From pilika at yahoo.com  Mon Jan  3 12:04:10 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Mon, 3 Jan 2000 09:04:10 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Intolerance for Minorities
Message-ID: <20000103170411.25685.qmail@web801.mail.yahoo.com>

Panayote Elias Dimitras

Greek Helsinki Monitor

(AIM Athens, 1/1/2000)

</center>

The "Millenium" festivities the Greek government in
cooperation with the
Municipality of Athens organized (and were partly
broadcast
internationally) reflected the still prevailing
"otherphobic"
Hellenocentric attitude in Greece, shared by the vast
majority of opinion
makers and people, and enhanced by the public silence
of those who in
private oppose it. A lavish budget was used to
celebrate the coming year
2000 through honoring Greece's musical traditions; or
rather the
long-established in the country ethnic Greeks' musical
traditions. But
one sixth of the country's present total population of
some eleven
millions could not recognize their own, usually rich,
cultural traditions
in the official program. 


Excluded was even the music of the ethnic Greeks who
have migrated or
found refuge to the country in the 1990s (Greeks from
Albania and the
former Soviet Union) or in the last quarter century
(Greek Cypriots): no
wonder they often -but never too loudly- complain of
being "discriminated
against in their own country." Only the musical
traditions of the long
ago uprooted Greeks from Turkey were honored. On the
other hand, the
dozens of immigrant communities that have settled in
Greece most in the
1990s (Albanians, Bulgarians, Romanians, Poles,
Filipinos, etc.) and are
in the process of legalization were not invited to the
celebration
either, although they have been participating in or
organizing a growing
number of music and dance festivals every year in
Athens and elsewhere.  


At the same time, neither were invited the country's
traditional cultural
minorities: Arvanites and Vlachs (with a Greek
national conscience but
distinct traditions), Turks and Macedonians (with
distinct both national
conscience and cultural tradition), and, above all,
the largest distinct
cultural community of Roma, whose musical traditions
are not only well
known but have substantially influenced Greek popular
music. 


This ethnocentric event was only the last one in 1999
to show how uneasy
many people in Greece, including many purported to
advocate human rights
and diversity, feel with the country's minorities and
immigrants,
especially when they deal with foreigners, giving the
impression that
they have something to hide or to be ashamed of.
Regrettably such
discriminatory behavior is sometimes legitimized by
the acquiescence of
foreigners with distinguished records on human rights
advocacy. 


A usual field where such uneasiness is expressed is
the exploratory
informative visits of representatives from
intergovernmental
institutions. Characteristic was the organization of
the "National Round
Table on Racism and Xenophobia" in Salonica in
November, in the framework
of the newly established EU financed and Vienna-based
European Monitoring
Center on Racism and Xenophobia, whose Director Beate
Winkler was
present. The round table itself was delayed for many
months and, when
organized, no minority or migrant organization was
invited (nor Greece's
representative to the EU-supported European Network
Against Racism). When
some NGOs protested, the organizers invited only
migrants but no
religious or national minorities. Who were the
organizers? Greece's
official delegations to the European Commission on
Racism and Intolerance
(ECRI) and the Vienna Center itself, assisted by the
Secretary General
for European Affairs of the Greek Foreign Ministry.
The latter along with
some officially chosen speakers defended during the
meeting what even the
Deputy Ombudsman present qualified as a myth, that of
"traditional Greek
tolerance."


Two months before, a Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe
delegation came to inquire into the problems of the
Turkish minority. The
ethnic Turkish deputies complained that they were
informed literally in
the last moment of the delegation's presence and were
invited to discuss
the issue with them only during an official dinner
with the presence of
Greek authorities. They had to impose a separate
meeting with the
delegation. 


A few weeks later, the OSCE's High Commissioner on
National Minorities
Max van der Stoel came to Greece in an effort to
support the previously
announced new government line to respect the
self-identification of
national minorities and ratify the Framework
Convention on National
Minorities. The visit reportedly created uneasiness
among many senior
diplomats who tried to "contain" it: so, in the public
lecture the High
Commissioner gave, the organizers of the -closely
linked to those
diplomats- Greek Foundation for International and
European Affairs
(ELIAMEP) had not invited any representatives of the
minorities
concerned. A separate closed meeting had to be
organized by Greek NGOs
for the minorities to be able to meet with the High
Commissioner. In the
meeting were also invited the Ombudsman and the OSCE
desk officer of the
foreign ministry. The latter's confidential memo on
that meeting was
leaked to a hostile to minority rights rightwing and
usually racist
newspaper, most likely by some other uneasy diplomat,
so as to fuel the
opposition to the new minority policy of the minister.


In late November as well, two NGOs (including the
Hellenic League for
Human Rights) organized conferences on human and
minority rights.
Minorities, with one exception, were not invited to
share their views or
even attend the meetings (but many intolerant and
nationalist politicians
were speakers in one of them). But, in this case, the
organizers
benefited from the presence of distinguished foreign
human rights
advocates, including Danielle Mitterrand and a
representative of the
Human Rights Association of Turkey, who knowingly
opted to attend. They
refused to see that, for many Greeks, their popularity
is due not to the
fact that they advocate human rights in general but
that they severely
criticize Turkish human rights violations and support
the struggle of the
Kurds.


Another case where Greek uneasiness with minorities
and the consequential
exclusion of those who address their concerns received
international
caution is the Royaumont process of the EU. The
program is headed by a
Greek with a Greek-staffed secretariat based in
Athens. The program's
efforts to create a Balkan NGO network were given to a
foundation linked
with Greece's major media empire (which opposed even
the Greek foreign
minister's new minority policy last summer). The
Helsinki Committees that
were invited in the first couple of meetings in
Salonica (June 1998) and
Budapest (September 1998) were not invited again in
the ensuing 1999
meeting. Probably because of their insistence in the
first meeting on the
inclusion of human and minority rights in the
network's agenda and
because in the second meeting they co-initiated and
subsequently
distributed a NGO statement critical of government
restrictions to human
rights and minority NGOs. The latter initiative, that
was welcomed and
widely distributed by many international NGOs, was in
fact even
criticized by the Council of Europe's own NGO section,
which had
co-organized the meeting.


The prevailing attitude among Greeks, despite the new
government policy,
still is that there are no minorities in the country.
Among those few who
think otherwise, most also believe that whatever
minorities may exist
face no major problems, at least of a magnitude that
could explain bona
fide international interest in them. So, for example,
covering in a
two-page dossier a Balkan conference on minorities and
the role of the
media (held in December in Sofia), the country's most
open-minded
newspaper on human and minority rights, "Avghi"
(30/12/1999), gave a
positive title: "The recognition of minority rights is
a civilized step."
But its journalist felt the need to report his and the
other Greek
participants' bewilderment and suspicion because the
representatives of
the meeting's funder, during coffee breaks, were
asking the Greek
delegation for "information about minorities in our
country, including
about some that have long ago ceased to exist." How
strange indeed in a
conference on minorities to ask researchers from the
Center for the Study
of Minority Groups (KEMO) about minorities in their
country, especially
when the person asking them partly sponsors their
research on stereotypes
of neighboring peoples and minorities in the their
country's media?

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From dea_m78 at yahoo.com  Wed Jan  5 13:18:47 2000
From: dea_m78 at yahoo.com (Dea Marko)
Date: Wed, 5 Jan 2000 10:18:47 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greek archbishop compares US with Nazis
Message-ID: <20000105181847.4701.qmail@web1002.mail.yahoo.com>

Agence France Press
January 4, 2000, Tuesday 
 

Greek archbishop compares US with Nazis: press reports


ATHENS, Jan 4 
   The Greek Orthodox primate, Archbishop
Christodoulos, compared US dominance of world affairs
with Nazism and accused President Bill Clinton of
having "blood on his hands" in remarks reported by the
press Tuesday. 

Speaking to a fundamentalist church group on Monday,
the ultra-conservative cleric referred sarcastically
to Clinton, "who we saw on our screens praying for
world peace although he has blood on his hands." 

Christodoulos also said he was "frightened by the
expression 'New World Order'" to describe the dominant
US role in world affairs because "the Nazis used the
same term." 

"They also wanted to impose a new world order," he
said. 

The patriarch, who wields considerable influence in
Greece, was a strong supporter of Yugoslavia's regime
during its conflict last spring with NATO forces over
the repression of ethnic Albanian Muslims in the
southern Serb province of Kosovo. 



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Jan  5 17:50:22 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 5 Jan 2000 14:50:22 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KOHA JONE 5 janar 1999
Message-ID: <20000105225023.15463.qmail@web107.yahoomail.com>

KOHA JONE
 5 janar 1999

  
 
  Grisen pasaportat e shqiptareve
Kapshtice, pasaportat e rregullat hidhen ne kosh te
plehrave. Policia greke kthen mbrapsht dhjetra
emigrante

DEVOLL - Ne kete fillim viti, fluksi i madh i
emigranteve qe kalojne neper piken kufitare te
Kapshtices, ka evidentuar edhe rrembimin e
kompetencave te policise shqiptare nga homologet e
tyre greke, ne anen tjeter te kufirit. Vetem ne daten
2 janar, mbi pesedhjeteepese emigrante nuk kane mundur
te rikthehen ne token greke, pasi policet greke ne
dogane, kerkojne ate c'ka duhet kerkuar nga policet
shqiptare. Si shkak per rikthimin e tyre, policet
greke perdorin pasaporten shqiptare, megjithese ne to
eshte shenuar edhe vula e daljes nga toka shqiptare.
Nje nga te rikthyerit, me emrin Ardit Shkembi nga
Maliqi, konfirmon se pretendimi i grekeve eshte i
kote. "Nuk eshte faji im qe pasaporten e kam marre
para vitit 1997. Vertet mbi fotografi mungojne
shqiponjat, sipas modelit te ri, por une kam marre
vulen e daljes dhe per te percaktuar saktesine e
pasaportes u takon policeve shqiptare dhe jo atyre
greke. Per me teper policet dhe autoritetet shqiptare
jane te paafte te mbrojne interesat e shtetasve".
Mitro Ferra, banor i lagjes nr.4 ne Korce, konfirmon
se e kane kthyer megjithese pasaporta e tij me numer
1512544 eshte leshuar para gjashte muajsh. "Policet
greke me kerkuan pasaporten e vjeter dhe kur une u
thashe se nuk e kam, me thane, ktheu prapa. Neser
duhet te ndodhem ne pune dhe do te humbas vendin e
punes per nje teke te policeve greke. Megjithese
pengohemi padrejtesisht askush nuk proteston per te
drejtat tona. Iu drejtova nje polici shqiptar qe te
konfirmonte saktesine e pasaportes sime, por ai me
ngushelloi, duke me thene se nuk jam shqitari i pare
qe me ndodh keshtu". Nje emigrant tjeter qe konfirmon
vetem emrin, Gaqo nga Elbasani, shprehet se emigrantet
e rikthyer jane viktime te heshtjes se shtetit. "Nuk
ka si t'i mbroje interesat tona nje shtet qe hesht
edhe kur nje minister pikerisht ketu ne Kapshtice e
zbresin nga makina. Greket e ndjejne veten te fuqishem
perballe heshtjes se shqiptareve". V.Dervishi ne degen
e pasaportave te komisariatit Korce, shprehet se shume
qytetare bashke me pasaportat e reja kerkojne edhe te
vjetrat, pasi u nevojiten ne piken e kalimit te
Kapshtices. Kerkesat e tyre jane aq te shumta sa na
kane detyruar te punojme ne 31 dhjetor deri ne oret e
vona te mbasdites. Te gjithe ankohen per policet greke
ne doganen e Kapshtices. A.Miraka nga Mashanji i
Gramshit, shprehet se vec shtat mije dhrahmive te
biletes se autobusit, ka humbur edhe besimin e
pronarit grek per trillet e policeve ne doganen greke.
Polici grek me hodhi pasaporten duke shqiptuar "Piso,
plastiko" qe do te thote prapa, pasaporte fallco. Kur
une i thashe se ishte e rregullt dhe kete e konfirmoja
duke thirrur oficerin e policise shqiptare, ai bertiti
duke kercenuar se do te me fuste emrin ne kompani qe
te mos shkelja ne token greke per pese vjet. Nje
tjeter emigrant, Agimi nga Korca thote: "Polici grek
ka luajtur me nervat e mia per 15 minuta, duke
vertitur ne duar pasaporten time. Me pas ma hodhi
pasaporten si send pa vlere duke me thene kthehu nga
ke ardhur. I nxehur, i them se nuk kishte te drejte qe
hidhte pasaporten ne ate menyre, pavaresisht se per
teke te tij po kthehesha prape. Me kerkoi perseri
pasaporten por nuk ia dhashe. Jam i sigurte qe do ta
griste. Ika duke menduar ta provoj neser, pasneser kur
te jete turni tjeter. Ku te ankohesh? Policet tane
shkojne ne kuadrin e marredhenieve nderkufitare ne
Follorine, Kostur e Kozan, por nuk besoj ta kene
shtruar ceshtjen e doganave ndonjehere". 
R.Corbaxhi 

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From pilika at yahoo.com  Thu Jan  6 09:08:26 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Thu, 6 Jan 2000 06:08:26 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] From Kreshnik Bejko
Message-ID: <20000106140826.8531.qmail@web802.mail.yahoo.com>

Agence France Press
> > January 4, 2000, Tuesday 
> >  
> > 
> > Greek archbishop compares US with Nazis: press
reports
> > 
> > 
> > ATHENS, Jan 4 
> >    The Greek Orthodox primate, Archbishop
> > Christodoulos, compared US dominance of world
affairs
> > with Nazism and accused President Bill Clinton of
> > having "blood on his hands" in remarks reported by
the
> > press Tuesday. 
> > 
> > Speaking to a fundamentalist church group on
Monday,
> > the ultra-conservative cleric referred
sarcastically
> > to Clinton, "who we saw on our screens praying for
> > world peace although he has blood on his hands." 
> > 
> > Christodoulos also said he was "frightened by the
> > expression 'New World Order'" to describe the
dominant
> > US role in world affairs because "the Nazis used
the
> > same term." 
> > 
> > "They also wanted to impose a new world order," he
> > said. 
> > 
> > The patriarch, who wields considerable influence
in
> > Greece, was a strong supporter of Yugoslavia's
regime
> > during its conflict last spring with NATO forces
over
> > the repression of ethnic Albanian Muslims in the
> > southern Serb province of Kosovo. 


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From pilika at yahoo.com  Thu Jan  6 16:37:09 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Thu, 6 Jan 2000 13:37:09 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Calendar of 2000 for Albanian emigrants in Greece
Message-ID: <20000106213709.13678.qmail@web804.mail.yahoo.com>

Calendar of 2000 for Albanian emigrants in Greece
GJIROKASTER, Jan 4 (ATA)-By H. Cani, The Albanian
emigrants, at the beginning of this year, will also
find a calendar of 2000 in the Albanian language at
the selling outlets in Greece. 
The publication of this calendar has been made
possible by the Arvanitas renowned scholar Aristidh
Kolja, through his publishing house Thamiras, in
Athens, Greece. 

The calendar, in the pages of each month, presents
views from Albania's territories and cities also
accompanied with proverbs. 

Kolja has also published several study books mainly on
the Arvanitas history, among which "The Arvanitas and
the Greek language", "The proclamation of the
Arvanitas League 1899", "Early Arvanitas studies", and
has published the three months magazine Arvanon. 

During the last decade, the Arvanitas scholar helped
many Albanian authors who are temporarily living in
the Greek capital. /dast/lm/ 

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From mentor at alb-net.com  Sat Jan  8 11:02:47 2000
From: mentor at alb-net.com (Mentor Cana)
Date: Sat, 8 Jan 2000 11:02:47 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per shume vjet e Gezuar!
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.4.21.0001081055570.6449-100000@alb-net.com>

Tungjatjeta,

Per shume vjet dhe Gezuar festa e Fitr Bajramit te gjithe besimtareve
muslimane!

te fala,
Mentor Cana





From pilika at yahoo.com  Mon Jan 10 10:33:48 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 07:33:48 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Letter unpublished by the NYTimes
Message-ID: <20000110153348.26882.qmail@web804.mail.yahoo.com>

For those who read the NY Times cover story on blood
feuds, Sunday,
December 26.


>Hart responds to Scott Anderson's "Balkan Blood
Feuds." 
>
>Not suprisingly, the New York Times has not published
the refutations 
>of its pseudo-journalism by Scott Anderson blaming
the organized state
>violence in the former Yugoslavia on the "blood feud"
codes of "the
>Balkan village."  Now that Robert Kaplan's Balkan
Ghosts mythology has
>been thoroughly discredited and--after the terrible
damage it caused, 
>the author himself now says he didn't really mean
it--the New York
Times
>pulls it out again and serves it as leftovers.
>
>Below is a short response by Prof. Laurie Hart, an
anthopologist whose
>work focuses upon the Balkans.  She made it as short
as possible but
>still, until now, the once respected New York Times
has not published
it.
>
>>Date: Sun, 26 Dec 1999 12:50:25 -0500
>>To: magazine at nytimes.com
>>From: Laurie Kain Hart <lhart at haverford.edu>
>>Subject: Scott Anderson: Balkan Blood Feuds
>>
>>To the editor:
>>
>>I have great respect for the good work journalists
have done in
exposing
>>and helping us to understand the tragic events in
the former
Yugoslavia.
>>It is sad to see the worst faults of journalism
rampant in Scott
>>Anderson's "Balkan Blood Feuds" (Sunday Dec. 26,
1999).  In the
interests
>>of hooking this story about the Albanian blood feud
to the events in
>>Bosnia and Kosovo, the subtitle asserts that "the
dealiest horrors 
>>[in the Balkans] have been perpetrated by those who
continue to live
by
>>ancient communal codes."  Really? what connection
precisely does the
>>kanun have to the death camps in Bosnia or the
slaughter in Kosovo?
>> 
>>As the author points out, the kanun is an
intracommunal code -- it
>>applies to those within the community of
'honor'--and is predicated
on
>>the sanctity of the home. To put it technically, 
blood feuds are a 
>>form of social order through segmentary opposition
within egalitarian
>>societies or those not subject to state control. 
The blood feud 
>>may not be an attractive political mechanism, but
Bosnia and Kosovo
>>had everything to do with the modern state and
nothing to do with
>>blood feuds. Genocide and ripping women and children
out of their
>>homes -- I'd rank these as the "deadliest horrors"
-- are not
stipulated
>>by the kanun, even in variant 'local
interpretations.' 
>>
>>Given the high rates of rural-to-urban migration in
the last half of
the
>>twentieth century, lots of people "come from
villages or small towns"

>>but not all of them are murderers.  Milosevic did
not "revert" to 
>>the "primitive laws and passions of the village" but
engaged in a
>>thoroughly "modern" form of state
violence--organized at the top by,
>>among others, urbanites and university professors. 
Anderson's
attempt
>>to find the generic "Balkan" village in northern
Albania is misguided
>>in the extreme:  as someone who has lived and worked
in "Balkan
villages"
>>(which are not all the same, by the way) I can
assure him that it is
not
>>in the "ancient ethos of the village" that we will
find the answer to
>>Bosnia and Kosovo, but in the modern ethos of the
nation state and 
>>its international context in the late twentieth
century.
>>
>>
>>Sincerely,
>>Laurie Kain Hart
>>Associate Professor of Anthropology and Chair,
>>Department of Anthropology
>>Haverford College


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From pilika at yahoo.com  Mon Jan 10 16:45:44 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000 13:45:44 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Pritet_"legalizimi"_i_Universitetit_tė_Tetovės
Message-ID: <20000110214544.16463.qmail@web801.mail.yahoo.com>

> Pritet "legalizimi" i Universitetit t? Tetov?s
> 
> 
> 
> Shkup, 10 janar (Kosovapress)
> ??shtja e arsimimit universitar t? shqiptar?ve n?
> Maqedoni pritet t?
> zgjidhet s? shpejti. Kjo do t? b?het me nxjerrjen e
> Ligjit t? ri p?r arsim
> t? lart?,q? do t? lejonte formimin e institucioneve
> t? larta private t?
> arsimit dhe financimin e tyre nga jasht?.
> Zgjidhjen e k?saj ??shtjeje, q? z? vend par?sor n?
> marr?veshjen e n?nshkruar
> nga lider?t e koalicionit qeveritar, e paralajm?roi
> edhe kryeministri
> maqedonas, Georgievski, por ai theksoi se shteti nuk
> do t? marr? pjes? n?
> financimin e UT. M?nyr?n e k?till? t? zgjidhjes s?
> problemit t? UT,
> legalizimit t? tij, e kund?rshton PPD-ja, por edhe
> vet autoritetet e k?tij
> institucioni t? lart? arsimor n? gjuh?n shqipe, t?
> cil?t jan? t? vendosur
> p?r k?rkes?n e tyre q? UT t? financohet nga shteti.
> Rektori Fadil
> Sylejmani, n? deklarat?n p?r gazet?n e p?rditshme
> "Dnevnik" thekson se
> Universiteti ?sht? institucion arsimor e shkencor e
> jo politik, prandaj
> duhet t? financohet nga buxheti i shtetit, nj?lloj
> si dy universitetet e
> tjera n? Maqedoni. ?do zgjidhje tjet?r
> ?sht? demagogji, g?njesht?r dhe injorim i fatit dhe
> perspektiv?s t? m? shum?
> se 8000 student?ve. Nuk do t? pranojm? kurfar?
> marr?veshje p?r variantin e
> Shtullit, p?r kolegj ose fakultet pedagogjik, thot
> rektori Sylejmani dhe
> n?nvizon se n? Evrop? mund t? hyhet vet?m me
> popullat? t? arsimuar, kurse
> arsimimi nuk mund t? vlej? vet?m p?r nj? pjes? t?
> asaj
> popullate.Universiteti i Tetov?s ?sht? themeluar n?
> vitin 1994 dhe punon
> sipas planprogrameve m?simore q? i ka p?rcaktuar
> ministria gjegj?se e
> Maqedonis?, q? zbatohen edhe n? dy universitetet e
> tjera, n? at? t? Shkupit
> dhe t? Manastirit. Dallimi q?ndron vet?m n? m?nyr?n
> e financimit.
> 

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From pilika at yahoo.com  Tue Jan 11 17:05:03 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Tue, 11 Jan 2000 14:05:03 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ismail Kadare per Kosoven
Message-ID: <20000111220503.12627.qmail@web805.mail.yahoo.com>

> 
> 
>   
> 
>                         Kosova
> 
> 
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                   
>                         Kur serb?t t? pranojn?
> krimin e
>                         tyre
>                         Interviste e shkrimtarit
> tone Ismail Kadare dhene
> Jo?lle
>                         Kunt t? gazetes zvicerane
> ?Le Temps? me 30 dhjetor
> 1999
>                              Po u k?rkohet
> shqiptar?ve q? t?i falin serb?t!
>                              Kjo nuk ?sht? vet?m
> mizore por ?sht? edhe
>                              raciste. N?se serb?t do
> t? fillojn? t? v?n? n?
>                              l?vizje t? par?t
> mekanizmin e k?rkes?s s?
>                              faljes, at?her?, kjo do
> t? shoq?rohej me nj?
>                              p?rgjigje t? njejt?
> pozitive t? shqiptar?ve.
>                         Le Temps: Sapo keni kaluar
> nj? jav? n? Kosov?.
>                         ??p?rshtypje keni nga kjo
> vizit? ? 
>                         I. Kadare: Ka 20 vjet q? nuk
> kam qen? atje. Ishte
>                         hera e par?, q? pash?
> Kosov?n e ?liruar nga
>                         administrimi serb. Pash? nj?
> popull q? ka nevoj? p?r
>                         t? jetuar, mir?po q?
> pand?rprer? ngacmohet,
>                         provokohet. N?se
> paramilitar?t serb? n? Mitrovic?,
>                         sh?tisin rrug?s duke iu
> klithur shqiptar?ve: ?Do t?
>                         kthehemi s?rish, do t?ju
> vrasim dhe do t?i dhunojm?
>                         prap? grat? tuaja?, at?her?,
> nuk do t? ket? asnj?her?
>                         qet?si. Aktualisht atje nuk
> ka kushte p?r paqe. Po ju
>                         jap nj? shembull: N? nj?
> an?, nj? fshat i shkat?rruar
>                         shqiptar, familjet e t?
> cilit banojn? n? tend?. ?sht?
>                         ftoht? dhe jeta ?sht?
> tmerr?sisht e r?nd?. N? an?n
>                         tjet?r, p?rball?, nj? sht?pi
> serbe, e mbrojtur dhe e
>                         rivitalizuar nga KFOR-i.
> Familjes serbe q? banon aty,
>                         nuk i mungon asgj?. Deri
> k?tu s?kemi asgj? ??t?
> themi.
>                         Por, ??b?n familja serbe?
> Ata dalin n? ballkon, dhe
>                         para syve t? familjeve
> shqiptare q? banojn? n? tenda,
>                         fillojn? ahengjet e tyre, me
> t? gjitha t? mirat e
> sjella nga
>                         KFOR-i, si l?ngje frutash,
> portokajsh dhe banane,
>                         sikur duan t? thon? se ata
> jan? t? preferuarit e
>                         bashk?sis? nd?rkomb?tare.
> Kjo sjellje ?sht? cinike e
>                         n?n?muese, dhe s?ka sesi t?
> mirret ndryshe nga
>                         shqiptar?t, pos si
> provokacion. Provokimet e tilla
> nuk
>                         kan? t? ndalur. Kjo i ?on
> ata, drejt nj? q?ndrimi
>                         hakmarr?s. Mendoj se
> Milloshevi? ka nj? skenar t?
>                         p?rgatitur, p?r t? ushqyer
> hakmarrjen shqiptare dhe
>                         kjo ?sht? nj? minier? ari
> p?r at?. Pik?risht p?r k?t?,
> ua
>                         kam t?rhequr v?rejtjen
> shqiptar?ve t? Kosov?s, q? t?
>                         mos bien n? kurthin e
> hakmarrjes. Hakmarrja jo vet?m
>                         q? nxin interesat e tyre,
> por ajo edhe moralisht ?sht?
> e
>                         d?nueshme. K?t? e kam th?n?
> shum? shpesh gjat?
>                         q?ndrimit tim n? Kosov? dhe
> p?r k?t? jam d?gjuar nga
>                         t? gjith? ata. Po p?r k?t?
> kam shkruar edhe nj?
> artikull
>                         n? gazet?n ?Le Monde?. P?r
> ?udin? time t? madhe,
>                         shkrimtari grek Vassili
> Vassilikos, n? nj? let?r t?
>                         rubrik?s s? lexuesve t?
> k?saj gazete, m? akuzon se
>                         gjoja un? e arsyetoja
> hakmarrjen e shqiptar?ve! Kjo
>                         ?sht? e pakuptimt?. Duhet te
> ket? nj? degradim
>                         absolut t? moralit tek ai
> shkrimtar, i cili n? at?
> m?nyr? i
>                         keqp?rdor fjal?t e mija, p?r
> t? th?n? t? kund?rt?n e
>                         asaj q? e kam th?n? un?.
> Mir?po, ??ti b?sh, kur
>                         degjenerimi i intelektual?ve
> ?sht? nj? fakt madhor i
>                         k?tij shekulli. 
> 
>                         Le Temps: Ka dhjet? vjet, q?
> n? pjes?n m? t?
>                         madhe t? shkrimeve tuaja p?r
> Kosov?n gjejm?
>                         iden? ?e t? keqes?, e cila
> ka p?rfshir? pjes?n m?
>                         t? madhe t? bot?s. Nga vjen
> kjo ide ?e s?
>                         keqes?? 
>                         I.Kadare: Jemi duke
> p?rjetuar gati nj? katastrof?
>                         morale. Vet?m nj? katastrof?
> e till? morale lejon q?
> t?i
>                         vler?sojm? me t? nj?jtin kut
> si viktimat, ashtu edhe
>                         xhelat?t e tyre. K?t? e kam
> theksuar pand?rprer?,
>                         edhe kur ?sht? ??shtja e
> Kosov?s: nuk po flasim m?
>                         p?r t? vdekurit shqiptar?,
> sikur k?to vdekje jan?
> b?r?
>                         banale, edhe pse vrasje t?
> tilla tani ka ?do dit? dhe
> n?
>                         m?nyr? konstante. Tashm?, po
> flasim vet?m p?r
>                         vrasjen e serb?ve, dhe po
> shihet se ky fenomen ?sht?
>                         b?r? edhe p?rpar?si e
> bashk?sis? nd?rkomb?tare. Kjo
>                         po shkakton ngritjen e mitit
> t? pamund?sis? s? nj?
>                         paqeje n? k?t? rajon t?
> Ballkanit. Kjo favorizon
> hienat
>                         q? k?rkojn? krime dhe gjak.
> P?r t? patur rehati k?tu,
>                         duhet nd?rprer? t? gjitha
> k?to provokime, duke
>                         p?rfshir? k?tu edhe
> provokimin m? t? madh, mbajtjen
>                         peng t? mbi 7000 shqiptar?ve
> n? Serbi, t? cil?t jan?
>                         marr? me dhun?, gjat?
> t?rheqjes s? armat?s s?
>                         Beogradit. N?se d?nohet
> marrja peng e njer?zve n?
>                         ?e?eni, pse mos t? d?nohet
> edhe ky rast? 
>                         E shoh t? pamoralshme, q?
> sot gjithnj? i survejojm?
>                         veprimet e shqiptar?ve, e n?
> an?n tjet?r nuk
>                         nd?rmarrim asgj? p?r t?i
> evituar shkaqet e burimeve
> t?
>                         k?tij nervoziteti t? tyre.
> Shqiptar?t nuk mund t?
> jen?
>                         njer?z t? p?rkryer, engj?j
> n? Ballkanin barbar. Duhet
>                         k?rkuar nga t? gjith? q? t?
> p?rmiresohen. 
> 
>                         Le Temps: Si t? b?het kjo
> konkretisht? Pasi
>                         p?rkund?r apeleve, duke iu
> referuar vlerave t?
>                         larta njer?zore, n? situat?n
> aktuale k?to kan?
>                         mbetur apele t? kota? 
>                         I.Kadare: Po ju them
> sinqerisht: n?se kam nj? ?nd?rr
>                         t? madhe, at?her?, ajo ?sht?
> q? ta shoh Ballkanin e
>                         paq?suar, e mbi t? gjitha,
> t?i shoh Shqiptar?t dhe
>                         serb?t t? paq?suar nd?rveti.
> Do t? duhet filluar q?
> t?
>                         b?het presion mbi Serbin?,
> n? m?nyr? q? ajo t?
>                         pranoj? krimin e vet, t?
> ushtruar ndaj popullit
> shqiptar
>                         t? Kosov?s. N?se ajo do ta
> b?nte k?t?, at?her?,
>                         shpirtrat e shqet?suar t?
> Kosov?s, do t? fillojn? ta
>                         gjejn? qet?sin? e tyre.
> Shqiptar?t do t? jen? t?
>                         qet?suar, kurse serb?t do t?
> leht?soheshin nga
> ndjenja
>                         e tyre, se ata kan? t?
> drejt? t? vrasin shqiptar?.
>                         Pranimi i k?tij krimi, nuk
> do t? jet? nj? akt
> moralizues,
>                         por si rezultat i
> menj?hersh?m dhe konkret i tij, do
> t?
>                         jet? ulja e tensioneve dhe
> hapja e horizonteve t?
> reja.
>                         Kjo do t? ndryshonte
> rr?nj?sisht klim?n psikologjike
>                         n? Ballkan. Un? s?e kuptoj
> dot, pse nuk insistohet m?
>                         shum? n? p?rpar?sit? e k?tij
> aspekti. Po b?het e
>                         kund?rta: po k?rkohet nga
> shqiptar?t q? t?i falin
>                         serb?t! Kjo nuk ?sht? vet?m
> mizore por ?sht? edhe
>                         raciste. N?se serb?t do t?
> fillojn? t? v?n? n? l?vizje
> t?
>                         par?t mekanizmin e k?rkes?s
> s? faljes, at?her?, kjo
> do
>                         t? shoq?rohej me nj?
> p?rgjigje t? njejt? pozitive t?
>                         shqiptar?ve. Mir?po, ata nuk
> po e b?jn? k?t?. Madje,
>                         k?t? nuk po e b?n? as
> opozita serbe. Pik?risht n? nj?
>                         qytet si Nishi, i cili
> mbahet nga opozita serbe, u
> d?nua
>                         me 12 vjet burg, poetja
> shqiptare Flora Brovina, me
>                         akuz? se ka mbrojtur iden? e
> nj? ?Shqip?rie t? madhe?
>                         ! 
> 
>                         Le Temps: Si e shpjegoni
> k?t? ? 
>                         I.Kadare: Opozita serbe
> ?sht? ng?rthyer n? t? njetin
>                         mit p?r Serbin? e madhe, n?
> t? njet?n mitologji
>                         historike, q? sipas saj,
> Kosova ?sht? zemra e kombit
>                         serb. Nj? pjes? e k?saj
> opozite, n? t? v?rtet?
> s??sht?
>                         gj? tjet?r, pos nj?
> marionet? n? duart e
> Milloshevi?it.
>                         Pas luft?s s? Dyt? Bot?rore,
> Gjermania d?noi krimet
>                         naziste, q? ishin b?r? n?
> em?r t? saj. Ky ka qen?
> nj?ri
>                         nd?r kushtet kryesore, q?
> ajo t? kthehej n? sken?n
>                         politike. Para nj? provimi
> t? till? fundamental ?sht?
>                         edhe opozita serbe: ajo do
> t? b?het e pavarur, e lir?
>                         dhe e aft? p?r t? b?r?
> politik?, vet?m n?se pranon t?
>                         d?noj? krimin serb n?
> Kosov?. 
> 
>                         Le Temps: Mir?po, krahasuar
> me Gjermanin? e
>                         1945-?s, Serbin? askush nuk
> ?sht? duke e
>                         detyruar p?r ta b?r? k?t?? 
>                         I.Kadare: N? bot?n ton? kemi
> nj? munges?
>                         koherence t? moralit.
> Pik?risht nga kjo, tanim? nuk
> po
>                         insistohet n? k?t? aspekt.
> Shi p?r k?t?, madje po e
>                         b?jn? edhe t? kund?rt?n, si?
> ?sht? rasti me Zonj?n
>                         Karla del Ponte, q?ndrimi i
> paparanuesh?m i s? cil?s
>                         b?n q? t? barazohen krimet e
> nj?r?s pal? me t?
> tjetr?s.
>                         P?rse kjo Zonj? d?shiron q?
> me ?do kusht, t? sjell?
>                         ?gjithashtu? edhe
> shqiptar?t, para Gjykat?s
>                         Nd?rkomb?tare t? Hag?s t?
> cil?n e drejton ajo? Un?
>                         s?e kuptoj dot k?t?. N?se
> ajo d?shiron t? z?r?
>                         kriminel? shqiptar?, madje
> edhe p?r t? dh?n?
>                         shembull, at?her?, le ta
> b?j? k?t? duke i d?nuar
>                         kriminel?t e shumt? n?
> Shqip?ri, pasi ata jan?
>                         fatkeq?sia e vendit tim. Do
> t? isha i pari q? do ta
>                         falenderoja p?r k?t?, meq?
> n? p?rgjith?si m?
> neverisin
>                         bandit?t e ndrysh?m,
> at?her?, mafia dhe bandit?t
>                         shqiptar? m? neverisin
> dyfish m? shum?. Mir?po, ??t?
>                         thuhet p?r k?t? barazim t?
> saj n? mes t? krimit serb
>                         dhe shqiptar! Ajo, ose duhet
> t? jap? spjegime lidhur
>                         me kriminel?t q? do t?i
> arrestoj?, ose ajo duhet t?i
>                         t?rheq? fjal?t e shqiptuara
> r?nd?, pasi ato bartin
>                         paragjykime. 
>                         (Vijon numrin e ardhshem)
> 
> 
> 
>                                    E-mail:
> kosova at zeripopullit.com
> 
> 
> 
> 
>
____________________________________________________________________
> Get your own FREE, personal Netscape WebMail account
> today at http://webmail.netscape.com.
> 
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Jan 11 19:16:34 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 11 Jan 2000 16:16:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] SHEKULLI
Message-ID: <20000112001634.6282.qmail@web121.yahoomail.com>

Press Review: "Shekulli"

AMC Scandal Covered Up by The Pretenders 

The Greek company "Panafon" is undertaking
privatisation procedures for Albanian Mobile
Communications (AMC), the only mobile telephone
company in Albania, independent daily ?Shekulli?
reported on Monday. 

The paper reported that Panafon is financially no more
stronger or weaker than AMC. Looking at AMC?s
financial situation it can be said that this company
could buy shares in similar companies in the Balkans,
and beyond. 

Following are excerpts from the report:

Albanian Mobile Communications (AMC), Albania?s mobile
telephone company with five year?s experience in the
market, recorded a profit of Lek936m for 1999. But
this company, which has extended its activity to all
the major cities of the country, will be sold abroad. 

One of the companies to have started privatisation
procedures for AMC is Panafon, with its centre in
Greece. Like AMC, Panafon was established this decade,
in 1992, and is financially no stronger or weaker than
AMC. When comparing the incomes of Panafon and AMC,
and considering the respective population densities
and territorial sizes in which the two companies
operate, the revenues of the two companies are almost
the same. 

Consequently, it can be said that AMC has the moral
right to buy Panafon?s shares. Likewise, when
considering AMC?s financial situation, it can be said
that this company can buy shares in similar companies
in the Balkans and further. 

Albania has a very favourable position at the
crossroads of sea and air routes. But the companies
that are to privatise AMC are some of those that were
omitted from the list of competitors during a
preliminary process undertaken by the Italian company,
IMI. 

To give Panafon, or another company on the list, the
opportunity to privatise AMC means that something has
happened with the privatisation procedures, since much
more reputable companies on the continent, and
elsewhere in the world, in the field of mobile
telephone systems have been omitted from this process
while daughter companies as young as AMC and with a
financial and economic situation similar to it have
been selected. 

The economic mentalities should be changed and for a
start it should be said that it is time for Albania?s
economy to become more demanding and extensive. 

The opening up to foreign markets does not only mean
that foreigners would devour the economy, property and
natural resources of the Albanians but also that this
would block the chance for the latter to invest in 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Jan 12 14:29:41 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 12 Jan 2000 11:29:41 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] International Job Offerings
Message-ID: <20000112192941.132.qmail@web121.yahoomail.com>

Check out the latest international job offerings at:

http://www.state.gov/www/issues/unvacant.html

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From ipilika at wellesley.edu  Wed Jan 12 20:55:50 2000
From: ipilika at wellesley.edu (Iris Pilika)
Date: Wed, 12 Jan 2000 20:55:50 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Greece to supply electricity to Kosova
Message-ID: <fc.006640d8007ab821006640d8007ab821.7ab83f@FirstClass.wellesley.edu>

Greece to supply electricity to Kosovo
10:07 a.m. Jan 11, 2000 Eastern

ATHENS, Jan 11 (Reuters) - The Greek
development minister said on Tuesday that
Greece's state-controlled Public Power
Corporation (DEH) would help cover a
shortfall in Kosovo's electricity supply.

The war-ravaged province has been hit by
power shortages after its electricity grid
was damaged by NATO airstrikes.

``...I have instructed DEH to offer every
possible help to cover the substantial
shortfall in the region's electricity supply,''
Evangelos Venizelos said in a statement.

Venizelos said he had taken action after an
agreement last week between the UN's
representative in Kosovo, Bernard
Kouchner, and the Greek development and
foreign ministries to cover the shortfall.

The DEH told authorities in Kosovo that it
had 60 megawatts available, which could
be supplied through Albania, Macedonia or
Serbia, Venizelos said. So far, no electricity
had been transferred through the three
countries due to network faults.

``DEH is maintaining contact with its
corresponding suppliers with the aim of
finding a viable technical solution, which,
however, does not depend on DEH. We
hope that a solution will be found soon,''
Venizelos added.





From ipilika at wellesley.edu  Wed Jan 12 20:57:33 2000
From: ipilika at wellesley.edu (Iris Pilika)
Date: Wed, 12 Jan 2000 20:57:33 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian PM sacks privatisation minister
Message-ID: <fc.006640d8007ab846006640d8007ab846.7ab897@FirstClass.wellesley.edu>

Albanian PM sacks privatisation minister
07:19 p.m Jan 11, 2000 Eastern

By Linda Spahia

TIRANA, Jan 11 (Reuters) - Albanian Prime
Minister Ilir Meta sacked his privatisation
minister on Tuesday, accusing him of
irregularities in licensing oil firms, and
dismissed a second minister for being
uncooperative, Meta's spokeswoman said.

Mesila Doda told reporters Meta had
officially asked President Rexhep Meidani
to endorse the dismissal of Privatisation
Minister Zef Preci and State Minister Prec
Zogaj, the first shake-up of his
three-month-old cabinet.

But Preci, an economist, rejected the prime
minister's charges and said his efforts to
liberalise the fuel market had been
undermined by Meta's closest staff.

Zogaj said he had been sacked for backing
the privatisation minister.

Doda said Preci had been removed because
he had ``broken the law in licensing two
oil firms while denying permits to others
who met the same conditions.''

``Preci is responsible for having failed to
take proper measures to help the fuel
market function normally. He also has
shown lack of transparency in his relations
with the prime minister and has delayed
the privatisation process,'' Doda said.

Preci said his decision not to renew the
licences of three oil firms to import and sell
fuel in Albania was legally sound, as was
his decision to grant licences to two
others.

``My efforts clashed head-on with the
resistance of circles whose direct economic
interests were affected as a result of the
markets liberalisation,'' Preci told reporters.

Preci said he was the victim of an
unnamed minister and officials on Meta's
staff ``who had compiled the law to
favour the companies which were behind
them.''

Doda said that State Minister Zogaj, a
former adviser to President Meidani who
represents the Democratic Alliance in the
five-party coalition government, had
shown a ``lack of willingness,
cooperation and sincerity in his
relationship with the prime minister.''

Preci, an independent economist who
undertook a study financed by the World
Bank on corruption in Albania, pledged on
taking office that he would make the
sell-off of strategic enterprises like
telecommunications and mines more
transparent.

Five foreign companies have been
shortlisted to buy Albania's mobile phone
monopoly AMC but Preci postponed the
planned December sale until March this
year.





From pilika at yahoo.com  Thu Jan 13 14:42:34 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Thu, 13 Jan 2000 11:42:34 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Nga Etrit Bardhi
Message-ID: <20000113194234.8777.qmail@web803.mail.yahoo.com>

KOSOVO'S NOUVEAUX RICHES 

                Resentment is mounting over huge wage
disparities created by the international
organisations. As the UN and others shell out
                vastly inflated salaries to a lucky
few, tens of thousands of public employees wait in
vain for their meagre payments.

                By Imer Mushkolaj in Pristina (BCR No.
105, 7-Jan-00)

                Besnik Zabergja stands at the bar in
Tricky Dick's caf?, Pristina, smoking a Marlboro
cigarette and drinking a foreign beer.
                Dressed up and swaying to the loud
music, Besnik has joined some young friends for a
relaxing drink after work. Just down the
                road Idriz Ajeti holds a tense
discussion with his wife over the family budget.

                Besnik, a student of electronic
engineering, now works for the Organisation for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) as a
                personal assistant. He earns 2,000
German marks (DM) per month. Ajeti, a distinguished
academic, founding member of the
                Kosovo Academy of Science and Arts and
author of several scientific studies, has to make do
on 165 DM month - if he is gets
                paid at all. 

                With the arrival of NATO forces and a
plethora of other international organisations in
Kosovo, a new stratum of the privileged has
                been created. The OSCE, the United
Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the multitude of
other non-government
                organisations (NGOs) in Kosovo have
recruited hundreds of local young people to help - and
pay very good salaries in return.

                Meanwhile tens of thousands of
Kosovars - professors, academics and public employees
of all descriptions - have not received
                even their minimal salaries for
several months. A driver or interpreter for an
international organisation receives around 1,000 DM a
                month, six or seven times the average
income in Kosovo. 

                Virtually the only requirement is a
driver's licence. But only a few hundred such jobs
exist, while the rest of the population is left
                to cope with the effects of Kosovo's
fractured economy. 

                Most factories are still not
operational and many people remain reliant on
assistance provided by humanitarian organisations.
                Kosovo teachers are among the poorest.
They had hoped that the arrival of the UN
administration under Bernard Kouchner would
                resolve the problem of their salaries.
But six months after the end of war, teachers have
received a 200 DM subsidy and little
                else. 

                "UNMIK has promised that they will pay
at least $200 a month, but we have seen nothing until
now. We are still working for free,"
                said Fatmushe Shala, an elementary
school teacher in Pristina. 

                For nine years, Shala and her
colleagues have been paid through direct contributions
from Albanian families using the schools,
                providing an average salary of not
more than 150 DM a month. 

                Professors at the philology faculty at
Pristina University have also only received a subsidy
of $200 from UNMIK. "Professors have
                not received any payment for
months.The amount given to them as aid by UNMIK is
minimal. People are not happy," said Vesel
                Nuhiu, dean of philology. 

                As a result, many professors and
students from the faculty are employed as interpreters
by international organisations. 

                "The third and fourth course of
English language at our faculty is almost non-existent
at the moment. All the students have left
                the university and are working for
international organisations. In addition, ten of our
professors work part time for these
                organisations," Nuhiu said. "It is
absurd that a professor is paid five to six times less
than his students. We cannot ask
                professors to work for us for such a
ridiculous salary."

                The situation is also bad in other
sectors of the Kosovo economy. Employees in the energy
sector are also paid irregularly. "We
                have only received 540 DM in aid from
UNMIK since the end of the war," complained Bajram
Gjinovci, a worker at the Kosova B
                thermoelectric power station.

                Kouchner has announced that the annual
budget for the province for the year 2000 will be
about $391 million. International
                authorities are planning to meet the
monthly salary payments for around 65,000 Kosovo
employees. Simple arithmetic produces
                an average salary of 270 DM a month
for each worker. But as the administration collects
little revenue from the province itself,
                almost all such payments come from
international donations.

                UNMIK officials recognise that
unemployment and the general standard of living are
among the biggest challenges facing Kosovo.
                "It is very important to us that
business restarts amidst good conditions", said
Maurice Mezel, head of UNMIK's employment
                office. "We should find a way to
decide on payment according to some qualifications. It
is difficult to understand how one of our
                drivers can earn a 1,000 DM a month,
while a doctor receives nothing for months on end."

                Mezel emphasises the need for close
co-operation with Kosovo institutions on vocational
training, to prepare people to work with
                the EU and other international
organisations - an approach Kosovo Albanian officials
welcome.

                Most people in Kosovo look with mixed
feelings of admiration and resentment at the lucky few
who have secured prized
                employment with international
organisation. "It is not normal at all that a driver
or interpreter with UNMIK is paid that much, while
                my husband earns only 165 DM,"
complained Hajrija, wife of the academic Ajeti. 

                "Kouchner himself is building two
different classes in our society, the poor and the
rich," Agim, a medicine student, complained. 

                "My salary is the only income for my
family," said Mimoza Pireva, a student now working as
an interpreter for the British sector
                of KFOR. "But I do not think this [a
relatively large income] is fair either, and I am
sorry about it," she added. 

                Idriz Ajeti remains philosophical: "I
think things are going to be better in the future, and
everybody will get what he deserves." Yet
                while he and others like him wait and
hope for fair compensation from the UN, Besnik
Zabergja and his lucky counterparts will
                continue their toasts at the local
caf?, which some of its grateful patrons wish to
rename "Tricky Kouchner's".

                Imer Mushkolaj is a journalist in Kosovo.
__________________________________________________
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From ipilika at wellesley.edu  Wed Jan 12 23:19:21 2000
From: ipilika at wellesley.edu (Iris Pilika)
Date: Wed, 12 Jan 2000 23:19:21 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Studentet e Fizikes (nga Bota Letrare)
Message-ID: <fc.006640d8007ac58a006640d8007ac58a.7ac5c0@FirstClass.wellesley.edu>

From:   IN%"idema at msgl.com"  "Ilir Dema"
To:     IN%"Bota-Letrare at eGroups.com"  "'Bota-Letrare at eGroups.com'"
CC:
Subj:   [bota letrare] Vjershe anonime  


Pershendetje,

Para shume vitesh ne Fakultetin e Shkencave te Natyres ne Tirane
qarkullonte
kjo vjershe:

STUDENTES SE FIZIKES

S'pushoi ky shiu kuantik
Po une s'e ndjej se rend pas teje
Rrugices sone per ne konvikt
Perplasem ne nje trumbe reje

Nje tufe jonesh derdh neoni
Mbi syte e tu iracionale
Nga prehja niset elektroni
Godet veshtrimin tim konstant

Dhe zemra nis e dritherohet
Ne cast prej fluksesh magnetike
Nje qark i shkurter po krijohet
Veshtrimi shkon ne infinit

Ku dreq e gjeti sone rrugen
Te une ky elektron i lire
Dhe qarku i shkurter neper tela
I ndez neonet dhe i fik.

Gjithe te mirat,
Iliri
                





From albanian at bu.edu  Sat Jan 15 15:10:36 2000
From: albanian at bu.edu (Bu Albanian)
Date: Sat, 15 Jan 2000 15:10:36 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noel Malcolm in Boston
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001151503090.148810-100000@acs5.bu.edu>

Boston University Albanians, and Massachusets Albanian Association, ALBSA,
present:

Kosovo
Past, Present, and Future

Noel Malcolm
Historian and Author of: 
Kosovo, a Short History 
Bosnia, a Short History
Biographer of Thomas Hobbes


A lecture on the crisis in Kosovo followed by questions and answers.

Friday January 21, 2000
4:30 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.
Coolidge Hall RM 3
1737 Cambridge Street 
Harvard University

Saturday January 22, 2000 
5 p.m. to 7 p.m.
CAS 313 
Boston University

Partially funded by Boston University Student Undergraduate Fee.







From endril at rocketmail.com  Sat Jan 15 15:17:33 2000
From: endril at rocketmail.com (Endri Leno)
Date: Sat, 15 Jan 2000 12:17:33 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] SERB WAR CRIMES SUSPECT ARKAN DIES AFTER SHOOTING
Message-ID: <20000115201733.1414.qmail@web2902.mail.yahoo.com>

January 15, 2000
Web posted at: 2:23 p.m. EST (1923 GMT)

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (CNN) -- Indicted Serb war-crimes
suspect Zeljko Raznatovic, better known as Arkan, died
Saturday after he was shot in Belgrade, according to
two independent news agencies from Belgrade, Beta and
Studio B. 

Arkan died after he was shot at 5 p.m. (1600 GMT) in
the left eye while leaving the restaurant of the      
        Intercontinental Hotel. Arkan's bodyguard was
shot and killed and another person seriously injured
when the assailants opened fire. Arkan was taken to a
nearby hospital where he died. 

A source in the hotel, speaking on condition of
anonymity, said the gunmen escaped. 

Arkan, a longtime ally of Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic, was indicted for war crimes in Bosnia in
September 1997 but the indictment was kept under wraps
until the NATO air campaign in the Balkans began in
March. His paramilitary forces also have been accused
of involvement in atrocities during the Croatian war,
which broke out in 1991. 

Arkan's forces sided with Serb rebels in both wars,
but he denied involvement in war crimes. Full details
of the charges have not been released, but British
Defense
Secretary George Robertson has said Arkan was indicted
in the 1991 massacre of 250 men taken from a hospital
in Vukovar during Croatia's war for independence from
Yugoslavia. Reputedly one of Serbia's richest men,
Arkan was wanted for bank robberies in Western Europe
in the 1970s and 1980s. He also was believed to have
amassed wealth from war profiteering. 
__________________________________________________
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From suphey at hotmail.com  Sat Jan 15 16:28:33 2000
From: suphey at hotmail.com (Adrian)
Date: Sat, 15 Jan 2000 16:28:33 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Arkan, the most wanted serb war criminal, has finally been killed
Message-ID: <20000115213001.92274.qmail@hotmail.com>

Serb Paramilitary Leader Arkan Killed

By MISHA SAVIC
.c The Associated Press
  
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (Jan. 15) - Masked gunmen shot and killed a notorious Serb paramilitary leader on Saturday in the lobby of the Belgrade Intercontinental Hotel. 

Zeljko Raznatovic, better known as Arkan, was taken to a hospital for emergency surgery, police said. A doctor at Belgrade's emergency hospital, who asked not to be identified, said he had seen Arkan and that ``all vital functions had stopped.'' 

The official Tanjug news agency later confirmed that Arkan had died and that two others with him had been shot, including a bodyguard who was also killed. Other media reports said that his sister-in-law was wounded in the attack. 

A source in the hotel, who asked not to be named, said the gunmen used a Heckler and Koch submachine gun and escaped after at least one bullet hit Arkan in the eye while he was sitting in a sectioned-off part of the lobby. 

Arkan, 47, and his paramilitary forces have been accused of involvement in atrocities during Serbia's war with Croatia. Reputedly one of Serbia's wealthiest individuals, Arkan was a longtime ally of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. 

Arkan was indicted for war crimes in Bosnia in September 1997, but the indictment was kept under wraps until the NATO air campaign in the Balkans began in March. His paramilitary forces also have been accused of involvement in atrocities during the Croatian war, which broke out in 1991. Arkan's forces sided with Serb rebels in both wars. 

The tribunal made public his indictment in an apparent attempt to dissuade him from joining the Serb crackdown in Kosovo 

He denied involvement in war crimes. 

In London, the British Foreign Office issued a statement saying it had confirmed Arkan's death. British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook said, ``Arkan lived violently so it is therefore no surprise that he died violently.'' 

``I regret his death because it prevents us doing justice to the victims of his atrocities by seeing him in the dock of at The Hague war crimes tribunal,'' the statement added. 

Arkan was wanted for bank robberies in Western Europe in the 1970s and 1980s. In the bloody breakup of Yugoslavia that began in 1991, the Belgrade ice cream parlor owner made his fortune in black market currency trading, oil smuggling and arms dealing. 

His ``Tigers'' militia, meanwhile, became known for savagery. 

During the NATO bombardment of Yugoslavia, Arkan frequently warned the Atlantic Alliance against a land invasion, warning of fierce resistance. 

He and his wife Ceca, a popular Serbian folk singer, were frequent visitors to Belgrade's Hyatt Hotel during the bombing, apparently fearing to stay at home and risk becoming a NATO target. 

AP-NY-01-15-00 1545EST

Copyright 2000 The Associated Press. The information contained in the AP news report may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without the prior written authority of The Associated Press.  All active hyperlinks have been inserted by AOL. 

-------------- next part --------------
HTML attachment scrubbed and removed

From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Jan 15 16:38:44 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 15 Jan 2000 13:38:44 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Various news
Message-ID: <20000115213844.2665.qmail@web120.yahoomail.com>

[18] INTERNATIONAL INVESTORS INTERESTED IN BULGARIAN
PIPELINE PROJECT

Several large oil companies, such as Agip, LUKoil,
British 

Petroleum, Chevron, and Epson as well as the U.S.
Eximbank, the 

European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and
the World Bank 

are interested in participating in a Trans-Balkan oil
pipeline from 

the Bulgarian Black Sea port of Bourgas, via Macedonia
and Albania, 

to Western Europe, BTA reported on 13 January. At a
meeting one day 

earlier between Regional Development and Public Works
Minister 

Evgeni Chachev and Ted Ferguson, executive director of
AMBO 

(Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian Oil) Corporation, the
two sides 

decided to carry out a feasibility study, the results
of which are 

to be discussed in March. The $980,000 costs of the
study will be 

party covered by the U.S. government, which is to
grant $588,000. MS 
------------------------------------------------------------------------


[C] END NOTE

[19] ROW OVER ALBANIAN ELECTION COMMISSION

By Fabian Schmidt 

The polarization that has plagued Albanian politics
since the 

fall of communism has again made for fresh
controversies. This time 

the issue is the composition of the main election
commission. The 

rightist opposition fears it will be shut out of a
Socialist-run 

body. Not so, says the governing coalition. 

Albanian opposition politicians and their counterparts
from 

the governing coalition have clashed over the
composition of the 

Central Election Commission (KQZ), "Shekulli" reported
on 10 

January. This comes about ten months before local
elections 

scheduled for October. 

The dispute started when officials from the two main 

opposition coalitions--the Union for Democracy, and
the United 

Right--criticized the current legislation on 9
January, arguing that 

the opposition has no guarantees of being able to send
its own 

representatives to the KQZ. The composition of that
commission is 

specified by the constitution, which stipulates that
the president 

and the parliament appoint two KQZ members each. The
High Council of 

Justice--a body elected by an assembly of judges and
lawyers from 

throughout Albania--appoints another three members to
the 

commission. 

(The Union for Democracy, which is dominated by the
Democratic 

Party of former President Sali Berisha, boycotted a
referendum on 

the constitution in November 1998, but the United
Right then called 

on its voters to vote in favor of the draft.) 

With the presidency and the parliamentary majority in
the 

hands of the governing Socialists, Berisha warned that
the KQZ will 

become "a political instrument that will undermine the
possibilities 

of a free vote." He demanded instead that the KQZ be
composed 

equally of representatives of the governing coalition
and of the 

opposition, following the example of a political
compromise reached 

before the 1997 parliamentary elections under OSCE
mediation. Then, 

the governing coalition and the opposition agreed to
apply that key 

for equal representation to all other election
commissions down to 

the level of the polling stations. The chair of each
commission was 

also shared between the government and the opposition.


Berisha argues that with the new constitution, the
governing 

coalition "abandoned the consensus that it reached [in
1997] with 

the opposition." He added that "without reaching a new
consensus, 

this is an immoral thing to do." 

Fatmir Mediu, the chairman of the Republican
Party--the 

largest party within the United Right--pointed out
that "the 

opposition forces have discussed [the possibility]
that they may not 

participate in the elections." He stressed, however,
that the 

"opposition is ready to enter the electoral
process...[if the 

governing coalition agrees to] build a commission that
can guarantee 

a free vote, based on the...consensus that [membership
in the] 

commissions will be shared." 

Mediu added that the current legislation is not clear
enough. 

He argued that the constitution only specifies that
the president 

can name two members of the KQZ, but it fails to
address the 

question who has the right to propose the candidates.
He stressed 

that representatives of the smaller parties within the
governing 

coalition have also raised concern over the current
legislation. 

Mediu suggested that parliament should address the
issue by either 

adopting a new law regulating the composition of the
electoral 

commission, or by amending the constitution, or by
referendum. 

The first of these options is the most likely.
Parliamentary 

Speaker Skender Gjinushi--from the small Social
Democratic Party-- 

rejected a change of the constitution outright. He
stressed that the 

three High Council of Justice representatives within
the KQZ are 

likely to protect the interests of the opposition.
Gjinushi argued 

that the majority of judges in Albania were appointed
during the 

rule of the Democratic Party, because they were
"friends of Mr. Sali 

[Berisha]." He also noted that the governing coalition
has agreed to 

allow the opposition to nominate one of the two KQZ
members to be 

elected by parliament, and that the president will
make his choice 

independently of political party interests. 

Gjinushi stressed that "there is no larger consensus
than a 

constitution. We can not build a state by politicizing
the 

constitution.... [The opposition] demands that the
constitution be 

changed every time the balance of political power
changes or every 

time that the political parties choose to. But this
constitution has 

been adopted by popular referendum and consequently
all changes to 

it will require another referendum." 

But Gjinushi also offered a possible compromise: "I
believe that the 

demands of Mediu and Berisha will be met within the
framework of an 

electoral law that will be in line with the
constitution.... The KQZ 

must not become a body composed of representatives of
political 

parties but a permanent institution made up of
experts....In 

addition, the electoral law will have to stipulate
that a commission 

of monitors will be attached to the KQZ, which will be
composed of 

party representatives." 

14-01-00 
------------------------------------------------------------------------


Reprinted with permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty
URL: http://www.rferl.org

__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sat Jan 15 16:39:47 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sat, 15 Jan 2000 13:39:47 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] SHEKULLI
Message-ID: <20000115213947.2752.qmail@web120.yahoomail.com>

Gazeta SHEKULLI
15 janar 2000

Kryetari i PD-s? nis turin e takimeve n? Jug. Sulmon
Qeverin? greke, por ndodh dhe e papritura
Berisha d?shton n? Gjirokast?r
Kryetari i PD-s? lokale: Mjaft me shpifje e
p?rjashtime
M. Duri 

GJIROKAST?R ? Berisha nuk gjen mb?shtetje n? deg?n
lokale t? Partis? Demokratike t? Gjirokastr?s. I
ndodhur n? nj? takim n? sall?n e teatrit t? qytetit t?
Gjirokastr?s, Berisha ?sht? gjetur para nj? t?
papriture. Kryetari i deg?s lokale, Roland Bejko, i
lindur n? Lazarat, i ka kujtuar atij se n? PD duhet t?
marrin fund nj? her? e p?rgjithmon? p?rjashtimet,
pezullimet, apo shpifjet e armiqve. Bejko e ka hapur
fjal?n e tij duke th?n? se takime t? tilla jan? p?r t?
d?gjuar nj?ri-tjetrin e p?r t'u marr? vesh, jo p?r t'u
?jerr?. "PD-n? e mor?n n? qaf? komunist?t q? erdh?n n?
krye dhe q? e shkel?n demokracin? e brendshme. K?shtu,
m? 1996, njer?zit e qendr?s deklaronin n? konferenc?n
e deg?s se zoti X do t? zgjidhet kryetar edhe dy vota
sikur t? marr?, po k?ta persona m? 1997 lan?
institucionet n? dor?n e rebel?ve",- u shpreh kreu i
PD-s? lokale n? Gjirokast?r. Bejko e ka mbyllur fjal?n
e tij me shprehjen "t? mos harrojm? se m? 1997 PD-n? e
ringriti Azem Hajdari e Genc Pollo. PD duhet t? jet? e
bashkuar dhe t? mos p?rjashtoj? e pezulloj? njeri".
Nd?rkoh?, Berisha, n? fjal?n e tij ka dal? n? mbrojtje
t? emigrant?ve shqiptar? q? punojn? e jetojn? n?
Greqi, si dhe t? minoritar?ve grek? n? vendin ton?, n?
tubimin e organizuar nga dega lokale e PD-s?, me
rastin e 9-vjetorit t? themelimit t? saj. Berisha ka
qen? tep?r i ashp?r me Qeverin? greke, e cila, sipas
tij "po shfryt?zon eg?risht shqiptar?t q? punojn? e
jetojn? n? Greqi." "Ne kemi n?nshkruar marr?veshje me
qeveritar?t grek? p?r emigrant?t shqiptar?, por ajo
nuk po i trajton ata si faktor? miq?sie mes dy vendeve
e dy popujve tan?, nga m? t? vjetrit n? Ballkan. Ne
k?rkojm? q? Qeveria greke t'u jet? mir?njoh?se
shqiptar?ve, pasi ata po kontribuojn? p?r zhvillimin e
Greqis? me pun?n e tyre. N? qoft? se bujq?sia greke
rritet ?do vit me 10-12 p?r qind, k?tu kan? merit?
edhe emigrant?t shqiptar?; bankat greke l?vrojn? me
parat? e shqiptar?ve, shum? mallra greke hyjn? n?
Shqip?ri prej tregtar?ve tan? e grek?, pra ?sht? nj?
??shtje madhore kjo dhe ne duhet t? m?sohemi t? b?jm?
llogarit?, pasi miq?sia ?sht? miq?si, por dhe hesapet
jan? hesape. Dhe ne nuk do t? lejojm? q? shqiptar?t t?
keqtrajtohen",- u shpreh lideri i PD-s?. Lidhur me
procedurat e reja t? vizave Berisha tha se "ato duhet
t? merren n? kufi dhe, t'i jepet fund diskriminimit t?
shqiptar?ve." 
Kreu i PD-s? u ndal m? pas tek problemet e emigrant?ve
tan? n? Greqi, t? cil?t "nuk mund t? m?sojn? f?mij?t
n? gjuh?n amtare, nd?rkoh? q? n? Gjirokast?r
minoritar?t kan? edhe universitet n? gjuh?n e tyre."
K?tu Berisha gjeti rast e kritikoi Kryeministrin Meta
dhe stafin e tij n? vizitat e para pak dit?ve n? Jug
t? vendit. "Minoritar?t nuk kan? nevoj? p?r premtimet
e Met?s. Ata nuk kan? nevoj? t'u hedh? Meta gun?n
krah?ve. Minoritar?t duan t? jetojn? n? vendin e tyre
e jo n? Greqi, t? ken? infrastruktur?n e tyre
bashk?kohore, t? nd?rtojn? mir?qenien e vet n? krahin?
e jo t? marrin arratin? n? kurbet. "Qeveritar?t
tan?,-tha m? posht? Berisha,- jan? m? t? korruptuarit
n? bot?. Mafia shqiptaro-greke ?sht? n? lul?zim, por
ne dot t? ngrihemi e do t'i p?rmbysim, me vot?n e
lir?, n? zgjedhjet e reja. Natyrisht, ne nuk duam
sherre me komshinjt?, por secili ?sht? zot n? sht?pin?
e vet. Qarqe t? caktuara greke,- tha kreu i PD-s?,-
jan? t? interesuara p?r politika destabilizuese, por
ne, me t? marr? pushtetin, do t'i presim k?to fije."
Sipas Berish?s, zgjedhjet jan? nj? domosdoshm?ri, pasi
"korrupsioni po grryen shpirtin dhe zemr?n e
shqiptar?ve dhe se ato jan? rruga e vetme e sigurt?
p?r t? nd?rprer? kriz?n e p?rgjithshme qeveris?se, ?ka
po shohim p?rdit?. Shqip?rin? e hap?m ne drejt
Evrop?n, drejt Per?ndimit, pluralizmin e soll?m ne,
demokrat?t. Ajo ?sht? vepra jon? e ne jemi n? k?mb?:
Besimi juaj tek alternativat tona ?sht? i madh, n?
rritje dhe un? besoj e shpresoj se zgjedhjet do t'i
japin Shqip?ris? nd?rprerjen e kriz?s dhe popullit
mir?qenien e merituar."
N? k?t? takim kryetari i PD-s? shoq?rohej nga
n?nkryetarja e Parlamentit, Jozefina Topalli,
Sekretari i P?rgjithsh?m i PD-s?, Ridvan Bode,
sekretari i deg?s s? Tiran?s, Shaban Memia, an?tar?t e
kryesis?, Uran Butka e Fatos Beja ejt. 


__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 16 12:25:40 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 16 Jan 2000 09:25:40 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] ZERI I POPULLIT
Message-ID: <20000116172540.21819.qmail@web106.yahoomail.com>

ZERI I POPULLIT
16 janar 2000

Pas ?bllokimit te qarkullimit te automjeteve me
patenta shqiptare ne Greqi
 
Sigurimet presin urdh?r 
 
Emigrant?t u drejtohen gjyqeve per te njohur te
drejten e zhdemtimit 
Lidhur me bllokimin e patentave shqiptare ne Greqi,
pas nderhyrjes se shtetit shqiptar dhe zgjidhjes s?
problemit, linjat e autobus?ve per ne Selanik dhe
Athin? jan? v?n? n? pun? dhe transporti i emigrant?ve
vazhdon normalisht. 
Ndersa ben levizjet brenda Greqis? ka patur probleme
te ve?uara. Bashk?pun?tor?t tan? na njoftojn? se ne
Athin?, policia greke arrestoi Erjon Gjomemen,
emigrant nga Italia, i cili kishte dokumente te
rregullta italiane, por patenta shqiptare
nderkombetare. Bllokimi i makin?s e detyroi at? t?i
drejtohej gjykat?s, ku fal? mbrojtjes se avokatit t?
njohur Jorgos Kurrezis, emigranti shqiptar u la i
lir?. Edhe emigranti Janaq Nini iu drejtua gjykat?s
pasi iu refuzua zhdemtimi i makin?s s? demtuar, edhe
pse ishte i siguruar, nderkaq edhe Leonidha ?urrit nuk
iu ?demtua makina nga shoqeria Interland, per shkak t?
patent?s s? tij shqiptare. Mbetet problem njohja e
sigurimeve, pasi te gjitha shoqerite greke nuk
pranojn? t? ?demtojn? pronar? q? mbajn? patenta
shqiptare, sipas tyre, pa nje urdh?r nga Ministria
p?rkat?se greke. 

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
Na shkruan nga Selaniku bashkepunetori i gazetes son?,
Aleks Janaqi
 
Ka muaj q? ne redaksi vijn? ankesa ne adres? te
qendrimeve dhe t? veprimeve te konsullit shqiptar ne
Selanik. Te shumta kan? q?n? reagimet sidomos gjat?
fushat?s s? genocidit serb n? Kosov?.
Me kete rast po botojm? shkrimin e z.Aleks Janaqi. 
Jo k?shtu zoti konsull! 
Hapja e konsullates shqiptare ne qytetin me te madh
pas Athines, Selanik ishte kenaqesia me e madhe per
cdo shqiptar te zones veriore te Greqise. Kjo sepse
krijonte mundesine e plote per te qare nje hall, per
te zgjidhur nje problem, sikur na afronte shum? af?r
me shtetin ton?, per nje firme, per nje vule, per nje
shkrese. Askush nga shqiptaret nuk mund te fsheh? dot
edhe nje fakt tjeter: kur sheh flamurin tend ne nje
vend te huaj s?ka si te mos ndjehesh ndryshe, sikur ke
prane atdheun, nj? dor? q? t? mbron e t? pershendet
?do dit?. Flamuri shqiptar ne ballkonin e asaj godine
ku eshte vendosur konsullata shqiptare, na kujton
atdheun. E megjithat?, flamuri mbetet flamur,
konsullata ?sht? di?ka tjet?r. Ende pa u b?r?
inaugurimi i saj, ne oborrin perballe, shihnje radhen
e njerezve q? perdite shtoheshin. Rriheshin perdite
shkallet per ne zyren e konsullit. Shumica per halle.
Hallemedhenjeve u duhej te linin punen per nje vule, a
p?r nj? shkres?.


Ne adrese te konsullates shqiptare te Selanikut e ne
vecanti te konsullit te pergjitheshem zotit Nikolla
Dhamo e personelit qe ai drejton, jane bere denoncime
e verejtje serioze nga organet e shtypit shqiptar dhe
kanali i televizionit grek ET3 ne emisionin shqip ku
nje grup shqiptaresh emigrante shprehen hapur
indinjaten e tyre per sjelljet dhe veprimet e dyshimta
te ketij konsulli. Ne pergjithesi te gjitha problemet
e ngritura jane mjaft serioze. Ato shkojne deri ne
diskutimin e ndergjegjes, akuzohet per vjedhje te
arkes se shtetit e tani se fundi si trafikant
karburanti. Ne kete shkrim nuk kemi qellim te
analizojme denoncimet q? jan? b?r?,. intervistat e pa
pergjegjesheme per nje dipllomat dhene shtypit,
televizionit, radios, por as mardheniet qe ka vendosur
ai me shoqatat legale shqiptare qe veprojn? ne
Selanik. Por, po ndalemi ne nj? problem me te cilin
rastesisht jemi njohur e qe me te vertete te indinjon.

Sic eshte bere e njohur nepermjet gazetes KOHA JONE,
me 6 tetor 1999, dhjetra emigrante shqiptare denoncuan
z.Nikolla Dhamo per shum? shkelje. Ne mes t? firmave
q? nenshkruan ate leter, ishte edhe emri i
intelektualit te njohur Stavri Dajes. Qe nga ky moment
z.konsulli i pergjitheshem i konsullates shqiptare te
Selanikut, filloi hakmarrjen ndaj tij, refuzoi
sherbimin e tij t? perkthimit, megjith?se Stavri Daja
?sht? i licensuar prej koh?sh, por edhe nje perkthyes
i njohur i veprave t? Kadares?, Kazanzaqit, etj, i
laureuar me disa ?mime. ?Ismail Kadare te dergon
urimet e tij dhe te shpreh mirenjohjen per punen e
mrekullueshme qe ke bere dhe vazhdon te besh ne
afirmimin e kultures shqiptare aty si dhe per ndjenjen
e mire qe ruan ti per here ndaj popullit tone edhe pse
si perket atij?, i shkruante atij nga Parisi para dy
muajsh Elena Kadare. Por, k?to nuk kan? r?nd?si p?r
nj? konsull, i cili, pasi refuzon sherbimin e z.Daja
pranon dokumente te perkthyera nga nje grua thuajse pa
shkoll?. Kjo nuk ?sht? vetem nj? fyerje per nje
intelektual dhe p?r t? gjith? intelektual?t tan?, por
edhe p?r vet? Ministrin? e Jashtme dhe shtetin ton? q?
p?rfaq?son, duke iu dh?n? t? drejt? t? gjith?ve atyre
q? p?rdit? bertasin ?ne nuk kemi shtet?.
Nga ana tjet?r, perfaq?suesi i shtetit shqiptar, nje
konsull, ndjek nj? praktik? fyese dhe poshteruese ndaj
emigrant?ve, ndaj nenshtetasve shqiptar? dhe miqve te
Shqip?ris? ne zonen e Selanikut. Ne qytetin e
Selanikut, ashtu si ne gjithe Greqine ka mjaft
shqiptare me tituj e grada shkencore, qe japin edhe
mesim ne fakultetet e universiteteve te ketij qyteti.
Ka historiane, artiste, filolog?, njerez te shquar
vendas, miq te Shqip?rise dhe shqiptareve si mjeku
duararte i mbi njemije zemrave shqiptare, si Z.
Panajotis Spiru, filologu Dhimiter Cumba, gazetare te
mjaft gazetave qe shquhen per trajtime realiste te
problemeve qe kane ne vecanti emigrantet shqiptare
etj. Ashtu si? ka edhe personalitete shqiptare si
kandidati i shkencave historike Refael Lipe apo
artisti i merituar, Tonin Tershana qe bashk? me te
bijen Anilen, beri te dridhet sheshi i madh Aritoteli
nga kenget shqipe te kenduara prej tij. Por t? gjith?
k?ta dhe shum? t? tjer?, nuk e njohin deren e
konsullat?s shqiptare si intelektual?, si
personalitete, si miq t? Shqip?ris?, por edhe n?se
ndonje prej tyre ka hyr? n? k?t? konsullat?, ai ka
hyr? si hallexhi, per t? marre nje vul? e p?r t?
paguar... 30 dollar?. 
Emigrant?t kan? protestuar disa her?, me letra, me
fakse, me anen e shtypit, por duhet thene se per k?t?
mban p?rgjegj?si dikasteri p?rkat?s, i cili nuk ka
reaguar ndaj veprimeve t? pap?rgjegjshme t? nj?
diplomati dhe z?rit t? emigrant?ve q? proteston.
P?rgatiti: Frano Caka 

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From suphey at hotmail.com  Sun Jan 16 17:33:18 2000
From: suphey at hotmail.com (Adrian)
Date: Sun, 16 Jan 2000 17:33:18 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] US soldier rapes and kills kosovo girl
Message-ID: <20000116223450.40061.qmail@hotmail.com>

U.S. Soldier Charged With Killing Kosovo Girl  

By MELISSA EDDY
.c The Associated Press 

VITINA, Yugoslavia (Jan. 16) - An American soldier serving with the international peacekeeping force in Kosovo was charged Sunday with sexually assaulting and killing an 11-year-old ethnic Albanian girl, the U.S. military announced.

Staff Sgt. Frank J. Ronghi is accused of murder and indecent acts with a child, Col. Ellis Golson told reporters. It is the first time a peacekeeper from any country has been accused of such serious crimes since the 50,000-strong NATO-led peacekeeping force entered the province on June 12.

The incident threatens relations between the Americans and Kosovo civilians whom the peacekeepers were sent to protect. The peacekeepers were sent in after the 78-day NATO bombing campaign forced Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic to halt his bloody crackdown against Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority.

''We don't want them here to give us security if they are going to do this,'' said Muharram Samakova, a neighbor of the girl's family.

Ronghi, 35, is a weapons squad leader assigned to A Company, 3rd Battalion, 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment from Fort Bragg, N.C., Golson said. His hometown was not immediately available. He was being held in detention at nearby Camp Bondsteel pending transfer to the U.S. Army's confinement facility in Mannheim, Germany.

The girl's body was found late Thursday in the countryside near the city of Vitina, 45 miles southeast of the provincial capital, Pristina, the army said. A senior U.N. official who asked not to be named said Saturday that the girl appeared to have been raped before she was killed.

In Vitina, the slain girl's father, Hamdi Shabiu, showed reporters a photo of his daughter's corpse that he said a U.S. officer brought him late Thursday, when he was informed of her death. The girl's face appeared battered and bruised, with a small cut on her forehead.

Shabiu said he last saw his daughter early Thursday when she left to go to the market. She did not return. Neighbors in an apartment complex across the street told him she had been killed in the basement of the building.

''They killed her 20 meters (yards) away from the house,'' he said. ''They took her - she was only 11 1-2 years old.''

Serbian state-run television, which regularly criticizes the NATO peacekeeping mission, said Sunday evening that the case ''exposed an unprecedented disgrace.''

It was too early to tell how the incident would affect relations between the Americans and ethnic Albanians. Other similar cases - like the rape of a 12-year-old Japanese girl by three U.S. servicemen in 1995, for example - have sparked rallies against the U.S. military presence.

The U.S. peacekeepers are widely seen as heroes by Kosovo Albanians because of Washington's role in the NATO bombing campaign. On Sunday, groups of ethnic Albanian children could be seen milling around U.S. military vehicles, laughing, chatting and playing with the soldiers.

However, neighbors of the Shabiu family were outraged.

Hxsen Islami said local residents had filed complaints with the U.S. command in Vitina about male soldiers searching young girls for weapons. He said the complaints had gotten no response.

''I'm sorry, but they are touching the girls,'' Islami said.

U.S. military officials at the main headquarters at Camp Bondsteel said they knew nothing about such complaints. Brig. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the head of Kosovo's American forces, met Saturday night with community leaders in Vitina and offered his condolences to the family.

The army said Sunday it will appoint an officer to conduct a pretrial investigation. The investigator eventually will recommend whether the charges should be referred to a court martial. Ronghi could be tried before a military judge or a panel of officers.

 AP-NY-01-16-00 1659EST

Copyright 2000 The Associated Press. The information contained in the AP news report may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without the prior written authority of The Associated Press. All active hyperlinks have been inserted by AOL. 
-------------- next part --------------
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 16 16:17:50 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 16 Jan 2000 13:17:50 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian election scandal?
Message-ID: <20000116211750.22071.qmail@web112.yahoomail.com>

>From the Greek Press Review
Athens News newspaper
16 January 2000


..."300,000,000 drs for one [parliamentary] seat was
the headline on Rizos? Adesmeftos Typos story
regarding the illegal naturalisation by Greek
authorities of ethnic Albanians purporting to be
Greek. The amount was allegedly paid in Albania by an
ethnic Greek ?? - representing in the Albanian
parliament a district where 1,000 Greek visas are
issued per day - to his electoral opponent in order
for the latter to pull out of the race." 


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From pilika at yahoo.com  Mon Jan 17 11:30:11 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Mon, 17 Jan 2000 08:30:11 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noel Malcolm in Boston
Message-ID: <20000117163011.22310.qmail@web802.mail.yahoo.com>

Boston University Albanians and the Albanian Student
Association of Massachusetts - ALBSA,
present:

Kosovo
Past, Present, and Future

Noel Malcolm
Historian and Author of:
Kosovo, a Short History
Bosnia, a Short History
Biographer of Thomas Hobbes


A lecture on the crisis in Kosovo followed by
questions and answers.

Friday January 21, 2000
4:30 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.
Coolidge Hall RM 3
1737 Cambridge Street
Harvard University
Red Line to Harvard Square

Saturday January 22, 2000
5 p.m. to 7 p.m.
College of Arts and Sciences 313
Commonwealth Avenue
Boston University
B Green Line to Boston University East


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From albanian at bu.edu  Mon Jan 17 17:02:56 2000
From: albanian at bu.edu (Bu Albanian)
Date: Mon, 17 Jan 2000 17:02:56 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] All student members must come to this event
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001171642160.158386-100000@acs5.bu.edu>

If we are to support anything, I think it should Noel Malcolm who has
shatered many myths that have plagued Albanians throught the ages. 


For directions go to www.mapquest.com or http://www.bu.edu/map

Boston University
Albanians


Kosovo
Past, Present, and Future

Noel Malcolm
Historian and Author of: 
Kosovo, a Short History 
Bosnia, a Short History
Biographer of Thomas Hobbes


A lecture on the crisis in Kosovo followed by questions and answers.

Friday January 21, 2000
4:30 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.
Coolidge Hall RM 3
1737 Cambridge Street 
Harvard University

Saturday January 22, 2000 
5 p.m. to 7 p.m.
CAS 313 
725 Commonwealth Ave.
Boston University

Partially funded by Boston University Student Undergraduate Fee.







From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Jan 18 15:47:08 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 12:47:08 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanian minority in Greece?
Message-ID: <20000118204708.22047.qmail@web118.yahoomail.com>

Albanian Daily News
19 January 2000

Opposition Leader Demands Rights for Albanian Minority
in Greece

TIRANA - The leader of the opposition Democratic
Party, on a tour of southern Albania, demanded on
Saturday more rights for the ethnic Albanian Cham
minority in Greece, saying the relations between the
two neighbouring countries may suffer if mutual
problems were not solved.

Berisha demanded more cultural rights for the
Albanians living in Greece and the solution of the
property issue of the Cham population, expelled from
their territories in northern Greece at the end of
World War 2.

Albanian historians claim that about 300,000 ethnic
Albanians were forcefully expelled from Greece?s
northern region of Chameria to neighbouring Albania
during the civil war in Greece at the end of World War
2. The then Greek authorities approved a law
sanctioning the expropriation of Chams, citing the
collaboration of several leaders of their community
with occupying German forces as a main reason for the
decision. 

The law is still in force in Greece, and several
associations representing the Cham population in
Albania are wooing for support for their cause. They
are even working on legal procedures to sue the Greek
government at the European Court of Human Rights.

Ex-president Berisha said in a rally with party
supporters in the southernmost town of Saranda that
Greek authorities should open an Albanian language
school in the northern town of Filat (Filiates). 

"The Greek government should open Albanian schools in
Filat, as well as recognise and respect the Albanian
minority," said Berisha, apparently referring to
ethnic Albanians still living in northern Greece.

He said that without the solution of the Cham
properties? issue the relations between the two
countries will notice only "artificial developments".
Berisha vowed that the solution of the Cham issue will
be a main condition for better relations with the
neighbouring country when his party comes to power.

"The Greek government should return all the properties
to the Cams, or, without resolving the issue, the
relations with Greece will know only artificial
developments," said Berisha.

The ex-president said that when his party was in power
several years ago the government signed a Treaty of
Friendship with Greece. "But, it (Greece) did not
implement it."

"Albanians there (Greece) are treated as second class
citizens," he said.

The controversial Cham issue has been dormant in
recent years and none of the post-war Albanian
governments, including the Communists, ventured to try
and make it a key issue in the relations with the
southern neighbour.

However, the issue cropped up during a recent visit of
Albanian Premier Ilir Meta to Greece, though it was
not on the agenda of talks with his Greek counterpart
Costas Simitis.

Simitis, answering questions from journalists at a
joint press conference following the official talks,
said that the Greek government considered the Cham
issue as "a closed chapter". The Greek Premier?s
statement prompted Meta?s reaction with a statement
for home consumption for Albanian journalists covering
his visit. He said that Albania expected the Greek
government to solve the issue of the Cham properties
"according to the European conventions Greece abides
by."

A senior right-wing leader suggested Albania should
ask the International Human Rights Court to give a
solution to the Cam issue unless an agreement was
reached with Greece. The chairman of the Foreign
Parliamentary Committee, Sabri Godo, a Republican,
urged Albanian authorities to work out with Greece a
solution to the issue.

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Jan 18 15:52:19 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 12:52:19 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] From the American Press
Message-ID: <20000118205219.23500.qmail@web118.yahoomail.com>

  
Scripps Howard News Service

                January 18, 2000, 
Life in a tough neighborhood

HOLGER JENSEN

ATHENS, Greece

   It doesn't take long here to realize that Greece is
as much a part of the
war-torn Balkans as it is a NATO ally and
Mediterranean tourist resort.

   Located on the southern tip of the Balkan
peninsula, Greece borders
 Albania,  Bulgaria and Macedonia. Belgrade, the
capital of Serbia and what's
left of Yugoslavia, is only an hour's flying time from
Athens.

   Greece accounts for more than half the productivity
of an otherwise poor and 
unstable region. It is the biggest investor in
countries to the north, which buy
12 percent of Greek exports and return the favor by
sending a flood of unwanted 
migrants southward.

    Albanian  illegals do the menial labor that Greeks
won't do, and are viewed 
in the same light as Mexican illegals in the United
States. Their number has
increased dramatically since the Kosovo war; no one
knows how many there are but
125,000 were apprehended last year and Greek officials
are the first to admit
this is merely a fraction of those who made it across
their porous borders
without getting caught.

   Greeks despise  Albanian  Muslims and fear a
"greater  Albania"  much more
than they do a "greater Serbia."

   Like the Serbs, they are quite racist in blaming 
Albanians  for most of
Southern Europe's drug smuggling and organized crime.

   "They breed like rabbits," said one high-ranking
official in the Greek
Foreign Ministry, "and display irredentist aggression"
toward other ethnic
groups, suggesting they want a single  Albanian  state
encompassing not only
 Albania  but also Kosovo and Macedonia.

   Greece is also at odds with Macedonia, whom it
accuses of creating an
"artificial nationalism" on what used to be Greek
soil, while condemning that
country's sizeable  Albanian  minority for setting up
parallel government
institutions similar to those that gave Slobodan
Milosevic the excuse he needed 
to crack down on the  Albanian  majority in Kosovo.

   Yet Greeks show no particular kinship with Slavic
Serbs either, even though
both share the Eastern Orthodox religion. Rather, they
feel as Americans would
if NATO had bombed Mexico, leaving us to deal with the
fallout of a lost trade
and a host of unwanted refugees.

   As if that were not enough, Greece also has to
contend with a hostile Turkey 
across the Aegean Sea. Most Americans are blithely
unaware of the fact that the 
two NATO allies routinely scramble jets - often
hundreds of times a year - to
counter real or imagined threats from each other.

   The two countries have not fought a war since 1821.
But they have detested
each other since the Turks overran Greece in 1460 and
made it part of the
Ottoman Empire for the next 350 years. Although the
Greeks finally attained
independence in 1827 they continued to be ruled by
foreign kings, princes or
German occupiers until after World War II.

   Although Turkey and Greece both joined NATO in
1951, they were allies in name
only. Four years later the Turkish government
orchestrated "spontaneous" attacks
on the Greek minority in Constantinople (now
Istanbul), causing sizeable
casualties and a mass exodus of Greeks.

   Further flight occurred in 1964 when Turkey began
expropriating Greek
properties and shut down all minority schools on the
islands of Imbros and
Tenedos. The Greek population of those islands shrank
from 8,000 to 250, and
that of Constantinople declined from approximately
120,000 to fewer than 2,000. 

   Communal clashes on Cyprus added to the tension and
prompted the dispatch of 
a U.N. peacekeeping force. The Delaware-sized island
is only 60 miles off the
Turkish coast but its population is predominantly
Greek. One of the conditions
attached to its independence from Britain in 1960 was
that neither community
would seek union with Athens or Ankara.

   But Cyprus was split in 1974 after a short-lived
coup by extremists wanting
to unite with Greece. Turkish invaders seized 38
percent of the island,
establishing a northern "Turkish Republic" recognized
by no one but Ankara,
while the Greeks kept their "Republic of Cyprus" in
the south.

   A "green line" manned by United Nations troops
separates the two. And Turkey 
still has 35,000 troops and 300 tanks in the northern
sector, saying they are
needed to protect the Turkish minority.

   In the shallow Aegean, where the continental shelf
between the two countries 
is virtually one and the same, they keep contesting
the ownership of islands and
mineral rights.

   In 1996, Athens said it would extend its
territorial waters from 6 miles to
12 to discourage what it called unauthorized Turkish
oil exploration. Turkey
objected to making the Aegean a "Greek lake" and
nearly went to war over two
islets inhabited only by goats.

   Greece also claims a 10-mile air limit, as opposed
to Turkey's 6-mile limit, 
which Ankara deliberately ignores.

   The United States has tried to remain neutral in
these disputes, but Greece
accuses Washington of favoring Turkey because it has
NATO's second-largest army 
and guards the alliance's southern flank.

   Konstantin Gerokostopoulos, director of the
department for Greek-Turkish
relations in the Foreign Ministry, complains that U.S.
neutrality, "despite
American maps that clearly define Greek territory,
simply encourages the
spurious claims of the Turks."

   There is also lingering Greek resentment of U.S.
support for a harsh military
junta during the Cold War. A 1967 coup, led by the
late Col. George
Papadopoulos, toppled the parliamentary government
after years of political
instability, which many Greeks blamed on what they saw
as U.S. meddling in Greek
affairs.

   The junta imposed an ultraconservative regime that
did not permit political
dissent or free expression at a time when much of
Western Europe was being
transformed by student protests and underground
movements. In a harsh crackdown 
on student demonstrators in 1973, the military regime
jailed hundreds of
opponents, tortured many and banished others to barren
islands.

   On a November visit to Greece, President Clinton
apologized that "the United 
States allowed its interests in prosecuting the Cold
War to prevail over its
interest, I should say its obligation, to support
democracy."

   But that did not stop thousands of Greek
demonstrators from taking to the
streets, as they do every year on Nov. 17, to denounce
the United States and
mark the anniversary of the junta's 1973 crackdown.
Anti-NATO protests added to 
the mayhem, with hooded protestors setting fires and
smashing storefronts in
central Athens.

   Clinton, branded a "fascist and murderer," was
forced to cut short a
three-day visit to little over a day.

   Given the fact that 97 percent of the Greek
populace opposed NATO's bombing
of Yugoslavia, their government went out on a
considerable limb supporting it.

   Prime Minister Costas Simitis provided a port,
Thesalonika, for the entry of 
NATO troops and has contributed peacekeepers for
Kosovo.

   More importantly, Greece has dropped its
longstanding opposition to Turkey
joining the European Union, hoping this will pave the
way for eventual
settlement of the Cyprus, Aegean and other disputes
with a belligerent neighbor.

   "We did this not because we want Washington to 'owe
us one,' but because we
believe it is good for NATO, for the EU and,
ultimately, for Greece," said
Gerokostopoulos. "It is in our best interests to have
peaceful relations and
economic interchange with all our neighbors.

   "But it will take a long time. And Americans should
understand that this is a
rough neighborhood. When the souvlaki (he used another
word) hits the fan, we
get splattered."

   (Holger Jensen is international editor of the
Denver Rocky Mountain News.)

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Jan 18 15:57:26 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 12:57:26 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] New York Post
Message-ID: <20000118205726.24624.qmail@web118.yahoomail.com>

   The New York Post

                           January 18, 2000, 
ARMY HEROES FIGHT FOR GOOD WILL: SOLDIERS' TALES OF
LIFE IN KOSOVO:
WE'RE NOT THE UGLY AMERICANS

Hallie Levine

 In the wake of a GI being charged in the shocking
rape and murder of an
11-year-old girl in Kosovo, two U.S. Army officers in
the war-ravaged Yugoslav
province told The Post's Hallie Levine about the
pressure of serving there.

   First is Maj. Debra Allen, 52, Task Force Falcon, a
public-affairs officer.
She has been stationed in Kosovo for a little over a
month and will be there
until July. She has a husband and two children, ages
20 and 27, in Seattle.

   HOPEFULLY, the feeling of good will here will
continue even in the aftermath 
of the murder of Merite Shabiu [allegedly by Army
Staff Sgt. Frank J. Ronghi].
One of my soldiers today spoke to a man out in a
village who said he did not
blame American soldiers.

   I think the  Albanians  here understand that it was
one man committing a
crime, that 99 percent of our soldiers are
conscientious and work hard and want 
only what is best for the community.

   I've never seen another American solider or officer
act improperly. But
still, our soldiers are concerned -- we've worked hard
to establish a
relationship here, and we don't want that destroyed by
one man's actions.

   I've been in Kosovo a month and three days, and I
can tell you I most enjoy
the professionalism of the people I work with here and
the beauty of the area
around us. It's quite beautiful countryside, even
after all that has gone on. I 
think my biggest surprise was how open the  Albanians 
are to Americans.

   Whenever the American soldiers walk out on the
street, there's no animosity
-- children wave and hold out their hands and adults
say "hello" and doff their 
hats respectfully.

   I've never been in any situation where my life was
threatened. We do not
leave the base alone -- we always travel with at least
two other soldiers, for
security reasons.

   I'm up at around 6 a.m. and at work, answering
e-mail and official documents 
and meeting with other officers.

   I think the most striking thing about Kosovo is
that, while there's no
poverty, it's like watching a modern city that stepped
back in time -- there's
no garbage pickup, no power, and, most of the time,
even the telephones don't
work. Only 25 percent of the power needed in this
country is still available.

   People come out every morning in the freezing cold
and open their businesses,
their little coal heaters in front of their buildings
as they brew their morning
coffee.

   They still have the market every day where people
sell their goods. They
don't plan on refrigeration like we do -- everyone
shops daily. The American
base has heat and plumbing. Just last month, we got
inside shower facilities
with hot water.

   I don't know if Americans back home realize the
extent of the positive things
that are happening every week in this community when
Serbian and  Albanian 
leaders come together for meetings. Both sides are
anxious to have peace in
their country and want to be safe in their homes.

   But there's still a long way to go. If a Serb
walked into an  Albanian  store
today, he probably would be killed. An  Albanian  who
sold something to a Serb
would probably have his house burned down by other 
Albanians.  The Serbs don't 
go any place unescorted right now -- we drive them for
about an hour so they can
shop across the border. (This whole province isn't
even the size of New York.)

   Both  Albanians  and Serbs have a very large
cultural memory. We have one
woman who works for us here, an  Albanian  translator,
whose younger sister was 
killed last year by the Serbs. She's only 19, but
still says she'll never forget
or forgive. It's very sad to feel the hatred of these
two peoples that has stood
through generations.

   Since the stores are all open here (they import
things all the time), the
women are all very well dressed. You walk down the
street and see kids with
backpacks and down coats and new shoes.

   The people who do the best are those working for
either the United States
government or the United Nations -- they make enough
money in a week to support 
whole families for a month. The others, who can't find
good work here, often go 
to other European countries and send money home.

   1st Sgt. William Kuhnf, 55, chief of public
affairs, has also been stationed 
in Kosovo for a little over a month and will be there
until July. He has a wife,
a 16-year-old son and a golden retriever back in
Seattle.

   THE Merite Shabiu murder is a real tragedy. I don't
think you can blame it on
the stress or our lifestyle here at all, though --
horrible crimes happen
everywhere, every day, regardless of who the person is
or where they are.

   That kind of act is abhorrent and sickens me. It
makes me feel even worse
that it would happen in this kind of setting. I think
the local population also 
sees it as an aberrant occurrence and the act of an
individual, not of the
United States Army.

   When our female soldiers walk downtown, they're
noticed -- but they're looked
at more out of curiosity than any sort of sexual
thing. I've seen some of our
soldiers notice attractive women, but never any
inappropriate behavior.

   Quite honestly, we're all working really hard here
at the American base. I'm 
up at 6:30 a.m. and often work until midnight.
Soldiers don't leave the post
unless they're with at least two people, and if you go
to the town, you're there
on official business. There's no going out on the town
or to a bar. No drinking 
is allowed.

   In general, I think the  Albanians  like the
Americans -- just our presence
here is good for the economy.

   It seems to me that the  Albanians  have a lot of
optimism. They have peace
and are working and have all the necessities -- all
the cities have things in
shops and they're not in any dire straits.

   The most difficult thing for me to adjust to in
Kosovo is the communal
living. I live with five or six people in a room,
sleeping on fold-out cots.
It's fine. At least I'm in a heated building with
electricity and light.

   The most stressful thing is the long hours and the
constant activity. My job 
isn't ever really dangerous, but it is jam-packed. I'm
the 1st sergeant, so I
supervise all the media coverage.

   I relieve stress by catching movies at the local
theater and going out for a 
run.

   Everyone on the base gets along -- no one has time
for internal fighting or
bickering. We all have a job to do and we do it
together.

   Everyone is always very friendly and cordial to one
another, but when it
comes to socializing (eating meals together, going to
church together or to
movies together), we tend to stick to our immediate
units, which usually consist
of about 15 people.

   I'm kind of reserving judgment on the whole peace
process. I know there's
supposed to be a lot of hatred between the  Albanians 
and the Serbs, but I
haven't personally seen it.

   Overall, I think we're making progress and moving
forward and I think there's
definitely a chance that peace can take place.

GRAPHIC: -OUTRAGED: 1st Sgt. William Kuhnf says of the
girl's murder: "That kind
of act is abhorrent and sickens me." William Putnam

   -HOPEFUL: Maj. Debra Allen goes through her file on
the murder investigation.
"I think the  Albanians  here understand that ... 99
percent of our soldiers are
conscientious and work hard, and want only what is
best for the community," she 
says.  William Putnam

   -EYEnOFnSTORMn: Staff Sgt. Frank Ronghi is accused
of raping and murdering a 
girl in Kosovo, charges that worry Americans on the
peacekeeping force.  AP

__________________________________________________
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Talk to your friends online with Yahoo! Messenger.
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From smastrit at bu.edu  Tue Jan 18 22:41:04 2000
From: smastrit at bu.edu (Sorkadh Mustafa)
Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 22:41:04 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Balo te hengerte Tenja....
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001182120140.174234-100000@acs5.bu.edu>

Dear members, 

Allow me to list a few quotes that Noel Malcolm makes in his book
Kosovo, A Short History.  

During the 1989 when the miners in Kosova went in hunger strikes, one of
the miners, I remember saying, "Balo te Hengerte tenja, se e ke te keqen
brenda" which translated in English means "Balo (common name for a dog) I
hope Tenja(disease common to dogs) takes you, because the disease is
inside you.(I apolegize for the bad translation)  

Noel shatters many myths about history, as it has been distorted by many
regimes in the Balkans.  Before we ask or rather can ask that the Serbs 
accept the whole truth and not an interpretation offered by opportunist
leaders, we must shatter the myths that have been given to us about our
past. 

You can bring questions about the subjects below to the panels on Friday
and Satturday by Noel Malcolm at Harvard University and Boston University
respectively.


Kosovo.  Occupied Kosovo in the Seond World War:1941-1945

pp 300
 [S]ince the Communist Party in Kosovo was in act just a small offshoot
of an overwhelmingly Slav organization, it was regarded there mainly as a
Slav entity.  By the summer of 1940 there were just 239 Parti members in
Kosovo, and of those only twenty-five were Albanians; by the outbreak of
war in the following year the total had risen to 270, but the number of
Albanians had dropped to twenty...........................


pp 302
....As one despairing Communist reprt put it in August 1943, 'The movement
in Kosovo is very weak, almost dead.  It is completely cot off from the
Albanian masses ...  Among the Albanian masses, the Communists are
regarded as having sold themselves to the Serbs.'


As late as 1941  there was no real Communist Party in Albania, merely a
scattering of Marxist cells; these were gathered into a party in the late
autumn of that year under the tutelage of two Yugoslav Communist
emissaries, Dusan Mugosa and Miladin Popovic.  The degree to which all
early decision making in the Albanian Party was controlled by these two
Yugoslavs is only now beginning to emerge, with the publication of
hitherto secret documents from the Party archives.  As Enver Hoxha, the
Party leader, admitted in an internal discusssion in 1944, 'When the Party
was formed our reliance on those two comrades, Miladin and Dusan, was
great, because I was without experience and without clear views on
organization or policy.  At the founding meeting of the the Albanian
Communist Party in November 1941 the question of Kosovo was simply not
mentioned, and complete silence also descended on the issue at the first
national conference of the party in March 1943. 

pp 303

[I}n earl August 1943 a meeting was held between the National Liberation
Movement and Balli Kombetar in the village of Mukje, north of Tirana, at
which a common programme was agreed.  As the chief Communist
representative at the meeting, Ymer Dishnica, wrote in his report to Enver
Hoxha, the question of creating an 'ethnic Albania' (i.e. one including
Kosovo) was one of the two main stumbling blocks, the other being the call
for Albanian independence, on which the Ballists refused to compromise.
(Communist policy at this stage favoured the idea of setting up a Balkan
Federation.)  In the end Dishnica reported 'We got over the obstacle of
"ethnic Albania" with a neutral formula.'  The wording they chose was as
follows: 'Struggle for an independent Albania and, through the application
of the principle - which is universally known and guaranteed by the
Atlantic Charter - of the self-determination of peoples, for an ethnic
Albania.'  This was too much for Miladin Popovic, who condemned the
proclamation issued by the Mukje conference; and Enver Hoxha wrote a
furious letter to Dishnica in which he insisted: 'You must proclaim war
against fascism, not independence.'  It was their rejection for the Mukje
agreement that marked, in effect, the declaration of war by the Communist
leadership against Balli Kombetar...

pp 303
Balli Kombetar.... [F]ounded in late 1942, (was) a movement based on the
old opposition to King Zog; Communist historians depict it as a
reactionary landowners' party, but in fact its political programme was
republican, anti-feudal and generally left-of-centre, reflecting the views
of the supporters of Fan Noli who had been driven out by Zog in 1924.
Balli Kombetar also had strong nationalist credentials: its leader was the
elderly Midhat Frasheri (son of Abdyl, the intellectual driving force of
the League of Prizren) and its programme included the traditional Albanian
national claims to the whole Albanian 'ethnic territory', which now
roughly coincided with the Greater Albania created by Mussolini.  

pp 308 
....Enver Hoxha, who, as one modern study puts it, 'must already have
resolved that it would be better from their point of view if there was no
resistance in Kosove rather than a successful movement led by Gani Kryeziu
with Brithis support'.  In August and September Hoxha ordered his forces
to attack Kryeziu's men and to kill Kryeziu humself (who was in the end
captured by Yugoslav partisans and put in a gaol); he likewise ordered the
destruction of another popular leader in the Luma region, Muharem
Bajraktar, who had actively resisted the Italians and the Germans but had
refused to become member of the 'National Liberation Movement'.

pp 312
......More alarming for the Communists, perhaps, was the fact that some of
their own Albanian soldiers turned against them.  One Albanian Partisan
commander, Shaban Polluzha, rejected an order to take his men to the front
in Srem, saying that he wanted to stay and defend his home region of
Drenica against attacks on Albanians by Cetnik bands.  His force, composed
of roughly 8000 men, was then attacked by other Partisan
units......................Kosovo resistance to the Communists would
continue until the 1950s.  Lingering resistance was a phenomenon
encountered in many parts of Yugoslavia.  Nowhere, however, did it last as
long as in Kosovo.






From eribudo at hotmail.com  Tue Jan 18 22:14:36 2000
From: eribudo at hotmail.com (ERI Budo)
Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 19:14:36 PST
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Country study on Albania
Message-ID: <20000119031436.54583.qmail@hotmail.com>

Hello,
I am informed that the Financial Times has announced one of their country 
studies, on Albania, for February 22. Should be interesting.
______________________________________________________
Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com





From albanian at bu.edu  Tue Jan 18 22:45:21 2000
From: albanian at bu.edu (Bu Albanian)
Date: Tue, 18 Jan 2000 22:45:21 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noel Malcolm in Boston.  Direction and Time
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001182242450.51148-100000@acs3.bu.edu>


> Kosovo
> Past, Present, and Future
> 
> Noel Malcolm
> Historian and Author of: 
> Kosovo, a Short History 
> Bosnia, a Short History
> Biographer of Thomas Hobbes
> 
> 
> A lecture on the crisis in Kosovo followed by
> questions and answers.
> 
> Friday January 21, 2000
> 4:30 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.
> Coolidge Hall RM 3
> 1737 Cambridge Street 
> Harvard University
> 
> Saturday January 22, 2000 
> 5 p.m. to 7 p.m.
> CAS 313 
725 Commonwealth Avenue
 Boston University
> 
> Partially funded by Boston University Student
> Undergraduate Fee.





From smastrit at bu.edu  Wed Jan 19 11:58:42 2000
From: smastrit at bu.edu (Sorkadh Mustafa)
Date: Wed, 19 Jan 2000 11:58:42 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ferid Murad @ Brigham & Women's, Fri. Jan. 28 (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001191157560.144004-100000@acs5.bu.edu>


Cellular signaling with nitric oxide and cyclic GMP
12:00 - 1:00
Bornstein Amp.





From smastrit at bu.edu  Fri Jan 21 08:27:38 2000
From: smastrit at bu.edu (Sorkadh Mustafa)
Date: Fri, 21 Jan 2000 08:27:38 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Only Independence Will Work: Noel Malcolm
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001201316180.97394-100000@acs5.bu.edu>



                                                                           


     (The article below originally appeared in The National Interest
-Winter 1998/99)

      

     Kosovo: Only Independence Will Work

     by Noel Malcolm, author of Kosovo: A Short History (New York
University Press, 1998)

         If Flaubert were alive today, he would be taking a special
interest in Western
     policy on the Balkans. He was always fascinated by a certain kind of
accepted
     wisdom, which shades off into platitudes, cliches, and expressions of
sheer stupidity
     -- what he lovingly described as la betise. An updated version of his
Dictionary of
     Received Ideas would have to include several new entries derived from
Western
     policymakers during the Bosnian war: "Balkan people: full of ancient
ethnic hatreds.
     Cannot stop fighting one another." "NATO air strikes: completely
ineffective without
     the deployment of hundreds of thousands of NATO ground troops."
"Arming the victims:
     creates a level killing field. Only prolongs the war", and so on.

         More recent events would have added a couple of new entries:
"Kosova, autonomy
     of: must be restored." "Kosova, independence of: dangerous and
destabilizing; would
     lead to new Balkan war." These two received ideas are constantly
affirmed by our
     politicians and diplomats; the moe they are repeated, the less often
anyone pauses
     to question their truth. How could a policy assumption be wrong, when
the foreign
     ministry of every major power in the West is agreed about it? The
Bosnian
     experience suggests that the answer to that question is: very easily.
Some serious
     thinking is needed about the possibility of independence as a
long-term solution for
     Kosovo. If, as I believe, the foreign policy establishment has got
this issue completely
     wrong, the consequences, in terms of Balkan instability and costly
Western
     involvement -- to say nothing of the lives of thousands of the local
inhabitants --
     could be severe.

         Already, the West's insistence that autonomy is the only solution
has generated
     problems, both for Western diplomacy and for the Kosovo Albanians.
Despite the
     self-congratulatory spin that Western governments put on Richard
Holbrooke's
     October agreement with Slobodan Milosevic, it is clear that major
concessions were
     made to the Yugoslav president. (Perhaps the most important was the
abondonment
     of plans to have NATO-controlled observers backed up by NATO
firepower; instead,
     the unarmed observers are controlled by the OSCE, a notoriously
toothless,
     amorphous, and politically manipulable body.)

         Holbrooke was in fact in a very weak negotiating position. The
message his
     political masters were sending to Milosevic was: "We shall attack
your forces in
     Kosovo, going to war, in effect, on behalf of the Albanians against
you -- and then,
     when we have defeated your army, we shall turn around to the
Albanains and tell
     them to go back under your rule, with a little regional autonomy to
keep them
     happy." Milosevic must have known that this was illogical, and
therefore he must
     also have known that the threat of military action could be heavily
discounted.

         Now that the deal has gone through, however, the illogicality is
simply transferred
     to the West's dealings with the Kosovo Albanians. For more than six
months
     American diplomats were preoccupied with getting the Albanians to
form a united
     negotiating front. After the Holbrooke-Milosevic agreement was
signed, the
     diplomats' aim has been to persuade those Albanians to negotiate for
autonomy, and
     nothing more. But since the vast majority of Albanians in Kosovo want
independence
     (having voted massively for it in an unofficial referendum as long
ago as 1991), any
     local politician who signs up to mere autonomy now will be
discredited, and perhaps
     even targeted in the first stirrings of a potential civil war. By
insisting on a
     commitment to autonomy, Western diplomats will polarize Kosovan
politics and
     undermine precisely those moderate Kosovo Albanian politicians whose
role they
     most need to strengthen. It looks like a new application of the
principle of "divide and
     rule": the West gets to divide the Kosovo Albanians, and Milosevcic
gets to rule them.

         The way out of these immediate problems, and the way toward a
genuine,
     long-term settlement, lies in rethinking, from first principles, the
accepted
     arguments on autonomy and independence. These can be divided broadly
into two
     categories: arguments about the intrinsic justifiability of
independence, and
     arguments about its consequences. Let us take the intrinsic arguments
first.

         The main claim here is that Kosovo simply has no right, in
constitutional or
     international law, to independence. The outside world has recognized
(in, for
     examople, the wording of Security Council Resolution 1199) that
Kosovo forms part of
     the territory of a sovereign Yugoslav state; and as the diplomats
never tire of
     repeating, the West is not in favor of changes to international
borders. But these
     objections are precisely the ones that were made in 1991, when
Slovenia and
     Croatia demanded independence. Eventually Western governments
recognized those
     countries, having discovered that this involved not so much a change
of borders as a
     change in the staus of existing borders; the lines on the map
remained the same,
     but their status was upgraded from republican to national.

         Could Kosovo qualify for the same treatment? The answer, in terms
of
     consitutional and international law, is that it could -- and, indeed,
that it should
     have been offered independence when the old Yugoslavia broke up in
1991-92.
     Under the Yugoslav constitution of 1974 Kosovo was equivalent in most
ways to
     Slovenia, Croatia, and the other republics. True, its position -- as
an "autonomous
     province" -- was not identical to theirs; in theory, it had dual
status, being defined
     both as a component of the republic of Serbia and as a component of
the federal
     Yugoslavia. But in practice it exercised the same powers as a
republic, having its
     own parliament, high courts, central bank, police service, and
territorial defense
     force; it was formally defined (from 1968 onwards) as part of the
federal system, and
     it was represented directly -- not via the Republic of Serbia -- at
the federal level. By
     all normal criteria of constitutional analysis, Kosovo was primarily
a federal unit,
     and only very secondarily a component of Serbia.

         In 1991 the European Community set up a committee of jurists, the
Badminter
     Commmission, to advise it on the break-up of Yugoslavia. The
commission's key
     finding was that the whole federal system was in a process of
"dissolution." In other
     words, what happened when Slovenia and Croatia became independent was
not
     secession, not the falling away of a few branches from a continuing
trunk; rather,
     the whole federal state dissolved into its constituent units. (The
present-day
     "Yugoslavia" is not the continuation of the old Yugoslavia, but a new
state, formed by
     the coming together of two units, Serbia and Montenegro.)
Unfortunately, the
     Badminter Commission never said which units were the constituent
ones, and
     Western governments simply made a policy decision to regard only the
six republics
     as such -- thus treating Kosovo as a wholly owned subsidiary of
Serbia. Possibly they
     were influenced by the fact that, by this stage, Milosevic had
already stripped away
     Kosovo's autonomous powers. But if Serbia's right to rule Kosovo is
to be based on the
     mere fact that Milosevic had downgraded its status just efore the
break-up of
     Yugoslavia, it will rest on very shaky foundations, as the relevent
constitutional
     changes were pushed through under extreme duress, with tanks in the
streets and
     war planes roaring overhead.

         The other intrinsic argument against independence for Kosovo is
historical, not
     legal. Most Western diplomats seem to believe that Kosovo is an
essential part of
     historic Serbian state territory, so that to remove it would be as
bizarre as separating
     Yorkshire from England. This argument too is false.

         Kosovo was not, as Serbs claim, the "birthplace" or "cradle" of
the Serb nation, and
     it came under Serb rule for only the last part of the medieval
period. Since then it
     has been excluded from any Serb or Yugoslav state for more than 400
out of the last
     500 years. It was conquered (but not legally annexed) by Serbia in
1912, against the
     wishes of the local Albanian majority population, and it became part
of a Yugoslav
     kingdom (not a Serbian one) after 1918. In other words, out iof the
entire span of
     modern history, Kosovo has been ruled by Belgrade for less than a
single lifetime.

         Of course it is true that the national mythology of Serbia -- a
mythology developed
     largely by nineteenth-century ideologists -- sets great store by the
historic
     importance of Kosovo, thanks to the famous battle of 1389 and the
presence of some
     important medieval monasteries, including the Patriarchate. But
modern political
     geography cannot be determined by old battlefields, however
symbolically charged
     they may be by the defeats incurred at them; if that were so, France
would claim
     Waterloo, and Germany Stalingrad. Similarly, if modern borders had to
bow to
     religious history, Kiev would be part of Russia and Istanbul part of
Greece. Any
     independence deal for Kosovo would naturally have to include
guarantees on the
     protection of cultural and religious sites; but that is a separate
issue, and not such a
     hard one to resolve.

         Aside from those intrinsic arguments, the Western diplomats also
argue against
     independence for Kosovo on the grounds that it would set risky
precedents or have
     dangerous consequences. A common claim is that if Kosovo gained
independence,
     the Serb-ruled half of Bosnia, Republika Srpska, would also be
entitled to break away
     from Bosnia. As Warren Zimmerman recently noted in these pages, "U.S.
officials
     are particularly worried that Western acceptance of an independent
'Kosova' would
     destroy the Dayton agreement on Bosnia, which is based on
integration, not
     separation" (Summer 1998).

         But those offcials are making a completely false parallel between
the two cases.
     As explained above, Kosovo's independent statehood would be based on
the fact that
     it -- just like Bosnia -- had been a unit of the old federal
Yugoslavia; Republika
     Srpska never was such a unit, and indeed was granted legal status for
the first time
     only in 1995, on the strict condition that it remain part of the
sovereign Bosnian
     state. For most of modern history the territory of Republika Srpska
has been an
     integral part of a Bosnian entity, whereas Kosovo has been legally
attached to a
     Serbian entity only for the last fifty-three years.

         The other arguments involving precedents or consequences is about
Macedonia,
     which has its own large Albanian minority. It is said that
independence for Kosovo
     would encourage the Macedonian Albanians to carve off a territory of
their own from
     the Macedonian state. In fact, the leading Albanian politicians in
Macedonia make no
     linkage between independence for Kosovo, which they support, and a
carve-up of
     Macedonia, which they do not want. One obvious reason why they do not
want it is
     that more than 200,000 Albanians live in the capital, Skopje, which
would certainly
     be left in the Slav half of any partitioned Macedonia.

         But there is a different and real danger. A long, simmering
confict in Kosovo
     would gradually radicalize the Albanians of Macedonia, as their young
men crossed
     the mountains to fight. Some of them would return home imbued with
the wild
     rhetoric of "Greater Albania", which certainly exists in some
branches of the Kosovo
     Liberation Army. Such radicalization would undermine the responsible
political
     leadership that represents the Macedonian Albanians today;
eventually, fighting
     could develop in Macedonia too. And the cause of this radicalization
process -- a long,
     simemring conflict in Kosovo -- is precisely what Western policy
guarantees when it
     denies to the Kosovars the one thing, independence, for which they
are still
     determined to fight. Thus Western policy, which aims above all at
preventing the
     destabilization of Macedonia, will create precisely the outcome it
most fears.

         What, THEN, can be done? Independence cannot come immediately to
Kosovo;
     that would be too much of a shock to Serb pride, and would provoke a
violent
     response. In the very long term, however, Kosovo will certainly be
separated from
     Serbia; even some Serb nationalists concede this, when they compare
birth rates
     and calculate that Albanians will outnumber Serbs in the whole of
Serbia by the
     mid-twenty-first century. The solution, then, must lie in the
medium-term --
     something along the lines of the settlement that ended the war in
Chechnya, with a
     long interim period of autonomy leading finally to full
self-determination.
     Conditionality could be built into such an agreement: to qualify for
the eventual move
     to independence the autonomous Kosovo would have to satisfy key
conditions, such
     as respecting the rights of the Serb minority and abandoning any
territorial
     ambitions outside the present Kosovan borders. Such a solution would
restore
     authority to the moderate Albanian political leaders, drawing supprt
back toward
     them and away from the hardliners in the Kosovo Liberation Army. The
continuation
     of the West's present policy on the other hand, far from solving
Kosovo's problems,
     will only make them and those of the whole Balkan region -- far more
lethally
     insoluble in the future.







From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Jan 21 11:30:09 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 21 Jan 2000 08:30:09 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per propozimin per komisionin parlamentar per paktin e stabilitetit
Message-ID: <20000121163009.14125.qmail@web115.yahoomail.com>

Njoftim nga Tirana

OPOZITA  RREZON PROPOZIMIN E NANOS DHE TE PS

KOMISIONI I I JASHTEM I PARLAMENTIT  BLLOKON NISMEN  
PER NJE KOMISION SPECIAL PER PAKTIN E STABILITETIT KU
NANO DO TE ISHTE KRYETAR  DHE  NJE LIDER I OPOZITES
NENKRYETAR

POLLO: KETO PROPOZIME  SJELLIN DYZIMIN E
INSTITUCIONEVE; NUK KEMI PSE TE NGREME TRIBUNA PER 
PERSONA TE VECANTE.
DEMI:  KETE NISME AVENTUROZE TE NANOS E KUNDERSHTOVA
QYSH NE SOFJE


3 votat kundra te dep. Pollo Demi dhe Godo ( kryetar i
komisionit) kane bllokuar propozimin e Nanos dhe te
grupit parlamentar te PS  te mbeshtetur nga Luan Rama,
Pavli Zeri e Januz Bega. Te tjere deputete te PS e
PBDNJ  kane preferuar abstenimin. 
Propozimi parashihte qe nje Komision special
parlamentar te mbikqyrte punen e Qeverise per Paktin e
Stabilitetit, ta therriste ne raport ate dhe ti
caktonte detyra. Gjithashtu  kompetence do te ishte
koordinimi i aktivitetit te komisioneve te perhershme
te Kuvendit si dhe vendosja e  lidhjeve  direkte me
organizmat nderkombetare sidomos me asamblete
nderlombetare si OSBE, Keshilli i Europes e Parlamenti
Europian. 
Pollo deklaroi ne komision se nje komision i tille bie
ne kundershtim me legjislacionin ne fuqi, me
rregulloren parlamentare si dhe me traditen pluraliste
te Kuvendit.  Ne relacion thuhet se te tilla struktura
kane vendosur edhe vendet e tjera te rajonit kurse
sipas informacioni zyrtar dhe vete deputeteve
socialiste kjo rezulton e pavertete. Per me teper
Kuvendit nuk i duhen organe ku te jete vetem PS e
ndonje satelit dhe te perjashtohet opozita duke dhene
nje imazh te keq para shqiptareve e botes. Propozime
te tilla nuk i sherbejne shtetit ligjor por vetem
krijojn tribuna fjalimesh per persona te caktuar
Z Demi tha ne mbledhje se nje propozim aventuroz te
tille e kishte kundershtuar qysh ne Nendor 99 ne nje
mbledhje te KE ne Sofje ku Nano e parashtroi per here
te pare. Pakti i Stabiliteti kerkon nje pergjigje nga
tere shteti dhe organet e tij  perfshi Qeverine dhe
Parlamentin. Nese pushtetaret aktuale nuk i japin dot
nje pergjigje eficiente dhe dinjitoze atehere  nuk pse
ata te merren me krijimin e duplikatave te cuditshme .

--------------------------

__________________________________________________
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From kruja at fas.harvard.edu  Fri Jan 21 13:39:54 2000
From: kruja at fas.harvard.edu (Eriola Kruja)
Date: Fri, 21 Jan 2000 13:39:54 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Teaching Position (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.4.10.10001211339370.2359-100000@is01.fas.harvard.edu>

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 21 Jan 2000 12:55:10 -0500
From: Margaret Cooper <MCooper7 at compuserve.com>
To: Albanian Students <webmaster at albstudent.org>
Subject: Teaching Position

BTG, a contractor supplying language support to the US Government, has a
requirement for an instructor to teach a 'survival' level Albanian language
course (including culture, religion, and history) at Fort Bragg, NC from 28
January until 17 February, 2000.

Travel will be compensated and lodging has been arranged.

The instructor should be fluent enough in English to teach, have a
instructional background, and a minimum of the equivalent of a bachelor of
arts degree.  The candidate must also be legally able to work in the US.

Please contact Mike Murley, either through this e-mail or by calling
910-497-3968 between 10 AM and 2 PM, EST.





From albanian at bu.edu  Fri Jan 21 22:05:17 2000
From: albanian at bu.edu (Bu Albanian)
Date: Fri, 21 Jan 2000 22:05:17 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Noel Malcolm visits Boston
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001212152520.137402-100000@acs5.bu.edu>

Dear members,

If you missed today's lecture at Harvard, do not feel bad. Dr. Malcolm 
will be giving a second lecture at Boston University.

College of Arts and Sciences (CAS) RM 313
725 Commonwealth Avenue
Boston University
Saturday Jan. 22
5 p.m. to 7 p.m.

If you cannot make it for any reason, you will be able to listen to this
lecture on WBUR 90.9 FM, National Public Radio which was arranged
by Frosina Information Network.  WBUR will air this lecture  on the "World
of Ideas" Sunday, February 6 at 9 p.m. 
 
For directions about how to get to Boston University go to 

http://www.mapquest.com

or for just a map of Boston University go to 

http://www.bu.edu/map

Sorkadh Mustafa





From aalibali at yahoo.com  Fri Jan 21 16:48:01 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Fri, 21 Jan 2000 13:48:01 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Fwd: Mesazh nga Tirana
Message-ID: <20000121214801.13399.qmail@web117.yahoomail.com>

Mesazhi i meposhtem eshte derguar nga Tirana.
Ne qofte se ka persona qe kualifikohen apo jane te
interesuar per sa me poshte, mund te kontakohet
drejtperdrejte adresa e dhene ketu.


> Reply-to: gedeshi at mail.adanet.net
> To: aalibali at yahoo.com
> Subject: Mesazh nga Tirana
> .........................
Qendra e Studimeve Ekonomike dhe
> Sociale, Tirane po zhvillon nje studim me qellim
> evidentimin e elites
> intelektuale jashte shtetit. Per kete eshte krijuar
> nje liste (data
> bank) me te dhenat e studenteve shqiptare qe
> kryejne ose kane mbaruar studimet universitare ose
> pasuniversitare
> jashte shtetit. Te dhenat e studenteve mblidhen
> nepermjet nje pyetesori
> te pergatitur per secilen kategori, student, Master
> ose PhD dhe qe
> plotesohet nga vete personat. Do t?ju lutesha edhe
> juve ta plotesonit
> formularin e meposhtem dhe te ma dergonit sa me
> shpejt qe te mundeni.
>  Gjithashtu do t?ju isha mirenjohese ne rast se do
> te me jepnit ndonje
> emer dhe adrese e-maili te ndonje  studenti tjeter
> shqiptar qe ju mund
> te njihni atje si per studime universitare ashtu
> edhe per Master ose PhD
> 
> me qellim qe t?u dergojme edhe atyre nje formular te
> ngjashem me tuajin.
>
.......................................................
>                                           FORMULAR 1
> Anketa per studentet qe kryejne studimet
> universitare jashte shtetit
> I.
> 1. Emer ? Atesia ? Mbiemer
> 2. Viti I lindjes
> 3. Vendlindja
> 4. Gjendja civile
> 5. Vendodhja e familjes dhe adresa
> a. Shteti
> b. Qyteti
> c. Adresa
> d. Tel/Fax
> 6. Gjuhet qe zoteroni
> II
> 7. Shteti ku kryeni studimet universitare
> 8. Qyteti
> 9. Emri I Universitetit
> 10. Fakulteti
> 11. Dega
> 12. Data e fillimit te studimeve
> 13. Data e perfundimit te studimeve
> 14. Kush I financon studimet
> 15. A deshironi te vazhdoni studimet per master (Po,
> Jo)
> 16. A deshironi te vazhdoni studimet per doktorature
> (Po, Jo)
> 17. A deshironi te ktheheni ne Shqiperi pas
> perfundimit te studimeve
> (Po, Jo, Nuk e di)
> 
> ____________________________________________________
> 
>                                           FORMULAR 2
> 
>                  Te dhena per intelektualet qe kane
> kryer studimet per
> Master jashte shtetit
> 
> I.
>  Emer - Atesia - Mbiem?r
>  Viti i lindjes
>  Gjinia
>  Vendlindja
>  Gj?ndja civile
>  Adresa personale
>  a. Shteti
>  b. Qyteti
>  c. Adresa
>  d. Tel/Fax
>  Adresa e kontaktit ne Shqiperi
> Qyteti
> Adresa
> Tel/Fax
>  Gjuh?t q? zot?roni
> II.
>  A keni kryer studime universitare jasht? shtetit?
> (PO, JO)
>  N?qoft?se PO
>  a. Shteti
>  b. Qyteti
>  c. Emri i Universitetit
>  d. Fakulteti
>  e. Dega
>  f. Periudha e studimeve universitare (viti i
> fillimit dhe i mbarimit)
> III.
>  Tema e Masterit
>  Shteti ku e keni mbrojtur ose e mbroni
>  a. Qyteti
>  b. Institucioni
>  c. Viti i fillimit
>  d. Viti i mbarimit
> IV.
>  Pun?simi aktual
>  a. Shteti
>  b. Institucioni
>  c. Qyteti
>  d. Adresa
>  e. Tel/Fax, E-mail
>  A p?rputhet vendi juaj i pun?s me kualifikimin tuaj
> (PO, JO)
> 
> 
__________________________________________________
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From smastrit at bu.edu  Fri Jan 21 21:37:34 2000
From: smastrit at bu.edu (Sorkadh Mustafa)
Date: Fri, 21 Jan 2000 21:37:34 -0500 (EST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albanians encouraged to buy houses. Free money for first home buyers.
In-Reply-To: <Pine.OSF.4.10.10001211339370.2359-100000@is01.fas.harvard.edu>
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.4.10.10001212120160.159084-100000@acs5.bu.edu>


City of Salem is offering to pay 5% of the cost of a house the buyer is a
first-time-buyer.  It will be no more than $6,500 or up to 11,000 if you
promise to stay in that house for a period of around 15 yrs. ( I am not
sure about this last figure).  My cousin who just bought a house in Salem
received a check for $5,500.  Inquire at Salem on the Green, the Planning
office.  It is better if you go in person since they tend to pass you from
one line to another if you try to call.  An extra added bonus; there is
quite an Albanian community that is growing in Salem.  If anyone needs
any help for house recomendations or finding a job please do not hesitate
to contact me, as I am sure I can direct you to someone who can help as I
am a resident of Salem.  The Salem community is very frendly, diverse,
and very interesting, especially around Halloween time. 

Hope people find this helpful.

sorkadhi  






From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 23 08:40:27 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 23 Jan 2000 05:40:27 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Travel grants
Message-ID: <20000123134027.928.qmail@web121.yahoomail.com>

The Southeast European Studies Association (SEESA)
announces the second
round of its Harrison Small Grants program. SEESA will
award several travel
grants of up to $500 for graduate student travel to
conferences with panels
on Southeastern Europe in the 2000 calendar year.
Grants will be made only
to graduate students enrolled in North American
universities presenting
papers in any discipline related to the Southeast
European region, including
the successor states of the former Yugoslavia,
Bulgaria, Romania, Albania,
Greece, and Turkey. Proposals which will focus on
comparative analysis of
issues across national boundaries in Southeast Europe
will be given
preference. Grants will be disbursed once receipts
from conference travel
are submitted following the conference. To apply send
a letter, one-page
c.v., a supporting letter from a university faculty,
estimated costs of
travel to the conference, and a brief summary of the
proposed paper to:
Prof. Robert Greenberg, SEESA President, Department of
Slavic Languages and
Literatures, CB#3165, 425 Dey Hall, University of
North Carolina, Chapel
Hill, NC 27599-3165. For further inquiries you can
send e-mail to
greenber- at unc.edu. Application deadline is February
15, 2000.  To find out
more about the Southeast European Studies Association
and how to join,
please visit our website at
http://www.unc.edu/depts/seesa.


Prof. Robert D. Greenberg                             
Dept. of Slavic Languages and Literatures      
CB# 3165, 425 Dey Hall                                
University of North Carolina                          
 
Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3165
Office phone: (919) 962-7550
Office FAX:   (919) 962-2278
Home phone:   (919) 929-0563
E-mail: greenber- at unc.edu
http://www.unc.edu/~rdgreenb

President of the Southeast European Studies
Association (SEESA)
SEESA website located at http://www.unc.edu/depts/seesa
__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 23 08:43:31 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 23 Jan 2000 05:43:31 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] On Freedom of Expression in Southeastern Europe
Message-ID: <20000123134331.1156.qmail@web121.yahoomail.com>

   
 
 
Subject: Greece report/action alert (foe and media in
1999
From: IFEX Action Alert Network by 
 


IFEX- News from the international freedom of
expression community
_________________________________________________________________

REPORT/ACTION ALERT - GREECE

14 January 2000

Freedom of expression and the media in 1999

SOURCE: Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM), Glyka Nera

(GHM/IFEX) - The following is an excerpt on freedom of
expression and media
from a 7 January 2000 joint GHM and Minority Rights
Group-Greece annual
report on human rights in Greece:

GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR (GHM)
MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP-GREECE (MRG-G)
P.O. Box 60820 GR-15304 Glyka Nera Greece
Tel. +30-1-347.22.59 Fax +30-1-601.87.60
e-mail: offic- at greekhelsinki.gr web page:
http://www.greekhelsinki.gr

HUMAN RIGHTS IN GREECE:
JOINT CONCISE ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1999

7 January 2000

GHM and MRG-G Focus: Freedom of expression and media;
conscientious
objectors; protection of ethnic minorities;
citizenship; religious
tolerance; protection of asylum seekers and
immigrants; harassment of human
rights activists.

Introduction

The most positive development in 1999, with lasting
effects, was the
consistently commendable work of the Ombudsman's
office, set up in October
1998. His reports have provided official documentation
to many longtime
human rights violations and offered concrete
solutions, some of which were
soon after implemented. Moreover, in late July 1999,
for the first time in
Greece's modern history, there was a debate on the
possible modernization of
the country's minority and citizenship policies. Under
the impetus of
Foreign Minister George Papandreou, a renowned
supporter of
multiculturalism, the public was informed that Greece
was finally moving
towards the application of the internationally
accepted norms for national
minorities and the recognition of the right to
self-identification for
Macedonians and Turks. However, this created a general
backlash among
politicians and media against the Minister, and the
minority and human
rights NGOs that had previously made similar demands:
as a result, the
ratification of the Framework Convention on National
Minorities, announced
for the fall, was postponed indefinitely.

Many Greek journalists faced charges for criticizing
public officials and/or
were convicted to prison sentences for libel.
Self-censorship and distortion
of information were present in the coverage of the
NATO air strikes on the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Alternative civilian
service was made
available to Conscientious Objectors, yet its
application in practice
continued to be punitive. Religious minorities faced
different forms of
discrimination by various local officials. Some
Macedonians born in Greece
continued to have problems entering their fatherland.
The Roma minority
faced numerous evictions, horrendous health and
hygienic conditions, as well
as social marginalization. There remained stateless
people, recurrently
harassed by the authorities. Immigrants faced
discrimination and xenophobia
and were unfoundedly blamed for the rise of
criminality. The activities of
human rights and minority organizations were
occasionally met with hostility
and predominant 'hate speech' in the media.

Freedom of Expression and the Media

In general, Greek media were free, but there were
still cases of journalists
brought to court for alleged crimes related to the
exercise of their
profession. Despite multiple appeals by GHM and
international freedom of
expression organizations, Greece continued to punish
journalists with prison
sentences in cases of libel or defamation and to
prosecute them for the
publication of leaked confidential documents.

- In a positive development, on 21 January 1999, an
Appeals Court acquitted
Yannis Tzoumas, journalist and publisher of Alithia, a
daily on the island
of Chios. Tzoumas had been convicted in 1998 to four
months' imprisonment
for defamation because his paper had called Minister
Stavros Soumakis
"minister of the ship owners ... who sunbathes at the
villas of the ship
owners." During the first instance trial, the facts
were confirmed as
accurate, but the court considered the "harsh style"
of the article
defamatory. The Appeals Court confirmed the veracity
of the facts and stated
that there was no intent to defame the minister but
only to criticize his
behavior, albeit in harsh style.

- Also in January 1999, the Supreme Court overturned a
July 1998 censorship
verdict. A Thessaloniki court had ordered the removal
from the Dictionary of
the Modern Greek Language, in every future reprint or
edition, of the
mention to the abusive use of the word "Bulgarian" to
mean players and fans
of soccer teams based in Thessaloniki, northern
Greece. In the verdict, the
Supreme Court stated that the disputed dictionary
entry did constitute an
offence against the plaintiff (lawyer and elected city
councilor of
Thessaloniki, Theodore Aspasidis), but that the
offence was not against the
law, as it was included in a scholarly publication,
and there was no intent
to offend the plaintiff.

- On 7 March 1999, the Chief Prosecutor of the First
Instance Court of
Athens, G. Koliokostas, brought criminal charges for
disclosure of state
secrets -punishable with up to ten years imprisonment
under article 146 of
the penal code- against all those responsible for the
publication on 6 March
in the country's largest daily newspaper Ta Nea of a
top secret report. The
report was written by Greek Ambassador to Kenya G.
Kostoulas and covered the
events that contributed to Ocalan's capture by Turkey.
In October, reporter
George Papachristou and his publisher Leon
Karapanayotis -charged as an
instigating principal under article 46- answered the
charges to the
investigating judge. The case is expected to go to
court in 2000.

- In March 1999 journalist Manolis Vasilakis was fired
by the Exousia
newspaper for an article in which he was examining the
role of the
nationalist group 'Network 21' in the Ocalan case.
Network 21 members have
since filed suits for aggravated defamation in civil
courts, against him and
many more journalists who made similar arguments,
asking for
disproportionate fines of hundreds of million of drs
($1=app. 300drs).

- On 4 May 1999, a Three-Member Misdemeanor Court of
Xanthi convicted Greek
Helsinki Monitor Spokesperson Panayote Dimitras to a
suspended sentence of 5
months in prison for defamation of minority lawyer
Orhan Hadjiibram. P.
Dimitras was never properly summoned and was
nevertheless tried in
abstentia. The court considered defamatory a GHM
statement critical of
Hadjiibram's handling of the stateless issue, even
though it stated that the
facts therein were true. The court did not specify
which words, phrases or
sentences were defamatory, but considered that there
was intent to defame
the lawyer. An appeal is set for 12 January 2000.

- On 18 May 1999, journalist Dimitris Rizos, editor
and publisher of the
"Adesmeftos Typos" daily, was given by a Three-Member
Misdemeanor Court of
Athens a five-month suspended sentence for insulting
George Papazoglou, a
former cadre of the newspaper. The incriminating text
did include insulting
characterizations of Papazoglou. Rizos was set free on
appeal.

- On 19 May 1999, journalist Charalambos
Triantafyllidis, editor and
publisher of the Enimerosi weekly (in Florina,
northwestern Greece), was
convicted by the three-member Appeals Court in Kozani,
and given a
five-month suspended prison sentence for insulting
Florina's then
prefect-elect Pavlos Altanis, on 11 November 1998. The
incriminating text
was nothing more than strong criticism of the alleged
clientelistic and
revengeful actions of the newly elected prefect and
had no outright
insulting characteristics that could stand in a fair
court. Triantafyllidis
was also given a fine of GDR 500,000 (approx. USD
1,635) for damages.

- On 21 May 1999, Dimitris Rizos was convicted by a
Three-Member Appeals
Court of Athens to twelve months in prison for the
repeated aggravated
defamation of four members of the board of directors
of the rival Eleftheros
Typos daily. His incriminating interview to a
television station in
September 1994 did include unsubstantiated allegations
of embezzlement of
funds. Rizos' sentence was converted to a pecuniary
one. He bought it off
and was set free.

- On 1 June 1999, Vicky Bataya, publisher of "High"
magazine, was convicted
by a Three-Member Misdemeanor Court of Athens to 18
months in prison for
aggravated defamation of singer George Dalaras. She
was set free on appeal.

- In another positive development, on 28 June 1999, an
Appeals Court
converted to a fine a previously imposed three-year
sentence to the
publisher of the daily "To Onoma" Makis Psomaidis for
aggravated defamation
of Minister Costas Laliotis. In 1998, the latter was
first convicted to four
years in prison, and the Supreme Court had partially
overturned the
judgement. He paid the fine and was set free.

- On 1 September 1999, the publisher of the local
newspaper "Rhodiaki" in
Rhodoes, Athanasios Marasiotis, was briefly arrested
following charges
brought against him for defamation by an individual.
The charges were based
on the fact that the newspaper published an out of
court summons by a
company claiming that the individual owed a large sum
to the company. The
publisher of another local paper, "Proodos," George
Diamantidis, also
charged for the same reason, escaped arrest as he was
absent. It was
reported that the arrests were sought because of past
criticism of the
police by these newspapers.

- In November 1999, the Public Prosecutor of Mytilini
indicted two
journalists for defamation and aggravated defamation
(articles 362 and 363
respectively) after charges were brought by the police
of Lesvos. The two
journalists, Stratis Balaskas and George Kondiloudis,
had written an article
in the Eleftherotypia newspaper. The article referred
to alleged relations
of police officers of Lesvos with smugglers in a local
olive press.

- On 6 December 1999, a three-member Misdemeanor Court
of Athens convicted
Dimitris Rizos, publisher of "Adesmeftos Typos," for
aggravated defamation
of Costas Mitsis, publisher of another newspaper with
the exact same name,
"Adesmeftos Typos." He was sentenced to ten months in
prison and was set
free on appeal.

Although most journalists would deny its existence,
self-censorship,
especially on sensitive "national" issues, is a common
practice among
journalists in order to preserve their jobs and
status. The coverage of the
war in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia provided
several examples in this
respect. In a letter to the Journalists' Union of
Athens (ESIEA), on 4 April
1999, veteran journalist Richardos Someritis stated
that

"... many Greek journalists, mainly in radio and
television broadcasting,
behave like soldiers in the front: they have chosen
their camp, their
uniform, their flag. If they are columnists, it is
their right to do so.
Nevertheless, how come even the Patriarch is censored
by many of the media?
Isn't ESIEA concerned about this problem? Shouldn't it
remind journalists
that their role is to inform? I wonder if our statutes
and our code of
ethics have been replaced by declarations of various
committees of
'friendship' and propaganda."

On 2 April 1999, regarding the closure of the Serbian
radio station B92 by
the Serb authorities, the Greek state news agency
reported on a statement by
the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), but
mentioned none of the
main IFJ arguments. Moreover, the IFJ reference to the
credibility of
military information was selectively distorted while
no reference was made
to the IFJ's denunciation of the information blackout
in Kosovo and the
crackdown on the media in Serbia. Only after GHM
raised the issue, did the
agency write a complete coverage of the story.

On 11 June 1999, the private "Mega Channel" censored
its mandatory
pre-electoral program devoted to presentations by
small parties, by removing
the presentation of "Rainbow," the Macedonian minority
party, while keeping
all other presentations including the one made by the
extreme-right
"National Front". The National Radio and Television
Council did not take the
prescribed by law sanction, while no one condemned
this act of censorship.

On 21 October 1999, two journalists from Halkidiki's
"Super Channel" were
beaten by a mob led by Mayor Costas Papayannis, in
Kasandra, Halkidiki
(Northern Greece). Costas Glykos and Michalis
Katsamiras were covering the
mob's attempt to prevent the local Jehovah's Witnesses
(JWs) from starting
the construction of their house of worship,
construction that had been
authorized by the authorities. During the violent
incident, JWs as well as
two representatives of the Ombudsman's office were
harassed by the mob. The
two journalists and the JWs pressed charges against
the mayor and some
alleged accomplices. On 22 October, the prosecutor
formally indicted the
mayor and his accomplices for crimes that included
inciting to religious
hatred. Nevertheless, neither during the incident, nor
in the ensuing
forty-eight hours, did the police arrest the alleged
perpetrators of the
crimes as called for by the code of criminal
procedure.

On 9 November 1999, an Athens Court postponed for 2000
the trial of Sotiris
Bletsas, member of the Society for Aroumanian (Vlach)
Culture. He was
indicted because in 1995 he had distributed a
publication of the European
Union's Bureau for Lesser Used Languages (in which
Sotiris Bletsas was the
Greek "observer") which mentioned the minority
languages in Greece. The
prosecution for dissemination of false information
(article 191 of the Penal
Code) was triggered by charges pressed by ND deputy
Eugene Haitidis and the
prosecution's witnesses included the leadership of the
Panhellenic Union of
Vlach Associations.

On 2 December 1999, twelve police officers raided the
administrative offices
of the non-profit association 'Biblical Circle'
running Channel Station 2000
Radio, and arrested 73-year-old retired pastor Lakis
Regas, who was working
as a technician on the premises when the police
arrived. Regas spent the
night in jail. He was released the next day by a
judge's order. Greek
authorities accused Channel Station 2000 of not having
the proper operating
license, but it is well known that no private radio
station has ever managed
to get one. A trial was set for 31 January 2000. In
1994, the government had
already shut down Greece's only Evangelical television
station, "Hellas 62."

On 20 October 1999, a citizen's arrest of a
"cameraman" during a
demonstration led to the revelation that, at least
since 1994, police
officers were being officially assigned the duty of
filming demonstrations
and were given professional cards of photo press
agencies as covers.
Following media protests, authorities gave a vague
promise they will stop
such practice.

Finally, Evangelos Yannopoulos, abusing of his
parliamentary immunity and
his influential position of Minister of Justice, has
repeatedly attacked and
insulted journalists or other politicians who have
been vocally critical of
his present or past record, including by bringing
charges against them. On 5
January 2000, a Three-Member Appeals Court of Athens
convicted Prefect of
Athens Theodore Katrivanos to 15 months in prison for
aggravated defamation
of the Minister, because he had challenged the
latter's controversial
resistance record during the Second World War. During
the long trial, the
Minister insulted veteran journalist Yannis Voultepsis
calling him a
"stool;" and brought charges against the communist
daily "Rizospastis" for
aggravated defamation along with a civil suit for 500
million drs. The
newspaper had published Katrivanos' arguments
challenging the Minister's
record. ESIEA protested for the Minister's behavior.

[the full report can be found at:
http://www.greekhelsinki.gr/pdf/ghm-mrgg-concise-annual-99.PDF]

RECOMMENDED ACTION:

Send letters of protest to authorities:

George Papandreou
Foreign Minister
Athens, Greece
Fax: +30 1 368 1433

Dimitris Reppas
Minister of Press and Information
Athens, Greece
Fax: +30 1 360 6969

Evangelos Yannopoulos
Minister of Justice
Athens, Greece
Fax : +30 1 775 5835

Please copy appeals to the source if possible.

For further information, contact Panayote Elias
Dimitras at GHM, P.O. Box
60820, GR-15304 Glyka Nera, Greece, tel: +30 1 347 22
59, fax: +30 1 601 87
60, e-mail: panayot- at greekhelsinki.gr,
offic- at greekhelsinki.gr, Internet:
http://www.greekhelsinki.gr

The information contained in this report/action alert
is the sole
responsibility of GHM. In citing this material for
broadcast or publication,
please credit GHM.
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Tue Jan 25 06:59:55 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Tue, 25 Jan 2000 03:59:55 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Banken e Kursimeve
Message-ID: <20000125115955.24684.qmail@web119.yahoomail.com>

Angjeli e Cani n? interpelanc? p?r privatizimin e
Bank?s s? Kursimeve
Dy banka greke kandidate p?r privatizimin

Komisioni parlamentar i Ekonomis? dhe Financave k?rkoi
dje, n? nj?
interpelanc? parlamentare ministrin e Financave dhe
Guvernatorin e Bank?s
lidhur me ??shtjen e privatizimit t? Bank?s s?
Kursimeve si dhe p?r fatin e
depozitave bankare t? klient?ve t? saj. Pro?esi i
Privatizimit t? Bank?s
kryesore ku q?ndrojn? depozitat e shqiptar?ve ka
ngjallur panik n? radh?t e
klient?ve t? saj, t? cil?t kan? v?rshuar n? sportelet
e k?saj banke p?r t?
t?rhequr kursimet e tyre.
Burime nga kjo bank? kan? b?r? t? ditur se brenda pak
dit?sh do t? mblidhet
K?shilli Mbikqyr?s i Bank?s s? Kursimeve, i cili do t?
vendos? p?r uljen e
interesave t? k?saj banke. Vet?m gjat? vitit t?
kaluar, Banka e Kursimeve ka
b?r? uljen disa her? t? p?rqindjeve t? interesave.
K?to veprime t? k?saj
banke duken t? ngjashme me veprimet q? nd?rmor?n n?
dit?t e fundit t?
veprimtaris? s? tyre, shum? nga firmat e rezultuara
piramida.
Pro?esi i privatizimit t? Bank?s s? Kursimeve ?sht? i
kontestuar nga shum?
prej ekonomist?ve, t? cil?t nuk shohin as mund?sin? m?
t? vog?l p?r nj?
privatizim transparent t? k?saj banke si dhe p?r
garantimin e depozitave t?
klient?ve t? saj. Burime nga Banka e Kursimeve b?jn?
t? ditur se kandidat?t
kryesor? p?r privatizimin e k?saj banke, jan? dy banka
greke. Privatizimi i
Bank?s s? Kursimeve b?het n? kuad?r t? privatizimit t?
sektor?ve strategjik
t? ekonomis?. Pro?esi i privatizimit t? sektor?ve
strategjik? t? ekonomis?
shqiptare nga pushtetar?t aktual?, ka rezultuar si
privatizim q? i kan? b?r?
k?tyre sektor?ve, klanet e pushtetit. Por ndryshe nga
shum? sektor? t?
tjer?, shqiptar?t kan? t? drejt? t? jen? shum? m? t?
ndjesh?m lidhur me
pro?esin e transparenc?s s? Bank?s s? Kursimeve. Kjo
pasi n? Bank?n e
Kursimeve jan? depozituar parat? e pun?s dhe djers?s
s? tyre, dhe ata nuk
mund t? lejojn? q? Angjel?t, Malajt e t? tjer? t?
guxojn? t? luajn? bixhoz
me parat? e tyre. Kjo ?sht? edhe arsyeja q? shum?
klient? t? Bank?s s?
Kursimeve kan? vrapuar n? sportelet e k?saj banke,
duke t?rhequr depozitat e
tyre.

F.J



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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Sun Jan 23 20:54:00 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Sun, 23 Jan 2000 20:54:00 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Per Gjuhen Shqipe nga Gj. Shkurtaj
Message-ID: <H0002d7b04661a53.0948678220.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

  
 
 
    

 "Analfabet?t me diplom?" ose kushtrim p?r mbrojtjen e gjuh?s
Prof. Dr. Gjovalin Shkurtaj
 SPEKTER

Ato q? do t? shkruaj m? posht? nuk jan? as t? reja, as t? paditura. Ndokush do 
t? thot? se po p?rs?ris ?'ka kam th?n? m? par? n? artikuj e n? librin "Ta duam 
dhe ta ruajm? gjuh?n ton? t? bukur" (1998). Ashtu ?sht?, kam nj? jet? q? shkruaj
e flas p?r pastrimin, pasurimin dhe, p?rgjith?sisht, p?r kultur?n e gjuh?s, kam 
b?r? kritika e kam dh?n? shpesh k?shilla, por puna ?sht? se, pavar?sisht se 
?far? themi ne gjuh?tar?t, kujdesi i shqiptar?ve ndaj gjuh?s shqipe ka r?n? 
shum?. Shikoni se ?far? po ndodh me emrat e p?rve??m t? huaj. Jo vet?m se nuk 
zbatohet parimi i drejtshkrimit t? shqipes dhe po shkruhen si? dalin n? gjuh?t e
huaja (Berlusconi, Blear, Clinton, New York) po edhe me thyerje t? r?nda t? 
morfosintaks?s shqipe, duke mos i lakuar fare emrat e p?rve??m t? huaj. K?shtu 
po thuhet n? shtyp e n? radiotelevizion: takimi me Blear (n? vend t? takimi me 
Blerin), vizita e Klinton (n? vend t? vizita e Klintonit), udh?timi i Jelcin (n?
vend t? udh?timi i Jelcinit) etj. P?r "inerci" kjo po b?het si ortek edhe n? 
shkurtimet si p.sh. lajmet e TV Klan (n? vend t? TV-Klan-it), drejtori i KESH 
(n? vend t? i KESH-it). Madje, disa fol?s t? Radio-Televizionit kan? filluar q? 
shkurtimet t'i lexojn? sipas alfabetit t? anglishtes e jo shqip. Tipike jan? 
KFOR q? shqiptohet keifor dhe CV q? shqiptohet civi. Pra, o burra t? m?sojm? t? 
gjith? drejtshkrimin e anglishtes dhe t? kushedi sa gjuh?ve t? tjera t? huaja 
p?r t? shkruar shqipen?! K?saj i thon?, si? e tha nj? dit? edhe p?rkthyesi i 
shquar, Robert Shvarci, t? luash nga ment? e kok?s. M? e keqja ?sht? se njer?zit
q? paguhen p?r t? drejtuar vendin, shkenc?n, arsimin, kultur?n, artin, sikur 
jan? pajtuar me gjendjen e r?nd? q? ka pllakosur praktik?n shkrimore dhe gjuh?n 
e shkruar t? gazetave, revistave e p?rgjith?sisht, t? mediave. Kur kalon n?p?r 
udh?t e sheshet e Tiran?s e sheh se ?far? ?sht? punuar ndaj gjuh?s shqipe. Kush 
t? doj? e kur t? doj? shkruan em?rtime n? gjuh? t? huaja, ku nuk mungojn? jo 
vet?m Las Vegas e Magic City, po edhe mbishkrime shqip e t? shkruara drejt ?sht?
e v?shtir? t? gjesh. Ku jemi k?shtu, ?far? po i b?jm? gjuh?s e kultur?s son?? 
K?t? pyetje e kemi shtruar disa her?, por askush nuk po e merr p?rsip?r t'i 
p?rgjigjet. As Ministria e Kultur?s, as Bashkia e Tiran?s. Madje ato sapo na 
dhan? edhe nj? "ndihmes?" tjet?r: kineman? e rind?rtuar na e quajt?n 
"Millenium", a thua se kaq shum? na mungonin emrat e huaj dhe fjal?t e huaja t? 
pakuptueshme. U lumt?! Me ironi dhe pa ironi, u themi vet?m "u lumt?!", 
p?rderisa nuk vepron shteti. Se po t? kishim shtet, nuk do t? ndodhte q?, deri 
parat? q? priten sot n? Shqip?ri, t? shkruhen kund?r rregullave t? 
drejtshkrimit. N? "Fjalorin drejtshkrimor t? gjuh?s shqipe" thuhet se duhet 
shkruar: nj? mij? (f. 4380, dy mij? (f.50), kurse Banka e Shqip?ris? n? prerjen 
nj?mij?lek?she shkruan kund?r rregullave t? drejtshkrimit: NJEMIJE LEKE. Ja, 
k?shtu ndodh n? Shqip?ri. Dhe kjo q? ndodh tek ne nuk ka ndodhur e nuk ndodh 
askund tjet?r n? bot?. Pse zot?rinjt? drejtues t? Bank?s s? Shqip?ris?, 
p?rderisa nuk e din? drejtshkrimin, nuk pyesin para se t? nd?rmarrin veprime kaq
t? p?rgjegjshme si? ?sht? prerja e parave. Sa konsulenca (ndonj?her? edhe t? 
kota) paguhen e do t? paguhen po nga kjo Bank? dhe nga Ministria e Financave dhe
quhen t? ligjshme. Pse t? mos pranohet e t? zbatohet edhe k?shillimi 
(konsulenca) p?r gjuh?n letrare shqipe t? nj?suar? Ka ardhur koha q? dikush t? 
p?rgjigjet, po edhe t? paguaj? p?r shkeljet kaq t? r?nda e t? padurushme t? 
normave t? gjuh?s letrare zyrtare. Ata q? nuk din?, le t? m?sojn? ose t? 
k?shillohen me ata q? i din? rregullat. P?rndryshe, Shteti duhet t? veproj? duke
gjobitur r?nd? p?r thyerjet e rregullave t? gjuh?s letrare komb?tare, ashtu si? 
gjobitet ?do kundravajtje n? nj? vend demokratik e t? qytet?ruar. Kemi p?rmendur
pa ngurrim edhe instancat m? t? larta, kemi kritikuar m? se nj? her? edhe 
Kuvendin e Shqip?ris? e deputet?t e tij t? nderuar, t? cil?t n? librin e rrogave
n?nshkruajn? si njer?z t? Kuvendit, por kur flasin e shkruajn?, m? shpesh ua ka 
?nda t? thon? Parlamenti, kryeparlamentari. Ua ka qejfi t? zgjidhen nga populli 
shqiptar, por fushat?n zgjedhore e pag?zojn? me fjal? t? huaja e nuk po na 
ndahen elektorati, elektorale, pushteti lokal etj. K?shtu, si i thon? fjal?s, 
sheh rrushi rrushin e piqet, edhe njer?zit e tjer?, sidomos gazetar?t, fol?sit e
radios e t? televizionit, botuesit etj. t? k?naqur me lirin? q? kan? p?r t? 
shkruar ?far? t? d?shirojn?, shtrihen edhe aty ku nuk u takon, dmth. edhe t? 
shkruajn? e t? flasin si t'u vij?, mbar? e mbrapsht, pa pyetur as p?r rregulla 
t? drejtshkrimit, as p?r natyr?n e shqipes, as p?r ndonj? far? kujdesi p?r t'i 
nd?rtuar drejt fjalit?, pa folur k?tu p?r hapjen e portave kat?rcip?risht ndaj 
fjal?ve bombastike e t? huaja, frazave t? gjata kilometrike, q? shpesh jan? si 
ato t? Don Kishotit "arsyeja e mosarsyes, ma dob?soi aq fort arsyen". Kjo na 
kujton sa thoshte Faik Konica p?r analfabet?t me diplom?: "Po sot shoh nj? turm?
t? err?t prej analfabet?sh me diplom? n? xhep, q? po i v?rsulen shqipes dhe duan
t'i v?n? thik?n n? kurriz, q? ta gdhendin pas form?s q? u p?lqen atyre; se t? 
gjor?t kujtojn? q? gjuha ?sht? nj? cop? dru pa shpirt. Nuk din? q? ?sht? jo 
vet?m e gjall?, po dhe shum? e holl?, aq sa, po i shtremb?rove pak?z nj? nyje a 
nj? dell, trupi i t?r? i tronditet, vuan dhe humb forc?n, bashk? me bukurin?."
E p?rmenda k?t? vler?sim t? Konic?s s? madh sepse dua t? ndalem m? shum? n? 
pun?n dhe pesh?n e gazetar?ve e p?rgjith?sisht t? mediave t? sotme n? p?rdorimin
e gjuh?s. Do t? vijoj me kritika e do t? sjell edhe shembuj t? tjer?, por do t? 
m?toj kryesisht n? nj? mir?kuptim t? gazetar?ve shqiptar?, shum? prej t? cil?ve 
edhe i njoh e m? njohin mir?, u kam dh?n? m?sim. Me k?t?, dua t? them se ?do 
kritik? p?r ta ?sht? nj?herazi edhe vet?kritik? p?r shkoll?n e p?r shoq?rin? 
shqiptare n? p?rgjith?si. Kur flasin e shkruajn? mir? ish-student?t tan? 
g?zohemi e sh?ndoshemi, na duket se di? kemi mbjell? p?r s? mbari, po edhe na 
p?lcet zemra kur shohim se po b?hen gabime trashanike, se jan? tep?r t? pakt? 
ata q? hapin ndonj?her? drejtshkrimin, fjalor?t a gramatikat e shqipes dhe se, 
p?r fat t? keq, jan? m? t? shumt? ata q? shkruajn? si t'u vij?, pa asnj? kujdes 
dhe pa e ?ar? kok?n as p?r rregullat e drejtshkrimit, as p?r pastrimin e fjal?ve
t? huaja t? panevojshme, as p?r ruajtjen e hijeshis? e shpitrit komb?tar t? 
gjuh?s shqipe. P?simet e pamerituara t? gjuh?s shqipe n? koh?n ton? jan? t? 
tilla q?, ?do gjuh?tari a dashamir?si t? shqipes, q? ka ndonj? pik? gjak 
shqiptari, nuk mund t? mos i vij? keq e t? mos shpreh? zem?rim. Sidoqoft?, m? 
tep?r se ?do v?rejtje a kritik?, n? pun?n e gazetar?ve dhe p?rgjith?sisht t? 
punonj?sve t? medias, t? letrave e t? sken?s shqiptare, duhet t? vler?sojm? 
rolin e tyre si p?r?ues t? fjal?s shqipe, si p?rhap?s t? normave gjuh?sore t? 
sotme e t? bukuris? s? gjuh?s letrare komb?tare q? me aq mundim e kemi prur? 
deri n? k?t? shkall?. Kam shkruar e th?n? disa her? se gazetar?t jan? edhe 
m?sues t? shqipes p?r mas?n e gjer? t? lexuesve. Ky nuk ?sht? nj? vler?sim q? e 
b?j vet?m un?. Bashk? me aktor?t e sken?s e t? ekranit dhe shkrimtar?t, armata 
jon? e gazetar?ve shqiptar? ka n? dor? m? shum? se ?do m?sues e pedagog (m? 
tep?r se universitetet a institutet e gjuh?sis?) t'i prij? p?r s? mbari kultur?s
s? gjuh?s shqipe. Kush mendon ndryshe e ka gabim. Pushteti apo ndikimi i medias 
?sht? aq i madh n? jet?n e politik?n e nj? vendi, por ai ?sht? vendimtar edhe 
p?r mbar?vajtjen e pastrimit, pasurimit t? fjalorit si dhe p?r mbrojtjen e 
gjuh?s shqipe. Dua t? p?rmend qysh n? krye nj? shembull sa t? thjesht?, aq 
dometh?n?s: shum?kush, pasi mbaron shkoll?n p?rkat?se, i dh?n? pas pun?ve e 
detyrave t? veta, rrall? e tek gjen koh? t? lexoj? ndonj? lib?r letrar. Shumica 
e njer?zve, p?r dit? e jav? t? t?ra, nuk lexojn? gj? tjet?r ,ve? gazetave e 
ndonj? reviste. D?gjojn? edhe radion e shohin emisione televizive. ?far? do t? 
thot? kjo p?r gjuh?tarin? Do t? thot? se pjesa d?rmuese e shqiptar?ve, pas 
shkoll?s tet?vje?are, p?r drejtshkrim, gramatik? e pun? gjuhe mb?shtetet vet?m 
te shtypi dhe mediat e folura. Po qe se ato do t? shkruajn? e flasin mir?, pa 
fjal? t? huaja t? panevojshme, pa shfrime snobizmi e prurje t? pamira nga 
sintaksa e gjuh?ve t? huaja, at?her?, n? m?nyr? t? natyrshme, edhe kultura e 
gjuh?s do t? shkoj? n? rrjedh? t? mbar?. N? qoft? se n? titujt kryesor? t? 
gazetave do t? shkruhet, p. sh. "Majko i tradh?tuar", at?her? njer?zit e 
thjesht?, q? nuk merren me pun? gjuhe, mund t? mendojn? se ashtu u dashka, pa?ka
se norma drejtshkrimore ?sht? pa ? ( i tradhtuar, tradhti, tradhtoj). K?shtu 
edhe n? raste t? tjera, sepse shum?kush at? q? e sheh t? shkruar n? gazet? e 
merr si nj? gj? zyrtare p?rsa i takon gjuh?s. Nuk mund t? mos shqet?sohemi p?r 
gabimet aq t? shumta e trashanike n? drejtshkrim, p?r vrullin e pandalsh?m t? 
fjal?ve t? huaja (plot?sisht t? z?vend?sueshme) q? ndeshim p?rdit? n? ?do gazet?
e revist?, n? ?do emision radioje e televizioni, deri tek ato m? t? thjeshtat 
si? jan? lajmet. Edhe stili i gazetaris? shqiptare po jep shenja t? rendjeve pas
imitimeve t? pap?rshtatshme t? gazetaris? italiane etj. Kemi shkruar edhe her? 
t? tjera, p.sh. p?r dyndjen e koh?s s? kryer n? d?m t? s? kryer?s s? thjesht? q?
vjen nga ndikimi i italishtes dhe i gazetaris? italiane. Pse t? themi, p.sh., 
"Sot ka shkelur tok?n shqiptare x" kur shqip mund t? thuhet (dhe duhet t? 
thuhet): sot erdhi p?r vizit? ky ose ai. Kund?r k?saj dukurie jan? shprehur 
gjuh?tar?, po edhe shkrimtar? t? ndrysh?m. Nj? prej tyre (S. K?lli?i) e ka 
quajtur "atentat kund?r s? kryer?s s? thjesht?". Po le t? ndalemi tek nj? nga 
??shtjet q? dhemb shum? sot, te fjal?t e huaja e t? panevojshme e te p?rfryrjet 
bombastike q? po ia z?n? frym?n shqipes. Kam b?r? k?to jav?t e fundit nj? 
anketim me m?sues t? shkollave t? Tiran?s dhe u kam drejtuar pyetjen "Cilat jan?
fjal?t e huaja t? panevojshme q? ua vrasin m? shum? veshin?". Shumica e tyre 
kan? dh?n? k?t? p?rgjigje t? prer?: "ato q? p?rdorin disa nga politikan?t 
shqiptar?" dhe sjellin vargje t? gjata fjal?sh si : solucion, n? vend t? 
zgjidhje, gjeneron, p?r lind, shkakton, bitalerale, p?r dypal?she, multilaterale
n? vend t? shum?pal?she, bodigard/bodiguard n? vend t? truproje, roje personale,
implementoj n? vend t? zbatoj, kryej, realizoj, konstitucionale n? vend t? 
kushtetuese, draft, n? vend t? projekt a skic?, staf, n? vend t? grupidrejtues, 
shtab; inicioj n? vend t? filloj, z? fill, nis; konsensus n? vend t? 
marr?veshje, t? marr? vesh; lider, n? vend t? kreu, udh?heq?si, lidership, 
kryesia a udh?heq?sia; spacio n? vend t? hap?sir?, vend; kredibilitet, n? vend 
t? besueshm?ri, parlament n? vend t? kuvend, atakoj, n? vend t? sulmoj, godas, 
prek, ngacmoj; difensiv, n? vend t? mbrojtjes; imprenditor n? vend t? 
sip?rmarr?s; menaxhoj e menaxhim n? vend t? qeverisjes, drejtim, koordinoj e 
koordinim n? vend t? bashk?rendoj e bashk?rendim; violenc? n? vend t? dhun?, 
violent-e, n? vend t? i dhunsh?m, e dhunshme; starton, n? vend t? fillon, nis, 
z? fill; konciz n? vend i p?rmbledh?t, i shkurt?r; interferoj n? vend t? 
nd?rhyrj, nd?rndikoj; interferim n? vend t? nd?rhyrje, nd?rndikim; ekuivalent-e 
n? vend t? i barazvlefsh?m; stagnacion n? vend t? amulli, pezullim; rurale n? 
vend t? fshatare, e fshatit; agravoj n? vend t? keq?soj, r?ndoj, p?rkeq?soj; 
axhend? n? vend t? rend dite, ditar veprimesh, ditar pune; impas n? vend t? 
rrug? e verb?r, udh? pa krye, gjendje pa rrug?dalje e t? tjera. Madje, si? ka 
v?n? n? dukje edhe shkrimtari Ismail Kadare, disa politikan? dhe shtetar?, jo 
vet?m nuk ndreqen, nuk duan t'ia din? aspak p?r d?min q? po i sjellin shqipes, 
po edhe vazhdojn? t? "k?rkojn?" p?r t? prur? sa m? shum? fjal? t? huaja, t? 
reja. K?to dit?, a thua se nuk mjaftonte t?r? ky rr?met fjal?sh q? p?rmendem e 
kushedi sa t? tjera, nj? zot?ri nga Kabineti i Kryeministrit kur u "rr?fye" n? 
dritaren e R. Xhung?s na e "pasuroi" gjuh?n edhe me fjal?n rimors n? vend t? 
brerje nd?rgjegjeje, keqardhje, nd?rsa n? njoftimin p?r botimin e nj? libri 
shkencor p?r veshjet popullore shqiptare, na u tha se ishte supervizuar nga x, 
n? vend q? t? thuhej shqip "n?n kujdesin e x". Dhe kjo udh? e mbrapsht?, me sa 
duket, nuk ka t? sosur. Mjaft politikan?, si dhe jo pak gazetar?, artist?, 
njer?z t? zyrave dhe t? mjesht?rive t? tjera, kujtojn? se pa fjal? t? huaja t? 
pakuptueshme e t? panevojshme nuk mund t? quhen t? men?ur e t? p?rgatitur. Nj? 
nat?, n? nj? shfaqje televizive, nd?rsa i dor?zohej nj? k?ng?tareje fituese 
?mimi i pamjes apo i veshjes, artisti q? ia dha e quajti ?mimi i lukut, pra edhe
nj? tjet?r fjal? nga anglishtja. Por e keqja nuk p?rfundon me kaq. Ka filluar 
nj? fushat? e ethshme e kthimit t? fjal?ve shqipe ekzistuese n? fjal? t? huaja, 
si p.sh. kryetari b?het president, kryesia-presidenc?, pushtuesi-okupator, 
shtypja-represion, bashk?sia-komunitet, lidhja-lig? a leg?, q?ndresa-rezistenc?,
ndalimi-arrestim etj. Kjo ?sht? me t? v?rtet? nj? s?mundje ngjit?se q? po merr 
p?rmasat e nj? epidemie gjuh?vras?se. Dhuruesi na b?het donator, 
hetimi-investigim, kumtesa-komunikat?, njoftimi a lajm?rimi-anon?im, shqiptohem 
a shprehem b?het prononcohem, udh?heq?si-lider, 
udh?heqja/udh?heq?sia-lidershipi, mbar?si-prosperitet, i p?rhersh?m-permanent, i
famsh?m-prestigjioz, adhuruesit-fansat etj. A nuk e meritojn? k?ta njer?z me 
shkoll? t? lart? e, madje me grada e tituj shkencor?, q? pa nevoj? i kthejn? 
fjal?t shqipe n? gjuh? t? huaja, cil?simin e Konic?s si "analfabet? me diplom?"?
A nuk do t'i themi "ndal" k?saj rryme mendore q? na sjellin disa njer?z p?r t? 
shitur mend? A nuk do t? merren edhe gazetar?t me k?t? plag? t? r?nd? q? ka 
rrezik t? rrok? p?rmasat e nj? "lige t? p?rjetshme" t? shqiptar?ve?
Kur them q? t? merren me k?t? pun? edhe gazetar?t kam parasysh disa an?. S? 
pari, q? vet? gazetaria shqiptare t? shk?putet p?rfundimisht nga ?far?do 
prirjeje a q?ndrimi l?shues ndaj fjal?ve t? huaja t? panevojshme dhe ta shtoj? 
kudesin p?r kultur?n e gjuh?s: s? dyti, se n? koh?n ton?, ashtu si kudo n? bot?,
ndikimin m? t? madh tek lexuesit e ushtron shtypi p?r form?n e shkruar t? gjuh?s
dhe radiot e televizionet p?r form?n e folur. Pra, ?sht? krejt e qart? se, n? 
qoft? se ia dalim t'i japim p?rpunimin e duhur gjuh?s s? shtypit e t? mediave t?
folura, n? qoft? se gazetar?t krahas asaj q? shkruajn? e trajtojn? do t? ken? 
edhe kujdesin e duhur p?r m?nyr?n se si shkruajn? e flasin, duke zbatuar pa 
asnj? shkelje rregullat e drejtshkrimit e normat e tjera gramatikore si dhe t? 
pastrimit t? gjuh?s shqipe, at?her? puna e gjuh?s shqipe do t? shkonte mjaft m? 
mir?. Gazetar?t mund t? japin at? ndihmes? q? askush tjet?r nuk ka mund?si ta 
jap?. Dhe kjo nuk ?sht? ndonj? gj? e ve?ant? e vet?m p?r vendin ton?. P?r ta 
mbyllur po citoj dy th?nie t? dy gjuh?tar?ve t? huaj rreth pesh?s s? 
jasht?zakonshme t? gjuh?s s? gazetaris? s? shkruar e mediave t? folura. 
Studiuesi gjerman Harald Uajnrih, n? librin e tij "Udh?t e kultur?s s? gjuh?s" 
(Shtutgard, 1985) thekson: "Duket se shum? qytetar? n? vet?dijen e tyre 
normative gjuh?sore orientohen nga gazetat p?rsa u p?rket shprehjeve gjuh?sore 
t? shkruara dhe nga radioja e televizioni p?r dyshimet e mundshme rreth gjuh?s 
s? folur". Af?rsisht i till? ?sht? edhe vler?simi i gjuh?tarit holandez Jan Van 
Dam, q? thot? se sot n? radh? t? par?, nuk jan? shkrimtar?t, por shtypi, krahas 
radios dhe televizionit q? ndikojn? n? m?nyr? p?rgjithmon? e m? t? theksuar, 
madje, q? n? nj? far? kuptimi, e b?jn? gjuh?n e popullit.
Ja pse, n? k?t? shkrim duke iu drejtuar gazetar?ve dhe p?rgjith?sisht punonj?sve
t? medias shqiptare, m? tep?r se n? ?do rast tjet?r, ma ka ?nda t? shpresoj se 
ata, sa nuk ?sht? von?, do ta shtojn? kujdesin ndaj gjuh?s shqipe. Uroj q? ata, 
gjat? shekullit t? ri q? sapo filloi, t? mos ndjekin shembullin e keq t? disa 
politikan?ve q? p?rfryhen e rendin pas fjal?ve bombastike, t? huaja, t? 
panevojshme e t? pakuptueshme; t? mos pranojn? si "pare flori" ?do form? a 
m?nyr? t? th?ni q? vjen nga gjuh?t e huaja, t? pyesin e t? k?shillohen me 
gjuh?tar?t m? t? mir? kur ndeshin ndonj? dukuri q? nuk ia dalin dot vet?m me 
dijet e veta e me librat gjuh?sor? q? jan? n? p?rdorim.
S? fundi, duhet t? shtrojm? edhe pyetjen se ?'duhet t? b?jn? shoq?ria shqiptare 
dhe gjuh?sia shqiptare p?r gjuh?n shqipe.
Mbrojtja e gjuh?s u p?rket, n? radh? t? par?, shtetit dhe institucioneve 
shtet?rore e shoq?rore q? varen a lejohen prej tij. N? ?do vend t? qytet?ruar ka
ligje p?r mbrojtjen e gjuh?s dhe shteti merr masat e nevojshme p?r studimin e 
m?simin e saj n? shkolla si dhe p?r zbatimin e drejtshkrimit t? nj?suar n? t? 
gjith? praktik?n shkrimore e botuese zyrtare. Vet? sinonimi i gjuh?s letrare t? 
nj?suar ?sht? cil?simi i saj si standard apo zyrtare. N? ?do vend t? qytet?ruar 
ka nj? politik? kulturore n? gji t? s? cil?s "pjesa e luanit" duhet t? jet? 
pik?risht kultura e gjuh?s, ruajtja dhe pastrimi e pasurimi i pand?rprer?, 
p?rpunimi, m?simi dhe studimi sa m? i thelluar i saj. Mund t? p?rmendim, p.sh., 
Franc?n ku, p?r ?do fjal? a term t? huaj t? nevojsh?m, vendoset me dekret shteti
dhe b?het nj? pun? shum? e kujdesshme p?r past?rtin? e fr?ngjishtes. Revista 
"Defence organiz? e de la langue fran?aise" (Mbrojtja e organizuar e gjuh?s 
fr?nge) vazhdimisht boton artikuj e studime "contre le franglais" (= kund?r 
fjal?ve t? huaja nga anglishtja). Nuk duhet t? mohohet se p?r shum? vjet 
radhazi, edhe nd?r ne, nuk ?sht? b?r? pak p?r gjuh?n letrare shqipe, qoft? p?r 
studimin e p?rpunimin e saj, qoft? edhe p?r m?simin e saj n? shkoll? apo p?r 
zbatimin sa m? t? gjer? t? gjuh?s letrare nga institucionet shtet?rore dhe 
kulturore. Jan? botuar shum? studime e ndihmesa p?r pastrimin e pasurimin e 
gjuh?s, botohen rregullisht edhe revista "Gjuha jon?" n? Tiran? dhe "Gjuha 
shqipe" n? Prishtin?, jan? botuar edhe p?rmbledhje e libra me v?rejtje kritike 
p?r gjuh?n e shtypit e t? mediave, si dhe nj? "Fjalor p?r past?rtin? e gjuh?s 
shqipe" (Tiran?, 1998), mir?po ata q? duhet t'i k?ndojn? e t'i ken? p?rher? mbi 
tryezat e pun?s, as q? duan t'ia din? p?r to. Shkaku kryesor ?sht? se k?ta 
dhjet? vjet?t e fundit kujdesi i shtetit dhe i institucioneve shqiptare p?r 
gjuh?n ka r?n? s? tep?rmi. Jan? ?elur edhe shum? sektor? pune joshtet?ror?, 
gjith?ka ?sht? n? udh?n e privatizimit e t? ndryshimeve. Kjo udh? do t? 
vazhdoj?, por nj? gj? duhet t? mbetet p?rher? e "paprivatizuar". Ajo ?sht? gjuha
shqipe, gjuha jon? e p?rbashk?t, q? na dallon e na mban gjall? si komb m? vete, 
si popull i lasht? e me kultur?n e vet t? velfshme e t? denj? p?r t'u mbajtur 
gjall? edhe m? tej. P?r hir t? k?saj bashkarie shpirt?rore e kulturore 
themelore, q? p?rfaq?son gjuha shqipe p?r popullin shqiptar, sot m? tep?r se 
kurr?, pas ndryshimeve t? b?ra n? Ballkan e, sidomos, pas luft?s n? Kosov?, q? u
mbyll me fitoren e NATO-s me kthimin e kosovar?ve n? sht?pit? po edhe n? 
shkollat e institucionet e tyre arsimore, shkencore e kulturore, puna me gjuh?n 
shqipe nuk mund t'u lihet vet?m shkoll?s e instituteve shkencore q? e studiojn?.
Puna e tyre do t? vazhdoj? dhe duhet t? ket? t? gjith? ndihm?n e p?rkrahjen e 
nevojshme, por ?sht? koha q? t? nd?rmerren edhe nj? varg masash t? tjera 
shtet?rore e joshtet?rore. Kur them shtet?rore kam parasysh ndreqjet e 
p?rmir?simet q? duhen b?r? n? planet dhe programet m?simore t? shkollave 
shqiptare p?r gjuh?n shqipe. Sa m? shpejt duhet zgjidhur problemi i nj? 
abetareje t? vetme e t? nj?jt? p?r t? gjitha shkollat shqiptare, duke mos ia 
l?n? at? pun? as rast?sis? as zellit p?r p?rfitime vetjake t? ndokujt, por t? 
zgjidhet grupi m? i p?rshtatsh?m e me p?rfaq?sim mbar?komb?tar p?r t? p?rgatitur
kriteret e hartimit dhe p?r t? shpallur e ?uar deri n? fund konkursin p?r 
hartimin e abetares shqipe. Kjo pun? ka nisur, jan? caktuar grupet e pun?s pran?
Ministris? son? t? Arsimit dhe pran? Ministris? s? Arsimit t? Kosov?s, jan? 
piketuar takimet dhe pun?t paraprake etj., por gjith?ka po ec?n shum? ngadal? 
dhe koha nuk pret. Abetarja q? ?sht? sot n? p?rdorim n? Shqip?ri si dhe librat e
gjuh?s shqipe p?r shkoll?n tet?vje?are kan? nevoj? p?r t'u rishikuar thell? dhe 
nuk po e justifikojn? veten. Ato qen? hartuar me m?timin madhor p?r 
"modernizimin e shkoll?s", por praktika tregon se shkolla tet?vje?are, me ato 
tekste dhe me at? program q? ka sot, nuk ia doli t'u jap? formimin e duhur 
gjuh?sor nx?n?sve. Heqja e l?nd?s s? gjuh?s shqipe nga shkolla e mesme ka qen? 
nj? pun? shum? e d?mshme. Ajo duhet rifutur si l?nd? themelore n? t? gjitha 
shkollat e mesme, por jo vet?m t? futet. Ajo duhet rikthyer n? shkoll? me t? 
gjith? kujdesin dhe pun?n e duhur p?r pajisjen e saj edhe me program cil?sor dhe
me tekstet e nevojshme, pra si l?nd? themelore q? t'u jap? nx?n?sve dijet e 
plota p?r ta shkruar e folur mir? gjuh?n amtare. Sot p?r sot, qoft? nga mungesat
n? programe, qoft? edhe nga t? metat e shumta q? kan? librat e shkoll?s 
tet?vje?are, nx?n?sit shqiptar? shkojn? n? shkollat e larta me nj? formim 
gjuh?sor q? l? shum? p?r t? d?shiruar. Kjo mbetet pastaj si nj? plag? e 
pash?rueshme p?r t? gjith? jet?n e tyre. Besoj se, edhe shum? nga gabimet e t? 
metat q? vihen re sot n? gjuh?n e politik?s, t? medias, t? botimeve, etj. e kan?
zanafill?n pik?risht n? at? formim ende t? pamjaftuesh?m q? kan? marr? njer?zit 
tan? n? vitet e shkoll?s. 
Gjithashtu, p?r gjuh?n shqipe duhet t? krijohet edhe nj? organiz?m me karakter 
joshtet?ror por q? t? jet? i p?rhersh?m e mbar?komb?tar dhe t? ket? atributet e 
mbikqyrjes e t? drejtimit t? gjith? pun?s p?r ruajtjen, vler?simin, studimin dhe
m?simin e gjuh?s shqipe n? t? gjitha hap?sirat shqiptare. Si? ?sht? p.sh. 
K?shilli i Lart? i Frankofonis? p?r gjuh?n fr?nge, i cili e shtrin veprimtarin? 
e vet n? Franc? dhe n? t? gjitha hap?sirat fr?ngjishtfol?se, si n? Zvic?r, n? 
pakicat frankofone t? Italis? s? Veriut etj. dhe n? t? gjitha vendet e tjera ku 
flitet e shkruhet gjuha fr?nge, deri n? Kanada.
Hapja e kufirit me Kosov?n dhe me trevat e tjera shqiptare n? Maqedoni, Mal t? 
Zi si dhe lidhjet me qendrat e diaspor?s shqiptare historike e t? reja n? 
Evrop?, n? Amerik? e gjetk? shtrojn? medoemos detyra t? reja e shum? t? m?dha 
p?r gjuh?n shqipe. Kudo ka nevoj? p?r nj? abetare t? mir?, t? konceptuar e t? 
realizuar si libri i librave e jo si nj? pun? e ?far?doshme. Kudo ka nevoj? p?r 
fjalor? e gramatika shkollore t? mira. Ribotimi i atyre q? ekzistojn? nuk ?sht? 
i mjaftuesh?m. Ka ardhur koha edhe p?r ndonj? p?rmir?sim e pasurim t? tyre. T? 
gjitha k?to jan? pun? q? duhen p?rfshir? n? nj? platform? t? gjer? e t? studiuar
mir? e ku t? marrin pjes? ajka e gjuh?tar?ve dhe e m?suesve shqiptar?.
S? fundi, dua t? them se koha do t? bjer? q?, edhe ndonj? ??shtje e norm?s s? 
sotme gjuh?sore, jo vet?m n? drejtshkrim, po edhe n? ndonj? dukuri tjet?r, si? 
?sht?, p.sh. paskajorja gege, t? diskutohen nga specialist?t e gjuh?sis?, duke 
shqyrtuar e par? jo vet?m ?'?sht? th?n? e zgjidhur mir?, po edhe ndonj? gj? q? 
duhet rishikuar p?r t? gjetur zgjidhje m? t? mir?. Sigurisht, diskutime t? tilla
duhet t? b?hen dhe koha ka ardhur t? b?hen, porse ato nuk kan? t? b?jn? m? me 
themelin e gjuh?s letrare t? nj?suar e t? vetme p?r t? gjith?. 
 
 





From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 23 13:55:12 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 23 Jan 2000 10:55:12 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] News
Message-ID: <20000123185512.21627.qmail@web124.yahoomail.com>

      
  
 Kathimerini  
 NEWS & FRONT PAGE 
ATHENS, Wednesday, January 12, 2000 Updated:
01/22/2000 11:21 GMT 

Greece's Kosovo 'liaison office'
Ostensibly part of Belgrade embassy

By Stavros Tzimas
THESSALONIKI - Greece has established a diplomatic
mission in Kosovo, in effect recognizing officially
the new situation in the Yugoslav province since
NATO's war on Yugoslavia. The "Greek Liaison Office"
opened up in the capital, Pristina, on Saturday, along
the lines of the representation in the Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia.

Diplomatic sources say that Greece could not attempt
to play a leading role in southeastern Europe and
ignore Kosovo at the same time, while almost all other
EU countries had diplomatic missions there to further
their interests. Furthermore, significant Greek
initiatives are under way in Kosovo in the military,
humanitarian, cultural and economic spheres. Tomorrow
a group of 60 Greek businessmen will be touring to
investigate possibilities for investment.

The "Liaison Office" will be headed by diplomat
Grigoris Vasilokonstantakis and will appear as a
branch of Greece's Belgrade embassy. In reality,
though, it will answer directly to the Foreign
Ministry. This was done to avoid any possible protests
from Belgrade that its sovereign rights in Kosovo were
being violated. Yugoslavia yesterday complained to
Greece over Athens's agreement to provide Kosovo with
electricity. 

The contacts between Athens and Pristina were not
easy, given that the Albanians saw the Greeks as
siding with Serbia during the war. 
 
 

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From williamtaylor at neca.com  Mon Jan 24 10:59:54 2000
From: williamtaylor at neca.com (William R. Taylor)
Date: Mon, 24 Jan 2000 07:59:54 -0800
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] travel grants
Message-ID: <002501bf6684$0ed1a600$5642b6d1@pavilion>

Good luck with the program of travel grants, a much needed resource for promoting international understanding.  I don't have contact with appropriate applicants but will keep the program in mind.
I am also looking for feedback regarding my web site, which includes cognitive maps put up in real time attempting to forecast scenarios regarding the recent NATO war against Serbia.
Sincerely,
Bill Taylor
William R. Taylor, M.D.
 
USA
Web Site http://users.neca.com/williamtaylor
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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 23 09:06:22 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Sun, 23 Jan 2000 06:06:22 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ridiculous and disturbing
Message-ID: <20000123140622.2856.qmail@web121.yahoomail.com>

The following ridiculous and disturbing "press
release" can be found through dejanews search in the
internet.

======
Government of Epirus in Exile
Press Office
 
HRH Prince Alexander Calls for Vote on Independence
for Epirus
 
For Immediate Release
Monday, January 10, 2000
Contact: Press Office
epirus at prweb.com
(New York)  While celebrating Orthodox Christmas
yesterday, His Royal Highness Prince Alexander of
Epirus called for an internationally supervised
referendum on independence for his beleaguered
country.  HRH, who heads the Epirotean Government in
Exile, said that ?Albania has refused to live up to
any of the treaties it has made in the past regarding
Epirus and there is no reason to believe they will
begin today.  We must, therefore, seek the assistance
of  other nations to ensure our own independence and
stability in the region.  There can be no stability 
without peace, and there can be no peace without
justice.? Albania last agreed, in the Protocol of
Corfu, to allow Epirus to be an autonomous area within
the state of Albania but has never implemented the
plan, in fact, thousands of Epiroteans have been
slaughtered by the Albanian military and secret police
in the past 40 years.  Thousands of Epiroteans have
fled their homes to escape what has been called ?the
most oppressive government on earth.?
Commenting on Albania?s human rights record the Prince
said  ?It is unseemly for Albania to pretend to take
the high moral road in reference to its own people in
Kosovo while following a policy of ethnic cleansing
against the Epirotean people.?  He later quoted from a
United Nations Human Rights Committee Report which
states that ?...In Albania and specifically in North
Epirus,  human rights especially those pertaining to
religion are trampled and suffocated beyond belief.?
The  people of Epirus ( a tiny country consisting of
about the
southernmost third of Albania) are a diverse group,
mostly Eastern Orthodox Christians, of ethnic Greek,
Roma, Vlach and Slavic descent. Epirus has been
occupied by Albania since 1913.
XXX



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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Mon Jan 24 20:33:17 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Mon, 24 Jan 2000 17:33:17 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Valentine Day and the Church of Greece
Message-ID: <20000125013317.15855.qmail@web120.yahoomail.com>

ATHENS, Monday, January 24, 2000 Updated: 01/24/2000
10:8 GMT 

New St. Valentine alternative
Archbishop Christodoulos proposes February 13 feast of
S.S. Priscilla and Acquila instead

Archbishop Christodoulos yesterday announced yet
another Orthodox Christian alternative to the
Valentine's Day celebrations of love, which the Church
of Greece regards with deep suspicion: February 13.
"We Orthodox Greeks have no reason to adopt foreign
models when we have our own Christian examples," the
loquacious Archbishop of Athens and All Greece averred
in his monthly broadcast to the faithful on the Church
of Greece radio. And he proposed that St. Valentine,
whom the Greek church does not count among its saints,
should be replaced by the model Christian couple of
Priscilla and Aquila, who lived in Corinth at the time
of St. Paul.

Last year Christodoulos had suggested that the July 3
feast day of St. Hyakinthos - equally Christian
despite its definite pagan roots - should be adopted
instead by people wishing to celebrate their love.

Yesterday, the archbishop also referred to the
increase in divorces in Greece, and promised to start
"training camps" for young couples. He also denounced
"zealots" who rioted on Friday in Thessaloniki during
the presentation of a book they consider blasphemous,
written by former left MP Mimis Androulakis.
 

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From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Jan 26 20:32:59 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 26 Jan 2000 17:32:59 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] kOHA
Message-ID: <20000127013259.25642.qmail@web117.yahoomail.com>


--- Agron Alibali <aalibali at yahoo.com> wrote:
>           ----------- ALBSA-Info Mailing List
> ---------
>           - ALBSA Web Site:
> http://www.albstudent.org -
>  
> Angjeli e Cani n? interpelanc? p?r privatizimin e
> Bank?s s? Kursimeve
> Dy banka greke kandidate p?r privatizimin
> 
> Komisioni parlamentar i Ekonomis? dhe Financave
> k?rkoi
> dje, n? nj?
> interpelanc? parlamentare ministrin e Financave dhe
> Guvernatorin e Bank?s
> lidhur me ??shtjen e privatizimit t? Bank?s s?
> Kursimeve si dhe p?r fatin e
> depozitave bankare t? klient?ve t? saj. Pro?esi i
> Privatizimit t? Bank?s
> kryesore ku q?ndrojn? depozitat e shqiptar?ve ka
> ngjallur panik n? radh?t e
> klient?ve t? saj, t? cil?t kan? v?rshuar n?
> sportelet
> e k?saj banke p?r t?
> t?rhequr kursimet e tyre.
> Burime nga kjo bank? kan? b?r? t? ditur se brenda
> pak
> dit?sh do t? mblidhet
> K?shilli Mbikqyr?s i Bank?s s? Kursimeve, i cili do
> t?
> vendos? p?r uljen e
> interesave t? k?saj banke. Vet?m gjat? vitit t?
> kaluar, Banka e Kursimeve ka
> b?r? uljen disa her? t? p?rqindjeve t? interesave.
> K?to veprime t? k?saj
> banke duken t? ngjashme me veprimet q? nd?rmor?n n?
> dit?t e fundit t?
> veprimtaris? s? tyre, shum? nga firmat e rezultuara
> piramida.
> Pro?esi i privatizimit t? Bank?s s? Kursimeve ?sht?
> i
> kontestuar nga shum?
> prej ekonomist?ve, t? cil?t nuk shohin as mund?sin?
> m?
> t? vog?l p?r nj?
> privatizim transparent t? k?saj banke si dhe p?r
> garantimin e depozitave t?
> klient?ve t? saj. Burime nga Banka e Kursimeve b?jn?
> t? ditur se kandidat?t
> kryesor? p?r privatizimin e k?saj banke, jan? dy
> banka
> greke. Privatizimi i
> Bank?s s? Kursimeve b?het n? kuad?r t? privatizimit
> t?
> sektor?ve strategjik
> t? ekonomis?. Pro?esi i privatizimit t? sektor?ve
> strategjik? t? ekonomis?
> shqiptare nga pushtetar?t aktual?, ka rezultuar si
> privatizim q? i kan? b?r?
> k?tyre sektor?ve, klanet e pushtetit. Por ndryshe
> nga
> shum? sektor? t?
> tjer?, shqiptar?t kan? t? drejt? t? jen? shum? m? t?
> ndjesh?m lidhur me
> pro?esin e transparenc?s s? Bank?s s? Kursimeve. Kjo
> pasi n? Bank?n e
> Kursimeve jan? depozituar parat? e pun?s dhe djers?s
> s? tyre, dhe ata nuk
> mund t? lejojn? q? Angjel?t, Malajt e t? tjer? t?
> guxojn? t? luajn? bixhoz
> me parat? e tyre. Kjo ?sht? edhe arsyeja q? shum?
> klient? t? Bank?s s?
> Kursimeve kan? vrapuar n? sportelet e k?saj banke,
> duke t?rhequr depozitat e
> tyre.
> 
> F.J
> 
> 
> 
> __________________________________________________
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> Talk to your friends online with Yahoo! Messenger.
> http://im.yahoo.com
> 
> 
>
_______________________________________________________
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> 
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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Thu Jan 27 00:30:10 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Thu, 27 Jan 2000 00:30:10 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Ligji italian per minoritetet
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046a4568.0948950919.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

Ligji i sapomiratuar ne Itali per te drejtat e minoriteteve, perfshire edhe 
Arbereshet, mund te gjendet 
tek:http://www.senato.it/parlam/leggi/messaggi/s3366a.htm





From ipilika at wellesley.edu  Wed Jan 26 20:32:54 2000
From: ipilika at wellesley.edu (Iris Pilika)
Date: Wed, 26 Jan 2000 20:32:54 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Albania's economy needs investment-c.bank
Message-ID: <fc.006640d8008eb34c006640d8008eb34c.8eb535@firstclass.wellesley.edu>

INTERVIEW-Albania's economy needs investment-c.bank
01:12 p.m Jan 24, 2000 Eastern

By Linda Spahia

TIRANA, Jan 24 (Reuters) - Impoverished
Albania is basking in steady macroeconomic
growth after years of turmoil, but the country
faces a crisis unless the underlying economy also
blossoms, the central bank governor said on
Monday.

``Macroeconomic indicators are under control,
but on the other hand the real economy is not
growing with the same momentum, and a
deformed economy could lead to a crisis,'' Bank
of Albania Governor Shkelqim Cani told Reuters
in an interview.

Runaway inflation has been reined in to its
lowest level since Albania toppled communism in
1991 to deflation of 1.03 percent last year
compared with inflation of 8.7 percent in 1998
and 42.7 percent in 1997.

Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew by eight
percent last year as well as in 1998, while the
budget deficit has been reduced to 5.5 percent
of GDP from 6.4 percent.

But investment is still woefully lacking, Cani said.
``The future of the Albanian economy has a
point of doubt -- we should be realistic about
that. Albania still lacks projects, growth in
production, new services and credit for
businesses,'' he said.

Investment in Albania's tattered infrastructure
and industry continued to be thwarted by
concerns over public order, rampant corruption
and smuggling.

Cani said Albania had not capitalised on
opportunities offered by aid from the
international community because it had no
projects to absorb the money.

Moreover, Cani said the sale of state
enterprises should be speeded up after constant
delays. The privatisation of Albania's biggest
bank -- the Savings Bank -- has been postponed
numerous times and is now earmarked for the
first half of 2000.

INEFFICIENT BANKING SYSTEM KEEPS
INVESTORS AT BAY

Albania has seen an explosion in the number of
private banks, but citizens as well as banks are
reluctant to invest money after having their
fingers burnt in fraudulent investment schemes
a few years ago.

Albanian businesses are also reluctant to use
the country's banking system because they see
it as inefficient. This has resulted of almost a
third of the total amount of notes and coins in
circulation being held in cash.

Some 200 billion leks ($1.48 billion) are deposited
in banks while 95 billion remain ($703 million) in
cash.

``The amount of cash in circulation is big
because Albania is a backward country --
banking is not yet efficient and the settlement
system is undeveloped too,'' Cani said.

The central bank and private banks are working
on improving settlement and plan to introduce
the Real Time Gross Settlement (RTGS) system
in two years.

In a bid to foster competition, Cani said the
central bank had granted the necessary banking
licences and eased monetary policy by lifting the
credit ceiling. But borrowing remained low.

``Bankers remain conservative and they don't
invest where they see risks,'' he said.

Cani also lamented the fact that although the
central bank had repeatedly lowered interest
rates on deposits, this was not followed by a cut
in interest rates on credits. Given that
government treasury bonds were yielding over
15 percent, there was no incentive for banks to
increase lending rates.

Last week, the Bank of Albania cut interest rates
for three and six month deposits to 8.0 and 8.25
percent respectively, both from a previous 9.25,
and rates for 12-month deposits to 8.5 percent
from 9.0 percent.

STOCK EXCHANGE MORIBUND

Albania's stock market also continues to suffer.
Launched four years ago, it suffers the ignominy
of still not having a single listed company. All
that is traded in Tirana is the odd treasury bond
on the secondary market.

Cani attributed the stark absence of shares to
the fact that most companies stumbled at the
first hurdle -- publishing certified balance sheets
for the last three years -- but also because the
country lacked the tradition of a stock
exchange.

Cani said it would take another two years before
Albania had a properly functioning bourse
``because the Albanian economy is not yet
ready for a stock exchange.''
                          





From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Thu Jan 27 00:12:43 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Thu, 27 Jan 2000 00:12:43 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Epika shqiptare sipas Prof. Shkurtaj
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046a4563.0948949731.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

Prof. dr. Gjovalin Shkurtaj 
Epika heroike shqiptare si p?rmendore madh?shtore e kultur?s s? gjuh?s 
   Gjuha e epik?s heroike shqiptare, ashtu si p?rgjith?sisht krijimtaria gojore 
poetike e Veriut, p?rb?n nj? trash?gimi t? vyer po edhe t? pastudiuar sa e si 
duhet nga gjuh?sia dhe folkloristika shqiptare. Prej koh?sh, ndoshta q? kur 
isha i vog?l dhe sprovoja t? imitoja disa nga k?ng?tar?t e lahutar?t e krahin?s 
son? t? Mal?sis? s? Madhe, m? kan? mbetur n? mendje jo vet?m qindra e mij?ra 
vargje t? k?ng?ve t? Mujit e t? Halilit, t? Plakut Qefanak e t? Zukut 
Bajraktar, po edhe p?rshtypja e madhe q? kishin n? mbar? njer?zit k?ng?t dhe 
vargjet e kreshnik?ve. Mbaj mend se, jo vet?m burrat ishin t? dh?n? pas eposit 
dhe prisnin me shum? g?zim rastet e festave e t? tubimeve t? m?dha popullore 
p?r t? d?gjuar k?ng?t e mo?me n? interpretimin mjesht?ror t? lahutar?ve vendas 
apo t? atyre q? vinin nga Shala e q? ia thoshin m? shum? se kushdo tjet?r si 
lahut?s ashtu edhe fjal?ve t? eposit, po edhe grat?, sidomos ato t? moshuarat. 
Tashm? jam i bindur se edhe gjuha e epik?s heroike shqiptare duhet kundruar, 
studiuar e vler?suar jo vet?m si nj? pjes? e shprehjes dhe e form?simit 
artistik t? eposit, por edhe si mish?rim i dashuris? s? shqiptarit p?r t? 
bukur?n, p?r vlerat e v?rteta artistike dhe p?r marr?dh?niet e nd?rsjella t? 
gjuh?s me kultur?n n? planin komb?tar shqiptar, po edhe m? gjer?, duke 
p?rfshir? edhe shk?mbimet kulturore e huazimet gjuh?sore e artistike t? 
natyrshme e t? pamungueshme, n? nj? trev? aq t? shk?mbyeshme e t? gjall? si ajo 
ballkanike. Natyrisht, duke qen? se ??shtjet q? i p?rkasin gjuh?s s? epik?s 
heroike shqiptare jan? t? nd?rlidhura me nj? qerthull problemesh t? karakterit 
letraro-artistik, po edhe mir?filli historiko-shoq?ror, gjeografiko-ekonomik e 
kulturor, nuk mund t? m?tojm? t? ndalemi n? gjith?ka q? nden nj? kundrim i 
plot?, ?ka do t? k?rkonte nj? disertacion t? t?r?; prandaj do t? p?rqendrohemi 
n? disa nga pikat m? interesante e pik?risht:  

??p?rfaq?sojn? k?ng?t e kreshnik?ve n? kuadrin e poezis? popullore shqiptare e 
p?rgjith?sisht n? kultur?n e popullit shqiptar?  
Cila ?sht? treva e shtrirjes s? eposit dhe ?'mund t? thuhet p?r djepin e lasht? 
t? tij? Marr?dh?niet e nd?rsjella me eposin e vendeve fqinje, sidomos me eposin 
malazez, si pik?takime e nd?rndikime t? natyrshme t? kulturave t? popujve 
fqinj? e q?, ndon?se t? ndrysh?m p?r nga p?rkat?sia etnike e lasht?sia n? viset 
e tyre t? sotmet (shqiptar?t, si vijues t? pand?rmjetsh?m t? ilir?ve n? trojet 
e veta ballkanike, kurse sllav?t t? ardhur shum? m? von? se ata n? Ballkan, por 
gjithsesi n? nj? fqinj?si tashm? m? se nj? mij? e treqindvje?are me iliro-
shqiptar?t), q?, sidoqoft?, duke bashk?jetuar pran? nj?ri-tjetrit, nuk mund 
edhe t? mos ndikoheshin nd?rsjelltazi, duke u p?rngjasuar deri edhe n? tematik? 
e n? emrat e heronjve kreshnik?, pa?ka se t? dyja pal?t, n? da? ajo malazeze, 
n? da? pala shqiptare, e kan? b?r? zakon t? deklarohen kund?r nj? p?rngjasimi 
t? till? dhe secila thot? se pala e vet ?sht? "burimore dhe m? e lasht?" e se 
tjetra "ka vjedhur e kopjuar" prej saj. Kjo le t? mbetet p?r t'u zhdavaritur m? 
mir? e m? holl? sidomos nga specialist?t e folklorit.  
Lahuta dhe eposi si binjak? t? nj? arti t? hersh?m e t? nj? kulture t? lasht? 
mbar?popullore n? Shqip?rin? e Veriut.  
Tematika e eposit, personazhet kryesore dhe lidhjet nd?rmjet tyre. ??shtje t? 
antroponimis? s? eposit.  
Roli edukativ i eposit dhe vlerat e tij si model i ligj?rimit po edhe i 
sjelljes (komportimit) burr?rore. "Auditori" i eposit dhe proceset e evoluimit 
t? formave t? shprehjes s? tij.  
Disa vler?sime e arritje tonat rreth gjuh?s s? eposit si p?rmendore madh?shtore 
e kultur?s s? gjuh?s. Rreth "ndi?-it" epik si tregues i plotvlersh?m i 
pushtetit dhe i pesh?s shum? t? madhe shpirt?rore t? eposit t? kreshnik?ve n? 
zemr?n e mal?sor?ve dhe, s? andejmi, edhe n? figurshm?rin? dhe bukurin? e 
gjuh?s s? tyre.  
     Natyrisht, p?r t? mos p?rs?ritur gj?rat tashm? t? ditura nga sa ?sht? 
shkruar n? botimet m? t? reja, n? rreshtat q? ndjekin, do t? p?rqendrohemi 
vet?m n? ??shtjet m? kryesore e duke b?r? nj? far? zgjedhjeje: d.m.th., duke 
parap?lqyer ato q? mbeten p?r t'u thelluar apo edhe t? diskutueshme.
1. Epika popullore ?sht? nj? gjini e poezis? popullore q? ka si ve?ori rr?fimin 
dhe q? p?rmbledh: epik?n legjendare dhe epik?n historike. N? epik?n legjendare 
p?rfshihen k?ng? q? b?jn? fjal? p?r b?ma, rite, doke e marr?dh?nie shoq?rore t? 
hershme; aty zen? vend t? gjer? trim?rit? dhe b?mat zullumqare t? kreshnik?ve, 
si Muji e Halili, Gjergj Elez Alija, Omeri i Mujit, Plaku Qefanak, etj. K?to 
k?ng? shquhen p?r nj? stilizim t? gjer? epik, p?r realizimin e tyre sipas 
modeleve artistike t? mo?me dhe me nj? pleksje t? mahnitshme t? reales dhe t? 
joreales, t? fakteve dhe t? imagjinat?s.  
      K?ng?t e kreshnik?ve, pa dyshim, p?rfaq?sojn? pjes?n m? t? bukur dhe m? 
interesante t? poezi-s? popullore shqiptare. Si t? tilla, ato kan? t?rhequr 
prej koh?sh edhe interesimin e studiuesve t? huaj: t? folklorist?ve po edhe t? 
gjuh?tar?ve. P?rmendim, nd?r t? tjer?, albanologun e shquar aust-riak 
Maksimilian Lamberc, i cili n? studimin e tij shum? interesant "Epika popullore 
e shqiptar?ve", (1958) ka dh?n?, p?r her? t? par?, disa vler?sime dhe mendime 
shum? t? vlefshme rreth madh?shtis? dhe bukuris? s? eposit shqiptar, si dhe 
b?ri (me aq sa mund t? b?hej n? at? koh?) t? par?n sprov? p?r nj? studim e 
vler?sim kompleks t? eposit shqiptar duke p?rfillur gjer? edhe vlerat e tiparet 
gjuh?sore t? k?saj gjinie epike. K?ng?t e kreshnik?ve jan? krijimet m? t? gjata 
t? poezis? popullore shqiptare. Ato mund t? arrijn? deri n? disa qindra vargje, 
kryesisht dhjet?rrok?she, po edhe me p?rmasa t? tjera. Vargjet jan? t? bardha, 
por me kadenca ritmike e aliteracione t? zhd?rvjell?ta, q? pasqyrojn? edhe 
natyr?n fonike t? gjuh?s shqipe, posa??risht t? dialektit t? geg?rishtes 
veriper?ndimore. N? m?nyr? t? ve?ant? aty jan? me interes dy faktor?: a) 
gjat?sia e zanoreve t? theksuara, ndonj?her? edhe e t? patheksuarave, si nj? 
tipar fonologjik vet?m i geg?rishtes dhe i ndonj? s? folmeje skajore a an?sore 
t? tosk?rishtes (si lab?rishtja dhe ndonj? nga t? folmet e diaspor?s arb?reshe 
t? Italis? e t? Greqis?); b) zgjatimi i zanoreve p?r arsye stili, bashk? me 
disa nd?rrime e kalime fonetike n? gjuh?n e k?ng?ve, q? kryhen thjesht p?r 
arsye muzikaliteti e kumbueshm?rie m? t? lart?. P?r k?to kemi shkruar, s? pari, 
n? artikullin ton? "Rreth disa ve?orive t? gjuh?s s? k?ng?ve popullore", porse, 
edhe para nesh, problemin e kishin prekur Eqrem ?abej n? studimin "P?r gjenez?n 
e literatur?s shqipe" (1939) e sidomos M. Lamberci n? studimin q? cituam m? 
lart. P?r k?ng?t popullore t? Shqip?ris? s? Jugut, nj? p?rpjekje t? par? ka 
b?r? edhe V. Fidleri n? artikullin "Disa ??shtje t? metrik?s s? k?ng?ve 
popullore ?ame"(1965). Tashti s? fundi, n? librin "Dialektologjia", n? pjes?n e 
par? hyr?se, kemi shtuar edhe nj? syth t? gjer? kushtuar marr?dh?nieve t? 
dialektologjis? me folklorin dhe etnografin?, ku, p?r her? t? par?, kemi 
trajtuar disa nga ??shtjet m? kryesore rreth vlerave t? folklorit p?r studimet 
dialektologjike dhe p?rgjith?sisht gjuh?sore. M? gjer?, disa aspekte t? gjuh?s 
s? eposit t? kreshnik?ve jan? trajtuar n? Simpoziumin e vitit 1983 n? Tiran?, 
ku pati edhe sprova interesante p?r disa aspekte t? ve?anta t? gjuh?s s? eposit 
shqiptar, si p?r toponimin? dhe antroponimin?, p?r pasurin? dhe bukurin? e 
shprehjes etj. Nj? v?mendje t? ve?ant? i ka kushtuar onomastik?s s? eposit 
shqiptar studiuesi kosovar Demush Shala, sidomos n? studimin e tij me 
titull "Onomastika n? k?ng?t kreshnike shqiptare".  
      2. Nga k?rkimet e b?ra deri m? sot rezulton se k?ng?t epike t? ciklit t? 
kreshnik?ve i gjejm? n? Shqip?rin? Veriore, kryesisht n? trevat mbi lumin Drin, 
n? k?t? shtrirje: Mal?sia e Madhe (Hot, Kelmend, Grud?, Triesh, Kastrat, 
Shkrel), Kraja, Rranxat e Mbishkodr?s, Dukagjini, Postrripa, Shllaku, Nikaj-
M?rturi, Mal?sia e Gjakov?s (Krasniq, Gash, Byty?, Berish?), Kosova. Kjo ?sht? 
vatra kryesore apo treva e mir?fillt? e ciklit t? kreshnik?ve, po p?rhapja e 
tij ?sht? edhe m? e gjer?; ajo kalon edhe posht? Drinit, si n? Puk?, Kuk?s, 
Dib?r e Mat, deri n? disa fshatra t? Shqip?ris? s? Mesme.  
     3. Karakteristik? themelore e eposit shqiptar ?sht? shoq?rimi me lahut?, 
veg?l q?, sipas etnomuzikolog?ve shqiptar? e t? huaj, ?sht? nga m? t? lashtat 
dhe "p?rfaq?son arkeotipin m? t? lasht? t? veglave kordofone me hark t? 
kontinentit evropian".  
     Lahuta, n? dialektin e Mal?sis? s? Madhe, sidomos n? an?t per?ndimore t? 
tij, shqiptohet edhe lavd-a : mej ra lavds. N? an?t verilindore shqiptohet 
lahut-a. Kjo veg?l bashk? me k?ng?t q? shoq?ron, ka luajtur rol t? r?nd?sish?m 
etik, po edhe ?sht? kthyer n? simbol etnik. Mal?sor?t tan? e kan? v?shtruar 
lahut?n si objekt kulti, prandaj edhe e kishte ?do sht?pi. Sht?pia pa lahut? 
quhej shpi e l?nun "sht?pi e l?n?". Mbi lahut? (kryesisht n? kok?, po edhe n? 
bishtin e saj) mal?sor?t gdhendnin figura mitologjike q? lidhen me besime 
popullore t? ndryshme, si: gjarp?r, kok? dhie, p?rkrenarja e Gjergj Kastriotit 
etj. Gdhendja e kok?s s? dhis? lidhet me besime t? hershme popullore. N? k?ng?t 
e kreshnik?ve b?mat e heronjve kusht?zohen nga prania e figurave t? besimit 
popullor, nga forca magjike e zanave dhe e or?ve, t? cilat i pajisin heronjt? 
me fuqi t? mbinatyrshme. N? nj? nga k?ng?t e kreshnik?ve flitet p?r dhit? e 
egra t? Zanave, q? rrin? n? Lugje t? Verdha e i kan? brir?t prej floriri; ato 
simbolizojn? fuqin? e zanave. N? ndonj? k?ng? k?ndohet p?r djalin gjarp?r, 
kurse n? shum? k?ng? gjarpri del nga gjoksi i kund?rshtar?ve t? Mujit e t? 
Halilit kur vriten, si p.sh. nga barku i Behurit, i Gjurit Harambash; nga barku 
i Bajlozit t? Zi q? vret Gjergj Elez Alija etj.  
     Lahuta shqiptare, n? dallim nga guslla e sllav?ve, ?sht? veg?l popullore 
masive e njer?zve t? thjesht?, e k?ng?tar?ve joprofesionist?. Guslla ?sht? 
veg?l profesioniste e k?ng?tar?ve q? paguhen p?r k?t? mjesht?ri. Me lahut? 
shoq?rohen k?ng?t epike, midis t? cilave shquhen ato t? Mujit e t? Halilit. 
Lahuta dhe k?nga shkrihen n? nj? t? vetme. Nuk mbahet mend q? n? mal?sit? tona 
lahuta t? jet? p?rdorur ve?mas. Ajo vet?m shoq?ron k?ng?t duke spikatur dy 
momente:  
Hyrjen apo introduksionin e k?ng?s, si dhe interludet midis rreshtave 
muzikor?.  
Kur shoq?ron k?ng?tarin gjat? interpretimit t? tij. Gjat? shoq?rimit t? k?ng?s 
(fjal?ve) lahuta ka nj? kufizim t? ndjesh?m t? funksioneve t? saj, me q?, n? 
k?t? rast, v?mendja p?rqendrohet kryesisht n? nj? ligj?rim sa m? t? bukur.
     4. Eposi i kreshnik?ve ?sht? nj? pasuri q? duhet njohur e studiuar n? 
shum? aspekte: n? aspektin e p?rmbajtjes, n? aspektin etnografik e etnologjik, 
n? aspektin historik e gjeografik dhe, natyrisht, lidhur me t? gjitha k?to, n? 
aspektin gjuh?sor. Deri sot, k?to aspekte nuk kan? qen? mjaft t? njohura.  
      Mendojm? se, p?r t? arritur n? rezultate t? sigurta p?r gjuh?n e eposit, 
duhet studiuar gjuha si pjes? e form?s, si forma n? lidhje me p?rmbajtjen. Kjo, 
pa dyshim, na shpie te thelbi i tyre, te tematika e eposit: te b?mat e 
kreshnik?ve, n? marr?dh?niet farefisnore e miq?sore nd?rmjet tyre. P?rmbajtja e 
eposit ka ruajtur elemente t? vjetra, por edhe ?sht? zhvilluar e ?sht? shtuar 
me mbishtresa t? reja n? rrjedh? t? shekujve. Megjithat?, p?rmbajtja e tij na 
sjell elemente t? r?nd?sishme nga thell?sia e shekujve, d?shmi dukurish 
jet?sore e marr?dh?niesh shoq?rore t? nj? t? kaluare q? shkon shum? larg n? 
parahistori, deri n? koh? t? mjergullta e q? nuk jan? ndri?uar ende, por edhe 
q? ?sht? e v?shtir?, n? mos e pamundur, t? kemi sot mb?shtetje nga d?shmi 
historike sepse d?shmi t? tilla nuk ka.  
      Personazhet kryesore t? eposit shqiptar jan? kreshnik?t, nd?rmjet t? 
cil?ve, si nj? bosht themelor, q?ndrojn? dy v?llez?rit e famsh?m: Muji dhe 
Halili. Muji na del n? k?ng? t? ndryshme me mbiemra t? ndrysh?m: Gjeto Bashe 
Muji a ?eto Basho Muji, Bylykbashe Muji etj., kurse p?r Halilin ndeshim shpesh: 
Sokol Halili, Halil Bajraktari, Halil Ag Jutbina etj. N? t? v?rtet?, ndjekja e 
personazheve na shpie n? nj? l?m interesant t? rrafshit gjuh?sor e pik?risht n? 
at? t? onomastik?s s? eposit, n? antroponimin? dhe toponimin? sa t? larmishme 
aq edhe t? p?lleshme p?r shpjegime e shqyrtime etnolinguistike e antropologjiko-
kulturore me r?nd?si p?r historin? e popullit shqiptar. Shtres?zimet, 
shnd?rrimet dhe risit? n? onomastik?n e eposit duhen par? t? lidhura ngusht? e 
gjithnj? krahas me t? gjitha p?rjetimet historiko-shoq?rore e etno-kulturore t? 
popullit shqiptar, lidhur edhe me pushtimin disashekullor t? tij nga osman?t, 
po edhe me pretimet e trysnin? asimiluese q? i kan? drejtuar gjithnj? fqinj?t 
sllav?, si "shp?rblim" t? dashamir?sis? e t? bujaris? tipike q? shqiptari u ka 
nder? gjithnj? fqinjve t? vet.  
       Rreth Mujit e Halilit veprojn? edhe shum? kreshnik? t? tjer?, t? cil?t 
quhen Agajt e Jutbin?s. N? disa k?ng? thuhet se ata jan? tridhjet?: le t? 
kujtojm?, p.sh., vargun nistor t? nj? k?nge: "Tridhet agaj n kuven na jan 
mliell" (Tridhjet? agaj n? kuvend na jan? mbledhur). Agajt kan? shumica emra t? 
zanafill?s orientale, kryesisht turke: Deli Mehmet Aga, Bud Ali Tali (ose Bude 
Aline Tali), Tali prej Budinit, Basho Jona, Ago Imeri / Aga Ymeri, Ali 
Bajraktari, Zuku Bajraktar, Dizdar Osman Aga etj. Emra t? till?, si? ka v?n? re 
studiuesi kosovar, i ndjeri Demush Shala, sjellin nj? ngjyres? t? antroponimis? 
orientale e duhen v?shtruar si p?rpjekje e p?rhershme e k?ng?tar?ve popullor? 
p?r t?i aktualizuar ngjarjet dhe fytyrat qendrore t? tyre, n? m?nyr? q? t? 
ruajn? sa mir? interesin p?r vlerat q? i nden (ofron) auditorit bashk?koh?s, q? 
kishte ndjer? tashm? pesh?n e trysnin? myslimanizuese. Kjo dukuri p?rputhet 
edhe me procesin e gjer? t? pag?zimit me emra mysliman? t? f?mij?ve shqiptar?, 
jo vet?m t? besimit muhamedan, po, ndonj?her? edhe t? elementit katolik 
shqiptar". Nd?rkaq, ?sht? me interes t? vihet n? dukje se emrat e kreshnik?ve 
shqiptar? bashk?jetojn? edhe me emra t? krishter?, t? plot? ose pjes?risht, si: 
Lule Grangu, Ded? Kahremani, Gjergj Elez Alija, Plaku Qefanak etj.  
      N? epos ka edhe disa personazhe femra, sidomos: n?na e dy kryetrimave, 
motra ose gruaja e Mujit, q? quhet Kune ose Hajkun?; ndonj?her? edhe Kuna e 
Bardh? a Hajkuna e Bardh?. Epiteti fiks "e bardh?" u vihet shpesh femrave t? 
pal?s kund?rshtare, q? dashurohen e grabiten dendur nga kreshnik?t, si Begzadja 
e Bardh?, Lajka e Bardh? etj. N? t? v?rtet?, epiteti "e bardh?" duhet t? jet? 
nj? element i lasht? stilistik i shqiptar?ve, p?rderisa na del dendur edhe n? 
k?ng?t epiko-lirike t? diaspor?s arb?reshe: "Vash? moj e bardha vash?" thuhet 
n? nj? k?ng? epike t? arb?resh?ve t? Sh?n Kollit (San Nicolo dell? Alto) n? 
Katanxaro.  
     Disa prej personazheve femra, n? eposin e kreshnik?ve, na dalin me 
pseudonime, pra me emra meshkujsh e t? veshur si t? till?, p?r t? marr? pjes? 
n? duele (zakonisht n? vend t? babait plak), si p.sh., Omeri i Ri, ose ?ika e 
Plakut t? Mo??m, Dule Jabanxhija si pseudonim i Fatimja e Bardh? etj. Mbase 
kemi t? b?jm? me nj? er? t? emancipimit evropian, q?, si? dihet, na ?sht? 
shfaqur edhe n? let?rsin? artistike evropiane, n? nj? koh? kur, deri at?her?, 
gruas ende nuk i lejoheshin disa veprimtari t? burrave, p?rfshir? edhe botimin 
e librave, si n? rastin e Aurore du Pin, q? njihet kudo n? bot? vet?m me 
pseudonimin e nj? emri mashkull: George Sande. Por, ndoshta, qysh n? ato 
periudha t? mug?ta, t? ket? pasur raste edhe t? "vajzave virgjina" q? 
sakrifikonin jet?n e k?naq?sit? bashk?shortore p?r hir t? detyrave si zot 
sht?pie, n? munges? t? nj? mashkulli nga dera e vet q? ta kryente at? 
funksion.  
      Qendrat kryesore t? kreshnik?ve q? p?rmenden n? epos jan? Jutbina dhe 
Klladusha, q? mund t? identifikoheshin me toponimet Utbina e Glladusha af?r 
Banjalluk?s n? Bosnje. Po edhe toponimia e eposit, ashtu si antroponimia, ?sht? 
e gjer?. T? dendura jan? sidomos toponimet me togfjal?sha: em?r + p?rcaktor: 
Lugjet e Verdha, Gurrat e Bardha, Rra-pi i Jutbin?s, Bjeshk?t e Kuqe etj.  
      5. K?ng?t e kreshnik?ve k?-ndohen n? tubime popu-llore me r?nd?si, n? das-
ma, n? oda t? burrave, n? mjediset familjare, festat komb?tare a fetare etj. 
Kur k?ndohen k?ng?t e kreshnik?ve auditori d?-gjon me nderim e v?me-ndje t? 
madhe. Burrat e mo??m p?rhumben n? kujtime e derdhin lot?. Eposi ?sht?, pra, 
nj? kri-jim hijer?nd? e burr?ror, q? nuk i qas vulgarizmat dhe fjal?t e 
pakrehura. N? mbarim t? k?ng?s, t? gjith? d?gjuesit e prani-sh?m e urojn? 
nj?z?ri k?ng?tarin me fjal?t: "T? lumt? goja!", "T? k?ndoft? zemra!", "Ia la? 
djalit!" etj.  
      Gjithmon? ky epos ?sht? vler?suar si nj? krijimtari me pesh? ndikuese 
edukative. "K?ng?t e kreshnik?ve e burr?rojn? njeriun, e b?jn? trim, i shtien 
zem?r t? duroj? plumbat, gjakun, luftat ku tresin mashkujt". Mund t? themi se 
mal?sori shqiptar ?sht? ushqyer me k?ng?t e kreshnik?ve, jo vet?m n?p?rmjet 
auditorit t? tyre t? mir?fillt? ku ato k?ndoheshin, po edhe nga p?rcjellja goj? 
m? goj?, e n?nave te f?mij?t. N?nat mal?sore, edhe kur flasin p?r gj?ra t? 
zakonshme, e kan? p?r zakon t? kthehen n? tregimet legjendare n?p?rmjet fjalive 
e th?nieve t? nd?rkallura q? fillojn? me t? famshmin "ni?" (<ndi? < ndiej ??), 
q? sjell n? bised? pasazhet m? t? pikuara t? eposit t? kreshnik?ve. Gjej rastin 
t? p?rmend se, edhe n?na ime, Tereze Prekja, q? vinte nga nj? der? e mir? e 
Kastratit e ishte mbes? nga Traboini, sa her? fliste me fqinj?n e vet, Pret 
Dushen, edhe ajo bij? soji nga Vuksalekajt e Hotit, p?rdorte dendur fjali q? 
fillonin me "Ndi? ka pa than?" apo thjesht me "ndi?" dhe citonte th?nie nga ato 
t? k?ng?ve kreshnike. M? von?, pas studimeve t? larta p?r gjuh?-let?rsi dhe, 
madje, pas disa vjet k?rkimesh si dialektolog, duke u endur n? Mal?sin? e Madhe 
e n? Dukagjin, do ta rid?gjoja at? "ndi?" edhe n? shum? raste e rrethana t? 
tjera dhe do t? bindesha kat?rcip?risht p?r rolin e madh ndikues apo, th?n? 
ndryshe, p?r at? pesh? t? madhe shpirt?rore dhe artistike q? kan? pasur k?ng?t 
e kreshnik?ve n? zemr?n e mal?sor?ve tan?. Ja p?rse Ndre Mjeda, nj? nga 
njoh?sit e vler?suesit e m?dhenj t? shpirtit mal?sor, n? nj? nga vjershat e 
bukura t? tij thot?:  
"Qe nd?r djepa rrisin nanat e Hotit djelm?nin? ushtore,  
e idhnim n?anmikun nep?r gji u qesin".   

     Kemi n? k?to vargje poetike nj? sintez? t? atij realiteti q? ndeshet kudo 
n? Mal?sin? e Madhe edhe sot e gjith? dit?n: n?nat mal?sore e kan? pasur 
tradit? q? fjal?t e bukura t? k?ng?ve epike t?ua m?sojn? f?mij?ve, sidomos 
djemve, t?ua ushqejn? ato n? zemra s? bashku me qum?shtin, bash ashtu si? e 
thoshte poeti yn? i shquar.  
     Marr?dh?niet rapsod-auditor kan? qen? gjithnj? t? gjalla dhe kan? p?rb?r? 
nj? ecuri t? pand?rprer? n? t? gjitha mjediset mal?sore. Pa auditor nuk ka 
rapsod dhe ?do auditor i ri, natyrisht, i shtron rapsodit k?rkesa t? reja p?r 
form?n gjuh?sore. Me k?t? lidhet edhe ajo nj?si apo karakteristik? gjuh?sore e 
eposit q? ?sht? cil?suar si nj? "koine mbidialektore", p?r t? cil?n flet edhe 
studiuesja ruse A. Desnickaja.  
     Eposi i kreshnik?ve p?rb?n nj? p?rmendore t? mrekulluesh-me t? kultur?s s? 
gjuh?s, nj? trash?gimi t? pa?mueshme n? t? cil?n mund t? verifikohen d?shmi 
shum? interesante t? proceseve historike e dialektologjike t? shqipes. N? k?t? 
kuad?r t? studimit t? gjuh?s s? eposit bien n? sy dy an? t? lidhura ngusht? 
nj?ra me tjetr?n: nga nj?ra an?, tematika e pleksur me elemente mitologjike e 
brendiore t? lashta, me mbeturi e tregues legjendar? e mend?si t? shekujve t? 
shkuar; nga ana tjet?r, nj? gjuh? q? kuptohet pa ndonj? v?shtir?si t? ve?ant? 
nga brezat e rinj t? koh?s son?, jo vet?m n? Geg?ri, po edhe m? gjer?. Kjo 
d?shmon se gjuha e eposit ka pasur nj? p?rpunim t? nj? shkalle t? lart?, 
prandaj edhe ?sht? konsideruar me t? drejt? si "p?rmendore e art? e gjuh?s son? 
poetike". Gjuh? t? bukur, figura t? hijshme e leksik t? zgjedhur ka mbar? 
krijimtaria poetike e popullit ton?, por eposi i kreshnik?ve "da n? shenj" 
sepse ka nj? p?rpunim e gdhendje t? posa?me. Kjo ka qen? edhe arsyeja pse shum? 
studiues, shqiptar? e t? huaj, kan? pohuar e mb?shtetur fuqimisht se eposi 
yn? "?sht? nj? vep?r me t? v?rtet? madh?shtore e krijuesve popullor?, q? t? 
mahnit e t? l? pa goj? me bukurin? e vet". Si krijim artistik popullor, eposi 
yn? ?sht? nj? gjini e lasht? e q?, me p?rmbajtjen e tij, na sjell jehon?n e 
koh?ve shum? t? hershme. Por, nj?koh?sisht, ky epos ?sht? edhe nj? gjini q? 
transmetohet brez pas brezi dhe, bash p?r k?t? rrethan?, ai ?sht? i detyruar 
t?i p?rshtatet zhvillimit apo evoluimit t? gjuh?s n? p?rputhje me koh?n e me 
vendin q? k?ndohen nga rapsodi.  
       6. Gj?ja m? e par? q? i dallon k?ng?t nga t? folurit e zakonsh?m ?sht? 
stili i tyre poetik. Ato, si lloje t? poezis? gojore, karakterizohen nga 
zgjedhja e fjal?ve, nga vendosja e tyre n? p?rshtatje me k?rkesat e ritmit, t? 
rim?s, t? plot?simit t? vargut etj. P?r k?t? arsye, n? gjuh?n e folur ka 
dallime nga nj? krahin? n? tjetr?n, si p.sh., dallohen mjaft qart? t? folmet e 
an?s veriper?ndimore nga ato t? an?s verilindore, kurse n? eposin e atyre 
an?ve, vem? re se dallimet dialektore nuk jan? aq t? dukshme; kemi aty nj? 
form? gjuh?sore m? t? rrafshuar, m? t? p?rpunuar, me mbizot?rim t? asaj q? 
?sht? e p?rbashk?t dhe e p?rhapur gjithandej. P?rmbajtja e epik?s son? heroike 
legjendare, ve?an?risht "fara" apo b?rthama e saj, s?ka dyshim q? do t? jet? e 
lasht? dhe mosha e saj matet jo me shekuj, por me mij?ravje?ar?. T? s? nj?jt?s 
mosh? duket se jan? edhe shum? nga fjal?t e frazeolo-gjizmat q? ndeshim n? 
epos, si: shpata, heshta, kreshta, drumi, ashta, breshta, fiskaja, termalja, 
zanat, or?t, t? lumet, shtojzovallet etj. Natyrisht, nga ana fonetike, k?to 
leksema, me kalimin e koh?s, edhe jan? l?muar e rrafshuar n? p?rputhje me 
evoluimin e p?rgjithsh?m t? dialektit verior. Na duket me r?nd?si t? theksojm? 
k?tu edhe nj? rrethan? tjet?r: karakteri legjendar dhe i lasht? i b?mave t? 
heronjve t? epik?s shqiptare si dhe paraqitja e hiperbolizuar e plot elemente 
t? reja, t? fresk?ta, me shenja e gjurm? leksikore t? koh?ve t? reja. K?nga 
epike, duke kaluar nga nj? k?ng?tar n? tjetrin si edhe, m? p?r s? forti, nga 
nj? brez k?ng?tar?sh m? i vjet?r te nj? m? i ri, ka p?suar vijimisht edhe 
p?rdit?simin p?rkat?s, duke u p?rt?rir? n? an? t? ndryshme t? shprehjes 
gjuh?sore, t? stilit etj. Si d?shmi t? k?tij p?rdit?simi jan?, nd?r t? tjera, 
shtres?zimet dhe big?zimet leksikore e frazeologjike aq t? shpesha n? gjuh?n e 
eposit, ku shohim se, n? t? nj?jt?n k?ng?, ka edhe fjal? vendore (lokale) t? s? 
folmes s? ngusht?, edhe variante a leksema m? t? p?rhapura e q? i p?rkasin nj? 
arealeje m? t? gjer?, deri edhe mbar?shqiptare. K?shtu, n? vargjet e eposit:  

"Paka n? and?rr nj? tub? berresh,  
Tufa ishte treqind delesh"
     Aty ndeshim her? tuf? delesh, her? tub? berresh: e para (dele) ?sht? nj? 
fjal? m? e njohur, e p?rbashk?t si fonetikisht, ashtu edhe nga ana semantike, 
kurse e dyta (tub? berresh) ?sht? e njohur n? nj? areale m? t? ngusht?, 
kryesisht n? trevat e geg?rishtes veriore.  
T? nj?jt?n gj? kemi v?n? re edhe n? raste t? tjera, si:  
"Notojn? kurmat fell? n? det,  
Notojn? trupat nep?r gjak".
     N? k?t? shembull, fjala kurm-i me kuptimin "trup" ?sht? nj? fjal? e 
vjet?r, m? arkaike, kurse trup-i del si konkurrente m? e re, m? e p?rbashk?t, 
gj? q? flet pik?risht p?r nj? p?rpunim a rrafshim t? gjuh?s apo p?r at? "koine 
mbidialektore" t? gjuh?s s? eposit.  
     Dyzimin si nj? shkall? t? nd?rmjetme drejt formave m? t? nj?suara, m? t? 
p?rbashk?ta e shohim edhe n? pran?v?nien (n? t? nj?jtin varg) t? shprehjeve 
frazeologjike apo lokucioneve dhe fjal?ve t? barazvlershme me to p?r nga 
kuptimi, si p.sh.:  
"Ka marr? brim?n e po b?rtet;  
M?asht dhan? ika e kam ik?;  
Kan? nis? kang?n e p?e k?ndojn?".
     Nga studimet tona kemi arritur n? p?rfundimin se n? gjuh?n e epik?s, qoft? 
risit? (inovacionet), qoft? ruajtjet (konservacionet) jan? t? lidhura m? tep?r 
me brendin?, me stilin dhe me m?timet artistike, gj? q? shkakton l?vizje m? t? 
shumta n? fush?n e leksikut dhe t? morfosintaks?s. Sistemi fonetik, nd?rkaq, 
mbetet i nj?jt? me at? t? gjuh?s s? folur t? trevave p?rkat?se, p?r arsye se ai 
nuk mund t? kryej? funksione artistike-stilistike si ato q? p?rmbushen me an?n 
e leksikut.  K?ng?t e kreshnik?ve na japin nj? pamje t? gjer? t? asaj m?nyre t? 
shprehjes gjuh?sore popullore ku politesa dhe arroganca, miklimi dhe ironia, 
shpotia dhe sarkazma etj., paraqiten me mjete gjuh?sore t? q?lluara, t? gjetura 
mir? e t? bukura, me larmi e p?rpikm?ri, q? d?shmojn? p?r nj? shije t? holl? 
artistike, po edhe p?r tradit? t? lasht? t? shprehjes s? p?rpunuar, t? gjuh?s 
si mjet arti. Nga ky k?ndv?shtrim, nuk e teprojm? kur themi se k?ng?t e 
kreshnik?ve jan? p?rmendore madh?shtore e kultur?s s? gjuh?s shqipe. 

  
 
  
  
    

  
 





From aalibali at yahoo.com  Wed Jan 26 20:33:45 2000
From: aalibali at yahoo.com (Agron Alibali)
Date: Wed, 26 Jan 2000 17:33:45 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Koha Jone
Message-ID: <20000127013345.25744.qmail@web117.yahoomail.com>

Berisha: Naften ta marrim ne Kuvajt
Edhe nje here kryetari i PD-se kunder interesave greke
ne Tirane

Sali Berisha i kerkoi dje qeverise greke "te marre
masa kunder mafias se saj, ndryshe kjo nuk i sherben
marredhenieve te mira midis dy vendeve tona", forcoi
tonet lideri i PD-se, duke folur nga Patosi ku ishte
per miting gjate parafushates se zgjedhjeve lokale.
Qyteti i Patosit me 30 mije banore eshte bastion i te
majteve dhe ka votuar ne 1997 per Ylli Bufin deputet,
ndersa disa mijera kishin dale dje ne mesdite ne
sheshin e qytetit per te pare me kureshtje provinciale
njerezit e ardhur nga kryeqyteti. Nje pjese e mire e
atyre qe brohorisnin per Berishen kishin mberritur nga
Fieri, qe ndodhet vetem 8 km larg nga Patosi dhe ku
PD-ja ka nje baze te forte te saj. Pjesa derrmuese e
banoreve te Patosit vazhdon te punoje kryesisht ne
industrine e naftes, nderkohe qe qyteti eshte
themeluar ne vitet pas clirimit nga nazifashistet.
Megjithate, incidentet munguan gjate vizites. Ndersa
Berisha qe parakaloi ne turmen soditese u ngjit i
shoqeruar nga disa qindra vete ne nje salle ne katin e
trete te nje ndertese, qe dikur funksiononte si
Pallati i Kultures i qytetit, por qe dje kundermonte
nga urina ne katin e pare, nje grup prej rreth 200
vetesh dhe qe perbente pjesen aktive te pjesemarresve,
therriste "Berisha - Presidenti", por edhe "O Fatos, o
legen, do te cojme ne Tepelene", nderkohe qe lideri i
PD-se u tha: "Une iu dua shume". Berisha theksoi qe
Greqia prodhon aq nafte sa per te furnizuar vetem
Janinen. Ai shtoi se ish-ministri i Ekonomise Publike
dhe Privatizimit, Ylli Bufi, ka bere qe ne Durres te
kufizoje nje siperfaqe toke per te ngritur aty
rezervuare nafte per te vjedhur. Berisha argumentoi se
Shqiperise i leverdis qe te bleje nafte jo ne Greqi,
por ne Kuvajt. Kryetari i PD-se ne akuzat e tij per
korrupsion qeveritar, tha se firma e kafese "Murati do
Brazil" e denuar per kontrabande, drejtuesit e saj u
burgosen nga ministri i Financave, Anastas Angjeli, qe
ishte ortaku i tyre, por u vuri prangat kur nuk po
merrte prej tyre 80% te fitimit". Berisha foli dhe per
problemet sociale dhe theksoi se prodhimi ditor i
naftes eshte ulur nga 1400 ton ne kohen e PD-se ne 700
ton. Ne fakt, gjate gjithe dekades se kaluar industria
e arit te zi u shkaterrua per nje sere faktoresh,
njeri prej te cileve ishte pervetesimi i fondeve
financiare. Ne krye te dy oreve, Berisha la qytetin e
proletareve

__________________________________________________
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From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Thu Jan 27 18:14:13 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Thu, 27 Jan 2000 18:14:13 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Omonia?!
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046b6103.0949014587.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

OMONIA asks redimension of policy towards Greek minority

TIRANE, Jan 27 (ATA)-By G. Dilaveri, The Democratic Union of Greek Ethnic 
Minority (OMONIA) at a news conference in Tirane on Thursday asked the 
redimension of the Albanian policy towards the Greek minority.
"It is high time the Albanian state policy towards the Greek minority in Albania
is redimensioned in the context of the latest developments, expected during the 
implementation of the Stability Pact in the region," said Vangjelis Dules, head 
of the OMONIA political-social organisation, laying the stress mainly on issues 
of education, mother tongue, public order and property.
He said that "in principle the Greeks do not enjoy the right to education in 
their mother tongue, (neither that of learning) in all zones".
Considering the ratification last June by Albania of the framework convention 
for the protection of ethnic minorities as a significant step, the chairman of 
OMONIA said that "its implementation through concrete legislative measures is 
again required".
By the beginning of this month Premier Ilir Meta visited several minority 
villages in the districts of Gjirokaster and Sarande. He expressed the 
commitment of the Albanian government to invest in the zones of the Greek 
minority in Albania to respect the minorities and restore law and order in these
zones.
/lm/ 





From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Sun Jan 30 10:37:30 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2000 10:37:30 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Conference announcement
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046d7de3.0949246589.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

 
    Series
    ZEI-Europadialog
                       

    
     title
                 Emir I. Hajdini

                 Post-Graduate am Zentrum f?r Europ?ische
                 Integrationsforschung

                 Ein junger Politikwissenschaftler und Jurist
                 aus Albanien, der die wechselvolle Geschichte
                 seines Landes in den letzten Jahren von Athen
                 aus beobachtet hat, tr?gt vor ?ber 

                 STRENGTHENING INTERNAL AND
                 EXTERNAL STABILITY IN ALBANIA
     date
                 Tuesday, 15.2.2000, 12.30 - 2 p.m.
     venue
                 Conference Rooms ZEI, Walter-Flex-Str. 3,
                 53113 Bonn
     department
                 ZEI c 
     contact
                 Dr. Rafael Biermann
                 Tel: +49 (0) 228 / 73-1879 
      
                        





From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Sun Jan 30 10:41:37 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2000 10:41:37 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] European Union and Albania
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046d7e13.0949246726.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

European Foreign Affairs Review


         Issue:
        4, 4


             http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/1384-6299


 European Commercial Policy: A Leadership Role in the New
 Millenium?
                                                             
                                                                    


    Smith, Michael


    Woolcock, Stephen


 The EU as an International Fisheries Actor - Shark or
 Minnow?
                                                               
                                                                   


    Churchill, Robin


 European Security and Defence: The Case for Setting
 'Convergence Criteria'
                                                           
                                                         


    Missiroli, Antonio


 Promoting Development and Stability through a
 Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Zone?
                                                               
                                                                   


    Nienhaus, Volker


 EU Foreign Policy and Albania
                                                             
                                                                


    Di Feliciantonio, Susanna


 Documents Section


 British-Italian Declaration - 'Joint Declaration Launching
 European Defence Capabilities Iniative', 
                                                             
                                                                   


 London, 19-20 July 1999


 Documents Section


 Pascal Lamy reply to European Parliament Questionnaire
 [Extracts]
                                                            
                                                                 


 Documents Section


 Christopher Patten reply to European Parliament
 Questionnaire [Extracts]
                                                             
                                                                  


 Documents Section


 G?nter Verheugen reply to European Parliament
 Questionnaire [Extracts]
                                                            
                                                                 


 Book Review


 Europe in the World: The Persistence of Power Politics
                                                             
                                                                  


    Lee, Michael


 Book Review


 The New Transatlantic Agenda and the Future of EU-US
 Relations
                                                              
                                                                  


    Peterson, John


 Thursday, January 27, 2000
                                                                Page 1 of 2





From pilika at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 30 13:51:29 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2000 10:51:29 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Massacres Continue
Message-ID: <20000130185129.17061.qmail@web801.mail.yahoo.com>

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/aponline/20000129/aponline041912_000.htm

Albanians Lost in Neutral Zone

By Melissa Eddy
Associated Press Writer
Saturday, Jan. 29, 2000; 4:19 a.m. EST

DOBRASIN, Yugoslavia -- This village of 1,000 ethnic
Albanians lies
just
inside Serbia, overlooking the boundary with Kosovo.
NATO-led
peacekeepers aren't allowed to come here. Serb police
aren't supposed
to, either.
     But they do.
     Three days ago, villagers say, a dozen of them
came over the
hillside beyond the schoolhouse. Shots rang out and
the Serbs raced
away. Hours later, villagers found the bodies of Isaj
Saqipi and his
brother, Shaip, beneath their tractor, each shot
through the head.
     Under an agreement signed by NATO and Serb
generals last June, the
three-mile swath of land ringing Kosovo's boundary
just inside Serbia
is
supposed to be off limits to both Serb police and
peacekeepers who
patrol the province. But Dobrasin residents say Serb
police are
ignoring
the agreement, leaving them unprotected in a no man's
land.
     "We don't have any defense or anything," said
Adem Saqipi, 37.
"They (NATO forces) have to do something to protect
us, or we have to
abandon the village."
     The situation in the Dobrasin region today -
where about 70
percent
of the 100,000 people are ethnic Albanians - echoes
the ongoing
conflict
that in March provoked NATO to intervene in Kosovo
with a massive air
campaign. Moved by the plight of hundreds of thousands
of refugees,
NATO
bombarded Serbia for 78 days to force Yugoslav
President Slobodan
Milosevic to end his crackdown on ethnic Albanian
militants.
     Naime Saqipi remembers the pictures on TV from
Kosovo last year,
the accounts from villagers who described how Serb
police stormed
villages. The bloody bodies, shot and disfigured were
so fearful, she
said, they made her cry.
     This time the victim was her husband, killed in
the raid three
days
ago. One of his eyes had been gouged out; his hands
cut into strips.
     "I never thought I would see my own husband like
that," she
sobbed,
as her 7-year-old daughter clung to her neck.
     The family's father brought the corpses to
Kosovo's main morgue in
Pristina, fearful the Serbian authorities would not
bother to return
them, even if they conducted an autopsy.
     U.N. police won't conduct an investigation,
either, because they
have no jurisdiction over the neutral zone and no
border agreement with
Serbian authorities, U.N. police spokesman Bruce Lloy
said.
     It is not the first time the people of Dobrasin
have had troubles
with Serbia's police, who send patrols of blue armored
vehicles over
the
hillside near the schoolhouse. The police even harass
the Albanians
when
they make the simplest of trips - such as a shopping
excursion a few
miles up the road to the market town of Bujanovac, the
villagers said.
     "They have even taken people from Dobrasin off
the bus and thrown
them in the river and left them there for hours in
freezing
temperatures," said Adem Saqipi, a cousin of the
victims.
     State-run Serbian media, for its part, has
reported several
explosions and armed attacks in the border area around
Dobrasin,
located
170 miles southeast of Belgrade. They attributed the
attacks to "ethnic
Albanian bandits and terrorists."
     Stojan Arsic, the Serb mayor of Bujanovac, said
the incidents are
the work of "Albanian terrorists (who) cross over and
attempt to
provoke
incidents here."
     NATO-led peacekeepers say they know about the
attacks, but won't
do
anything about them.
     "Our mandate ends at the boundary - beyond which
Belgrade must
bear
the responsibility for the security of its citizens,"
said British
Warrant Officer Mark Cox, a spokesman for the
peacekeepers in Pristina.
"We hope that they are actively ensuring the security
that their
citizens deserve, also regardless of their ethnicity."
     The sentiments don't comfort people in Dobrasin,
who remain
trapped
by lines on the map. Panicked people fearing for their
safety already
have fled to Kosovo or Bujanovac, to stay with family
there.
     "We don't know what to do," said a young man from
Dobrasin, who
gave his name only as Isa, for fear of retaliation.
"We can't get
anything from this side (Serbia) and we can't get
anything from the
other (Kosovo)."

? Copyright 2000 The Associated Press

__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Talk to your friends online with Yahoo! Messenger.
http://im.yahoo.com




From pilika at yahoo.com  Sun Jan 30 16:48:39 2000
From: pilika at yahoo.com (Asti Pilika)
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2000 13:48:39 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Open-Minded Southern Neighbors
Message-ID: <20000130214839.3887.qmail@web802.mail.yahoo.com>

Greek Church Leader: Make More Love



By The Associated Press
ATHENS, Greece (AP) -- In an appeal to Greeks to have
more children, the outspoken leader of the country's
Orthodox Church said Sunday that married couples
should not feel guilty about having sex and may do so
without specific intent to conceive. 

During a sermon at an Athens church, Archbishop
Christodoulos described lovemaking as ``a blessed act
of marriage.'' 

``It is a gift God has given to man and it should not
be considered a sin,'' he said. 

The Church is actively involved in a campaign to
reverse Greece's declining birth rate. In recent
years, the trend has forced the closure of scores of
primary schools and prompted the government to
consider reorganizing pension schemes and compulsory
military service. 

Last week, Christodoulos said the Orthodox Church
might start summer camps for young married couples,
allowing them to deepen their relationship and avoid
eventually joining the growing number of divorced
Greeks. 

__________________________________________________
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Talk to your friends online with Yahoo! Messenger.
http://im.yahoo.com




From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Sun Jan 30 17:52:41 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2000 17:52:41 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] Electricity to Kosova
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046db583.0949272717.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

Electricity for power-strapped Kosovo held up by infrastructure concerns 
By Elena Becatoros, Associated Press, 1/29/2000 19:57 
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) Electricity from Greece, which would alleviate 
shortages in Kosovo, has been held up by infrastructure problems in Albania and 
Macedonia, officials said Saturday. 

The power would have to transit these countries to reach Kosovo. 

According to the U.N. mission in Kosovo, the province needs 620-650 megawatts of
power at peak periods this winter. The main power plant at Obilic can only 
generate about 450 megawatts. 

Although the station escaped damage during the 78-day NATO airstrikes against 
Yugoslavia last year, it has suffered severe neglect over the past decade. 

Approximately 100 megawatts are currently being imported from Serbia, Macedonia 
and Albania. 

Greece has promised to donate at least 60 megawatts of power a day and said it 
could substantially increase this amount if necessary. However, infrastructure 
problems in neighboring Macedonia and Albania are presently preventing delivery 
of the donated power. 

Electricity can be cut off for up to eight hours a day in most areas. Some 
households have even suffered power cuts for more than 24 hours. But a rotation 
system has been introduced to cope with the deficit. 

The long power outages during the harsh winter have forced many residents to 
resort to wood-burning stoves because central heating systems are dependent on 
electricity. But even fire wood is often not sufficiently available. 

Macedonians fear that transmitting power through their country could cause 
problems in their own power grid, even though broken lines for such 
transmissions have been repaired, said Joan Pierce, responsible for donor 
coordination and utilities in Kosovo. 

''Everybody agrees there is some risk,'' Pierce said. ''But the Macedonians tend
to take the line that any risk is not acceptable.'' 

Officials in Macedonia have said opening the disused Negotino power plant in the
west of the country would enable Greece to transit through to Kosovo. But 
financing is not yet secured and negotiations are dragging on. 

The United Nations is also looking into supplying energy from Greece through 
Albania, Pierce says, although infrastructure problems exist there as well. 

In early January, Kosovo's top international administrator Bernard Kouchner 
blamed Macedonian authorities for holding up at the border 20 tons of oil needed
to run the plants. 

Repairing the two main power plants, Kosovo A and Kosovo B in Obilic, six miles 
east of the capital Pristina, is also proving to be an uphill struggle. 

Each of the two units at the 15-year-old Kosovo B station have a capacity of 
about 200-250 megawatts, but one was shut down after a fire there earlier this 
month. The cause of the fire has not yet been determined. 

Once begun, repairs will take at least four weeks, said Bill White, head of 
British company Mott MacDonald in charge of restoring the power plant. 







From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Mon Jan 31 18:58:20 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2000 18:58:20 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] De Facto Cantonization
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046f53fd.0949363067.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

Kosovo Serbs want hard-liners to end boycott of multiethnic council

BYLINE: ELENA BECATOROS

DATELINE: GRACANICA, Yugoslavia

 BODY:
    Representatives of Kosovo's Serb community are attempting to persuade
hard-liners among them to end a four-month boycott of a multiethnic council
running the province, they said Monday.

   Father Sava, spokesman of the Orthodox Church who enjoys widespread respect
among Kosovo Serbs, planned to travel from the monastery in Serb-populated
Gracanica to the divided town of Kosovska Mitrovica on Tuesday to meet with
local Serb leaders.

   Some are opposed to a possible deal with the United Nations mission in Kosovo
to participate in the council running the province along with the United Nations
and NATO, he said.

   Kosovoska Mitrovica is divided into a Serb-populated north and an
 Albanian -populated south, separated by the Ibar river. Ther bridge over it is 
patrolled by French peacekeepers.

   An agreement between Serb representatives and the U.N could be signed at the 
end of next week when U.N. mission chief Bernard Kouchner and Orthodox Bishop
Artemije return from separate trips abroad, Father Sava said.

   ''We have been discussing this with Mr. Kouchner. I think we are in a very
positive direction to resolve this well,'' he said.

   Father Sava stressed that any agreement must not be a move toward creating an
independent Kosovo.

   Serb members resigned from the council in September, protesting the creation 
of the Kosovo Protection Force following the disbanding of the ethnic  Albanian 
rebel Kosovo Liberation Army. The move was a blow to international efforts
promoting reconciliation between the two groups.

   Under the deal, Serbs who now live in enclaves protected by multinational
troops, would establish local community offices. These would provide
administrative services such as issuing identity cards, without residents having
to travel through  Albanian -populated areas to regional centers.

   The offices would liaise with central departments operating out of Pristina
to voice the concerns of their local communities. But to avoid any
discrimination, the U.N. mission in Kosovo would have the last say, Father Sava 
explained.

   The same would occur on a regional level, while a representative of the
entire Serb community would take up the now vacant place on the multiethnic
council known as the Joint Interim Administrative Structure.

   While most Serb communities appear to agree with this proposal, Oliver
Ivanovic, head of the local office in Kosovska Mitrovica, has raised objections.
Hard-liners sympathetic to Milosevic have described a potential deal as
tantamount to agreeing to the official separation of Kosovo from Yugoslavia.





From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Mon Jan 31 18:54:08 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2000 18:54:08 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] KLAN
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046f53f8.0949362760.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

  

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 

Doris Prela, prezantuesja e festivaleve te viteve 1994 dhe 1995

Nga Roma ne Boston
Ka mberritur per nje vizite turistike ne SHBA, por padashur eshte ngjitur ne 
pasarelat e Bostonit. Ka nderruar bileten dhe beson se per disa kohe ende nuk 
do te kthehet ne Rome. Kjo eshte historia e vajzes bionde qe se bashku me 
gazetarin e njuhur Reis Cico krijuan ne dy festivale rresht nje nga ciftet me 
simpatike te dhjete viteve te fundit.

Nga Genc Dajti

Me nje luk te ri, me objektiv tjeter dhe mallin e patjetersuar per Shqiperine, 
Doris Prela, vajza qe drejtoi dy vjet rresht Festivalin e Kenges ne Radio 
Televizion, ne vitet 1994 dhe 1995 jeton prej disa muajesh ne SHBA. Ka lene 
apartamentin e saj ne Rome, eshte vendosur ne nje shtepi simpatike ne Boston 
dhe ka filluar te sfiloje per nje kompani mode te njohur atje "La femina". Por 
moda nuk eshte i vetmi impenjim i jetes amerikane te vajzes, qe pese vjet me 
pare, befasoi Shqiperine me lehtesine e komunikimit ne kamera dhe elegancen e 
saj. Eshte regjistruar ne nje shkolle gjuhe dhe deri ne fund te majit do te 
jete e impenjuar me te. 

 
Kane kaluar me shume se kater vjet, qe kur emri i saj, i komentuar dhe i 
permendur ne mediat e Tiranes nuk u degjua me. Por shume vete e kujtojne ende 
dhe shume prej tyre, tashme emigrante ne SHBA, vazhdojne ta pershendesin edhe 
ne Boston apo Nju Jork. Si nje kujtim te larget te viteve shqiptare, te vendit, 
prej nga jane larguar per te mos u kthyer me kurre. Eshte pjese e po atij malli 
qe duket se shqeteson vazhdimisht edhe Dorisin, vajzen bjonde, qe u largua edhe 
vete sapo mbaroi gjimnazin, por qe duket se shume fije e lidhen ende me vendin 
e saj. "Kujtoj gjithnje rrugen qe beja ne shkollen tete vjecare, nga "20 
vjetori" deri ne shtepi, duke kaluar neper parkun RINIA, thote ajo, jane 
kujtime te mrekullueshme, qe nuk i harroj dot". Mund te flase gjate per vitet e 
adoleshences, ate kohe brilante kur jeta eshte gjithnje roze dhe nje vajze per 
here te pare ndjen magjepsien qe shperndajne hiret e saj. Pak vjet me vone, 
gjimnazistja bjonde duket se ka rene ne sy te regjisoreve te Kinostudios e 
televizionit. Eshte thirrur per kinoprovat dhe ka fituar me lehtesi. Jeta e saj 
ka marre nje dimension te ri ne vitet e gjimnazit, kur luajti tre filma dhe kur 
nisi te bjere ne sy mbi shoqet e saj. Por perspektiva e mrekullueshme artistike 
e vendit te saj, duket se ka qene me pak mikluese se sa jeta e re ne perendim. 
Me te mbaruar gjimnazin "Qibrie Ciu" u largua per ne Itali. Gjyshja e saj ishte 
italiane dhe vajza e re perfitoi keshtu te drejten e riatdhesimit se bashku me 
familjen e saj. Ishte viti 1991 dhe familja Prela u vendos fillimisht ne Verona 
dhe me pas ne Rome. Jeta e re ne Itali dhe problemet ne atdhe nuk ja kane 
zbehur bjondes se bukur deshiren per te konkuistuar jeten artistike te Tiranes. 
Ne vitet e para vinte shpesh dhe gjate ketyre vizitave realizoi edhe nje rol te 
ri. Por te gjitha keto nuk kishin aq vlere sa ftesa qe mori papritur nje dite 
te vitit 1994 dhe qe pak muaj me vone do ta ngjiste si prezantuese ne krah te 
gazetarit te njohur Reis Cico ne skenen e festivalit ne Radio Televizion. Pese 
vjet me vone, Doris Prela kujton shume detaje te asaj ftese fatlume. Alqi 
Boshnjaku, skenarist i festivalit qe e kishte njohur qe ne vitet qe xhironte ne 
kinostudio u be shkak qe vajza e re qe studionte dhe jetonte ne Itali te 
paraqitej per nje kinoprove. E fitoi fare thjeshte dhe pak kohe me vone, vete 
Vera Grabocka i telefonoi per t'i thene se do te prezantonte festivalin e 
kenges ne radio televizion.


Doris Prela ne pranine e Reiz Cicos gjate prezantimit te fest 94
 
U njoh me Reis Cicon dhe sot vazhdon te ruaje ende mbresat me te mira per te. U 
bene shpejt miq dhe kjo qe mjaft e rendesishme per festivalin. Vera Grabocka 
kerkonte qe komunikimi mes dy drejtuesve te ishte miqesore edhe jashte skene 
dhe u perpoq qe te krijonte nje situate sa me te ngrohte mes tyre. Ajo ishte 
vazhdimisht e kujdesshme dhe duket se ja arriti perderisa komunikimi mes tyre 
ne skene qe i persosur.

Kane kaluar pese vjet nga prezantimi i saj i pare ne skene, por shume vete ne 
Shqiperi e kujtojne ende suksesin e vajzes bionde, qe me elegancen dhe 
lirshmerine e saj, befasoi teleshikuesit. Studentja e juridikut ne Itali dukej 
se kishte pak shanse per te qene nje gjykatese ose avokate e mire dhe mjaft 
sharm per nje shougerll e mrekullueshme. Nje vit me vone u rikthye ne festival 
perseri, dhe sa bashku me Cicon rikonfirmuan nje nga ciftet me simpatike qe 
kane drejtuar festivalin vitet e fundit. Duket se pas suksesit te pare, 
Grabocka kishte vendosur te mos eksperimentonte me, dhe Doris Prela, pati 
shnasin te shijonte edhe nje here suksesin e saj. Ishte shfaqja e saj e fundit 
perpara publikut shqiptar dhe hera e fundit qe vinte ne Shqiperi. Per vite me 
rradhe ka besuar se do te vije shpejt, por jeta ka rrjedhur ne ritmin e saj te 
perditshem ne Rome dhe ajo asnjehere nuk i hipi avionit per te kaluar ate rrip 
te ngushte deti qe quhet Adriatik. Vazhdoi studimet e jurisprudences njeherazi 
e mikluar nga enderra e modes, por edhe nga ideja e sakte se ky nuk eshte nje 
profesion me te cilin njeriu mund te caje gjate ne jete. U mor me moden e 
nuseve dhe konkurse bukurie, ne dy prej te cilave fitoi edhe cmime dinjitoze. 
Vazhdoi te qendroje ne Rome, derisa nje dite, vendosi te vizitoje disa te aferm 
ne Boston. Mberriti ne SHBA dhe duket se u entusiazmua nga jeta atje. Nje dite 
trokiti ne studion e Fadil Berishes, fotografit te famshem shqiptar, dhe doli 
prej andej me nje seri fotosh te mrekullueshme. Njeri me zemer te madhe dhe me 
deshiren per te ndihmuar shqiptaret te krijojne nje imazh te ri, Fadil Berisha 
duket se ndihmoi Prelen te kontaktoje disa agjensi te njohura mode. Njera prej 
tyre, "La femina" u duk e kenaqur me lukun dhe elegancen e saj dhe vajza qe 
kishte ardhur si turiste per disa dite, u ngjit papritur ne pasarelat e modes 
se Bostonit.

Ka vite pa u kthyer ne Shqiperi, por tani beson se ka ardhur koha te vizitoje 
perseri vendin e saj. Qytetin ku ka kaluar ditet e mrekullueshme te femijerise, 
adoleshences dhe ku per here te pare eshte ngjitur ne skene. Shpreson te 
kthehet sepse njeriu ne vendin e tij ndihet ne vendin e tij. E impenjuar cdo 
dite, vertitet mes Bostonit, Nju Jorkut, Romes dhe Tiranes, pa e ditur mire 
cila do te jete e ardhmja e saj. Cdo qytet ka te vecanten e tij dhe Doris Prela 
eshte e bindur se do te jete e detyruar te zgjedhe nje dite te shpejte.

(January 29, 2000)
  Karikature
Koalicioni 
Editorial
Debati i operas, ose mendesia tjeter

Aktualitet
Hijet qe mbeten pas

Cilit Nano t'i besojme ?

Minister rastesisht

Flash

Kosove

Portret
Uji i Milionave

Dossier
Rruga e gjakut

Ne pergjim

Bota
Si u ble gjigandi i mediave ?

Ato qe flene me Xhejms Bondin

Spektakel
Lolitat e Tiranes

Mjeksi
GRIPI - Ky armik i pathyeshem

Bar West 
 
 






From aalibali at law.harvard.edu  Mon Jan 31 19:10:12 2000
From: aalibali at law.harvard.edu (aalibali at law.harvard.edu)
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2000 19:10:12 -0500
Subject: [ALBSA-Info] History of Southern Albania?
Message-ID: <H0002d7b046f5db2.0949363699.hulaw5.law.harvard.edu@MHS>

                           The Times (London)

                            August 17, 1999, Tuesday





Leverhulme Trust awards
The trustees of the Leverhulme Trust have approved the following awards to
individuals under schemes administered by their Research Awards Advisory
Committee:

    Emeritus fellowships
..............................
    J C Thompson, PhD, Measurement of the W Boson Mass at LEP, CERN.

    J D A Widdowson, PhD, Traditional games of London children.

    Sir Dillwyn Williams, MD, Stem cell somatic mutation frequency
andcarcinogenesis.

    T J Winnifrith, PhD, A history of Southern Albania/Northern  Epirus. 


    ............
    For further information write to: The Secretary, Research Awards Advisory
Committee, The Leverhulme Trust, 1 Pemberton Row, London EC4A 3BGRegistered
Charity No. 288371.