[ALBSA-Info] {QIKSH «ALBEUROPA»} NEWS: VICTORY COULD TURN SOUR FOR RUGOVA (part of IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 196, November 17, 2000)

[Wolfgang Plarre]

Betreff: IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 196
Datum: Fri, 17 Nov 2000 17:39:23 -0000
Von: Institute for War & Peace Reporting <info at iwpr.net>

WELCOME TO IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 196, November 17, 2000

VICTORY COULD TURN SOUR FOR RUGOVA

Comment: Ibrahim Rugova's victory in last month's local elections could
prove costly should his LDK councillors fail to deliver real
improvements ahead of general elections next year

By Shkelzen Maliqi in Pristina 

Having scored a convincing victory in last month's local elections,
Ibrahim Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo, LDK, now faces the rather
unenviable task of tackling Kosovo's myriad and deep-seated problems. 
     Pressure on the party and its leader is intense. The LDK has little
time to deliver much needed improvements in people's everyday lives
before facing next year's crucial general election.
     The LDK's success in the recent local poll - in which it won 58 per
cent of the vote, nearly 30 per cent ahead of its nearest rival the
Democratic Party of Kosovo, PDK - has been attributed by some to voters'
conservatism and mistakes by political opponents. Others suggest
Rugova's great charisma and ten years of political experience ensured
voter support. 
     Few point to LDK campaigning issues, platforms or policies. Faced
with the reality of governing Kosovo's local administrations, the LDK
and Rugova's decade of political experience may well prove more of a
hindrance than a help. 
     The party's new officials need to act decisively, show initiative
and flexibility, not qualities the LDK is renowned for. The party's
years of political experience, it seems, are no guarantee it can adapt
to its new role and duties.
     During the LDK's years under the Belgrade occupation, the party's
strategy was one of inertia, lack of action - even after the Kosovo
Assembly declared independence in September 1990. The LDK appeared
afraid of brave initiatives, and avoided changes to internal party
organisation or policy.
     Rugova refused, for example, to allow the Kosovo parliament -
elected by Kosovo Albanian voters in 1992 - to function. He kept his
distance from party institutions at home and in exile, and has remained
aloof to this day.
     The LDK's leader has demonstrated an authoritarian leadership style
in the past, which has contributed to the movement's atrophy over the
years. A decade on and the party still has to demonstrate it is capable
of moving forward without the pull of other forces to drag it along.
     The current LDK leadership still has to live up to the policy,
political and moral authority of the party's late leader Fehmi Agani -
murdered as he tried to leave Kosovo in May 1999. Agani was proactive
unlike the party's present leaders. 
     Meanwhile, other prominent LDK figures too have left the party,
leaving it populated by 'aparatchiks' too timid to challenge Rugova's
grip.
     The election victory could seriously shake the LDK, exposing its
lack of profile, beyond that afforded by Rugova, and a dependence on
authoritarian decision making processes. The LDK's councillors need to
take decisions on their own and not defer to their party leader at every
turn. 
     The new local administrations have to resolve concrete issues such
as schooling, rubbish collection, medical facilities, the paying of
pensions and unemployment assistance. And although the United Nations
administration's chief Bernard Kouchner retains a veto over the key
responsibilities devolved to the local governments, the LDK will have to
deliver results if it is to revive and become a serious political force
in a future Kosovo democracy.
     Rugova, meanwhile, has ventured out of his 'ivory tower' more
frequently in recent months. Although he undeniably enjoys majority
support among Kosovo Albanians, many say they voted for him only because
he was more acceptable than his rivals. 
     At one time he commanded 98 per cent of Kosovo Albanian votes.
Against this last month's 58 per cent could be interpreted as a marked
slump in support.
     The LDK also needs to make clear their stance towards Kosovo's Serb
population and the new government of Vojislav Kostunica in Belgrade.
Last week, Rugova said Serbia should have no say in Kosovo's future.
     In an interview with the German magazine "Focus", Rugova said, "Our
independence should not be dependent on the democratic development of
Serbia... After this awful war, the intervention and the presence of
NATO in Kosovo, Belgrade should not have anything to say."
     Rugova dismissed any thoughts of the Serbian general election,
scheduled for December 23, being held in Kosovo. "Kosovo is not part of
Serbia," he said.
     The LDK leader did, however, reiterate his belief in co-operation
with Kosovo's Serb minority, "It's not just their security which should
be guaranteed, but also their political, economic and social
integration." 
     Kosovo Serbs have welcomed Rugova's victory - he is seen as more
moderate than his main rival Hashim Thaci, leader of the PDK and former
member of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
     How to handle the PDK is another question Rugova must answer. So
far the defeated parties have expressed only anger and disillusionment
over the results. The signs are they will be obstructive towards Rugova,
whose policy they dismiss as 'soft'. They face a dilemma - to stay out
of the municipal government or to participate. 
     The local elections were just a preliminary bout ahead of the main
event - next year's general election. Having swept to victory on October
28, the LDK has won the right to govern at municipal level. Should the
party beat the odds and produce results, it could reap great rewards in
2001. But Rugova may also have won a poisoned chalice, which could yet
cost his party dear at the ballot box.

Shkelzen Maliqi is a publicist and in charge of Radio Free Europe
correspondents in Pristina.


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