From aki at alb-net.com Tue Jan 1 17:58:07 2002 From: aki at alb-net.com (AKI News) Date: Tue, 1 Jan 2002 14:58:07 -0800 Subject: [AKI-News] Kosova: Independence, on the Table, but Off the Agenda Message-ID: Advocates for Kosova's Independence (AKI) December 31, 2001 ================================= ** AKI Newsletter, Issue 5 ** ================================= With the close of 2001 and the creation of new institutions in Kosova, we are enclosing a brief report from the U.S. Institute of Peace in Washington, DC. We urge the United States Senate and House of Representatives to remain involved and follow through with the goal of establishing stability and pursuing justice in Kosova and Bosnia. During the past two years, the European Union (EU) has not created any acceptable options for Kosova's Albanians. U.S. leadership on developing long-term plans for Kosova is imperative. We wish you a Happy New Year and hope that, together, the new year will bring peace and a future to those deprived of their freedom and human rights. Sincerely, AKI Team -- USIP REPORT Independence, on the Table, But Off the Agenda December 20, 2001 Despite Rugova's immediate post-election declaration of the goal of independence, the Albanians know that final status will not be decided by the parliament. Polls show that the electorate give immediate priority to jobs and education. But because Albanians view the process of self-government and democratic institution building as earning Kosovo's independence, the possibility of independence must remain on the table. If that hope is extinguished, violence will again erupt. The international community's policy of deliberate ambiguity and the need to settle Kosovo's final status creates political tensions between the two and sets up practical contradictions that inhibit good governance. This ambiguity has already caused problems for privatization and will make it difficult for Kosovo to establish the relationships it needs for trade and investment as well as border controls with its neighbors. In the past, the Balkans, in general, and Kosovo, in particular, have been managed by "crisis diplomacy." Future efforts in the region should focus on establishing stability and eliminating uncertainty. Developing a framework for an eventual settlement on a regional basis would help avoid a return to crisis diplomacy. There are no ideal solutions--independence efforts may lead to partition, which in turn could lead to further conflict. With the assistance of the international community, Belgrade and Pristina will have to negotiate a final status. Doubtless it will be a difficult process, which will require further democratization in both capitals and involve acknowledging mutual past wrongs. The United States must not cede the final status issue to Europe, which would be tempted to sweep it under the rug or worse. Especially after September 11, the United States should remain engaged in an issue of great importance to a secular, pro-Western and largely Muslim community. Moreover in light of the potential for further instability in southern Serbia and in Macedonia, the United States needs to ensure a satisfactory outcome for Kosovo. http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/480fa8736b88bbc3c12564f6004c8ad5/c6fed514 589022ebc1256b210036cbb1?OpenDocument Source: US Institute of Peace Date: 12 Dec 2001 Kosovo: Time for self-governance This week, the parliament met for the first time in Pristina, Kosovo, to select a president and to begin forming a government. Though its final status remains uncertain, Kosovo is heading down the path towards self-governance. The United States and the European Union have bet heavily on establishing democracy in Kosovo. What are the prospects for this outcome? The first "free and fair" multi-party parliamentary elections ever held in Kosovo were conducted under the supervision of the international administration on November 17. Less than two and a half years after the end of the NATO-Yugoslavia war and more than a year after municipal elections held in October 2000, the parliamentary elections were intended to establish the framework for substantial autonomy and meaningful self-government as set down in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244. Although the United Nations retain substantial powers, the formation of parliament and the selection of a president and prime minister starts the process of Kosovo self-governance. On Thursday, December 7, 2001, the U.S. Institute of Peace organized a Balkans Working Group meeting to discuss next steps in post-election Kosovo. Although the discussion was off the record and not for attribution, this Newsbyte summarizes its main points. Despite Insecurity for Serbs, the Elections Were Successful The elections should be deemed a success by virtue of the following criteria: - Turnout: due to a major outreach effort, the registered electorate this year cast 100,000 more ballots than it did last year. Overall, however the vote was down from 79 percent in last year election to 65 percent in this year's. - Serb participation: of those residing in Kosovo 47 percent voted, among those displaced to Serbia, 57 percent voted. - Violence: virtually no political violence occurred during the election period. - Complaints: on election day last year, 127 complained; only 44 complained this year, and no one disputed the results. - Inclusivity: women represent 28 percent of parliamentary deputies; Serbs, 18 percent--the third largest group in Parliament; other minorities, 2.6 percent. Although international supervision will be needed through next year's municipal elections, the electoral process is helping to turn Kosovo from violence to politics. Coalition Government, but How Wide? The proportional electoral system applied in Kosovo, which reserved some seats for Serbs and other minorities, was designed to stimulate coalition formation. With 46 percent, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) received the largest percentage of votes. LDK leader Ibrahim Rugova is widely expected to be chosen by the parliament as Kosovo's president, but his party will not be able to govern alone. Rugova's rival, Hashim Thaci and his Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), polled second, with 26 percent of the vote, but the LDK and PDK have a sometimes history of violent competition. A coalition consisting of the LDK and Ramush Haradinaj's Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, which polled third amongst ethnic Albanian parties with 8 percent, is also possible. Minorities other than Serbs are expected to join whatever coalition is formed. The LDK is unlikely to form a coalition with the Serbs. One ministry is to be reserved respectively for the Serbs and for other minorities. Some working group participants thought Kosovo would benefit from leadership by a relatively narrow coalition led by the LDK. Such an arrangement would leave a major Albanian party in loyal opposition, presumably the PDK. Other participants preferred a "grand coalition," comprising all the parties and ethnic groups. Can it Govern? The UN governing presence in Kosovo, UNMIK, will pass to the new Kosovo government 70-80 percent of the government functions it now currently exercises. The Special Representative of the Secretary General, however, will retain substantial residual powers, including veto power and control over security, the judiciary, and the budget. Retaining authority over the budget will doubtless frustrate the new government, since the parliament will have the authority to create programs but not the authority to fund them. Key obstacles to effective self-governance include: - Lack of experience with political pluralism; - Efforts by some in Belgrade to reestablish its authority; - Bad blood between Albanian and Serb parliamentarians stemming from the Serb dissolution of Kosovo's Albanian-dominated parliament in 1990; - International reluctance to allow the parliament to make its own mistakes; and - Security for Serb members of parliament. Meanwhile Europe appears more reluctant than the United States to allow the new government full powers of self-governance. Foot-dragging on this issue will lead to severe tensions between the Kosovo and UNMIK. The main challenges for the parliament include: - Gaining the above residual authorities from UNMIK; - Drawing a road map to a reach a decision about Kosovo's final status; and - Opening a dialogue and developing a relationship with Belgrade. It was also suggested that the new government establish an office in Washington. Independence, on the Table, But Off the Agenda Despite Rugova's immediate post-election declaration of the goal of independence, the Albanians know that final status will not be decided by the parliament. Polls show that the electorate give immediate priority to jobs and education. But because Albanians view the process of self-government and democratic institution building as earning Kosovo's independence, the possibility of independence must remain on the table. If that hope is extinguished, violence will again erupt. The international community's policy of deliberate ambiguity and the need to settle Kosovo's final status creates political tensions between the two and sets up practical contradictions that inhibit good governance. This ambiguity has already caused problems for privatization and will make it difficult for Kosovo to establish the relationships it needs for trade and investment as well as border controls with its neighbors. In the past, the Balkans, in general, and Kosovo, in particular, have been managed by "crisis diplomacy." Future efforts in the region should focus on establishing stability and eliminating uncertainty. Developing a framework for an eventual settlement on a regional basis would help avoid a return to crisis diplomacy. There are no ideal solutions--independence efforts may lead to partition, which in turn could lead to further conflict. With the assistance of the international community, Belgrade and Pristina will have to negotiate a final status. Doubtless it will be a difficult process, which will require further democratization in both capitals and involve acknowledging mutual past wrongs. The United States must not cede the final status issue to Europe, which would be tempted to sweep it under the rug or worse. Especially after September 11, the United States should remain engaged in an issue of great importance to a secular, pro-Western and largely Muslim community. Moreover in light of the potential for further instability in southern Serbia and in Macedonia, the United States needs to ensure a satisfactory outcome for Kosovo. The United States Institute of Peace is mandated by Congress to strengthen the nation's capabilities to promote the peaceful resolution of international conflict. The views summarized here reflect the discussion at the meeting; they do not represent formal positions taken by the Institute, which does not advocate specific policies. ### Questions/Comments, email AKI-NEWS at aki at alb-net.com From aki at alb-net.com Fri Jan 25 03:35:04 2002 From: aki at alb-net.com (AKI News) Date: Fri, 25 Jan 2002 00:35:04 -0800 Subject: [AKI-News] Kosova : Report on Conditional Independence Message-ID: Advocates for Kosova's Independence (AKI) January 24, 2002 ================================= ** AKI Newsletter, Issue 6 ** ================================= This week, members of the Kosovo Commission returned to Prishtina to discuss their research and ideas about developing a process to resolve the final status of Kosova. This well-balanced report has many powerful points to make, regarding both Serbia and Kosova. We are including here some highlights: "It would be a tragic sequel to the NATO war of 1999 if Kosova is once more forgotten, or worse, if Belgrade is granted a free hand to obstruct the realization of the right to self-determination for the people of Kosovo. The most recent assertions of the FRY government are not reassuring. This Commission feels obliged to remind leaders of the world that the status of Kosovo has not yet been decided and that leaving this issue unresolved is both cruel to Kosovo and dangerous to stability in the Balkans." (9) "Following years of violence, oppression, massacres, and wholesale expulsion, it was never realistic to expect that the FRY could once more exercise sovereignty over Kosovo." (19) The same generals who directed the war in Kosova, are in place in Yugoslavia, such as General Pavkovic. No police have been brought to trial for the murders and crimes they committed. 800 Albanian bodies have been located in mass graves in Serbia, and their remains have not even been transferred to Kosova. Another major point of the report is that the SRSG has far too much power in Kosova. He is in charge of customs, the judicial system, the police, property ownership and border supervision. Worse, he also has power of foreign interviews and negotiations. These rights and powers must all be restored to the citizens of Kosova, or the term "autonomy" will be soon rendered meaningless. A recent example of this power dispute is the November 5, 2001, common document signed by Haekkerup and Covic. No one knows who authorized Haekkerup to create this document on behalf of the citizens of Kosova, who are now on their third SRSG in as many years. Why does Covic apparently have more say over Kosova than the people who live there? There is no one to answer these questions. No one to find out what the true course of Kosova is. UN 1244 did not spell out a democratic process of the resolution of the long-term status of Kosova. In the wake of September 11, with world attention firmly fixed elsewhere, the steps toward meaningful autonomy and self-determination, which is everyone's inviolable human right, is in clear danger of erosion. Ordinary citizens in Kosova have worked hard to put their lives back together, but do not know how to begin to take back power from the SRSG, and ultimately, from internationals. "The argument for conditional independence is based on a normative foundation, arising from the long-term systematic abuse of the Albanians and their subsequent withdrawal of Albanian consent to Serb rule." (22) In day to day terms, Albanians will never apply for a FRY passport or pay FRY taxes. It is unthinkable. The Conditions for Independence are: 1. Renunciation of border changes and also nationalistic logic for change 2. Human Rights in Kosova must be guaranteed and protected 3. Renunciation of violence in settling disputes 4. Regional cooperation and integration In summary, the concept of 19th century sovereignty is no longer a mandate for absolute control of a population. That sovereignty must now give way to modern regional equality and cooperation, as well as the a priori right to for the will of the people to be governed by an elected government of their choice. ### Questions/Comments, email AKI-NEWS at aki at alb-net.com AKI Website: www.alb-net.com/aki/