[Alb-Islam] 50 years in an atheistic dungeon

[Olsi]

50 years in an atheistic dungeon
Emergence, challenge and resistance


In the slightly over three years of the Communist turned Socialist party government in Albania, Islam has been facing problems just when Albanian Muslims, who form the bulk of the population, were beginning to enjoy the freedom to rebuild their shattered Islamic identity. Though not comparable to the worst excesses of the brutal Communist regime, the obstacles and restrictions have been piling on frustrations. The problems of endemic corruption, grinding poverty, high level of unemployment, law and order breakdown and cultural destabilization have already made life intolerable.

Since the left wing press raised the bogey of 'Islamic fundamentalism' in 1998 Muslim organizations in Albania have been finding it very difficult to get help from fellow Muslims from abroad. The protracted press campaign had led to the arrest of many such Muslims who were working with them. The surge of Islamic activities that swept over Albania after it emerged from the long twilight of Communist rule is being impeded, and also challenged by the evangelizing missions.

In Tirana, the capital, private television stations have mushroomed, some 17 of them, most of them recently; in every city there are at least two. It is very difficult to organize Islamic programs, though, especially in Tirana, unless thousand of dollars are paid to somebody, at a time when television stations report everything connected with Christians . The media are focused on the Europianization of Albania a mainly Muslim country - the only one in Europe [excluding Turkey].

The government of Albania that is held responsible by the European Union for the appalling level of poverty, corruption and smuggling is impervious to criticism. The Socialist administration, as far as the Muslims are concerned, is even engaged in efforts to whittle away the Muslim character of the nation. If its dubious statistics are to be accepted, Muslims form only 50% of the population of Albania - the correct percentage is 75.

It is hardly surprising the government is not bothered about the spiritual welfare of the 300,000 Albanian emigrants who are working in Greece, and obliged to abandon their Muslim names for Orthodox (Christian) ones. How can one expect any better of the Socialist government that is biased against Islam?

Even the previous Democratic government that lost power in the June 1997 election was - out of sheer naivet6 or ignorance - receptive to the onslaught of Albania by foreign governmental and non governmental organizations and Christian foundations. Some 120 of them put down roots in Tirana alone, each with their own program, in contrast to Muslim humanitarian organizations which were only 25.

When the 50 years of Albania as 'fortress Communism' ended and the walls of atheism and Stalinism tumbled ushering in freedom, the country was fair game for NGOS, foreign governments and organizations. The Albanian government became their biggest supporter helping them in their activities and, in the process, helping in the destruction of the social, cultural and religious identity of the nation. The streets, institutions, including schools and universities, and other places were transformed - they became the parade ground of the European-style women.

The economic growth in 1996 was followed by indifference to the recent gains of Islam, as the West-oriented economic and cultural pressure increased. The Orthodox Christian community represented by Greek Orthodox Bishop Janullatos was very active, in collaboration with some very important political personal ties, in opposing every single aspect of the Islamic identity of Albanians.

In 1995 acts of vandalism in Orthodox churches by some unidentified people led the government of Prime Minister Alexsander Meksi to order the closure of five madrassahs in the south of Albania just what the Greeks wanted! Five -students of the Korca (a southern city) madrassah (Islamic schools) had been accused of spoiling the religious pictures.

Examples of discrimination against the Muslims were plenty. There was not much restoration by the state of waqf (Islamic religious foundations) land and property seized by the previous Communist dictator Enver Hoxha. But the authorities were meticulous about returning to the church all the Christian properties. The building of a mosque in Tirana near parliament was not allowed. The opening of a new madrassah was blocked. Money received from the Muslim world for investment in Islamic work in Albania was controlled by the Albanian secret service.

Ignorance of Islam and weakness of the Albanian Muslim community, which are at the root of their problems, showed up in the pyramid investment schemes in 1995-96 that attracted Albanians like bees to a honey pot. Money was raked in from the people and alluring percentage of interest paid out; at first interest rates were 20-30%; towards the end of 1996, a phenomenal rise in the number of pyramid schemes interests rate shot up to 70 per cent. This incredibly absurd form of economic activity was allowed by the government. The opposition Socialist party leader Fatos Nano, a former Communist, had nothing to say either. The European 'friends' were very late to comment on this dangerous economic activity.

Every day hordes of 'investors' arrived. More than 50% of the population fell into the trap of making quick money. Two billion dollars were in the pyramid hole. As was bound to happen, at the end of 1996, the pyramid investment schemes collapsed, because they were unable to pay the increasing number of 'investors'. Some operators of the pyramid schemes, mostly former Communist and pro-Greek elements, fled Albania taking the money; others could not do anything.

President Berisha and Prime Minister Meksi, who failed to prevent the economic collapse, returned 50% of their investment to the pyramid 'investors', which was not enough. It was a recipe for disaster. There was chaos in Vlore, a city in the south, where the people fought with police forces. Violence and chaos visited other cities.

In March 1997 some unidentified groups brought in arms, which as later reported, came from Greece, and spread to the people. Soon mobs raided military arms stores and stole thousands of guns, Kalashnikovs, bombs etc. The same scenario was seen in all the other cities. The country was in a state of rebellion. Economic collapse became inevitable.

Socialist party and its leader openly supported the rebellion against the elected government of a state that had only recently become democratic. They spared no efforts to destroy everything that was connected with the ruling Democratic Party. Prime Minister Meksi and his government resigned. President Sali Berisha had no choice but to agree to fresh election so relentless was the pressure from the Council of Europe represented by the left political forces, and in Albania by Franz Wranicky and Katherine Lalyrnier.

The 30 June 1997 general election brought to power the Socialists who obtained two-thirds of the seats in parliament. It is beyond comprehension how a genuine election could be held in a country of only 3.5 million awash with a million weapons, hundreds of murders in polling stations, and the leaders of the left sharing - as reported by the press - dollars with armed gangs. It was obvious Albania then had everything but democracy and democratic election. However, for the Council of Europe and its representatives in Albania, Franz Wranicky and Katherine Lalymier the polls were democratic and acceptable.

There are many opinions why the European Community was agreeable to the re-labelled Communists - Socialists taking power in Albania. Some link it directly with the pyramid schemes. In the view of most Albanians pyramid schemes were organized to destabilize the economy and the country since the five years of economic stability was paving the way for the rehabilitation of Islam, which growing numbers of the younger generation were embracing. Some even think it was done to render Albania impotent to act in a potential conflagration in Kosova that showed all the signs of occurring.

However far fetched the opinions may seem, there is no doubt that Albania nestling in the southeast corner of Europe with its European Muslim identity in deep coma was stirring into life, thanks to the end of the worst Communist regime in the world in March 1991. The Albanian student movement played a pivotal role in taking on the regime. As in most other East European countries Albanian students organized the biggest post Communist movement and held demonstrations in several cities.

In April 1985 Enver Hoxha had died, but it was not the end of the dictatorship. He was replaced by another committed Communist, Ramiz Alia who was as relentless in tightening his grip on the country as in cracking down on those trying to escape from Albania; hundreds of them were jailed and killed. However the people's uprising in Romania and the failure of the Communist system in Eastern Europe shook the Alia regime.

The first riots that took place in Shkodra in the north were followed elsewhere. The regime saw the writing on the wall and he hastened to create new political parties with,-former Communist leaders to support him in the new plural political system. In December announcement was made of the first multi-party election on 10 February 1991 which was held on 31 March.

The setting up of the Democratic Party of Albania (DPA) was the first genuine Albanian opposition party after nearly 50 years of totalitarianism. Sali Berisha was elected leader who led the party in winning nearly one third of the seats in parliament. Failure by the old Communists in governing the new Albania resulted in fresh election in March 1992 that put DPA in power, which had secured two thirds of parliamentary seats.

The first freely elected democratic government led by President Sali Berisha was a milestone in the history of post-war Albania for it was the death toll of atheistic Communist rule and the revival of the Islamic spirit that Enver Hoxha had tried to destroy.

The old mosques were opened. Those destroyed were being rebuilt. The Albanian Muslim community was taking shape and coalescing around its spiritual leader Hafiz Sabri Koci Effendi who emerged as the Grand Mufti after languishing in Communist prisons for 25 years. New books, magazines and newspapers began publishing. Some 25 Muslim organisations became active, and engaged in rebuilding mosques in villages and cities.

After half a century of isolation and persecution under Communism, the people were at last finding what they had long been deprived of reconnecting to Islam at all levels. Muslims - as well as Christians - found on 28 November 1944 that the liberation of Albania from the Nazi Germans was a false dawn; life under occupation had been replaced with life tinder Communist totalitarianism. (The Communist Party of Albania was founded on 8 November 1941 by a group of Albanian Communists.)

Politicians and leaders were executed, religious scholars and leaders were not spared either. Every religious, national and cultural value connected with the past was denied. A new collective, Communist life was imposed. Every private activity was outlawed. All the wealth and property seized by the state.

In 1967 Enver Hoxha achieved the destruction of 2169 mosques and churches; what remained were turned into storage places, sport palaces and public toilets. A law was passed prohibiting religious practices and prescribed jail sentences for those who did and public execution for those who tried to leave the country.

A whole generation grew up without faith, without seeing a mosque in their life, not knowing their identity. Communism reigned supreme casting its shadow on every aspect of life. But Islam, the marvelous faith remained deep in the hearts of the people. Islamic ceremonies were organized in secret. Fasting was carried out on the quiet during the holy Ramadan month. Salat was offered in private.

Although Islam faces difficulties and pressures today in Albania under Socialist rule Muslims are making efforts to rebuild their Islamic identity. A hopeful sign is that the Islamic spirit still remains in the heart of Albanians even if they lack the knowledge of Islam. Sons are inviting their parents to Islam and more Islamic books are being sold. Equally significant, if not more, mosques are frequently filled by more people, especially by the younger ones.

Redi Shehu

impact INTERNATIONAL 
VOL 30 NO 9 SEPTEMBER 2000



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