is the hope of the commission that that eventually could lead to an amendment of the (UN) Charter to ensure that legality and legitimacy in this area coincide sooner rather than later," he said.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited

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From kosova at JPS.NET  Tue Oct 24 12:47:45 2000
From: kosova at JPS.NET (kosova at JPS.NET)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 09:47:45 -0700
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} Lajme: Dorezohet raporti per pavaresine e Kosoves ne OKB
Message-ID: <LNBBKKIEKFOPADHBEFPFOENNDFAA.kosova@jps.net>

Dorezohet raporti per pavaresine e Kosoves ne OKB

Pritet qe SHBA-te te mos shprehin entuziazem

Isuf Hajrizi (Uashington, 24 tetor, 2000)
Per gazeten Zeri, Prishtine

Vet?m disa dit? pas raporteve t? medias se SHBA-t? kishin n? plan promovimin
e ides s? ?republik?s s? tret?? nj? raport tjet?r q? u dor?zua dje n? OKB
thot? se nj? ?pavar?si e kusht?zuar? p?r Kosov?n do t? ishte zgjidhja m? e
mir?.
   Raporti special n? fakt ?sht? nj? lib?r i t?r? i p?rgatitur nga nj?
komision nd?rkomb?tar i inicuar nga kryeministri suedez Goran Person dhe i
udh?hqur nga gjykat?si me renome bot?rore nga Afrika e Jugut, Ri??rd
Goldstone, ish kryeprokuror i gjykat?s s? Hag?s p?r krimet e luft?s n?
Ruand? dhe Bosnj?.
  Sipas raportit n? fjal?, komuniteti nd?rkomb?tar do t? duhej ta garantonte
sigurin? p?r Kosov?n e pavarur; t? mbikqyrte mbrojtjen e t? drejtave t?
njeriut p?r serb?t dhe minoritetet tjera; si dhe ta integronte Kosov?n n? t?
ashtuquajturin Pakt t? Ballkanit p?r siguri dhe rind?rtim. N? t? njejt?n
koh?, n? raport thuhet se komuniteti nd?rkomb?tar duhet ta pranoj? iden? se
rezoluta e OKB-s? 1244 q? e parasheh Kosov?n si pjes? t? Jugosllavis? s?
mbetur ?sht? e parealizueshme n? periudh?n afatgjate.
    Gjykat?si Goldstone ka theksuar se insitimi i komunitetit nd?rkomb?tar
q? Kosova duhet q? prap t?i n?nshtohet Serbis? ?nuk ?sht? real ose i
arsyetuesh?m.?
    Komisioni i cili p?rfshin? p?rfaq?sues nga 11 shtete nga anemban? bota,
?sht? marr? me k?t? raport qe nj? vit gjat? s? cil?s koh? jan? mbajtur kat?r
konferenca (nd?r to nj? Johanesberg dhe nj? tjet?r n? Nju Jork).  Analist?t
amerikan? jan? t? mendimit se fakti q? raporti special ?sht? inicuar nga nj?
vend i paansh?m si Suedia ka vler? t? ve?ant n? qarqet nd?rkomb?tare.
   N? raport Komisioni jep argumente se pse pavaresia do t? ishte zgjidhja
m? e drejt?.
    Mbajtja e Kosov?s n?n mbikqyrje nd?rkomb?tare? p?r nj? koh? t? pacaktuar
mund t? duket si ide e mir? por kjo mund t? shpie n? formimin e organeve
paralele apo edhe t? shkaktoj? rebeliz?m n? popullat?, thuhet n? raport.
   Ideja e ndarjes s? Kosov?s, thuhet m? tutje n? raport, mund t? k?naq
serb?t e Mitrovic?s por kjo ide do t? shkaktonte shp?rnguljen e t? gjith?
serb?ve nga viset tjera t? Kosov?s, gj? q? n? t? nj?t?n koh? do t?i jepte
fund edhe ides? p?r shetet multi-etnike n? Ballkan.
   Pavar?sia e plot? dhe dh?nja fund e mandatit t? OKB-s? n? Kosov? do t?
kund?rshtohej nga Rusia dhe Kina, si dhe do t? shkaktonte shqret?sime p?r
shtetet fqinj?. Natyrisht se kjo ide gjithashtu do t? kund?rshtohej nga
minoriteti serb n? Kosov?.
   Ideja e autonomis? brenda RFJ-s? ?sht? e padrejt?, thuhet n? raport,
sepse:  ?e v?rteta e thjesht? ?sht? sepse shqiptar?t kurr m? nuk do t?
pranojn? t? jetojn? n?n regjimin e Beogradit.?
   K?shtu q?, thuhet n? raport, e vetmja zgjidhje e drejt? mbetet ?pavar?sia
e kusht?zuar.?
   Raporti sidomos ka pesh? sepse Komisioni q? e ka p?rgaditur at? e ka
quajtur nd?rhyrjen e NATO-s kund?r Serbis? ?ilegale por t? ligjshme? dhe ka
kritikuar NATO-n p?r ?gabime madhore? duke menduar se nd?rhyrja nga ajri nuk
do t? zgjaste aq sa zgjati si dhe duke mos parapar? veprimet hakmarr?se t?
serb?ve kund?r popullat?s shqiptare gjat? sulmit.
   Raporti, i cili iu dor?zua t? h?n?n p?r shqyrtim Sektretarit t?
P?rgjithsh?m t? OKB-s? Kofi Anan, e b?n  t? ?art faktin se shqiptar?t kurr
m? nuk d?shirojn? t? bahshk?jetojn? n? nj? shtet me Serbin?, prandaj
komunitetit nd?rkomb?tar nuk i mbetej rrug? tjet?r p?rpos t? bindej dhe ta
mb?shteste pavar?sin?.
   Raporti n? fjal? ka befasuar shum?kend n? SHBA dhe n? OKB p?r shkak se
promovon nj? ide q? askush n? bot? deri me tash -- p?rveq shqiptar?ve -- nuk
e ka p?rkrah.
   Sipas analist?ve q? jan? t? njohur me raportin e posa-dor?zuar n? OKB,
an?tar?t e k?tij Komisioni, i cili e ka nisur pun?n e tij n? k?t? drejtim pa
paragjykime, dhe k?shtu e kan? gjetur iden? e pavar?sis? brenda vet Kosov?s.
  Pas shqyrtimit t? materialeve dhe krimeve serbe, si dhe pas intervistave
me aktivist? dhe me personat e prekur nga lufta, Komisioni ka ardhur n?
p?rfundim se shqiptar?ve duhet ndar?  ?drejt?sia e past?r.?
   Raporti n? fjal? ka edhe p?rkrahjen e Grupit Nd?rkomb?tar t? Kriz?s, nj?
?think tank? i njohur, p?rveq tjerash, p?r raportet p?r Kosov?n dhe ??shtjen
shqiptare n? Ballkan.
   An?tarja e k?tij grupi, e cila e ka promovuar iden? e pavar?sis? s?
Kosov?s n? median amerikane Suzi Blaustajn deklaroi p?r gazet?n Z?ri se
ideja e pavar?sis? ??sht? plot?sisht e realizueshme? dhe se rekomandimet e
Komisionit t? gjykat?sit Goldstone ?jan? absolutisht me vend.?
    N? raportin e botuar nga Grupi Nd?rkomb?tar i Kriz?s para nj? jave,
kritikohet rezoluta e K?shillit t? Sigurimit 1244, duke th?n? se shtyerja e
diskutimit t? fatit politik t? Kosov?s vet?m sa do t? mb?shteste
ekstremist?t e Kosov?s.
    N? raport gjithashtu thuhet se Per?ndimi duhej t? ishte i kujdessh?m p?r
t? mos b?r? kompromis me vullnetin e popullit t? Kosov?s p?r pavar?si vet?m
sa p?r t? majtur marr?dh?nje t? mira me ?Jugosllvin?.?  N? an?n? tjet?rm
raporti n? fjal? e quan ?katastrofik? vendimin e rezolut?s 1244, q? do t?
lejonte kthimin e trupave serbe n? Kosov?.
   Raporti i gjykat?sit Goldstone padyshim se do t? pranohet me nj? doz?
dyshimi n? OKB, nd?rsa analist?t amerikan? p?r Ballkanin presin q? edhe
Uashingtoni t? tregohet i ftoht? ndaj ides? s? pavar?sis?.
       ?SHBA-t? nuk d?shirojn q? n? k?t? koh? t? d?gjojn? p?r nj? ide t?
till?,? tha p?r gazet?n Z?ri nj? analist amerikan q? nuk deshi t?
identifikohet.   Sipas t? njejtit burim, amerikan?t ishin aq t? ftoht? ndaj
ides? s? gjykat?sit Goldstone, sa q? ai asnj?h?r? nuk u lejua q? t? mbante
konsultime n? Department t? Shteitit p?r iden? e pavar?sis?.  Amerikan?t
ende q?ndrojn? prapa ides? se mund t? kursehet nj? ?Jugosllavi e mbetur? ku
serb?t, malazez?t dhe shqiptar?t do t? mund t? bashk?jetonin.
   Raporti i Komisionit nd?rkomb?tar, edhe pse mund t? mos pritet aq me
entuziaz?m n? disa kryeqytete nd?rkomb?tare p?rfshir? Rusin? dhe Kin?n, ai
megjitat? tani ka hapur debatin p?r k?t? ide e cila i fuqizon duksh?m
thirrjet e shqiptar?ve p?r pavar?si.




Ky shkrim mund te ribotohet me kusht qe te theksohet autori dhe revista
Zeri, Prishtine.



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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Tue Oct 24 16:54:47 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 22:54:47 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: BBC/AP: Kosovo independence decision urged / Panel: Kosovo Should  Be Independent (October 23, 2000)
Message-ID: <39F5F717.CD807B65@bndlg.de>

http://news6.thdo.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/newsid_987000/987291.stm

Monday, 23 October, 2000, 21:56 GMT 22:56 UK 

Kosovo independence decision urged

Kosovo's Albanians want independence from Yugoslavia

An independent international commission has questioned the viability of
Kosovo's future within the Yugoslav Federation. 
     The commission, set up by Swedish Prime Minister Goran Persson and
led by the former head of the International War Crimes Tribunal, Judge
Richard Goldstone, is due to hand in a special report on Kosovo to UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan. 
     The report said that the world should consider moving the mainly
Albanian populated province to what it calls conditional independence. 
     Under this arrangement, world powers would guarantee the security
of Kosovo, oversee the protection of minority rights and make sure that
it was integrated in a Balkan stability pact. 
     The BBC's Genc Lamani says that the future status of Kosovo is one
of the hardest for the international community and the world powers have
so far avoided tackling it head on. 
     The province has been administered by the UN since the end of the
Nato bombing campaign against Yugoslavia last year. 
     Differences with Serbia 
     Ethnic Albanians no longer want to live under Serbian rule and some
leaders have called for parliamentary and presidential elections leading
to independence. 
     But the new Yugoslav President, Vojislav Kostunica, maintains that
Kosovo must remain part of Serbia. 
     International experts are urging the UN to act quickly to sort out
Kosovo's status and not leave the issue to fester. 

Hardline threat 

The report is reinforced by a separate study by a high-profile
think-tank, the International Crisis Group. 
     It said that support for hardliners in Kosovo would rise if a
decision on the future of the province was not accelerated. 
     It also said that the west should be careful not to compromise
Kosovo's desire for independence for the sake of better relations with
Yugoslavia. 
     And provisions under UN resolution 1244, which ended the war in
Kosovo, allowing for the eventual return of a limited contingent of
Yugoslav troops to the province would be "catastrophic".
_______________________________________________________________________
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/ap/20001023/wl/un_kosovo_report_2.html

Monday October 23 11:04 PM ET

Panel: Kosovo Should Be Independent 

By EDITH M. LEDERER, Associated Press Writer 

UNITED NATIONS (AP) - Kosovo, the Serbian province that has been under
international control since last year, should become an independent
country after it fulfills a host of conditions, a commission recommended
Monday.
     The international commission's report recommended that the province
become a separate state when it can guarantee safety for its minorities
and after it takes part in negotiations with other Balkan states on its
future independence. Fulfilling those and other conditions could take
years, the head of the commission said.
     The report, delivered to U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, was
likely to stir up disagreement: Nationalists in Serbia, Yugoslavia's
main republic, have long opposed any formula which would loosen Serbia's
claim over Kosovo. No country publicly supports independence for Kosovo,
and diplomats here noted that the report's recommendation went beyond
what Annan has been authorized to consider by the Security Council.
     Commission members had been scheduled to deliver the 297-page
report personally to the secretary-general but he canceled the meeting
at the last minute to make phone calls related to the Mideast crisis,
U.N. spokesman Fred Eckhard said.
     Kosovo's future has been the subject of international debate since
the end of NATO (news - web sites)'s 78-day bombing campaign in
Yugoslavia last year.
     The province has a large ethnic Albanian population, and many of
the ethnic Albanian residents do not want to be ruled by the
Serb-dominated Yugoslav government. Independence sentiment reached a
high point in 1997 when a rebel group called the Kosovo Liberation Army
began ambushing Serb police in the province.
     Now-ousted Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic (news - web sites)
responded in 1998 with a massive crackdown on Kosovo Albanians, killing
thousands and triggering the NATO bombing campaign. The bombing ended in
June 1999 with an agreement under which Yugoslav forces left the
province and handed it over to the United Nations (news - web sites) and
a NATO-led peacekeeping force.
     The U.N. Security Council resolution enshrining that peace
agreement reaffirmed Yugoslav sovereignty over Kosovo. The council
authorized the U.N. administration to set up an interim democratic
government in Kosovo that would have ``substantial autonomy'' within
Yugoslavia - and to facilitate ``a political process designed to
determine Kosovo's future status.'' But it never mentioned the word
independence, which was vehemently opposed by Milosevic and his
supporters on the Security Council, Russia and China.
     The Independent International Commission on Kosovo - the group that
issued Monday's report - was formed at the initiative of Swedish Prime
Minister Goran Persson.
     The NATO intervention, the group concluded, was ``illegal but
legitimate'' - illegal because it did not receive approval from the
Security Council but legitimate because all diplomatic avenues had been
exhausted and there was no other way to stop the killings in Kosovo.
     Commission head Richard Goldstone, a South African judge and former
war crimes prosecutor, said the 11-member group recognized that Kosovo's
future status is controversial but felt it had ``a moral obligation'' to
make recommendations.
     Considering Serb forces' ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians,
``it's not realistic or justifiable to expect the Albanians in Kosovo to
accept rule from Belgrade,'' Goldstone told a news conference launching
the report.
     But the commission rejected immediate, unconditional independence
because Kosovo Serbs, Roma and other minorities have been subject to
serious human rights violations as well. Kosovo also lacks key
ingredients of statehood - the means to defend itself and the ability to
guarantee internal order, domestic safety, and interethnic peace, the
commission said.
     ``For these functions normally exercised by states, Kosovo will
remain dependent, for years to come, on some form of international
security presence, both police and military,'' the commission said.
     Goldstone said the commission therefore recommended a new status of
``conditional independence - that Kosovo should become independent
subject to the fulfillment of a number of conditions which may take many
years to fulfill.'' 

Copyright ? 2000 The Associated Press


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Tue Oct 24 17:39:55 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2000 23:39:55 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: SEVERAL sources: Kostunica admits Kosovo guilt (24 October, 2000)
Message-ID: <39F601AB.B54868D8@bndlg.de>

http://news6.thdo.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/newsid_988000/988602.stm

Tuesday, 24 October, 2000, 14:53 GMT 

Kostunica admits Kosovo guilt

Before they left Kosovo, Serbian soldiers had been active

Yugoslavia's new president, Vojislav Kostunica, has acknowledged for the
first time that the Serbian army and police force carried out
large-scale killings in Kosovo last year. 
     The admission is in contrast to former President Slobodan
Milosevic's insistence that the West was to blame for stirring up ethnic
conflict. 
     It is the first time that any Yugoslav leader has accepted
responsibility and expressed regret for any of the conflicts in the
Balkans over the past decade. 
     "I am ready to... accept the guilt for all those people who have
been killed," Mr Kostunica said. 
     "For what Milosevic had done, and as a Serb, I will take
responsibility for many of these crimes." 
     In the interview, to be screened on the US network CBS News, Mr
Kostunica said that Serbs, as well as ethnic Albanians, had suffered. 
     "I must say also there are a lot of crimes on the other side and
the Serbs have been killed," he said. 

Crackdown 

Former President Milosevic launched a crackdown on ethnic Albanian
nationalists in Kosovo in 1998. Thousands of ethnic Albanian civilians
were killed and tens of thousands of others fled their homes and the
country. 
     Mr Milosevic has been charged by the International Criminal
Tribunal in The Hague for atrocities committed in Kosovo. 
     Since coming to power, President Kostunica has not taken action to
arrest his predecessor, because, he said, there were "too many things to
be done at this moment, too many priorities. 
     "Before anything else we are in need of democracy being
consolidated in this country. By opening the questions of The Hague,
that democracy may be put into question." 
     President Kostunica has in the past questioned the legitimacy of
the court, saying it was a Western political institution. 
     Asked by CBS whether he thought Mr Milosevic would ever stand
trial, President Kostunica replied: "Somewhere, yes."
_______________________________________________________________________
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/aponline/20001024/aponline111034_000.htm

Kostunica Acknowledges War Killings 

By Katarina Kratovac
Associated Press Writer
Tuesday, Oct. 24, 2000; 11:10 a.m. EDT

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- Yugoslavia's new president has admitted for the
first time in a television interview that Yugoslav army and police
forces committed widespread killings in Kosovo last year. 
     Vojislav Kostunica's remarks marked the first time any Yugoslav
leader accepted responsibility and expressed remorse for any of the
conflicts in the last decade in the Balkans. 
     His remarks were reported as the new president scored a significant
victory Tuesday, persuading the Serbian parliament to approve a
power-sharing administration to run Yugoslavia's main republic until
early elections in December. 
     Those elections will give the democracy forces a chance to remove
the last major bastion of Milosevic support within the Yugoslav
leadership. 
     Milosevic has never admitted wrongdoing in Kosovo, steadfastly
blaming the West for fomenting violence in the region. He was indicted
last year for war crimes by the international court in The Hague for
atrocities committed by his troops in Kosovo. 
     "I am ready to ... accept the guilt for all those people who have
been killed," Kostunica told CBS News' "60 Minutes II," according to a
transcript. "For what Milosevic had done, and as a Serb, I will take
responsibility for many of these, these crimes." 
     Asked whether Yugoslav forces were guilty of genocide in the
southern province of Kosovo, Kostunica admitted that crimes had
occurred, but that both Serbs and ethnic Albanians were killed. The
interview was to be aired Tuesday night. 
     "Those are the crimes and the people that have been killed are
victims," Kostunica said, adding "there are a lot of crimes on the other
side and the Serbs have been killed." 
     Under Milosevic, Yugoslav forces launched a massive crackdown on
ethnic Albanian separatists in Kosovo in 1998. Thousands of ethnic
Albanian civilians were killed and tens of thousands of others forced to
flee their homes. 
     Milosevic depicted the crackdown as a heroic attempt to save
Serbia's medieval heartland from independence-minded ethnic Albanian
extremists. He and four of his officials were charged by the U.N. war
crimes tribunal last year for atrocities committed in Kosovo. 
     Since taking power after a popular revolt, Kostunica has moved to
bring about democratic changes and has shown willingness to cooperate
with the tribunal. He has not yet moved to arrest Milosevic, saying the
tribunal was a political entity created by the West and that his country
doesn't recognize it. 
     Asked by CBS whether he thought Milosevic would ever stand trial,
Kostunica replied, "somewhere, yes." 
     Milosevic's party still holds a significant amount of power, which
has prevented Kostunica's camp from pushing through much needed
democratic reforms. 
     Prospects for change improved significantly, however, when Serbia's
parliament voted Tuesday replace Serbia's republican government with a
transition administration until early elections are held on Dec. 23.
Milosevic's party holds 110 of the 250 seats in the republican
legislature. 
     Under the formula, the current Serbian government will be replaced
by a temporary one in which pro-democracy forces will share power to
prevent any rigging of the balloting. Previously, the legislature wasn't
due for new elections until the fall of 2001. 
     Parliamentary approval came after Milosevic's former allies in the
Radical Party accused Kostunica's camp of staging a "coup" by forcing
changes in the republican administration. 
     The Radicals, which hold 82 seats in the 250-seat assembly,
filibustered for seven hours, forcing parliament to adjourn its session
without a vote on the reorganization plan. The assembly met again
Tuesday, although the session was delayed after Radicals walked out to
protest a decision by state television not to broadcast the event. 
     Yugoslavia is a federation made up of Serbia and smaller Montenegro
- each with their own elected governments. 
     Kosovo is a province of Serbia, but the United Nations and NATO
took over the province in June 1999 following NATO's 78-day bombing of
Yugoslavia. 
     Kosovo Serbs, the minority in the province, now commonly complain
of being the target of attacks. A rocket-propelled grenade exploded
Monday at a neighborhood where most remaining Serbs in Kosovo's capital
of Pristina live. It blew a hole in one of the buildings. 

? Copyright 2000 The Associated Press
_______________________________________________________________________
http://www.ananova.com/news/story/sm_94337.html?nav_src=newsIndexHeadline

New president admits to Yugoslav crimes in Kosovo

Yugoslavia's new president has admitted that army and police forces
committed widespread killings in Kosovo last year.
     Vojislav Kostunica's remarks mark the first time any Yugoslav has
accepted responsibility and expressed remorse for any of the conflicts
in the last decade in the Balkans.
     Former president Slobodan Milosevic steadfastly blamed the West for
aggravating violence in the region, and never admitted any wrongdoing in
Kosovo.
     "I am ready to ... accept the guilt for all those people who have
been killed," Mr Kostunica said. "For what Milosevic had done, and as a
Serb, I will take responsibility for many of these, these crimes."
     Asked by CBS News "60 Minutes II," whether Yugoslav forces were
guilty of genocide in the southern province of Kosovo, Mr Kostunica
admitted that crimes had occurred, but that both Serbs and ethnic
Albanians were killed..
     "Those are the crimes and the people that have been killed are
victims," Mr Kostunica said, adding "there are a lot of crimes on the
other side and the Serbs have been killed."
     Under Milosevic, Yugoslav forces have launched a massive crackdown
on ethnic Albanian separatists in Kosovo in 1998. Thousands of ethnic
Albanian civilians were killed and tens of thousands of others were
forced to flee their homes.
     Milosevic depicted the crackdown as a heroic attempt to save
Serbia's medieval heartland from independence-minded ethnic Albanian
extremists. He and four of his officials were charged by the UN war
crimes tribunal last year for atrocities committed in Kosovo.
     Since taking power after a popular revolt, Mr Kostunica has moved
to bring about democratic changes and has shown willingness to cooperate
with the tribunal. He has not yet moved to arrest Milosevic, saying the
tribunal is a political entity created by the West and that his country
doesn't recognize it.
     Asked whether he thought Milosevic would ever stand trial, Mr
Kostunica replied, "somewhere, yes."

Last updated: 10:11 Tuesday 24th October 2000.
Copyright ? 2000 Ananova Ltd
_______________________________________________________________________
http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/480fa8736b88bbc3c12564f6004c8ad5/0b21227573893ca5c12569820058c6ad?OpenDocument

Source: Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty
Date: 24 Oct 2000

Yugoslav President admits Serbian war crimes in Kosova

Vojislav Kostunica told the U.S. television news program "60 Minutes II"
that he is "ready to...accept the guilt [sic] for all those people who
have been killed. [I acknowledge] what [former President Slobodan]
Milosevic had done, and as a Serb, I will take responsibility for many
of these, these crimes," AP reported on 24 October. He made the
statement in response to a question about whether Serbian forces were
guilty of genocide in Kosova in 1999. Kostunica added: "Those are the
crimes and the people that have been killed are victims. [But] there are
a lot of crimes on the other side [as well]. Serbs have been killed."
Asked whether he thought Milosevic will stand trial for his crimes,
Kostunica replied: "Somewhere, yes." This is the first time that a
top-ranking Serbian leader has admitted that Serbian forces committed
war crimes. Most opposition leaders prefer not to discuss the subject or
give evasive answers. Officials of the Milosevic regime and many
nationalists place the blame on "Albanian separatists and terrorists"
and "NATO bombs." PM 

? 2000 RFE/RL, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
_______________________________________________________________________
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=212652

Kostunica Acknowledges Kosovo Genocide

NEW YORK, Oct 24, 2000 -- (Reuters) President Vojislav Kostunica has
acknowledged that Yugoslav security forces committed genocide in Kosovo
and said he was ready to take responsibility for crimes committed by his
predecessor Slobodan Milosevic.
     Milosevic, who has been indicted by a UN court for his security
forces' crimes against members of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority, was
forced by a mass uprising to admit defeat to Kostunica in last month's
elections.
     Kosovo legally remains part of Serb-dominated Yugoslavia but has
been run as a de facto international protectorate since June last year,
when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces.
     In an interview with CBS's "60 Minutes II", released on Monday and
to be aired on Tuesday, Kostunica was asked if there was any doubt that
the Yugoslav army and police were guilty of genocide in Kosovo.
     "Those are the crimes and the people that have been killed are
victims," the president responded, adding: "I must say also there are a
lot of crimes on the other side and the Serbs have been killed.
     "I am ready to, how to say, to accept the guilt for all those
people who have been killed so I'm trying to, taking responsibility for
what happened on my part. For what Milosevic had done and as a Serb I
will take responsibility for many of these, these crimes,"
     On whether Milosevic would stand trial somewhere, Kostunica
replied: "Yes, somewhere." Asked about Serb crimes against humanity, he
said Milosevic was "among those responsible."
     Kostunica said his government had not arrested Milosevic because
there were "too many things to be done at this moment, too many
priorities."
     The president also said "before anything else we are in need of
democracy being, how to say, consolidated in this country. By opening
the questions of the Hague (court) that democracy may be put into
question."
     After the sacking of the parliament building in Belgrade, Kostunica
said he had feared a visit from the security forces.
     "We were somewhere between democracy and revolution. And I must say
that that morning I went to bed and had the specific feeling that
someone might knock at my door."
     Asked if had feared arrest, he replied: "Exactly."

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited


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From i_spaho at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 24 21:52:45 2000
From: i_spaho at hotmail.com (irma spaho)
Date: Wed, 25 Oct 2000 01:52:45 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] LOTE MERGIMI
Message-ID: <F46XWtjik38dWMJ69ik00000558@hotmail.com>

LOTE MERGIMI

Lotet e nxehte rrokullisen faqeve qe nuk duan t'i jepen moshes dhe stresit. 
Dritherima e atij trupi te stermunduar nga vuajtjet dhe ekoja e gulcimeve te 
mbytura e elektrizojne te teren.
Nuk mundet! Nuk mundet me t'i rezistoje loteve. E dridheron ajo vuajtje dhe 
e egerson. Si nje luan i pushtuar nga uria, i turret fatit te pameshirte, 
t'ia sakatose gjymtyret e prese cdo fije energjie qe e ushqen. Mundohet te 
kaperdije lotet dhe pertype vrerin qe i dhuron kripesia e tyre.
Nje det i kripur lotesh! O Zot sa i kripur!!!
Befas, ne mendje i vijne kujtimet e nje tregimi te Nasi Leres. Deti u kripos 
nga lotet e gjithe atyre qyqareve qe fati i degdisi ne nje bote te larget. 
Sa e vertete e trishtueshme! E hidhur!
O Zot, kjo fjale i mbika sot ne buze dhe i torturoka durimin. Si e cmendur 
deshiron cdo germe t'ia shtrengoje mes dhembeve derisa te pushoje se 
ekzistuari, derisa harresa ta perpije ne mbreterine e saj.
Zgjat duart, prek ata margaritare lotesh qe varen poshte mollezave te fryra, 
i veshtron ne heshtje e tmerrohet tek sheh veten te shfytyruar nga dhimbja. 
Mundohet te qeshe per te mbytur dobesine e atij casti, por nga fytyra e 
embel i del vec nje ngerdheshje. Mundohet perseri te qeshe per t'i larguar 
trishtimin atyre syve qe e bekuan per here te pare kur erdhi ne kete bote, 
t'i ktheje ngrohtesine atyre duarve qe e perkedhelen te parat kur lindi, 
njomur me gjak. Por me kot...
Lotet triumfojne. Nuk paska Zot ta ndale rrjedhjen e tyre te furishme poshte 
syve te bufatur nga te qaret. Nje ajer trishtues varet mbi koken e saj dhe 
te te dashurve qe kane dale per ta percjelle, ku varen veshtrimet kurioze te 
te huajve qe presin ne korridorin e mundimit. Kthen dhe nje here koken per 
te pershendetur statujat e ngrira qe mundohen te levizin gjymtyret qe duket 
sikur i kane marre borxh vetem per ate moment. Dhe pikerisht atehere ndodh 
cudia. Kujtime te embla i perkedhelin kujtesen dhe ajo ve buzen ne gaz. Ja 
tek shfaqen ditet e lumtura ne vendin e larget, kur zene dore per dore, nene 
e bije, me fytyren qe shkelqen nga gezimi, ndalen ne asfaltin e nxehur nga 
rrezet perveluese te diellit, per te lexuar parrullat qesharake qe si 
kepurdhat pas shiut, mbinin pallateve dhe rrugeve te qytetit te harruar. 
Atehere s'ishte as 5 vjec kur mundohej te mblidhte te gjitha shkronjat se 
bashku per te krijuar fjalite, dhe si kompliment, merrte buzeqeshjen dhe 
shkelqimin e atyre syve te dashur. Gjithcka i kujtohet qarte tani, si ne nje 
film te pare e sterpare qindra here.
Ja dhe mengjeset e para kur nxitonte te lidhte floket-gersheta dhe me 
kersherine e nje femije te prape, s'pushonte se pyeturi per "gjerat qe s'i 
takonin". Keshtu kalonin ditet ne ate qytet te merzitshem, derisa vinte vera 
e nxehte dhe kthehej perseri ne qytetin e gurte te femijerise, ku e prisnin 
me mall bashkemoshataret dhe ku ethshem rremonte te gjente skutat e fshehura 
te vetvetes.
E keshtu kalonin ditet, vitet, gjithnje ne lufte me vetveten, ne lufte me te 
gjithe. Keshtu perhere e me shume ecte larg asaj shembelltyre qe e solli ne 
jete. Rendte drejt endrres. E prape, kokeforte, gjithnje triumfuese. Edhe 
atehere kur gjithcka dukej pa zgjidhje, gjithcka shfaqej kokeposhte, e 
pashprese. Rrezatimi i atyre syve e ndiqte besnikerisht pas, si hija e saj, 
duke djegur cdo mendim ogurzi qe i kaperthente qofte edhe nje moment te 
vetem.
Ndersa sot...
Sot perballet me ata sy te pajete, tkurrur ne zgavrat qe i torturon frika e 
pasigurise dhe dhimbja e humbjes. Mundohet te shohe nje fijez drite pertej 
atyre loteve, qe sikur po i shterosin gjakun, por s'sheh vec tmerr. Gjithe 
bota shembet nen kembet qe dridhen, ashtu si dikur kalate e reres shembeshin 
perpara levizjes se gishterinjve te veckel te saj. Heshtje e shperlare! 
Perzier me permallimin e parakohshem te gjymtyreve qe nervozisht levizin ne 
ajer.
Sa do donte t'i besonte cfaredo genjeshtre ate cast, por e kote. Realiteti 
lartesohet aty, para syve te saj, i lakuriqte ne vertetesine e tij, i 
sterlodhur nga pritja, i carvalitur nga dhimbja, i padurueshem, i 
vdekur-varrosur pa rene kembanat e ringjallur nga perkujdesja a harrimit.
O Zot! Cfare skene makaber! Ndjen te kete te ftohte. Aty, ku deri dje 
jetonte nje bukuri marramendese dhe paqe, ka zene vend heshtja lotengarkuar 
dhe tmerri. Nje qiell i perkryer me trajta nga me te hatashmet vetevrasjeje 
ngerdheshet mbi koken e saj. Vetevrasje pa vdekur! Vetevrasjeje torturuese 
qe ta merr shpirtin pak nga pak e pakuptuar si kenget e sirenave! Pikellimi 
masturbon deri ne ekstaze, bulezimin e jetes per te mbytur.
"O Zot! Me jep force!"- lutet zeri nga brenda. Mbledh dhe nje here te gjitha 
forcat per te perballuar ate trysni fjalemarrese mendimesh dhe belbezon 
"Mirupafshim!".
E renduar nga barra e fajit, kufoma levizese ecen drejt atij sendi shtegtar 
qe do ta coje ne nje bote tjeter, ku lodhja dhe stresi e ndihmojne te 
harroje dhimbjen.


Chicago
Tetor, 2000

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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Thu Oct 26 15:05:59 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Thu, 26 Oct 2000 21:05:59 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: Ethnic Albanians Express Skepticism (AP, October 25, 2000)
Message-ID: <39F88097.89A101F6@bndlg.de>

http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/ap/20001025/wl/kosovo_kostunica_1.html

Wednesday October 25 8:25 PM ET

Ethnic Albanians Express Skepticism 

By FISNIK ABRASHI, Associated Press Writer 

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Ethnic Albanians in Kosovo expressed
skepticism Wednesday about an admission from Yugoslavia's new president
that Yugoslav forces were responsible for widespread killings in the
province.
     Kosovo's newspapers largely ignored remarks made by President
Vojislav Kostunica (news - web sites) to CBS-TV's ''60 Minutes II,'' in
which he acknowledged that crimes had occurred during Slobodan Milosevic
(news - web sites)'s crackdown in the southern Yugoslav province. Only
one Albanian language newspaper, Koha Ditore, printed the remarks.
     ``I am ready to ... accept the guilt for all those people who have
been killed,'' Kostunica said. ``For what Milosevic had done, and as a
Serb, I will take responsibility for many of these, these crimes.''
     It was the first time any Yugoslav leader accepted responsibility
and expressed regret for any of the conflicts in the last decade in the
Balkans. Milosevic never admitting any wrongdoing in Kosovo.
     Nonetheless, some people here suggested Kostunica must take greater
steps toward reconciliation before such statements can be believed.
     ``After you kill, no apologies can be accepted,'' said Arben
Xhelili, 18, a bartender in Pristina.
     Ethnic Albanians endured a decade of oppression under Milosevic and
an 18-month brutal crackdown by Serb police that only ended after NATO
(news - web sites) airstrikes last year. During the 78-day air war,
ethnic Albanians say, thousands of people were rounded up by Yugoslav
forces. Many remain unaccounted for.
     ``This is only a little start from nothing,'' Milaim Murati, 34, a
cook, said of Kostunica's remarks. ``The good way to start would be to
release all Albanian prisoners from Serb prisons and find the missing.
That could be a genuine good sign.''
     Kostunica said Wednesday he would consider granting amnesty to
people jailed under Milosevic, but he stopped short of committing to the
release of Kosovo Albanians held since the conflict.
     Meanwhile, more than 20,000 supporters of Kosovo Albanian
politician Ibrahim Rugova gathered Wednesday at Pristina's stadium for
his final rally ahead of municipal elections on Saturday. Several polls
show Rugova's moderate Democratic League of Kosovo in the lead.
     Rugova attracted international attention ahead of the NATO bombing
campaign for seeking a nonviolent resolution with Belgrade. He was twice
elected ``president'' of an internationally unrecognized republic of
Kosovo.
     Also Wednesday, Switzerland announced that it will keep lightly
armed soldiers in Kosovo to help the province's NATO-led peacekeeping
force for an additional year. 

Copyright ? 2000 The Associated Press


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Thu Oct 26 15:00:29 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Thu, 26 Oct 2000 21:00:29 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: Future of Kosovo dominates Balkan summit (Scotsman, 26 OCTOBER  2000)
Message-ID: <39F87F4D.557EF455@bndlg.de>

http://www.thescotsman.co.uk/world.cfm?id=TS00172148&d=World&c=world&s=0&keyword=the

THURSDAY 26 OCTOBER 2000

Future of Kosovo dominates Balkan summit

Christian Jennings in Pristina 

THE thorny question of Kosovo's independence and the problematic past of
the ousted Yugoslav leader, Slobodan Milosevic. dominated a Balkans
stability summit yesterday in the Macedonian capital, Skopje. 
     The stars of the meeting, which saw regional leaders declare
themselves committed to increased regional stability, were the new
Yugoslav president, Vojislav Kostunica, and the US Ambassador to the
United Nations, Richard Holbrooke. 
     "With sensible, good-willed dialogue, without accusations and
self-accusations in advance, patiently freeing ourselves of pent-up
predjudice, we will be able to solve the problems that burden our
relations," said Mr Kostunica, in his first meeting with Balkan leaders
since assuming power in Belgrade earlier this month. 
     The summit included leaders and senior governmental officials from
Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Turkey, Romania, Bosnia and
Croatia, as well as the European Union's high representative foreign and
security policy, Javier Solana. 
     Key items on the one-day agenda were atonement for the past regime
of Mr Milosevic, and independence for Kosovo. 
     Croatia's deputy prime minister, Goran Granic, said that the rule
of Mr Milosevic, under which more than 230,000 Bosnians, Croats,
Albanians and Serbs died during ten years of war since 1991, had been
the region's "main source of instability and generator of crisis". 
     While the Balkan leaders welcomed moves by Mr Kostunica to embrace
democracy and the values of the European Union, Kosovo, which goes to
the polls on Saturday for the first time in its history, is proving to
be a fly in the political ointment of regional stability. 
     Mr Kostunica has affirmed Yugoslavia's territorial claims to Kosovo
while all the province's 19 political parties and most of its two
million predominantly ethnic Albanian inhabitants want independence. 
     Ibrahim Rugova - a moderate Kosovar political leader from the
Democratic League of Kosovo, who is expected to scoop up to 50 per cent
of the vote - told more than 20,000 supporters gathered in Pristina
yesterday that a vote for the LDK was a vote for independence. 
     Some 20 per cent of the votes are expected to go to the Democratic
Party of Kosovo (PDK), led by a former guerilla leader, Hashim Thaci,
and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), led by another former
rebel fighter, Ramush Haradinaj. Both parties sprang out of the former
Kosovo Liberation Army and are determination to acheive independence. 
     The final status of Kosovo will be discussed at a regional summit
in Zagreb next month. 
     Mr Holbrooke said province-wide spring general elections may be
possible in Kosovo, but officials from the Organisation for Security and
Co-Operation in Europe, responsible for organising polling, say that a
spring deadline is too early. 
     Kosovar leaders have indicated that if independence is denied them,
they might be tempted to return to an armed struggle against Serbia .

The Scotsman


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Thu Oct 26 15:05:06 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Thu, 26 Oct 2000 21:05:06 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: Birth of a Nation in Kosovo (Christian Science Monitor, OCTOBER  26, 2000)
Message-ID: <39F88062.5594EC4F@bndlg.de>

http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/2000/10/26/fp8s1-csm.shtml

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 26, 2000 

Birth of a Nation in Kosovo 

Quiz time: NATO's war over Kosovo in 1999 was fought: 
1. To save the majority ethnic Albanians from the slaughtering Serb
forces of Slobodan Milosevic. 
2. To liberate the province for eventual independence from Serbia. 

NATO's official answer is "1." Otherwise it stands accused of invading a
country to split it up - a dangerous international precedent. So right
now, Kosovo remains a United Nations protectorate. 
     But Mr. Milosevic was shown the door by his own people last month.
And this Saturday, the 2 million people of Kosovo will vote in UN-run
municipal elections. Both events ought to force Europe and the United
States to seriously address the option of independence for the province. 
     Last week, an international commission recommended to the UN that
Kosovo move toward "conditional independence." It argued, pragmatically,
that keeping Kosovo's Albanian population under Belgrade's rule is not
realistic. The ethnic and religious differences, not to mention the
atrocities of recent years, are just too much. 
     But neither is it realistic to think of a fully independent Kosovo
right around the corner. The new, elected Serb leader, Vojislav
Kostunica, wants the province to remain part of Serbia. And the
foundation for self-government is not there. 
     The Albanian Kosovars must show they can treat the minority Serbs
and Roma (Gypsies) fairly and humanely. Their leaders must move beyond
nationalist fervor toward negotiations and partnership with their
neighbors. 
     Other parts of the Balkans are moving that way. Croatia has
expunged the old rabid nationalism; Bosnia's ethnically mixed people are
beginning to work together; and Serbia is charting a new course. 
     The new Serb leader has offered a few constructive measures: He
acknowledges the Serbs' violent excesses in Kosovo and is willing to
release the hundreds of Albanians held in Serbian prisons. Leaders in
Kosovo could respond by pledging to protect Serbian Orthodox holy places
in Kosovo. 
     The thuggery and vengefulness of many ethnic Albanians after the
war are still too near the surface. Democratic processes, such as this
weekend's local elections, and parliamentary elections next year, should
help tamp down the violent undercurrents. 
     International involvement in Kosovo, meanwhile, provides insurance
that those processes have a chance to succeed. The military and
financial investments made there by Europe and the US are not short
term. They will take patience for them to pay off, but at a pace clearly
leading to independence. 

Christian Science Monitor


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From mehollim at hotmail.com  Fri Oct 27 12:21:55 2000
From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli)
Date: Fri, 27 Oct 2000 16:21:55 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] [unicef_alert] "Trick or Treat for UNICEF"
Message-ID: <F216KZMqA4dxfE9oh4600003223@hotmail.com>

>Please join us as we celebrate the 50th Anniversary of
>"Trick-or-Treat for UNICEF"!
>
>This education and fundraising program is simple, but the
>results are extraordinary.  "Trick or Treat for UNICEF"
>helps to save and improve the lives of millions of children
>around the world every year.
>
>Please visit our "Trick-or-Treat for UNICEF" web pages at
>http://www.unicefusa.org/tot2000 where you can quickly & easily...
>
>    * Print out your "Trick-or-Treat for UNICEF" collection
>      box and volunteer badge!
>    * Download our new "Trick-or-Treat for UNICEF" screensaver!
>    * Send "Trick-or-Treat for UNICEF" e-Cards to your friends!
>    * Download our free educational kits!
>    * Make a secure on-line donation!
>    * And More!
>
>While you're online, you can also help simply by visiting
>The Child Survival Site. Just visit once a day, click on a
>button, and corporate sponsors will make a donation to The
>U.S. Fund for UNICEF. Donations from the site support
>UNICEF's efforts to distribute vitamin A capsules to
>children in need around the world. It's free to you and
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>we CAN make a difference!
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>http://www.unicefusa.org              1-800-FOR-KIDS
>
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>receive further information from the U.S. Fund for UNICEF, forward this 
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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Fri Oct 27 14:48:19 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Fri, 27 Oct 2000 20:48:19 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: UNMIK: Anthony Welch Named Mitrovica Regional Administrator (Press  Release, 26 October 2000)
Message-ID: <39F9CDF3.FAA1393D@bndlg.de>

http://www.un.org/peace/kosovo/press/templ.pr.399.html

UNITED NATIONS  NATIONS UNIES
UNMIK
UNITED NATIONS INTERIM ADMINISTRATION  MISSION IN KOSOVO

Press Release
26 October 2000
UNMIK/PR/399

Anthony Welch Named Mitrovica Regional Administrator

SRSG Bernard Kouchner has named Anthony Welch of the UK as the new
Regional Administrator for Mitrovica.
     When Welch, a retired British Army Brigadier, takes up his post
with UNMIK in November, he brings with him more than five years
experience of working in the Balkans.
     He replaces William L. Nash, the longest-serving Regional
Administrator for Mitrovica, who will end his UNMIK assignment in
mid-November and return to his job at the National Democratic Institute
for Foreign Affairs, in Washington, D.C. Nash, himself a former Major
General in the U.S. Army, took up the post in April, 2000.
     Welch's immediate previous position was head of the UK Department
for International Development (DFID) mission to Kosovo and Macedonia
from June 1999 - July 2000, overseeing British government donor support
to the region worth some $181 million. Prior to that, Mr. Welch was
employed by DFID as an advisor on the restructuring and democratisation
of the Armed Forces and National Security Agencies to various foreign
governments in Africa and in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia and Albania.
     From December 1996 to November 1998 he worked with the OSCE on the
planning and implementation of municipal, general and parliamentary
elections in such countries as Croatia, Bulgaria, Romania, Montenegro
and Serbia. On behalf of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, he
led an Albanian political delegation during a study of the 1997 general
election in the United Kingdom.
     Mr. Welch headed the European Community's Monitor Mission in
Albania from March 1995 - December 1996. The Mission's 23 international
monitors reported to Brussels on the situation in the region with regard
to political, military, economic, humanitarian and infrastructure
developments. He had particular responsibility for monitoring relations
between Albania, Macedonia and Yugoslavia.
     Earlier, in 1994, when the post of UN Special Representative of the
UN Secretary-General (SRSG) was created for UNPROFOR, he acted as
Executive Assistant to the then incumbents - Thorvald Stoltenberg and
Yashusi Akashi - and, as chief of policy planning, also was the UN
delegate to the NATO Ad Hoc Planning Committee on the Balkans.
     Born in Hamilton, New Zealand, Mr. Welch was commissioned into the
British army in 1969 and served for 10 years with the 3rd Commando
Brigade Royal Marines, including commanding the Commando Ordnance
Squadron during the Falkland Island conflict with Argentina. He was
promoted to Colonel in 1988 and during the Gulf war (1990-1991) was
principal Logistic Staff Planner for British Land Forces and acted as
the senior briefer to Allied Commanders, Ministers and parliamentary
Committees during Operation Desert Storm. He was promoted to Brigadier
at the end of the war and returned to Britain as commander of the
Donnington Garrison in Shropshire. He retired from the Army in 1994. 

For information only-not an official record 
Contact UNMIK Press and Information Office-(381-38) 500-223, 501-396.


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Fri Oct 27 14:48:25 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Fri, 27 Oct 2000 20:48:25 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: Eyes on Kosovo, again (Economist, Oct 28th 2000)
Message-ID: <39F9CDF9.41D7292F@bndlg.de>

http://www.economist.com/world/europe/PrinterFriendly.cfm?Story_ID=404194&CFID=266089&CFTOKEN=2460071

Eyes on Kosovo, again 

Oct 28th 2000 | PRISTINA AND SKOPJE 

While Yugoslavia's new president consolidates his power, this week's
Balkan focus is shifting back to Kosovo, where upcoming elections could
once more alter the West's calculations for the region 
     NEITHER Yugoslavia's new leader, Vojislav Kostunica, nor the most
widely respected politician in Kosovo, Ibrahim Rugova, would relish
being compared with one another, but it is hard to ignore the
similarities. As citizens of the dying Yugoslav federation start
considering how they might live together peacefully, these two
old-fashioned academics, representing all that was fusty but
comparatively decent about intellectual life in Marshal Tito's country,
have been embraced, albeit cautiously, by the more sensible youngsters
on both sides of their ethnic wall who hope to escape the vicious Balkan
circle of crime and war.
     Mr Rugova, a French-educated professor of literature, has never
claimed to be a crowd-pleaser. But this awkward, retiring man was mobbed
like a rock star by 20,000 people, at least half of them under 30, when
he appeared at an election rally in the stadium this week in Pristina,
Kosovo's capital. Like every candidate in Kosovo's local elections, due
on October 28th, Mr Rugova refused to discuss any future for the
bitterly contested province, now guarded by 43,000 peacekeepers from 31
countries, save full independence from Serbia.
     Richard Holbrooke, the American ambassador to the UN and veteran
Balkan trouble-shooter, fed those hopes by making a tantalising promise,
during a stopover in Pristina, that negotiations on Kosovo's final
status would start in the near future. Most European policymakers, on
the other hand, still believe it is too soon to bridge apparently
irreconcilable differences between most Albanians and most Serbs about
where Kosovo ultimately belongs. 
     In any case, the difference between Mr Rugova and other contenders
for power in Kosovo has more to do with style than ultimate policy
goals. For middle-class Kosovars who lived modestly but respectably in
the 1980s, before Serbia suppressed their autonomy, and apparently for
many of their children as well, the pacifist Mr Rugova is more
attractive than the swaggering ex-guerrillas of the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA).
     His moderate party, which led a campaign of non-violent resistance
to Serbian rule for much of the last decade, is expected to win about
half the vote in the forthcoming ballot. Watchers from the UN reckon
that the two main ex-KLA parties, several of whose leading lights have
close links with the illegal trade in guns and drugs, might get a
combined total of 20% or so. 
     In Belgrade, meanwhile, the newly elected president has received a
friendly warning from leaders of the student movement Otpor
(Resistance), whose street protests were an important part of his
campaign to end more than a decade of misrule by his predecessor,
Slobodan Milosevic. As posters appeared around the city with the
enigmatic slogan "We are watching you", Otpor's leaders said they would
give Mr Kostunica, a law lecturer and moderate nationalist, 100 days to
make good on his promises to sweep the old guard out of power and
establish a democratic society; otherwise they would withdraw support
and start directing their youthful anger against the new incumbents.
     Given that he was propelled to power by a broad range of
constituencies, from ethnic minorities to disaffected members of the
security forces, the new Yugoslav president cannot avoid disappointing
some of them. But after barely three weeks in office, he is not doing
badly. The sound of ice breaking was audible all over the Balkans this
week as he restored diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries and
the western world.
     On a landmark visit to Sarajevo, Mr Kostunica assured the
authorities, both local and international, that he was prepared to
recognise unconditionally the independence and territorial integrity of
Bosnia-despite the attachment felt by nationalist Serbs, including
himself, to the republic's eastern, Serb-dominated half.
     The new president also admitted, more openly than before, that
"crimes" were committed against other nations by the Milosevic regime
during the four wars which followed old Yugoslavia's disintegration. "I
am ready to accept the guilt for all those people who have been killed,"
he told an American interviewer. "For what Milosevic has done, and as a
Serb, I will take responsibility for many of these crimes," he added, in
comments that seemed to mark a significant step towards convincing his
compatriots to face up to the evils perpetrated in their name.
     A few days later, on October 25th, Mr Kostunica and Mr Holbrooke
co-starred at another ground-breaking Balkan event: a summit of regional
leaders in Skopje, Macedonia's capital, whose main importance lay in the
mere fact that Yugoslavia's leader was not a pariah but a more-or-less
welcome guest.
     Still, the mere fact that many people in Serbia proper and Kosovo
have given their backing to respectable politicians who believe in law,
not war, will not bring magic solutions to the region's long-term
challenge: finding terms on which Slavs, Albanians and others can
co-exist in the southern Balkans.
     Events in Serbia and Kosovo are being watched closely in Skopje,
both by the Slavic majority and the ethnic Albanian minority (which
officially numbers 23%, but may in fact be closer to 35%), and in
Albania proper, where politics has been calmer than usual. This month
Albania's ex-communist Socialists did well in local elections, taking
control of Tirana, the capital, from the right-without fomenting the
chaos and bloodshed that have hitherto accompanied political rivalry in
that country. Albania's prime minister, Ilir Meta, is a careful sort,
nervous about violence in Kosovo spilling over into Albania.
     The ethnic Albanian-dominated areas of Macedonia have done well out
of Kosovo, thanks to investment by wealthy Kosovars and a flourishing
cross-border trade in everything from vegetables to building materials
to drugs. Politicians in Tetovo, an Albanian-speaking Macedonian town
which is abuzz with commercial activity, say they would welcome the
prospect of Kosovo enjoying an increasing measure of independence under
international protection. A similar mood of optimism is discernible
among teachers at Tetovo's Albanian-language university, which will open
next year after the grudging consent of Macedonia's Slavic leadership
and heavy international pressure.
     But the Macedonian Slavs and the country's prime minister, Ljubcho
Georgievski, are nervous about the prospect of an autonomous, let alone
independent, Kosovo, whether it is led by Mr Rugova or by his gun-toting
rivals. More immediately, Mr Georgievski's government, like many others
in the region, fears that the advent of a more decent government in
Belgrade may prompt western governments to take their eye off the Balkan
ball and start overhastily to reduce their troops. 
     Those fears were recently exacerbated when Condoleezza Rice, an
adviser to George W. Bush, the Republican presidential contender,
suggested that keeping 11,000 troops in the Balkans was proving to be
one burden too many for America's 500,000-strong army. Whoever serves as
the Balkans' gendarme needs to stay for many years yet.

Copyright ? 1995-2000 The Economist Newspaper Group Ltd. All rights
reserved.


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Oct 27 16:34:36 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 27 Oct 2000 13:34:36 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Projekt- Deklarate e Kuvendit te Shqiperise
Message-ID: <20001027203436.16238.qmail@web113.yahoomail.com>

      
  

Projekt-Deklarata e Komisionit te Jashtem per
deputetet greke

Komisioni i Politikes se Jashtme eshte vene ne dijeni
se gjate zhvillimit te procesit zgjedhor per organet e
Pushtetit lokal te tetorit 2000, ne territorin e
Republikes se Shqiperise, ne njeren prej njesive
zgjedhore (Himare), eshte dokumentuar veprimtari e
kunderligjshme dhe provokuese e disa deputeteve te
Parlamentit te Greqise. Ata kane ushtruar presion
propagandistik mbi votuesit, kane hyre neper qendra
votimi, kane organizuar protesta perballe kamerave te
televizionit grek te ardhura enkas ne diten e votimit,
kane premtuar viza hyrje ne Greqi ne kembim te votave
per kandidatin e preferuar prej tyre etj..


Komisioni i politikes se jashtme e denoncon
veprimtarine e deputeteve greke ne zgjedhjet lokale ne
Himare si:


- shkelje te Kushtetutes dhe te Kodit elektoral te
Republikes se Shqiperise;


- cenim te parimeve dhe normave te njohura
nderkombetare per zhvillimin e marredhenieve
ndershteterore.


Nderhyrjet e parlamentareve greke te verifikuara ne
Himare, perbejne abuzime flagrante edhe kur motivohen
me interesimin per respektimin e te drejtave te
minoritetit grek ne Shqiperi:


- se pari, sepse nderhyrjet u fokusuan ne nje krahine
ku as ka pasur ndonjehere dhe as nuk ka minoritet
grek;


- se dyti, sepse permes dizinformimit dhe zhurmes se
ngritur enkas, cenohet padrejtesisht Shqiperia, e cila
ka sanksionuar ne Kushtetuten e saj dhe ka deshmuar ne
vazhdimesi respektimin e te gjitha normave dhe
konventave nderkombetare mbi lirite dhe te drejtat e
minoriteteve.


Komisioni i Politikes se Jashtme i vlereson te
nxituara dhe te paparanueshme deklarimet e disa
zyrtareve te larte te qeverise greke, te cilat
permbajne deri edhe tone kercenuese, ne inkoherence me
frymen e partneritetit, bashkepunimit dhe fqinjesise
se mire.


Ne verejme se veshtiresite e perkohshme ekonomike te
njerit vend nuk duhet te perdoren si instrument
presioni ne duart e tjetrit, por te jene nxitje per
bashkepunim, zhvillim, partneritet dhe respekt
reciprok. Interesat e Shqiperise dhe te Greqise
kerkojne qe energjite e parlamentareve dhe zyrtareve
te tjere te dy vendeve te perdoren ne funskon te
perspektives se perbashket europiane dhe
euroatlantike, duke zgjidhur ne proces si problemet e
trasheguara nga historia si abrogimi i ligjit te
luftes, ceshtja e pronave te shqiptareve ne Greqi,
etj., ashtu edhe ceshtjet korrente te tilla si
vazhdimi i legalizimit te emigranteve ekonomike
shqiptare ne Greqi, ndalimi i cdo lloj akti dhune ndaj
tyre, lehtesimi i regjimit te vizave, vazhdimi i
kontributit edhe te Greqise, per marreveshjen e
Stabilizimit dhe te Asociimit Shqiperi-BE, etj..


Komisioni vlereson seriozitetin e angazhimit te dy
vendeve tona per te vazhduar vendosmerisht ne rrugen e
zhvillimit te marredhenieve te fqinjesise se mire, te
respektit reciprok, te partneritetit te bashkepunimit
ne fushen e institucioneve demokratike, te ekonomise
dhe te financave, te kultures dhe shkences, te rendit
dhe te sigurise ne rajon e me gjere.


Kjo deklarate do t'u behet e njohur Komisioneve te
Politikes se Jashtme te vendeve fqinje te Rajonit.


10/27/2000
 
 Koha Jone

__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Yahoo! Messenger - Talk while you surf!  It's FREE.
http://im.yahoo.com/


From wplarre at bndlg.de  Sat Oct 28 09:34:02 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Sat, 28 Oct 2000 15:34:02 +0200
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: KOSTUNICA DENIES HE ADMITTED SERB ATROCITIES IN KOSOVO TO CBS  (Chicago Tribune, October 27, 2000)
Message-ID: <39FAD5CA.F3CAF234@bndlg.de>

http://chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/article/0,2669,SAV-0010270208,FF.html

KOSTUNICA DENIES HE ADMITTED SERB ATROCITIES IN KOSOVO TO CBS 

>From Tribune News Services 
October 27, 2000 

BELGRADE, YUGOSLAVIA -- Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica's office
on Thursday disputed a CBS News broadcast that quoted him as
acknowledging atrocities committed in Kosovo under the government of his
predecessor, Slobodan Milosevic.
     The statement released by Kostunica's office, addressed to the
president of CBS News, said the segment aired Tuesday on "60 Minutes II"
was "unprofessional and unethical."
     Kostunica was quoted in the broadcast as saying: "I am ready to ...
accept the guilt for all those people who have been killed. ... For what
Milosevic had done, and as a Serb, I will take responsibility for many
of these, these crimes."
     Milosevic, who was forced from office this month, never admitted
wrongdoing in Kosovo or former Yugoslav republics where he helped
instigate armed conflicts.
     Kostunica's office said the journalists conducting the interview
taped about 100 minutes of conversation with him, but broadcast "only a
few minutes" of his answer to a single question, "and even that was
taken completely out of context."
     Scott Pelley, who conducted the interview, said he believed the
interview, as aired, was "absolutely fair."

Chicago Tribune


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From suela79 at hotmail.com  Sat Oct 28 21:20:42 2000
From: suela79 at hotmail.com (Suela lika)
Date: Sat, 28 Oct 2000 21:20:42 EDT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] NU Students
Message-ID: <F120PAMeE6TRWUvm9nP00000ab6@hotmail.com>

Tungjatjeta te gjitheve,

Me quajne Suela dhe jam studente tek Northeastern University ne Boston. Jemi
mbledhur disa studente shqpitare ne kete universitet dhe vendosem qe do
ishte mire qe to formonim nje organizate shqiptare per shkollen tone.
Megjithse mendojme se i njohim te gjithe shqiptaret, te qene te ardhur ose
te lindur ketu, nuk jemi te sigurte. Kerkesa ime eshte n.q.s jeni student
tek NU ose njihni dike qe vazhdon studimet ne kete universitet, me dergoni
nje mesazh tek suela79 at hotmail.com dhe me jepni nje menyre kontaktimi me ju.
Deshira jone eshte e madhe ta formojme kete organizate, por nuk na lejohet
n.q.s nuk ka nje numer te mjaftueshem studentash shqiptare, ose studenta te
interesuar ne nje organizate te tille. Shume faleminderit per kohen tuaj dhe
shpresoj marr shume pergjigje


Suela

P.S: Ju lutem mos i ktheni pergjigje te gjithe listes. Faleminderit

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Hello everyone,

My name is Suela and I am currently a student at Northeastern University in
Boston.  There are a few albanian students attending this universtiy and we
decided that it would be a great idea if we could for an albanian studend
organization for this university. Even though we believe we know everyone
albanian in our school community we are not quite sure. My request is that
if you are a student that attends this University and is interested in the
idea of forming this organization please send me an e-mail at
suela79 at hotmail.com and let me know of a way to contact you.  Also if you
are aware of anyone else who attends this university who would also be
interested let us know, or just forward this message. We are very interested
in forming this organization/club but unfortunately there is a requirement
regarding the number of members.
Thank you very much for your time,


Suela

P.S: Please be kind and don't reply to the entire list. Thank you

_________________________________________________________________________
Get Your Private, Free E-mail from MSN Hotmail at http://www.hotmail.com.

Share information about yourself, create your own public profile at 
http://profiles.msn.com.



From wplarre at bndlg.de  Sun Oct 29 11:22:41 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Sun, 29 Oct 2000 17:22:41 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: Partial results give Rugova's LDK lead in Kosovo capital (AFP, 29  Oct 2000)
Message-ID: <39FC4ED1.E795B69F@bndlg.de>

http://www.voila.co.uk/News/afp/int/001029054315.7lqdoryb.html

Partial results give Rugova's LDK lead in Kosovo capital 

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AFP) - - Ibrahim Rugova's moderate nationalist
Kosovo Democratic League (LDK) was leading late Saturday in the race to
win control of Pristina's municipal council, sources close to the vote
count said.
     The LDK had won 59 percent of the first 3,439 votes counted at one
of the capital's largest polling stations, leaving the Kosovo Democratic
Party (PDK) of ex-guerrilla leader Hashim Thaci trailing with 24
percent.
     The coalition Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) of Ramush
Haradinaj was coming in third with nine percent, the source said.
     Rugova's LDK is particularly strong among the urban middle class
and is expected to do well in Pristina, according to international
observers.
     It was Kosovo's ethnic Albanians' first democratic test Saturday,
and they turned out en masse to vote in their first post-war election in
an atmosphere of quiet celebration.
     So many voters turned out early that the election's OSCE organisers
at first struggled to cope with the numbers, and in some polling
stations, voting continued after the official 7:00 pm (1700 GMT) closing
time until late into the night, election director Jeff Fischer told
reporters.
     In contrast to most municipal elections, the key issues were not
refuse collection or street ighting but the Kosovo Albanians' need to
prove they could hold a peaceful, politically mature election.
     Kosovo's 100,000-strong Serb minority boycotted the poll, rendering
the result irrelevant in areas where they form the vast majority of the
population and in which Kouchner said he would appoint unelected Serbs
to councils. 
     Militant and moderate Kosovar leaders alike hailed the vote as the
precursor of fully-fledged statehood, a dream nurtured during 10 years
of oppression by ousted Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic. 
     Ibrahim Rugova, dubbed the "Gandhi of the Balkans" because of his
longtime passive resistance to Serb rule, described Saturday's poll as
an "important step" towards independence. 
     Rugova, 56, is not a candidate, preferring to keep his powder dry
for a possible presidential poll next year. 
     "We fought to see this day, to be able to vote freely as citizens
of Kosovo. I am confident that Kosovo will be independent soon," he
said. 

?2000 AFP All rights reserved.


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Sun Oct 29 11:27:44 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Sun, 29 Oct 2000 17:27:44 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: Kosovo Vote "Important Step" Towards Independence (AFP, Oct 29,  2000)
Message-ID: <39FC5000.E786870@bndlg.de>

http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=214694

Kosovo Vote "Important Step" Towards Independence

PRISTINA, Oct 29, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) A Kosovar Albanian
leader, dubbed the "Gandhi of the Balkans" because of his decades-long
passive resistance to Serb rule, hailed elections in the province
Saturday as an "important step" towards independence.
     Ibrahim Rugova, the respected but uncharismatic "president" of the
breakaway Yugoslav province during 10 years of pacifist opposition to
Belgrade, is not a candidate in the UN-administered province's municipal
elections.
     But his party is seen as a clear favorite to win a majority of the
900,000 votes being cast by Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority in 30
municipalities.
     "This is a great day for Kosovo, we are holding our first free
elections, in a free Kosovo, and it's a step towards liberty,
independence and democracy," said the 56-year-old academic after voting
Saturday near his home overlooking Pristina.
     Rugova is expected to stand in a Kosovo-wide legislative or even
presidential poll next year, but the success of his Democratic League of
Kosovo (LDK) in the municipal elections depends on his standing as
"father of the nation."
     His main rival, former guerrilla leader Hashim Thaci, who is vying
for political office in Kosovo, also declared Saturday that the vote was
just a step on the road to full independence from Yugoslavia.
     "I have complete confidence that the international community will
soon be persuaded that it must recognize Kosovo's right to full
independence," Thaci said as he cast his ballot early Saturday in
central Pristina.
     Polling stations opened at 7:00 am (0500 GMT) throughout the
province for the first vote to be held in Kosovo since the end in June
1999 of NATO's 78-day bombing campaign. Polls were to close at 7:00 PM
(1700 GMT).
     The outcome of the municipal elections could prompt Kosovo's ethnic
Albanian majority to step up the drive for independence.
     However, Kosovo's Serb 100,000-strong Serb minority is boycotting
the elections, which are being supervised by the Organisation for
Cooperation and Security in Europe (OSCE). 

((c) 2000 Agence France Presse)


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Sun Oct 29 11:20:15 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Sun, 29 Oct 2000 17:20:15 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: Rivals each claim lead in Kosovo elections (CNN, October 29, 2000)
Message-ID: <39FC4E3F.FF3E3770@bndlg.de>

http://www.cnn.com/2000/WORLD/europe/10/29/kosovo.count/index.html

Rivals each claim lead in Kosovo elections

October 29, 2000
Web posted at: 6:00 AM EST (1100 GMT)

PRISTINA, Kosovo -- Counting of votes is continuing in Kosovo with the
two main ethnic Albanian parties both claiming an early lead following
the province's landmark municipal elections. 
     The Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), headed by Ibrahim Rugova,
said on Sunday that it had gained 60-80 percent of the vote in the major
municipalities. 
     But the militant nationalist Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK),
headed by former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) guerrilla commander Hashim
Thaci, said it was leading in five municipalities -- all former KLA
strongholds. 
     Preliminary results from Saturday's elections -- which were
boycotted by the Serb population in Kosovo -- are not expected before
Monday evening, with official results to be announced in eight to 12
days. 
     Despite months of preparation, the election process, organised by
the 54-nation Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, was
often chaotic. 
     Many voters -- including Rugova's wife -- were turned away because
their names were not on rolls, although they insisted they had
registered before the deadline. 
     But United Nations provincial administrator Bernard Kouchner said
he was satisfied. 
     "I am very happy," Kouchner said. "I met with a lot of people. They
voted for the first time in their life in free and democratic
conditions. 
     "There was a massive turnout. There was virtually no violence, no
provocations. There was a wonderful positive spirit. 
     "People of Kosovo, today you made me proud. It was the least
violent day in Kosovo since the U.N. came -- and with dignity and
tolerance and hope for the future." 
     The NATO-led KFOR peacekeeping force, whose 40,000 troops had been
put on duty for the poll, said it was one of the quietest days since the
Serbian province became an international protectorate in mid-1999. 
     Some polling stations stayed open longer than scheduled due to the
large turnout.
     Jeff Fischer, election director at the OSCE, said the turnout was
so high that the last ballot had been cast at 1 a.m. (2300 GMT) instead
of the earlier planned deadline of 7 p.m. (1700 GMT) on Saturday. 
     He could not give exact voting figures or preliminary results,
confirming they would be announced on Monday. 
     Some 5,500 candidates from around 20 parties were standing in the
elections -- all calling for independence for Kosovo. 
     But the polls were boycotted the province's 80,000 Serbian
population, with only 1,000 Serbs registering to vote, compared with
more than 900,000 ethnic Albanians. 
     Kouchner lamented the Serb boycott, saying it was influenced by
Milosevic's regime, but said he would appoint Serbs to municipal posts
later -- and possibly hold by-elections in Serb majority areas. 
     New Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica has declared that Kosovo
remains part of Serbia, while Serbia's government said the elections
were unacceptable because they served "one nation only," the Albanians. 
     The U.N. has administered Kosovo since June 1999 following the
78-day NATO bombing campaign in response to former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic's crackdown against ethnic Albanian separatists. 

The Associated Press & Reuters contributed to this report.
? 2000 Cable News Network.


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Sun Oct 29 11:31:34 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Sun, 29 Oct 2000 17:31:34 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: Is Serbia's Victory Kosovo's Loss? (New York Times, 29 Oct 2000)
Message-ID: <39FC50E6.3FB70447@bndlg.de>

http://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/29/weekinreview/29ERLA.html

Is Serbia's Victory Kosovo's Loss?

By STEVEN ERLANGER

PRAGUE -- The fall of Slobodan Milosevic is a disaster - at least for
Kosovo's hopes for independence. The election in Belgrade of the
apparently reasonable, legally minded Serb, Vojislav Kostunica, has
spoiled that dream, and consequently, Kosovo has become a more explosive
place, providing a further test for Western troops and diplomacy.
     NATO bombed Yugoslavia for 78 days last year to save Kosovo's
Albanians and drive Serbian authorities out of the province, hoping that
Mr. Milosevic himself would be collateral damage. Albanian refugees
returned and Kosovo became a Western protectorate, managed by the United
Nations and patrolled by NATO-led troops, who watched without much
concern as half the province's Serbian population and nearly all of its
Gypsies were expelled or fled.
     In Western eyes, Mr. Milosevic's undeniable awfulness (politicians
and diplomats cheerfully called him "evil" and "the Hitler of the
Balkans") justified nearly anything that happened in Kosovo - revenge in
the pursuit of liberty was no vice. There has been much tut-tutting
about the organized efforts of some Albanians to pursue independence by
driving the non-Albanian minority from Kosovo, but few arrests by
Western troops unwilling to confront the majority and risk casualties.
     The United Nations administrator of Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner, liked
to say that he saw his job as preparing Kosovo for independence, meaning
independence from Mr. Milosevic, as if the Serbs themselves were
incapable of acting on their own revulsion. A number of senior American
officials privately shared this view.
     But Mr. Kouchner was going - or talking - way beyond his brief. In
the United Nations Security Council resolution that ended the war and
governs Mr. Kouchner, there is no discussion, let alone promise, of
independence for Kosovo. Resolution 1244 "reconfirms the commitment of
all member states to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia," of which Kosovo remains a part. Kosovo
is promised only "substantial autonomy and self-government" after a
period of international supervision.
     Saturday's local elections in Kosovo, although subject to a boycott
by Kosovo's Serbs, constitute an important first step in building
institutions of self-government, and they will be followed in the spring
by elections for some form of legislature. But those institutions, as
well as the province's status are provisional, "pending a final
settlement," as the resolution says. And that settlement is to be
negotiated, under international auspices, between Kosovo's "provisional
democratic self-governing institutions" and Belgrade.
     While Mr. Milosevic ruled, such negotiations were "impossible to
imagine," a senior Western diplomat said. But in Mr. Kostunica, a
constitutional lawyer who vows to defend Serb interests, Kosovo's
Albanians have the interlocutor of their nightmares.
     "For a long time, everyone fell into a bad habit, which was to
ignore anything that came out of Belgrade because it had the Milosevic
tag on it," the diplomat said. "Everything he articulated was by
definition bad, because he articulated it. For 10 years, we let everyone
behave badly because they could say, well, Milosevic behaves worse. But
the election of Kostunica is a blow to extremists of all kinds in the
region - Albanian as well as Serb."
     That means the quiet slide toward independence in Kosovo is over
just as surely as in Serbia's sister republic, Montenegro, whose
president, Milo Djukanovic, also bet on Mr. Milosevic remaining in
power. But while Montenegro is clearly torn between those who favor ties
to Serbia and those who don't, some 95 percent of Kosovars are now
thought to be ethnic Albanian, and few admit to any hope other than
independence.
     Few Serbs in Kosovo, however, let alone those 100,000 or so who
want to return and cannot, currently believe they can be safe in an
independent Kosovo. And Mr. Kostunica has already made clear that he
will press, over time, for the safe return of Serbs - a goal American
envoy James C. O'Brien assured him in their first meeting that
Washington supported.
     Mr. O'Brien also confirmed Washington's support for Resolution
1244, which could not be changed in any event without the support of all
permanent members of the Security Council, including Belgrade allies
Moscow and Beijing.
     So the situation in Kosovo is likely to become more explosive, not
less, ensuring the need for NATO troops to remain for a long time to
come. The reason? Independence is likely to become not just a dream
deferred, but denied. And as the contradiction between Western verbal
encouragement for Albanian self-determination and its opposition to
independence becomes clear, the potential for violence against NATO
troops will grow.
     The same may be said of Albanian politicians. All of them, from the
more moderate, pacifist Ibrahim Rugova, leader of the Democratic League
of Kosovo, to the former Kosovo Liberation Army leader Hashim Thaci,
support independence. But with Mr. Kostunica as a negotiating partner,
politicians like Mr. Rugova are going to have to consider options short
of independence. And that could place their own lives at risk.
     The newly altered landscape is precisely what makes Republican
presidential candidate George W. Bush's recent promise to pull American
soldiers out of Balkan peacekeeping duties so wrongheaded, says Ivo
Daalder, a Balkans expert and a senior fellow at the Brookings
Institution. "Kosovo was an American-led war with an American-dominated
outcome, so to pull out now, when the Albanians feel under the most
pressure since the end of the war, is likely to increase the overall
risk to all troops there," he said. "It would be viewed by the Europeans
and the Albanians as a betrayal."
     Veton Surroi, an Albanian moderate and newspaper publisher, once
said that Kosovar Albanians wouldn't be governed from Belgrade even if
the Serbs elected Mother Teresa to replace Mr. Milosevic, an echo of
quip by Richard Holbrooke, United States ambassador to the United
Nations. The Albanians would want independence "even if Thomas Jefferson
were running Serbia," said Mr. Holbrooke.
     Mr. Kostunica is neither, but he will insist on Belgrade's rights
under Resolution 1244. Ultimately, the future of Kosovo must be resolved
between Belgrade and Pristina, the Kosovo capital. This will doubtless
prove difficult, but the prospect of democratic leaders in both cities
opens up a far more realistic landscape than the current imperial
protectorate.
     "Serbs and Albanians don't get along," said one senior diplomat.
"Fine. But there are a lot of options, and the good news is that we can
start discussing those options intelligently, with elected
representatives, and they can talk for a long time. That has to be
better than what we have now, which is no implementation of 1244 and
Kosovo as a member of NATO forever."
     NATO forces can't leave Kosovo until the Serbs and the Albanians
negotiate a solution, he said, or there will be another war. "The Serbs
have to buy into any solution, or it's hopeless," he said. "Sooner or
later, the Albanians will realize that."

Copyright 2000 The New York Times Company


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From ailirjani at hotmail.com  Sun Oct 29 15:33:33 2000
From: ailirjani at hotmail.com (Altin Ilirjani)
Date: Sun, 29 Oct 2000 15:33:33 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Southeast European Politics, Vol. 1, No. 1, October 2000
Message-ID: <OE16usMjQHtMFaukyCK00001141@hotmail.com>

Southeast European Politics (SEEP)
Volume 1, Number 1, October 2000.
online version available at http://www.seep.ceu.hu/

TABLE OF CONTENT:

Democratisation, Democracy and Ethnic Conflicts in the Balkans
ZLATKO ISAKOVIC

One Year of Failure in Kosova: Chances Missed and the Unknown
Future
ISA BLUMI

Nation-Building vs. Minority-Destroying: Majority-Minority
Relations in the Post-Socialist Serbia
DEJAN GUZINA

Writing and Rewriting History in the Context of Balkan
Nationalism
PANAYOTE ELIAS DIMITRAS

Milosevic's Wars: A perspective from Slovenia
JANEZ DRNOVSEK

Book Reviews:

Goff, Peter (ed). The Kosovo News and Propaganda War. (Vienna:
International Press Institute, 1999),  584 pp. USD 30 (paperback)
Reviewed by SNJEZANA BOKULIC

Ekkehard W. Borntr?ger. Borders, Ethnicity and National
Self-Determination. (Vienna: Braum?ller, 1999), 110 pp., DM 35
(ATS 256, SFR 33), ISBN 3-7003-1241-5
Reviewed by RAINER OHLIGER

Milan Milosevic, Die Parteienlandschaft Serbiens. [The Serbian
Party Landscape]. (Berlin: Berlin Verlag Arno Spitz, 2000)
Reviewed by FLORIAN BIEBER

Thomas, Robert. Serbia Under Milosevic. (London: Hurst & Company,
1999), GBP 14.95, ISBN 1-85065-367-4
Reviewed by PAUL ROE

Fatic, Aleksandar. Reconciliation via the War Crimes Tribunal?
(Aldershot: Ashgate, January 2000), ? 35.00,  pp. 128,  ISBN
1-84014-487-4
Reviewed by JOS DE LA HAYE



From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Oct 29 19:48:28 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 29 Oct 2000 16:48:28 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nga Haga
Message-ID: <20001030004828.5232.qmail@web114.yahoomail.com>

DEL PONTE GJURMON PASURIN?
E MILLOSHEVIQIT N? GREQI

Athin?, 29 tetor (KosovaLive)

Zonja e hekurt e gjykat?s nd?rkomb?tare t? Hag?s,
kryeprokurorja Karla Del Ponte ka qen? incognito jav?n
e kaluar n? Athin?, meq? Greqia konsiderohet si nj?
tjet?r pist? e r?nd?sishme n? hetimet rreth
veprimtarive ekonomike t? ish presidentit jugosllav
Sllobodan Milosheviq dhe klanit t? tij.
Sipas gazet?s "Elefterotipia" t? s? diel?s, misioni i
znj. Del Ponte ka qen? tep?r sekret dhe ajo ?sht?
takuar me kryetarin e gjykat?s kushtetuese, si dhe me
prokurorin q? ka n? kompetenc? ekstradimet e personave
t? k?rkuar. Gazeta citon burime t? drejt?sis? greke t?
ken? th?n? se znj. Del Ponte ka k?rkuar bashk?punimin
e autoriteteve vendase p?r gjetjen dhe ngrirjen e
llogarive bankare t? Milosheviqit n? Greqi. Ajo u ka
th?n? se ka t? dh?na q? Milosheviq disponon n? nj?
bank? greke si dhe n? deg?n q? ka n? Greqi nj? bank?
nga Qipro, depozita prej disa miliard?sh dollar?, t?
cilat i ka transferuar q? m? 1991 e k?tej, n?p?rmjet
personash t? tret?. Po ashtu znj. Del Ponte ka th?n?
se n? Greqi kan? qendr?n edhe pes? kompani q?
figurojn? si administrueset e k?tyre llogarive, ?ka
?sht? b?r? thjesht p?r t? humbur gjurm?t.
Gjithmon? sipas gazet?s "Elefterotipia", gjykat?sit
grek? i jan? p?rgjigjur znj. Del Ponte se ata vet? nuk
disponojn? asnj? t? dh?n? konkrete q? t? materializoj?
akuzat eventuale dhe se ata presin q? k?to t? dh?na
t'u d?rgohen nga Haga, p?r t? vendosur pastaj se ?far?
duhet t? b?jn?.
Prej vitesh ?sht? th?n? se ish-presidenti jugosllav
Sllobodan Milosheviq disponon n? Greqi llogari bankare
dhe pasuri t? patundshme. N? n?ntor 1997, kur n? Kret?
u zhvillua samiti i par? ballkanik, Milosheviq kishte
shfryt?zuar rastin p?r t? bler? nj? sip?rfaqe toke e
ndofta edhe nj? sht?pi n? ishullin m? t? madh t?
Greqis?. Po ashtu, para nj? viti, gjat? koh?s s?
bombardimeve t? NATO-s mbi Jugosllavi, n? shtypin grek
u shkruajt p?r nj? vil? dykat?she, pron? e djalit t?
Milosheviqit-Marko, n? nj? nga lagjet m? t? shtrenjta
n? bregdetin e Athin?s. (Robert Goro) 


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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Oct 29 20:02:27 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 29 Oct 2000 17:02:27 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Punesim per shtetas shqiptare
Message-ID: <20001030010227.10413.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

http://www.ebrd.org/english/recruit/index.htm

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From ipilika at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 30 13:08:29 2000
From: ipilika at hotmail.com (Iris Pilika)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 18:08:29 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Hope for smooth Kosovo transition
Message-ID: <LC4-LFD65n9R6mJB526000004cc@hotmail.com>

Hope for smooth Kosovo transition

Albanian Democratic League party leader Ibrahim Rugova claims victory in 
Kosovo municipal elections.
October 30, 2000
Web posted at: 1616 GMT


BRUSSELS, Belgium -- Western allies hope Kosovo's "surprisingly normal" 
election will be capped by a smooth transition of power as former guerrillas 
cede local government offices to the moderates who won, NATO sources have 
said.

"It really was very good, the high turnout, zero trouble, it was a 
surprisingly normal election," said a NATO official.

"The next issue is a safe transition. In those places where the KLA (Kosovo 
Liberation Army) just moved in last year, they're going to have to move 
aside. If they are democrats they have to show they can take defeat 
gracefully," he added.

Official results were not expected until later on Monday at the earliest, 
but Ibrahim Rugova, veteran leader of the ethnic-Albanian Democratic League 
(LDK), had already claimed a clear victory over Hashim Thaci's Democratic 
Party (PDK).

While both want Kosovo's independence from Serbia, Thaci's PDK is the 
political outgrowth of the KLA, which took up arms to drive Serb forces out, 
whereas Rugova earned the unofficial title of "Gandhi of the Balkans" for 
his non-violent course.

Saturday's municipal election was described by Western officials as the 
first genuinely free vote the province has had.

"The situation in the days to come should be as calm and orderly as it was 
for the election itself," said a European diplomat.

"This was a free and fair vote and there is no expectation other than that 
its results, when made public officially, will be respected."

NATO and United Nations administrators have contingency plans to enforce a 
handover of local city halls in case of any resistance by ex-KLA fighters, 
who ran "free" Kosovo during the crisis before and after NATO's bombing 
campaign last year.

Thaci's supporters say the guerrillas, not Rugova's civil disobedience 
movement, deserve credit for putting Kosovo on the road to independence and 
may feel cheated by what they see as a reflex vote for the best-known 
ethnic-Albanian politician.

In the West, governments supplying millions of dollars in aid, and 45,000 
peacekeeping troops, look hopefully on a Rugova majority as a vote for 
peace, moderation and stability.

"The best way to prove their democratic credentials and further the 
democratic aspirations of Kosovo is to see that the decision of the voters 
is fully respected," the EU diplomat said. "No other possibility is being 
considered."

Independent analysts, most recently in the "Kosovo Report" issued by an 
international panel, have warned the West it would be foolhardy to try to 
force Kosovo Albanians back into some federation with Serbia, whoever leads 
them.

Meanwhile a spokesman for the Organization for Security and Co-operation in 
Europe did not dispute Rugova's claim that his party had won in most of the 
30 municipalities.

Rugova's victory claim was based on figures compiled by independent 
monitoring groups and his own party, the Democratic League of Kosovo.

Some 900,000 ethnic Albanians were eligible to vote and turnout was reported 
heavy on Saturday.

But the office of Yugoslavia's newly elected president, Vojislav Kostunica, 
on Sunday said it could not recognise the elections.

KACI, an independent Kosovo elections monitoring group, said Rugova's party 
won a controlling majority in the province's major cities, including 
Pristina, the capital.

Releasing its own preliminary results, Rugova's party said it had won about 
68 percent of the vote in Pristina and over 50 percent in other key cities.

In its first comment on the vote, Kostunica's office said the poll was void 
because it applied only to the province's predominantly ethnic Albanians 
population. Most of the remaining Serb minority -- about 80,000-strong -- 
boycotted the elections.

Rugova's nearest rival, Hashim Thaci, was head of the guerilla Kosovo 
Liberation Army whose fight for the province's independence led to the Serb 
crackdown that precipitated NATO bombing of Yugoslavia.

Thaci's militant nationalist Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) claims it was 
leading in five municipalities -- all former KLA strongholds.

Ramush Haradinaj, head of the third major party running, said he would 
respect any official result.

Although Saturday's voting was for seats on town and city councils, the 
results will widely be interpreted as a sign of how Rugova and Thaci compare 
in popularity and how well their parties would fare in any national 
elections.

Full official results are expected to be announced within eight to 12 days.

Although more moderate than his chief rivals, Rugova shares their agenda of 
independence for Kosovo, which still formally remains part of Serbia despite 
its more than 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority.

The Associated Press & Reuters contributed to this report.


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From mehollim at hotmail.com  Mon Oct 30 13:27:19 2000
From: mehollim at hotmail.com (Mimoza Meholli)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 18:27:19 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd:Nonviolent overthrow of Milosevic
Message-ID: <F211QuaCG0ANJoxi3Dr000054c9@hotmail.com>

>From: David Hartsough [mailto:peaceworkers at igc.org]
>Sent: Friday, October 27, 2000 1:44 PM
>To: Peaceworkers.around.the.World at mindspring.com
>Subject: Nonviolent overthrow of Milosevic
>
>
>     Dear Friends,
>The world has just witnessed another nonviolent revolution. The power of
>the people proved more powerful than all NATO's firepower and armed troops.
>We thought you would like to see the following two articles on the
>Nonviolent revolution in Serbia.   The People around the world are learning
>the Power of the People! Hopefully democratic governments will learn the
>Power of the People as well and respect it. Thanks for your part in helping
>build nonviolent people power movements
>Peace,
>David Hartsough
>
>CREDIT THE SERBIAN PEOPLE, NOT NATO
>
>        --Stephen Zunes
>
>   The people of Yugoslavia did what NATO bombs could not.  As in 1989, it
>was
>not the
>military prowess of the Western Alliance which brought freedom to an 
>Eastern
>European country,
>but the power of nonviolent action by the subjugated peoples themselves.
>   Virtually everyone in the Serbian pro-democracy movement recognizes that
>last year's
>U.S.-led bombing campaign set back their campaign to oust strongman 
>Slobodon
>Milosevic.  A
>populace tends to close ranks while being bombed.  Indeed, one of the
>ironies of the NATO air
>campaign was that it primarily targeted the cities, which were the center 
>of
>the opposition.  This
>played right into the hands of Milosevic, who could then portray himself as
>the savior of the
>people against foreign aggression.  The targeting of bridges, civilian
>industry, media centers and
>other parts on the country's non-military infrastructure - which took the
>lives of over 500
>civilians - artificially extended the life of Milosevic's corrupt and
>autocratic regime.
>   Last week's protests was the third large-scale civil uprising against
>Milosevic in the past
>decade.  The previous two failed in large part due to the refusal of the
>United States and other
>western powers to support the democratic forces.  Indeed, during the 1996
>uprising, U.S. special
>envoy and now U.N. ambassador Richard Holbrooke successfully argued that 
>the
>Clinton
>Administration should back Milosevic in recognition of his role in the
>successful peace deal in
>Bosnia and not risk the instability which might result from a victory by
>Serb democrats.
>   Through both appeasement and war, the U.S. allowed Milosevic to remain 
>in
>power far
>longer than he would have otherwise.  That the Clinton Administration would
>now attempt to
>claim credit for his ouster is ludicrous.  As the new Yugoslav president
>Vojislav Kostunica put it,
>"The Americans assisted Milosevic not only when they supported him, but 
>also
>when they
>attacked him.  In a way, Milosevic is an American creation."
>   The Clinton Administration does deserve credit, along with some European
>countries,  for
>its support in recent months of pro-democracy groups within Yugoslavia.  
>The
>$36 million which
>funded election monitors and other non-governmental organizations had a far
>greater impact than
>the billions of dollars spent during the previous year to bomb the country.
>Yet even the more
>recent U.S. assistance would have had virtually no impact were it not for
>the tenacity,
>organization and bravery of the democratic forces, the real heroes of this
>revolution.
>   It is unfortunate that such assistance had not come earlier, which could
>have led to the
>ouster of Milosevic prior to the last year's tragic events in Kosovo.  It 
>is
>similarly unfortunate that
>no such assistance came to the Kosovar Albanians during their eight-year
>nonviolent struggle
>against Serbian rule.  The U.S. took interest in their plight only after 
>the
>Kosovars took up arms
>in 1998, with the "assistance" coming through a high-altitude bombing
>campaign in March 1999,
>to which the Serbs responded by dramatically escalating their repression
>against the Kosovar
>Albanians through large-scale ethnic cleansing.  After eleven weeks of air
>strikes, the war ended
>on terms much closer to what the Serbs had proposed that February than what
>the allies had
>insisted upon at their meetings in Rambouillet, France.
>   Last week's  mostly nonviolent mass action against the attempt by
>Milosevic
>to steal the
>election follows similar people power movements which toppled dictatorships
>in East Germany,
>Czechoslovakia, the Philippines, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Madagascar, Bolivia
>and scores of other
>countries in recent decades.  To try to credit NATO air power for this
>nonviolent victory on the
>ground is nothing more than a desperate attempt to rationalize for the
>alliance's existence in the
>post-Cold War era and to justify the dramatic increases in U.S. military
>spending advocated by
>both Democrats and Republicans.
>   In many respects, Bill Clinton and Western democratic leaders are as out
>of
>touch with
>reality as are the tyrants of Eastern Europe and the Third World:  they
>underestimate the power of
>ordinary people -- unarmed but determined -- to make history.  Until 
>foreign
>policy makers are
>able to recognize this, U.S. will squander its potential to truly be a 
>world
>leader in the cause of
>democracy and human rights.
>
>_________________
>   Stephen Zunes is an associate professor of Politics at the University of
>San Francisco and
>author of Nonviolent Social Movements: The Geography of Nonviolence,
>published by Blackwell
>
>
>Please forward this to someone you think would like to receive the TFF
>PressInfos;
>to subscribe send a request to <TFF at transnational.org>
>T F F   P r e s s I n f o     # 9 9
>****************************
>
>
>T H E   Y U G O S L A V
>
>N O N V I O L E N T   R E V O L U T I O N
>
>
>
>"Milosevic certainly did not even think the thought. The opposition had
>hoped for it but hardly foreseen it would happened just like that. Western
>leaders and commentators had predicted about everything else but this: that
>nonviolence by the many would sweep away the authoritarian power presided
>over and solidified by Slobodan Milosevic over 13 years.
>
>It was a miracle unfolding, minute by minute, in front of our eyes. Unarmed
>citizens were stronger, finally, than Milosevic' force. They also achieved
>in about 24 hours what NATO violence could not achieve in 78 days. It's yet
>another remarkable victory for non-violence. But do we see and understand
>it like that?"
>
>This PressInfo - the first in a small series  where we try to understand
>the implications of the recent changes - has the following headings.
>
>* The power of nonviolence
>* Two types of power and Gandhi: why all rulers are dependent
>* The sources of power
>* Why do people obey?
>* Many reasons it happened now
>* Rulers isolate themselves and lose the grip on reality
>
>Read the analysis in full here: http://www.transnational.org
>
>Soon to come:
>
>PressInfo # 100 will deal with why nobody would really like Milosevic to
>turn up in the Hague. It's just another "Balkan" game played by the West.
>
>PressInfo # 101 will analyze the changed conflict formation in the Balkans.
>The West made Milosevic the main factor. With him gone, its policies are
>likely to become even more counterproductive.
>
>? TFF 2000
>
>
>Please reprint, copy, archive, quote or re-post this item, but please
>retain the source.
>
>
>
>
>*************************************
>Things undreamt of are daily being seen, the impossible is ever becoming
>possible.   We are constantly being astonished these days at the amazing
>discoveries in the field of violence.  But I maintain that far more
>undreamt of and seemingly impossible discoveries will be made in the field
>of nonviolence.
>				-- M.K. Gandhi
>**************************************
>
>PEACEWORKERS
>721 Shrader St.
>San Francisco, CA 94117 USA
>Phone and fax 415-751-0302
>email PEACEWORKERS at igc.apc.org
>see our website:  www.nonviolentpeaceforce.org
>

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Oct 30 16:26:33 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 13:26:33 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Kampionati Boteror i Shahut
Message-ID: <20001030212633.27350.qmail@web110.yahoomail.com>

A record 126 men's teams and 84 women's teams are
contesting the 34th World Chess Olympiad at Istanbul,
Turkey. England made a sound start with a 3.5-0.5 win
over Albania, although in a competition being decided
on game points and not match points, Tony Miles's
failure to win on board 4 was a little unfortunate. 

England's women won 3-0, also against Albania. There
was a win for 16-year old Heather Richards who was
making her debut. 

British and Irish scores: England 3.5-0.5 Albania
(wins for Short, Adams and Hodgson; draw for Miles);
Scotland 4-0 Sri Lanka; Ireland 4-0 Panama; Azerbaijan
4-0 Guernsey; Canada 3.5-0.5 Jersey; Wales 0.5-3.5
Croatia. 

Women's Olympiad: England 3-0 Albania (wins for Hunt,
Lalic and Richards); Wales 0-3 Vietnam; Scotland
0.5-2.5 Germany; Ireland 0-3 India. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Oct 30 16:30:38 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 13:30:38 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Financial Times
Message-ID: <20001030213038.28042.qmail@web110.yahoomail.com>

Financial Times (London) October 30, 2000, Monday 


Copyright 2000 The Financial Times Limited   
Financial Times (London) 


October 30, 2000, Monday London Edition 1 

SECTION: COMMENT & ANALYSIS; Pg. 27 

LENGTH: 1092 words 

HEADLINE: COMMENT & ANALYSIS: Chained to Serbia's good
guy: The Serbians are right to prefer Vojislav
Kostunica to Slobodan Milosevic. But not all Kosovar
Albanians feel that way QUENTIN PEEL 

BYLINE: By QUENTIN PEEL 

BODY: 
   Good news is all too rare these days, so let us be
clear about one thing. The peaceful overthrow of
Slobodan Milosevic in former Yugoslavia was, and
remains, a wonderful cause for celebration - all the
more so in that it was so unexpected. 

It should be an enormous relief not just to the
impoverished Serbians, whose country has been ruined
by Mr Milosevic's bloody attempts to create a greater
Serbia. It also reduces a constant threat to
neighbouring states. And it has been greeted in the
capitals of Europe and America with delight because it
removes the main obstacle to stabilising the Balkan
region. 

Whoever wins next week's US presidential election will
have one headache less to deal with thanks to Mr
Milosevic's overthrow, which also appears to justify
Nato's Kosovo bombing campaign. Bill Clinton can leave
office with head high. 

So Vojislav Kostunica is enjoying a well-deserved
honeymoon as the new president of Yugoslavia. He
hardly seems to have put a foot wrong. But, sadly, it
cannot last. 

In one small corner of the region his victory is seen
as anything but a blessing. The irony is that it is in
Kosovo, where Mr Milosevic launched his last attempt
at "ethnic cleansing" and brought down on himself the
wrath of the Nato warmachine, that his demise is most
obviously mourned. 

Yesterday, the people of Kosovo went to the polls for
the first time since the war, to choose new local
authorities. The precise outcome is not as important
as the overall message: that only the ethnic Albanian
population voted, not the Serbian minority. And every
important participant was dedicated to independence. 

For those voters, the people for whom Nato went to war
last year, the continued rule of Mr Milosevic was the
best possible guarantee of their ultimate freedom. The
advent of a new democratic regime in Belgrade is
regarded with grave misgiving, because it might give
the western world good reason to delay, or even
oppose, independence. 

The Nato allies certainly cannot afford to ignore
Kosovo, as they did for far too long while the rest of
former Yugoslavia was disintegrating in the 1990s.
They now have a garrison of 40,000-50,000 troops
keeping the peace in the territory, and thousands more
civilian personnel attempting to rebuild the
structures of a civil society. 

Apart from the official missions of the UN and the
Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe,
there are some 300 non-governmental organisations
involved on the ground. If there is a new
confrontation between the Kosovar Albanian majority
and a democratic Serbia over independence, then both
soldiers and civilians will be in danger of getting
caught in the crossfire, exposed to kidnapping or
worse. 

Such a threat seems certain to reinforce US
unwillingness to keep peace-keeping troops in Kosovo
for much longer, whoever wins the election. George W.
Bush's advisers have made their doubts clear. Even if
Al Gore becomes US president, he will be under
increasing pressure to bring his forces home. The
European allies in Nato will be left to police what is
universally regarded in Washington as a European
problem. 

That is not going to make the problem any easier to
resolve. For the Kosovar Albanian demand for
independence exposes the unresolved contradiction at
the heart of western policy. Even as the bombers were
unleashed, there was no attempt to define a final
status for the province. It was simply too difficult. 

The international operation in Kosovo, based on UN
Security Council resolution 1244, relies on ambiguity:
it seeks to promote substantial autonomy for the
province, while reaffirming the territorial integrity
of Yugoslavia. 

In the words of one trenchant report*: "The
international mission... resembles a ship that has
left its harbour without any final destination...This
lack of direction reflects the failure of the
international coalition - which went to war in 1999
without any agreed war aims - to develop a post-war
objective in Kosovo, or a strategy for dealing with
Milosevic." 

Those words were written before the change of power in
Belgrade. The danger is that now the constructive
ambiguity of Resolution 1244 will become destructive,
allowing both sides to claim right on their side in a
new confrontation. This time, there will be no bad guy
to blame when things go wrong. 

There are certainly no easy answers. "The rush to
embrace full-scale independence is just not on,"
according to Gareth Evans, president of the
Brussels-based International Crisis Group. "There is a
need to consolidate Mr Kostunica's position. But
equally we must recognise the utter unreality of
having Kosovo coming back into the Serbian embrace." 

Mr Kostunica won the predictable support of Vladimir
Putin, the Russian president, last week, in opposing
independence for Kosovo. But there are many among the
Nato allies who are equally dubious, fearing that such
a move might trigger a new round of Balkan rivalry,
centred on attempts to create a greater Albania. 

A provocative contribution to the debate on a final
status for Kosovo was published last week**, by an
independent international commission set up by Goran
Persson, the Swedish prime minister. It dismisses
outright independence, along with partition,
protectorate status and autonomy within a federal and
democratic Yugoslavia, proposing instead something
called "conditional independence". 

The commission's main objections to full independence
are that Kosovo is incapable of defending itself, and
cannot guarantee internal order and the protection of
minorities - Serbs and gypsies. The latter in
particular is a devastating objection. 

With "conditional" independence, both external
security and internal human rights would have to be
guaranteed for the foreseeable future by the
international community and a "considerable military
presence", the report says. 

It is a form of independence likely to fall well short
of Kosovar Albanian expectations. Equally, it fails to
take into account the new dynamic of democratic
progress in Serbia. 

What is really needed in the Balkans is a concept that
gets away from 19th century notions of "independence"
- of the nation state, rigid borders, armies,
independent currencies and hostile sovereignties. 

Of course, such a concept already exists. It is called
the European Union. But is the EU ready, willing or
able to take up the challenge? 

*Kosovo report card, International Crisis Group,
Avenue Louise 149, Brussels. **The Kosovo Report,
Oxford University Press. quentin.peel at ft.com 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Oct 30 16:37:07 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 13:37:07 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] The Independent
Message-ID: <20001030213707.28956.qmail@web110.yahoomail.com>

 The Independent (London), October 30, 2000 


LEADING ARTICLE: INDEPENDENCE IS THE LOGICAL
CONCLUSION OF THE KOSOVO WAR 




WHO IS afraid of independence for Kosovo? Independence
has been the Great Unmentionable for most of the
alliance of democratic nations which rescued the
Albanian majority in the province from Slobodan
Milosevic in the war last year. 

That taboo should be broken, even if this may not be
the most diplomatic moment to do so from the point of
view of providing succour to Vojislav Kostunica, the
newly-elected president of Yugoslavia who ousted
Milosevic earlier this month. But the democratic
Serbia which is emerging from the wreckage of
dictatorship will not in the end be helped if its new
friends around the world tiptoe delicately around the
truth. The new Serbia must be able to look reality in
the eye, and the reality is that Kosovo is effectively
an independent state already. If the US State
Department is, as we report today, trying to reopen
the issue of independence, it is right to do so. 

The way to bolster the new democratic forces in
Belgrade is not to hold out false hopes of putting
either Yugoslavia or Greater Serbia back together
again, but to hasten the process by which all the
former republics of Yugoslavia can benefit
economically from integrating with the European market
and, ultimately, joining the European Union. 

The people with the most right to fear Kosovo's
independence are clearly the Serb minority there, now
much less than one tenth of the population. But the
results of the weekend's local elections provide them
with some limited comfort. That the party of the
pacifist Ibrahim Rugova should have prevailed over the
successors of the Kosovo Liberation Army - whose
leaders elbowed Mr Rugova aside during the war -
suggests that the Albanian people are content to
pursue the less aggressive of two possible paths to
statehood. 

Of course, the Serbs were unrepresented in these
elections, because they boycotted them, and they need
continued protection against the tyranny of the
majority. In the long term, they are more likely to
obtain protection if the legitimate desire of the
moderate majority of Albanians for national
self-determination is recognised. 

An independent Kosovo, landlocked, tiny and poor, has
not been possible in the history of the Balkans to
date. Nor was it a war aim of the Nato alliance in
last year's bombing campaign. But it is possible and
indeed desirable now, provided the values for which
that war was fought are respected, namely those of
defending the human rights of a minority against its
more numerous neighbours. 


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From albboschurch at juno.com  Mon Oct 30 19:15:38 2000
From: albboschurch at juno.com (Albanian Orthodox Church)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 19:15:38 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Article by Kosovare Student
Message-ID: <20001030.191916.6990.19.albboschurch@juno.com>


For a personal account by Mimosa Kusari, a young Kosovare woman from
Gjakova studying in the U.S., see her reflections, entitled: 
"Words from War,"
 in the  CURRENT ISSUE of Abroad View Magazine.

 <  www.abroadviewmagazine.com >  




From wplarre at bndlg.de  Mon Oct 30 03:54:15 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 09:54:15 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: US shift on independent Kosovo angers allies (Guardian, October  30, 2000)
Message-ID: <39FD3737.AF88DDDA@bndlg.de>

http://www.guardianunlimited.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,389776,00.html

US shift on independent Kosovo angers allies 

Albanian nationalists are buoyed by Washington's readiness to support a
break from Yugoslavia

Ewen MacAskill in Pristina 
Monday October 30, 2000 

The US is ready to break rank with its Nato partners by conceding for
the first time that Kosovo can become independent from Serbia. 
     The shift in policy, discussed in secret talks this month between
the US special envoy, Richard Holbrooke, and US diplomats in the
Balkans, will anger Britain and other Nato members and risks creating a
rift with Russia, which retains close ties with Serbia. 
     The change of direction emerged in the Kosovan capital, Pristina,
as votes were being counted yesterday in the province's first democratic
elections. The three big Kosovan Albanian parties all stood on an
independence platform. The Kosovan Serbs almost unanimously boycotted
the elections, for local authorities. 
     The Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), led by the moderate
nationalist Ibrahim Rugova, was sweeping to power throughout the
province, according to independent observers. The official results are
expected today. 
     Nato and the UN security council have maintained that, in spite of
the Nato-led war last year which forced Serbian troops out of the
province, Kosovo should remain a sovereign part of Yugoslavia. 
     British officials recently ruled out independence as an option,
saying that further fragmentation in the Balkans would increase
instability and that a state as small as Kosovo would be unsustainable. 
     Security council resolution 1244, passed in June last year at the
end of the war, reaffirmed "the commitment of all member states to the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia". 
     But a senior US official in Pristina, who spent last week with Mr
Holbrooke, has for the first time disputed the widely-held
interpretation of the resolution. 
     He said that 1244 "explicitly recognises the territorial integrity
of Yugoslavia but it does not mean Kosovo cannot be independent". 
     US government lawyers spent the past few weeks looking at the
resolution in detail and they concluded that it did not rule out
independence. 
     The US source agreed that independence was fast becoming a reality
on the ground because almost half the Kosovan Serbs had left the
province and the Kosovo Albanians were setting up their own judicial and
political system. 
     Acknowledging that few Kosovo Albanians were prepared to consider
even a loose federation with Belgrade, he said: "Kosovo will not be
pushed back into Serbia." 
     The US is unlikely to go public on its policy switch in the near
future in case it undermines Yugoslavia's new democratically elected
president, Vojislav Kostunica. 
     The loss of Kosovo, which is an important historical symbol for
Serbia, would inflame Serbian nationalist hardliners. 
     The US source ruled out partitioning the province between the
northern part, predominantly populated by Serbs, which would join Serbia
while the rest of the country, mainly Kosovo Albanians, would enter into
a Greater Albania. 
     He hoped the Kosovo Serbs and Albanians could reach an
accommodation. "They will never be friends sitting around the campfire
singing Kumbaya... but they will learn to live with one another." 
     The elections held in Kosovo on Saturday were for control of the
province's 30 municipalities, but the Kosovo Albanians treated them as a
referendum on independence. The main contenders were Mr Rugova's LDK and
the Democratic Party of Kosovo, led by Hashim Thaci, a nationalist
hardliner and former commander of the Kosovan Liberation Army, which
fought a guerrilla campaign against the Yugoslav army. 
     Mr Thaci wants Kosovo to become independent from Serbia as soon as
possible and join Albania. Mr Rugova also wants independence but at a
more cautious pace and for Kosovo to be a state in its own right, free
of both Serbia and Albania. 

Guardian Unlimited ? Guardian Newspapers Limited 2000


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From albania at netzero.net  Mon Oct 30 09:36:06 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 09:36:06 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} Fw: Flora Brovina to be released today
Message-ID: <006e01c0427e$be20b160$196ef6d1@albania>

----- Original Message -----
From: "Wolfgang Plarre" <wplarre at bndlg.de>
To: "concerning prisoners list" <wplarre at bndlg.de>
Sent: Monday, October 30, 2000 8:38 AM
Subject: Flora Brovina to be released today


>
>       EMAIL-ACTION: RELEASE THE  ALBANIAN PRISONERS NOW!
>              http://www.kosova-info-line.de/APP/
>  Please forward the idea and address of the website to people,
>         you think they might be interested in joining!
>
> #  Free Serbia Lates News 30 Oct 2000
>     - Flora Brovina walks free today
>     - Amnesty law soon on the agenda
> #  Brovina to be released today
>     (FreeB92, 30 Oct 2000)
> #  Two kosovo Serbs on trial for genocide
>     (humanitarian law center, 30 Oct 2000)
> _______________________________________________________________________
>
http://anon.free.anonymizer.com/http://128.121.251.38/index.php?language=eng
lish
>
> Free Serbia Lates News
>
> 10/30/2000 13:57 GMT+1 -- The lawyer of Albanian poetess announced...
> Flora Brovina walks free today
>
> Albanian poetess and a doctor,Flora Brovina should be released from the
> prison in Pozarevac today,said one of her defenders Branko Stanic, as
> reported by Radio Index. "I can claim, with regard to my source, that
> Flora Brovina will be released today". He went on to say that " the way
> and manner it has been done is of no importance in this situation, but
> if any of these had been chosen, it would have been completely legal".
> Source: FreeSerbia
>
> 10/29/2000 17:48 GMT+1 -- General pardon for all:
> Amnesty law soon on the agenda
>
> The leader of the expert team in charge of drafting an amnesty bill,
> Stevan Lilic, said that the perpetrators of the allegedly criminal acts
> in the military and political sphere would soon be granted general
> pardon. "Our country needs to enter a period of stability after a decade
> plagued with both political and military conflicts", Lilic told YU INFO
> television. Declaration of amnesty should be the first act of a
> democratic government, according to Srna agency, quoting Lilic. He added
> that Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and FR Yugoslavia were obliged under
> the Dayton Peace Accord to pass an amnesty law.
> Source: SRNA
> _______________________________________________________________________
> http://www.freeb92.net/archive/e/index.phtml?Y=2000&M=10&D=30
>
> Brovina to be released today
>
> 11:29 Albanian poetess Flora Brovina should be released from a prison in
> Pozarevac today, said one of her attorneys Branko Stanic. "Regarding the
> source, we can be pretty sure she is going to see the light of freedom
> today," Stanic explained and added that "the manner this is going to be
> accomplished is less important now, but any of them will be absolutely
> legal."
>
> ? FreeB92, 2000
> _______________________________________________________________________
> Betreff: HLC-Two kosovo Serbs on trial for genocide
> Datum: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 13:41:08 -0800
> Von: humanitarian law center <office at hlc.org.yu>
> An: A-PAL Distribution List <a-pal at alb-net.com>
>
> Two kosovo Serbs on trial for genocide
>
> The trial of two Kosovo Serbs, Miroslav Vuckovic and Bozur Bisevac, for
> genocide resumes before the District Court in Kosovska Mitrovica on
> Tuesday, 31 October.  Bisevac is being tried in absentia. According to
> the indictment, Vuckovic and Bisevac and other unidentified persons
> forced the ethnic Albanian inhabitants of Suvi Do and Gusgevac villages
> to leave their homes by shooting off firearms.  They are also charged
> with looting and torching Albanian houses and the murder of Hazire
> Sahiti, an elderly woman, whose house they allegedly set afire "even
> though they were aware she was inside." In the indictment broght on 11
> November last year, the prosecutor proposed the calling of 25
> witnesses.  The five witnesses heard so far accused Vuckovic and Bisevac
> of crimes not cited in the indictment, including torture and killing of
> civilians.Counsel for the defense - Miodrag Brkljac, Miro Delevic, Zoran
> Janicijevic and Ljubomir Pantovic - pointed to the contradictory
> testimonies of the witnesses, some of which conflicted with the
> statements they made during the investigation.
>      Several witnesses said in court they watched Vuckovic and Bisevac
> kill civilians, loot and torch houses from hiding places in the two
> villages.  During the investigation, however, they had stated that they
> watched what was happening from the surrounding hills. Presiding Judge
> Mahmut Halimi warned Ekrem Beka that his testimony about watching
> Vuckovic and Bisevac setting fire to houses was at odds with his
> statement during the investigation that thick smoke prevented him from
> recognizing anyone from a distance of 400 meters.  Beka replied that he
> had made the same statements to the investigators and the court, and did
> not know why his words were recorded differently in the investigation
> report.
>      When Judge Christer Karphammer of Sweden remarked that Beka had
> told investigators he watched the burning of the village through
> binoculars whereas he testified in court that he watched from close by,
> Beka said he was traumatized and confused during the investigation.
> Though Vuckovic had chosen to exercise his right to remain silent in
> protest against the Court, which, he said, was ignoring the poor state
> of his health, he several times said the witnesses were lying. After his
> arrest on 23 August, Vuckovic denied all the accusations against him.
> He said he knew that some Albanian houses in his village Suvi Do had
> been burned but that he did not know by whom.  He added that he had
> worked for the ambulance service and helped Albanians during the  war.
> _______________________________________________________________________
>
>                 If you want to join, please visit:
>           EMAIL-ACTION: RELEASE THE ALBANIAN PRISONERS NOW!
>                 http://www.kosova-info-line.de/APP/
> _______________________________________________________________________
>
> >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> READ  &  DISTRIBUTE FURTHER <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
>
>    *** Albanian Prisoner Advocacy List  -- Prisoner Pals ***
>    *** Archives: http://www.alb-net.com/pipermail/a-pal/ ***
> _______________________________________________________________________
>
> ********************************************************************
>            Wiederaufbau Kosov@ - Reconstruction Kosov@
>               Rind?rtimi i Kosov at s - OBNOVA KOSOVA
>    http://www.osnabrueck.netsurf.de:8080/~dbein/wiederaufbau.htm
> ********************************************************************
>
>      +---------------------------------------------------+
>      | Wolfgang Plarre                                   |
>      |     Dillinger Str. 41, D-86637 Wertingen, Germany |
>      |     E-mail: wplarre at bndlg.de  w.plarre at kosova.nu  |
>      |     Tel: +49-8272-98974       Fax: +49-8272-98975 |
>      |     Internet: http://www.bndlg.de/~wplarre        |
>      +---------------------------------------------------+
>    _________________________________________________________
>
>      Ein Zeichen setzen: @ !   KosovO + KosovA = Kosov@ !
>    _________________________________________________________
>


_____NetZero Free Internet Access and Email______
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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Mon Oct 30 12:58:50 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 18:58:50 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} NEWS: Kosovo Moderates Want Quick Independence after Poll (Reuters, Oct  30, 2000)
Message-ID: <39FDB6DA.57CBF37E@bndlg.de>

http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=214924&section=Kosovo

Kosovo Moderates Want Quick Independence after Poll

PRISTINA, Oct 30, 2000 -- (Reuters) Moderate ethnic Albanian leader
Ibrahim Rugova on Sunday claimed victory after the first democratic
elections in Kosovo and said the province deserved immediate
independence from Yugoslavia.
     The OSCE said preliminary results from Saturday's municipal
elections, boycotted by minority Serbs, would not be released until
Monday but Rugova said his Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) had won.
     "Based on preliminary results, the LDK has won 60 percent of the
vote throughout Kosovo," Rugova told reporters. "This is reaffirmation
and recognition of LDK policy."
     He said the vote gave the province the right to freedom from
Yugoslavia's main republic Serbia. "This election had both local and
national context - which is independence of Kosovo.
     "I am for straightforward, formal recognition of Kosovo, better
now, when KFOR and UNMIK are here. Today or tomorrow, for me better
today."
     Kosovo came under UN administration, known as UNMIK, in mid-1999
after 11 weeks of NATO air strikes led to the withdrawal of Serbian
security forces who had waged an ethnic cleansing campaign against the
90 percent Albanian majority.
     KFOR, the 40,000 strong NATO-led peacekeeping force, said Saturday
was one of the quietest days since it arrived.

INDEPENDENCE ISSUE A DILEMMA

Kosovo's 19 Albanian parties unanimously seek independence and sometimes
campaigned as if little else mattered.
     Rugova's remarks underscored the dilemma for Kosovo's international
administrators who have praised the election as a firm step to
self-government but do not support independence, especially after a
democratic change of power in Belgrade earlier this month.
     "I am deeply impressed by the serene and peaceful atmosphere in
which the municipal elections have taken place and by the calm,
dignified and enthusiastic manner in which the Kosovars voted," European
Union foreign policy chief Javier Solana said in a statement.
     Kosovo Albanians flooded the polls, queuing patiently for hours to
vote in what they saw as a final departure from 10 years of suffering
under Slobodan Milosevic, Belgrade's hardline nationalist leader who was
ousted this month.
     Virtually all Kosovo Serbs boycotted the election.
     Around 100,000 Serbs fled Kosovo as NATO troops moved in and
returning ethnic Albanians took revenge. Out of the remaining 100,000
Serbs, only 1,000 registered to vote.
     Jeff Fischer, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe's election chief, said turnout was so high that the last ballot
was cast at 1 a.m. (2300 GMT), well past the planned deadline of 7 p.m.
(1700 GMT) on Saturday.
     The OSCE was due to announce firm trends, based on a count of 90
percent of votes cast, on Monday afternoon.
     OSCE spokesman Roland Bless declined to comment on Rugova's victory
claim, saying counting was still going on.
     But Bless added: "Theoretically parties can have preliminary
figures because they had party observers (at polling stations)."

RUGOVA'S RIVALS SILENT

There was no word from the LDK's bitter main rival, the more militant
Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), headed by Hashim Thaci, former
commander of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
     Rugova, who led passive resistance to Milosevic for a decade, said
the LDK would cooperate with all political forces and ethnic groups.
     "The LDK cultivates tolerance and cooperation with other political
groups. We will continue protection of minorities which should be
integrated into Kosovo institutions," he said.
     A 150-member Council of Europe Election Observation Mission said on
Sunday the elections were apparently conducted according to
international standards of democracy.
     There were very few incidents despite sloppy organization at many
polling stations that caused queues up to three hours long, mission
chief Victor Ruffy said.
     Rugova said it was too early to consider a meeting with new
Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica.
     Kostunica has said Kosovo remains part of Serbia. The Belgrade
government says the Kosovo elections were unacceptable because they
served "one nation only".
     Rugova said the vote should be followed by parliamentary and
presidential elections by June 2001 at the latest.
     Kosovo's international authorities agree parliamentary elections
should be held next year.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited


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From kbejko at hotmail.com  Tue Oct 31 09:16:06 2000
From: kbejko at hotmail.com (Kreshnik Bejko)
Date: Tue, 31 Oct 2000 14:16:06 GMT
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Re: [Alb-club] Albanian boy and Greek flag divide nation
Message-ID: <F48ncJfKHmj9n1xxWn900000f02@hotmail.com>


>Albanian boy and Greek flag divide nation
>By Dina Kyriakidou
>
>ATHENS, Oct 30 (Reuters) - A 15-year-old boy has divided Greece, pitting
>nationalists against advocates of tolerance in a debate over whether an
>Albanian should have carried the Greek flag in a National Day parade.
>
>Odysseus Cenai, an honour student in the Nea Mihaniona high school in the
>northern Greek city of Thessaloniki, stayed home instead of leading his
>school in Saturday's parade after strong reaction from local people and
>politicians.
>
>Monday's newspaper headlines spoke of "Odysseus's Odyssey" and "Outrage" 
>over
>his plight. Online polls showed a Greece deeply divided -- with 52 percent 
>of
>respondents in favour of the boy and 46 percent against.
>
>Even some ruling Socialist party PASOK parliamentary deputies said Cenai 
>had
>no right to the honour.
>
>"This flag can only be held by Greeks on a national day," former socialist
>Justice Minister Evangelos Yannopoulos said.
>
>But the usually reserved Greek President Costis Stephanopoulos rushed to
>defend Cenai after the uproar.
>
>"Greek is whoever participates in Greek education," he told reporters,
>paraphrasing the ancient Athenian orator Isocrates.
>
>Although Greek law dictates that only Greek citizens should bear the 
>national
>symbol, Education Minister Petros Efthymiou waived the rule and said all
>students, regardless of nationality, should be allowed to carry the flag.
>
>The Education Ministry dictates that the student who has the best grades 
>gets
>to lead the parade on October 28, but many questioned whether an Albanian 
>was
>worthy of carrying the flag on a day commemorating Greece's resistance to 
>the
>Nazis.
>
>The Greek Orthodox bishop of Thessaloniki, Pandeleimon, told reporters
>shortly before the parade: "For God's sake. Are we going to turn Greece 
>into
>Albania?"
>
>Cenai's parents told Greek media their son decided to stay home to avoid
>creating more tension in the community.
>
>"He cried all night. He's not doing well," his mother told Ta Nea daily.
>
>On Monday, Macedonia and Thrace Minister George Paschalidis invited Cenai 
>to
>his ministry, gave him an award, promised him a scholarship and praised his
>academic achievements and maturity.
>
>11:32 10-30-00
>
>Copyright 2000 Reuters Limited.  All rights reserved.
>***Alb-Club***
>____________________________________________________
>Alb-Club mailing list: Alb-Club at alb-net.com
>http://www.alb-net.com/mailman/listinfo/alb-club

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From albania at netzero.net  Tue Oct 31 07:33:26 2000
From: albania at netzero.net (Nikoll A Mirakaj)
Date: Tue, 31 Oct 2000 07:33:26 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} Albania Says Kosovo Vote Shows Political Maturity
Message-ID: <002601c04336$c5097440$da4af6d1@albania>

Albania Says Kosovo Vote Shows Political Maturity 

TIRANA, Oct 30, 2000 -- (Reuters) The Albanian government on Monday hailed Kosovo's first free election, saying Kosovo Albanians had demonstrated their political maturity and ability to run their own lives.

Moderate ethnic Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova claimed victory over guerrilla war veterans in the local elections and said the Yugoslav province should quickly be given independence. European observers described the election as free and fair.

"The end with success of the vote is a clear testimony to the international community that Kosovars have all capacities to govern, all possibilities to run their lives, and all rights to decide on their fate," the government said in a statement.

Many in Kosovo, a Serbian province ruled since mid-1999 by the United Nations, saw the elections organized by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as a first step towards independence.

Albania said the elections were an important contribution to security in the Balkans.

More than 900,000 Kosovars participated in Saturday's voting but the ballot was shunned by 75,000 Serbs, prompting new Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica to call the elections invalid.

(C)2000 Copyright Reuters Limited. 

-------------- next part --------------
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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Tue Oct 31 09:57:01 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Tue, 31 Oct 2000 15:57:01 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: Letter: Kosovo's Future (New York Times, 31 Oct 2000)
Message-ID: <39FEDDBD.80BF9722@bndlg.de>

http://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/31/opinion/L31KOS.html

Kosovo's Future

To the Editor:

Re "Is Serbia's Victory Kosovo's Loss?"
(Week in Review, Oct. 29):

Vojislav Kostunica's election opens new possibilities for diplomatic
resolution of the status of Kosovo. We may still see partition,
independence or a form of autonomous self-government closely akin to
independence.
     Resolution 1244, which provides authority for the United Nations
mission in Kosovo, does not preclude these solutions. The resolution
speaks of the "sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia," but these words do not cement Kosovo under
Belgrade's control.
     "Territorial integrity" requires states to actively observe
international human rights standards. "Sovereignty" points to the
prerogative of states to act, but only insofar as the state is in line
with those standards. 
     Will Mr. Kostunica observe international standards? Time will tell.

  JULIE MERTUS
Washington, Oct. 30, 2000
The writer is an assistant professor at American University's School of
International Service.

Copyright 2000 The New York Times Company


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Tue Oct 31 08:55:00 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Tue, 31 Oct 2000 14:55:00 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} INFO: [Fwd: new book on Kosovo conflict]
Message-ID: <39FECF34.A403B8D9@bndlg.de>


-------- Original Message --------
Betreff: new book on Kosovo conflict
Datum: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 18:08:17 -0500 (EST)
Von: Andras Riedlmayer <riedlmay at fas.harvard.edu>
An: Wolfgang Plarre <wplarre at BNDLG.DE>

An important new book has just been published (in German) on the
conflict in Kosovo:

	Der Kosovo Konflikt. Ursachen, Verlauf, Perspektiven. 
	(Ed.) Jens Reuter, Konrad Clewing 
	Klagenfurt: Wieser, 2000.  450 pp. ISBN: 3851293290

The editors are Jens Reuter, director of the Centre for Democracy and
Reconciliation in Southeast Europe (Thessaloniki), and Dr Konrad
Clewing, a historian at the Suedost-Institut (Munich). 

The volumes includes 30 substantial articles on the legal, historical,
cultural and political issues associated with the Kosovo conflict and
its regional context. Also included are maps, tables and a section of
color illustrations showing the region's cultural heritage and its
destruction during the 1998/99 war. Below is a copy of the table of
contents.

Recommended reading for all those with a serious interest in the
subject. The Wieser edition is available in hardback from German
booksellers (and on-line from http://www.amazon.de ) for DM 54,50

There's also a paperback edition, published by the Bayerische
Landesstelle fuer Politische Bildungsarbeit, available gratis to
residents of Bavaria: http://www.stmukwk.bayern.de/service/blz.html

-----------------
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Vorwort
Einleitung

I. Kosovo und seine Nachbarschaft

1. Grundlagen zu Geschichte, Kultur und Recht
    Conrad Clewing. Mythen und Fakten zur Ethnostruktur in Kosovo
       - Ein geschichtlicher Ueberblick.
    Holm Sundhaussen. Kosovo - Eine Konfliktsgeschichte.
    James Pettifer. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in Kosovo von 1945 
       bis heute.
    Armin Hetzer. Kultur und Konflikt in Kosovo.
    Georg Brunner. Voelkerrecht und Selbstbestimmung in Kosovo.
   
2. Nationale Ambitionen und der Krieg
    Jens Reuter. Serbien und Kosovo - Das Ende eines Mythos.
    Jens Reuter. Albaniens nationale Frage.
    Jens Reuter. Zur Geschichte der UCK.
    Fabian Schmidt. Menschenrechte, Politik und Krieg in Kosovo
       1989 bis 1999.

3. Der Krieg und die Nachbarlaender
    Peter Schubert. Der Kosovo-Konflikt und Albanien.
    Stefan Troebst. Feuertaufe - Der Kosovo-Konflikt und die
       Republik Makedonien.
    Wolf Oschlies. Montenegro - Auf zum letzten Gefecht?
    Wolf Oschlies. Bosnien-Hercegovina: "Protektorat" wie Kosovo?
    Anneli Ute Gabanyi. Rumaenien und die Kosovo-Krise.
    Laszlo J. Kiss. Der Kosovo-Krieg und Ungarn.
    Aydin Babuna. Die Tuerkei und Kosovo.

II. Kosovo, Krieg und Weltpolitik
  
1. Grundsaetze und Voelkerrecht
    Jens Reuter. Die Kosovo-Politik der internationalen Gemeinschaft
       in den neunziger Jahren.
    Armin A. Steinkamm. Voelkerrecht, Humanitaere Intervention und
       Legitimation des Bundeswehr-Einsatzes. Voelker- und wehr-
       rechtliche Aspekte des Kosovo-Konfliktes 1999.
    
2. Die Politik der Maechte
    Sabrina P. Ramet. Die politische Strategie der Vereinigten Staaten
       in der Kosovo-Krise: Parteipolitik und nationales Interesse.
    Klaus Segbers & Christoph Zurcher. Russland und der Kosovo-Konflikt.
    Joachim Krause. Deutschland und die Kosovo-Krise.
    Martin Woollacott. Grossbritannien und die Kosovo-Krise.
    Ettore Greco. Italien und die Kosovo-Krise.
    
3. Die internationale Gemeinschaft und Kosovo:
   Von der Krise zum Krieg, vom Krieg zur Wiederaufbau
    Carsten Giersch. NATO und militaerische Diplomatie um
       Kosovo-Konflikt. 
    Gustav Gustenau & Walter Feichtinger. Der Krieg in Kosovo 1998/1999
       - Politisch-strategische Zielsetzungen und operative Merkmale.
    Manfred Eisele. Die Vereinten Nationen und Kosovo.
    Carsten Giersch. Die Europaeische Union und der Krieg in Kosovo.
    Jens Reuter. Die OSZE und das Kosovo-Problem.
    Marie-Janine Calic. Die internationale Gemeinschaft und der
       Wiederaufbau Kosovos.

III. Anhang (mit Karten)
Allgemeine Angaben zur Region
Uebersicht zur Aussprache
Verzeichnis der albanischen und serbischen Ortsnamen
Bevoelkerungsstatistik 1991
Kurzbiographien kosovarischer und serbischer Politiker
Die Resolution des UN-Sicherheitsrates vom 12. Juni 1999 im Wortlaut
Chronologie
Hinweise zur weiterfuehrenden Lektuere
Autorenverzeichnis

#######################################################################


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From wplarre at bndlg.de  Tue Oct 31 08:55:38 2000
From: wplarre at bndlg.de (Wolfgang Plarre)
Date: Tue, 31 Oct 2000 14:55:38 +0100
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH ŤALBEUROPAť} PRESS: Redefining Kosovo  by Avni Zogiani (TOL, 30 October 2000)
Message-ID: <39FECF5A.571C11D9@bndlg.de>

http://www.tol.cz/look/TOLnew/article.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=4&NrIssue=5&NrSection=2&NrArticle=370&ST_max=0

Redefining Kosovo

In Kosovo's local elections the moderate, Ibrahim Rugova, has almost
certainly won the vote. But it is unlikely that his victory will mean
much immediate change for the beleaguered province. 

by Avni Zogiani 

PRISTINA--In the first democratic exercise since the end of Serbian rule
in June 1999, Kosovars went to the polls in 28 October local elections.
Ibrahim Rugova--the veteran political leader of the province and leader
of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK)--has claimed victory in advance
of the official results, which are expected to come out early next week. 
     Belgrade greeted the news cautiously: new Yugoslav President
Vojislav Kostunica's office said that the poll was void because it
applied only to the province's majority ethnic Albanian population. The
vast majority of Kosovar Serbs--numbering around 80,000--boycotted the
vote. Turnout among ethnic Albanians was reportedly high.
     The biggest Kosovo question of all--that of the territory's future
status--was not vigorously debated during the campaign, partly because
all Kosovar Albanian parties agree that Kosovo should become
independent, and partly because of a general feeling that the issue will
be resolved outside the province's borders. Political campaigning
proceeded calmly, and there were virtually no violent incidents; the
majority of media followed a code of honor--pushed by the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)--not to inflame the
political scene into violence. The OSCE did not dispute Rugova's claim
of victory.
     Should the vote stand, it is unlikely to immediately change the way
that Kosovo is run, as the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) will
retain most of the province's administrative power. But in the wake of
Yugoslavia's revolution, there has been renewed discussion of the status
of Kosovo. These elections are likely to be a barometer of change.

MUTED REACTION

The revolution in Belgrade was not greeted enthusiastically by ethnic
Albanians in Kosovo. Many ethnic Albanians feel abandoned by the West
and politicians fear the international community's enthusiastic response
to Kostunica's election will scupper their chances of achieving an
independent state. Kostunica has maintained that Kosovo must remain part
of Serbia.
     Most Kosovar Albanians have not hidden their contempt for
Kostunica: They remember well posters of him posing with Serb
paramilitaries and the remarks in which he said that the Bosnian Serb
massacre of Muslims in Srebrenica was committed in self-defense. Most
think that former President Slobodan Milosevic and Kostunica are cut
from the same mold. This may have been lessened somewhat though by
Kostunica's recent comments where he told the U.S. news program "60
Minutes II," a CBS broadcast, that he is "ready to ... accept the guilt
for all those people who have been killed." and that he would "take
responsibility for many of these, these crimes." Kostunica has protested
to CBS, however, that the remarks were taken out of context.
     Alarms bells were sounded in the international community on 23
October when the International Crisis Group (ICG)--an influential think
tank--published a report advising the West not to let its "newfound love
affair with Belgrade" lead Kosovo Albanians to think the province would
be returned to Serbian rule. 
     The warnings continued to resound in a study prepared by the
Independent International Commission on Kosovo--which was set up by
Swedish Prime Minister Goran Persson--for UN Secretary-General Kofi
Annan. The study concluded that the international community has a "moral
obligation" to offer Kosovar Albanians the option of "conditional
independence." Kosovo should become independent once it proves it can
guarantee minority rights and establish stable relations with its
neighbors, the commission said. Commission head Richard Goldstone--who
is former chief prosecutor of The Hague-based International War Crimes
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia--said that "it's not realistic or
justifiable to expect the Albanians in Kosovo to accept rule from
Belgrade."
     According to Veton Surroi, a leading independent journalist and
activist in Kosovo, the return of Serbian rule to Kosovo is practical.
"I think that process is irreversibly dead. I don't see anyone accepting
Serb forces in Kosovo, any Kosovar accepting Serb forces in Kosovo,"
Surroi said. UN Security Council Resolution 1244 from June 1999--which
regulated the Serbian withdrawal from the province and the establishment
of UN administration--draws no link between democratization in Serbia
and a return of Serb forces in Kosovo, Surroi added.
     It is still unclear what the new Yugoslav president's Kosovo policy
will be. Kostunica has said that he will use the earliest opportunity to
deploy a small contingent of Serbian forces to Kosovo, as provided for
by Resolution 1244. At the same time, he has asserted that "all those
who think that Serbia has no future without Kosovo are wrong." 
     The odds are that Kostunica will behave pragmatically. With plenty
of other burning issues to deal with, he may even be grateful that the
most difficult one needs no immediate attention, as it is not exactly
under his jurisdiction.
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
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THE PARTIES

As far as programs are concerned, there does not seem to be much
difference between the political parties in Kosovo. All of them support
independence for the province, but in differing ways. Many fear that few
politicians or parties are capable of rising to the challenge that the
change of regime in Belgrade has presented.
     At a rally in the southwestern town of Peja on 21 October, Rugova's
main rival, Hashim Thaci, the former leader of the Kosovo Liberation
Army (UCK), accused the self-declared winner of forgetting the true
aspirations of the Kosovars. 
     "Rugova has said he wants an independent Kosovo that would have
friendly ties to both Serbia and Albania," Thaci said. "[But] he did not
meet visiting Albanian President Rexhep Meidani last year, and did not
meet Albanian Foreign Minister Paskal Milo this week. Yet, he says he is
ready to meet Kostunica." The refusal to meet Albanian leaders--coming
from a kin country--was a bad omen, Thaci implied, as was his "betrayal"
of expressing willingness to meet a Yugoslav leader. 
     Thaci--the political representative of the UCK and a key negotiator
in the Rambouillet talks in March 1999--founded his Democratic Party of
Kosovo (PDK) late last year. The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo
(AAK)--another party led by a former UCK commander and radical, Rramush
Haradinaj is also a major player. 
     These newer parties have a distinct feature--their supporters come
from the regions of their leaders. A person who would vote for AAK would
be assumed to be from Peja and the Dukagjin Plains, the area where
Haradinaj was born and his base for leading his UCK guerrillas. PDK
supporters tend to come from the Drenica valley, the central Kosovo
region that bore the brunt of earlier fighting between Serbian forces
and the UCK, and from where Thaci hails.
     Rugova's LDK has had a virtual monopoly on the Kosovar Albanian
political scene for the past decade, until the emergence of the UCK. It
has branches throughout Kosovo and experience in running political
structures as a shadow government during the 1990s. Rugova has welcomed
the shift toward more democratic rule in Belgrade, but he has not
abandoned his desire for independence. 
     The LDK has also gained a reputation of forming an elite of
educated men who have a smoother approach than the UCK leaders. Fifteen
months after the end of the war in Kosovo, Rugova's reputation does not
seem to have been harmed much by his forced meeting with former Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic during the 1999 conflict. 
     After the polling, the LDK said that it had won about 68 percent of
the vote in Pristina and over 50 percent in the province's other major
cities. The LDK's likely win may suggest that Kosovar Albanians are
fairly conservative in their political affiliation and are afraid of
change. Moreover, the chaos and banditry that the former UCK leaders
presided over after the war did not exactly endear them to ordinary
Kosovar Albanians. The UCK proved incapable of generating stability.
Paradoxically, public safety, although improving recently, has been at
its all-time low since the end of Serbian rule--and the UCK is being
blamed for that.

BITTER SERB OPPOSITION

Most Serbs boycotted the vote in order to protest a new
Albanian-controlled political scene. The majority of Serbs bitterly
oppose any idea to turn Kosovo into an Albanian-dominated independent
republic, and they perceive the local elections as a means to that end.
Serbs still don't think that UNMIK police and the NATO-led troops, KFOR,
can ensure them proper protection from attacks by ethnic Albanians. They
have gathered in several enclaves in the province, away from UNMIK and
ethnic Albanian pressure. 
     If forced to choose, most Serbs would prefer that ethnic Albanians
support Rugova, as he is seen as a more moderate leader than the UCK
fighters-turned-politicians. "Serbs were comfortable in Kosovo when
Rugova's line was the dominant one," said Astrit Salihu, a philosopher
and analyst from Pristina.
     As with the distribution of Albanian votes, politics goes
hand-in-hand with geography on the Serbian side of Kosovo as well.
Oliver Ivanovic, the leader of the Mitrovica-based Serb National
Council, led the polls in Mitrovica and the northern tip of Kosovo.
Though an opponent of Milosevic, he generally plays hardball: He has
adamantly refused to cooperate with UNMIK structures.
     Near Pristina, Serbs led by Father Sava Janjic, an Orthodox priest,
have gathered at a medieval Serb monastery in a landlocked enclave
around the village of Gracanica. Janjic has followed a more moderate
path, choosing to participate in the UNMIK-led interim administrative
council. But both Ivanovic and Janjic urged Serbs not to vote.
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
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ECONOMIC RECOVERY STALLS

Meanwhile, Kosovo's economy is barely surviving. The Trepca complex of
40 gold and zinc mines--traditionally the mainstay of the region's
economy--is largely run-down. During the past decade, Kosovar Albanians
were fired from their state jobs as Serbs took over. The entire economy
was Serb-run and state-run. Most Kosovar Albanians survived on money
sent from relatives abroad. Things have changed little. 
     Economists agree that the province needs a quick privatization of
the state-run economic enterprises and an influx of foreign capital.
That has been stressed by the European Agency for the Reconstruction of
Kosovo. However, dilapidated facilities cannot be sold to investors
because UNMIK is not empowered by the UN Security Council Resolution on
Kosovo to sell the "property of Yugoslavia." What UNMIK can do is to
appoint managers to the cash-strapped factories or plants. That happened
recently in Trepca, when KFOR troops took over a smelting plant, saying
it was a dangerous polluter.
     On the whole, Kosovar Albanians don't think local elections will
give them enough power to solve the pressing issues of the day: the
economy, security, law, and education. Many are frustrated with the
perceived incompetence and blundering of the UNMIK administration. The
body deals only with issuing basic rules, such as organizing a
rudimentary Central Bank in the form of the Kosovo Bank Authority, and
setting regulations for detention of suspects and for collecting customs
revenues. Indeed, UNMIK has not yet resolved how to create a legislative
body that could establish rules for the development of the economy and
civil society. 
     Kosovars, both Serbian and Albanian, are distressed with the UNMIK
administration for other reasons that affect their everyday lives.
Identification cards and travel cards--which would enable Kosovars to
travel outside the country--have not yet been prepared, though UNMIK
promised their delivery before the election. Furthermore, an OSCE report
on the criminal justice system in Kosovo, published on 18 October,
observed bias against Serbs from Kosovo's predominantly ethnic Albanian
judges. Many Kosovar Albanians perceive UNMIK to be comprised of
overpaid foreigners who work slowly and achieve little.
     For now, regardless of who wins the election, the greatest fear
surrounds the gap that is being created between the Albanians and the
OSCE, UNMIK, and KFOR. "The power here is held by anybody but the
majority of the Kosovars," said a young man in Pristina. 

Avni Zogiani is a staff writer with the leading Pristina
Albanian-language daily Koha Ditore.


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