Serbian Forces Attack Mitrovica Outskirts For Third Day in a RowPRISHTINA, Jan 21 (KIC) - Serbian military and police troops resumed today
their attack of Shipol village, which is in the outskirts of the town of Mitrovica, less
than 40 km north of Prishtina. Shipol, the Ura e Gjakut and Bair neighborhoods of
Mitrovica, as well as Vaganicė village, neighboring on Shipol, have been targeted by
Serbian forces in the past three days. Two Albanians were killed and four wounded
yesterday in Shipol, LDK sources said. One of the wounded has been named as Osman O.
Prekazi (47), resident of Vaganicė e Poshtme. Today, part of the Bair neighborhood was
sealed off and automatic weapons fire was heard there, at a time Ura e Gjakut was also
sealed off by Serb forces. More than 90 Albanian houses have been raided in Shipol,
Vaganicė, and in the town of Mitrovica in the past couple of days, with scores of
Albanians reported arrested. The Albanian population of the Lushtė, Vaganicė e Poshtme,
Vaganicė e Epėrme, Vėrnicė and Pirē villages have fled their homes. Most of them have
gone to the Zmiq woods. More than 13,000 Albanians have been displaced by the recent Serb
crackdown in Mitrovica, local Albanian sources said. At around 13:00 hrs, the Serb
shelling in the area died down, and Serb infantry was reported moving into Vėrnicė and
Pirē villages. The KIC has been unable to obtain further information regarding the
consequences of the Serb assault.
Serb Forces Attack Shtime Village
PRISHTINA, Jan 21 (KIC) - Serbian forces attacked today morning the
village of Zborc, in Shtime municipality, the local Council for the Defense of Human
Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF) said, quoting eye- witness accounts. Serb military and police,
backed up by tanks and other combat equipment, had besieged the village, sources said,
adding that some 200 Albanians - women, children and elderly - went to the Godanc
cemetery, fearful to move further because of Serb snipers. Serbian troops carried out a
horrendous massacre in the Shtime village of Reēak last Friday, killing around 50
civilian Albanians.
Albanian Doctor Shot Dead in Unsolved
Circumstances
PRISHTINA, Jan 21 (KIC) - The body of a killed Albanian was found
today at Prekallė village of Istog on the Mitrovica-Peja highway, LDK sources said,
naming him as Dr. Xhevdet Gashi, in his early forties. The Albanian left his home at 17:00
hrs yesterday to go to work in the Peja emergency health_care center. Dr. Xhevdet Gashi is
the fifth Albanian executed in mysterious circumstances in the Peja area, local sources
said. The Albanian doctor was very much respected in the community, they added.
Shelling in Mitrovicė suburbs
Mitrovicė, 21 January (ARTA) 2100CET --
Large police and military forces blocked the Mitrovicė suburbs of
Shipol, "Ura e Gjakut" and Bair, at 0900CET on Thursday, LDK sources notified.
Serb military forces are now stationed on a hill, close to Bair, as they are shelling
Shipol and nearby villages from their positions near the water supply system in Shipol.
The Albanian inhabitants of the villages of Lushtė, Vaganicė e
Epėrme, Vaganicė e Poshtme, Vėrnicė and Pirq, have fled their homes, mostly seeking
shelter in the Zmiq mountain.
It has been confirmed that about 1800 thousand inhabitants have
already fled, the majority of which spent Wednesday night outdoors. 3 buses, 4 trucks, a
tank, and 5 police vehicles, loaded with Serb policemen, left the military barrack in
Mitrovicė at 1000CET on Thursday, heading towards Shipol.
Whereas, 2 buses, 2 terrain vehicles, a truck and a jeep, loaded
with Serb security arrived in Mitrovicė from Rashkė, at around 1030CET.
A KLA special unit saves group of Albanians
from siege
Mitrovicė, 21 January (ARTA) 2100CET --
A special unit of the 142 KLA brigade, rescued a group of ten
Albanians from police siege in the Mitrovicė suburb of Shipol, on Wednesday morning, LBD
sources notify.
The same sources claim that Serb special forces surrounded this
group, in a house near the local mosque in Shipol. The KLA special unit undertook a
rescue-operation immediately. The operation lasted five hours, and was successfully
completed.
A KLA soldier, and a Serb soldier, was killed during the operation.
None of the besieged were hurt and all were rescued.
OSCE verifiers intervened during the operation, demanding to have
the besieged handed over.
Large presence of Serb forces
Shtime, 21 January (ARTA) 2100CET --
Serb forces stationed at Pishnajat e Shtimes shelled Gryka e
Carralevės and Gryka e Shtimes, starting from 1100CET on Thursday, the LDK Information
Commission (LDK IC) branch in Shtime reported.
Serb forces are still keeping the village of Reēak under control.
The LDK branch in Shtime notifies that the police have entered the houses in Reēak, and
tend to hide from reporters and OSCE verifiers. Villagers who attempted to return home
claimed to have seen them.
The roads leading to Shtime are under strict police control. The
police are stationed in four points only along the Lipjan-Shtime road.
Another massacred corpse found
Istog, 21 January (ARTA) 2100CET --
A massacred corpse found in the Istog municipal village of Prekallė
on Thursday morning, at the Gjurakoc-Pejė highway, sources from the ground inform. The
identity of the corpse has not yet been confirmed.
There are claims that large police forces are stationed along this
road.
Reinforcements and strict police control in
Podjevė
Podujevė, 21 January (ARTA) 2130CET --
New police\military reinforcements were seen in the Llap region,
arriving from Serbia, as Serb forces stationed in the region already built many
strongholds. According to the CDHRF branch in Podujevė, combined police and military
units, along with their fighting technique, are stationed in Tabet e Llapashticės, Lupē
i Poshtėm, Lluzhan, Peran, Dumosh, Vranidoll and Ēuka e Shakovicės.
Locals claimed to have witnessed added police forces in many places
such as Lluzhan, Lupē i Poshtėm, and Vranidoll. Sources say that the police are now
keeping this region under strict police control, stopping every vehicle and conducting
thorough searches.
Situation still aggravated in Malishevė
Malishevė, 21 January (ARTA) 2130CET --
The presence of Serb police forces in seven strategic points in
Malishevė keeps the ethnic Albanian population of this municipality under constant
pressure.
Serb patrols in-between checkpoints, as well as shooting on daily
basis, induce fear among the locals, thus preventing tension from decreasing in the
region.
There are reports that the police stationed in Smonicė e
Tėrpezės, tried to enter the village of Carrallukė on Wednesday morning.
On the other hand, witnesses assert that the Serb police, patrolling
between Rahovec-Malishevė today, were very provocative.
Kosova has become the West's second tar baby in the former
Yugoslavia, the result of policies that were too little or too late. Once again we witness
death and destruction, though mercifully not on the scale of Bosnia. Any solution to the
continuing crisis will require a long-term Western commitment, the dimensions of which are
not yet clear and the domestic political support for which is dubious.
American diplomacy last October helped avert a humanitarian crisis
in Kosova-a crisis the Clinton administration had helped create-from turning into a
greater disaster. With Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic for the first time under a
serious bombing threat, more than 200,000 displaced Albanians returned to shelter for the
winter. But despite a sustained diplomatic effort over the past six months, the U.S. and
its allies have not been able to bring peace to Kosova.
Some 800 brave foreigners from the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe have arrived in Kosova to "verify" the October agreement
with Mr. Milosevic; NATO's commander declares the Yugoslav president continues to violate
it. The violence also continues, held in check more by the winter and the military
disparity between the Serbian and Albanian sides than by any movement toward peace. And
once again NATO makes threatening noises against Mr. Milosevic, which once again he
ignores.
The Western approach to peace is to get the two vastly unequal sides
into serious negotiations and produce an interim settlement that puts off the question of
independence. Much like the diplomacy of the Bosnian war until the Dayton Accord, the
effort has neither carrot nor stick. Rather, Western negotiators try hard to persuade,
cajole or threaten the two sides to agree on some form of local self-rule, one that keeps
Kosova tethered to Serbia.
But neither threats nor enticements nor the intimidation of Mr.
Milosevic's police have been enough to get the parties to agree on what degree of autonomy
the Kosovars will receive. Even if some desperate Albanian leaders were to sign to an
agreement, it would not likely last, because of the rise of the Kosova Liberation Army,
which is committed to independence and prepared to use violence to achieve it. And as the
goal of keeping Kosova in Mr. Milosevic's Serbia recedes, the West, particularly the
Europeans, redouble their dedication to that goal and more and more blame the KLA for the
continued troubles. The Western consensus against Mr. Milosevic last autumn has been
dissipated by the October agreements, the influx of the verifiers, and the lack of
progress in the negotiations.
When the weather improves, we can expect more fighting, whatever the
presence of outside verifiers. That in turn most likely means that Serb forces will repeat
the destruction of Albanian villages last summer-but this time at greater cost in lives
because of the improved military capabilities of the KLA. Indeed if our goal-keeping
Kosova under Serbian control-remains the same, either the KLA will have to change or we
will see Mr. Milosevic wreak havoc on their countrymen. Ironically a Kosova crisis could
occur at the same time that NATO is celebrating its 50th anniversary, demonstrating the
organization's hollowness not its vigor.
In these circumstances, what can the West do? Our options are not
attractive. We can intensify our efforts to fashion an "autonomy" agreement with
the hope that something turns up-such as a political change in Serbia. This approach has
not shown much promise. We can probably improve the prospects for a limited autonomy
settlement by warning the Albanians that if they do not sign up we will wash our hands of
the province. But this will be politically and morally difficult for the Clinton
administration, and could well result in a long-term guerrilla war with very harmful
effects for Macedonia.
Alternately, we can change our political objective in Kosova and
pursue real autonomy-autonomy with the Serb police gone and with the ultimate aim of
independence. This would require at least one of the following: NATO would station forces
in Kosova, making it a virtual protectorate. This approach would create a major internal
dispute within NATO and could well lead to Serb-NATO hostilities. It also would be a
domestic political headache in the U.S.
The U.S. could try to change the Serbian political situation in the
hope of working out a satisfactory autonomy agreement with Mr. Milosevic's successor. That
would mean bombing Serb military targets in retaliation for Mr. Milosevic's violation of
the October agreements and undermining him politically, including seriously pursuing him
as a war criminal. But we do not know how to get rid of him. Nor do we know who would
succeed him and what his successor would do. The U.S. could take a longer-term perspective
as well as increase its leverage on Mr. Milosevic by arming and training the KLA and
accepting independence as a goal. This could require direct Western military support of
some kind. Such a proposal would raise hackles in NATO.
None of these options are particularly attractive-but then neither
is the status quo. The West is now in the bizarre position of sending civilians to do
dangerous work maintaining an agreement that, Washington's protestations to the contrary,
is clearly breaking down. Two or three people are being killed every day, and there is the
imminent threat of much greater violence. A small and rapidly shrinking Kosova Serb
population, and Mr. Milosevic's murderous rule in Albanian Kosova, has made it difficult
if not impossible to keep Kosova Albanians attached to Serbia on any stable basis.
We can support Mr. Milosevic, we can support the Kosova Albanians,
or we can stay on the fence. If history is any guide, we will stay on the fence as long as
possible-but this will only result in more violence, more cost and more commitment later.
It's time to accept the idea of independence for Kosova, and determine how it can be
achieved at the lowest possible cost.
THE BALKAN ACTION COUNCIL
P.O. Box 27392
Washington, DC 20038-7392
White House Says Force May Be Needed Over
Kosovo
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The White House said on Thursday it may be
necessary to use force to restore stability in Kosovo following the massacre of 45 ethnic
Albanians in the province.
``It is important for the stability of the region that the
international community insist on Serb compliance, through the use of force if
necessary,'' White House spokesman Joe Lockhart told reporters.
Kosovo is a southern Serbian province where majority ethnic
Albanians are fighting for independence. In October 1998 NATO authorized its forces to hit
Yugoslav military targets if Belgrade violated pledges to seek a peaceful solution to the
conflict.
The United States has demanded Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
reduce the Serb security presence in Kosovo, cooperate with a U.N. war crimes tribunal and
reverse a decision to expel U.S. diplomat William Walker, the head of the Kosovo
Verification Mission (KVM) set up to monitor the conflict.
Belgrade gave Walker until Thursday evening to leave the country
after the U.S. diplomat blamed Serb forces for the massacre of the 45 ethnic Albanians in
the village of Racak on Saturday.
``I'm not aware of any encouraging signs,'' Lockhart said of Serb
compliance. ``What's important here is that we take positive forward steps here toward
access and identifying those responsible and bringing them to justice.''
Warships set sail as Kosova crisis deepens
(Times)
BY MICHAEL EVANS, DEFENCE EDITOR
AN AMERICAN aircraft carrier, accompanied by two guided missile
cruisers armed with Tomahawk cruise missiles, was ordered to the Adriatic last night after
Nato decided to increase strikepower there.
Britain also announced that four more Harrier GR7s were being sent
from RAF Laarbruch in Germany to Gioia del Colle in Italy early next week to join the four
already in position. An extra tanker will also be sent to Italy.
The military build-up came as Washington announced that Madeleine
Albright, the US Secretary of State, would fly to Paris and London next week for meetings
on the Kosova crisis.
The US Navy's USS Enterprise, equipped with more than 70 aircraft,
was ordered to leave the Mediterranean for the Adriatic when it became clear that
President Milosevic, the Yugoslav leader, would not halt the repressive action in Kosova.
The two warships escorting the carrier are the USS Philippine Sea and the USS Gettysburg,
which would be used to launch cruise missiles on Serb targets if Nato decides to go for
airstrikes.
In simultaneous moves aimed at increasing pressure on Mr Milosevic,
all Nato aircraft in Italy were switched from four days' operational notice to two, and
the alliance's Standing Naval Force Mediterranean, a grouping that includes the American
destroyer USS Thorn, armed with Tomahawk missiles, was also ordered to the Adriatic.
The Royal Navy Type 23 frigate HMS Iron Duke, which forms part of
the standing Mediterranean force, left Gibraltar for the Adriatic.
Yesterday's decision by Nato's North Atlantic Council in Brussels to
increase the military firepower came after a briefing by the two generals who met Mr
Milosevic in Belgrade on Tuesday. They reported that the Yugoslav leader had shown no
flexibility over Kosova and had been "blunt and obdurate" in his refusal to
agree to Nato's demands.
General Wesley Clark, Nato's Supreme Allied Commander Europe, and
General Klaus Naumann, chairman of the Military Committee, told the North Atlantic Council
that their meeting with Mr Milosevic had been a "direct and forceful encounter".
The council is expected to remain in almost continuous session
throughout the week. William Cohen, the US Defence Secretary, said Nato's credibility
"remains on the line".
Observers deny Racak massacre was
fabricated
FROM TOM WALKER IN PRISTINA
INTERNATIONAL monitors in Kosova rejected yesterday as propaganda
reports from Belgrade - boosted by speculation in French newspapers - that the Racak
massacre of ethnic Albanians was a set-up.
Le Figaro and Le Monde suggested that between Friday night and
Saturday morning, when the international furore over Racak began, the Kosova Liberation
Army could have fabricated evidence and even mutilated some of the bodies.
The reports point out that the beleaguered monitors from the
Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe were invited to observe the operation
and that they were in Racak on Friday evening, after the police had pulled back from the
village, and appeared to report nothing untoward. They also state that a television team
from Associated Press filmed part of the police operation and little of the evidence from
its footage tallied with Albanian accounts of the killings.
At the same time, the Serbian state media is giving prominent
coverage to the initial reports of Dr Sasa Dobricanin, the Pristina state pathologist, who
has said that none of the 40 bodies retrieved on Monday "bears any sign of
execution". He added: "The bodies were not massacred."
The backlash is helping Belgrade to substantiate its case against
intervention and to justify its expulsion of William Walker, the OSCE Ambassador, who
technically has to leave Yugoslavia as persona non grata by tonight.
But in Pristina OSCE officials yesterday were standing their ground
and an expert gave the first detailed briefing containing compelling evidence that Racak
was indeed a massacre in which many victims were murdered - either shot or bludgeoned - at
close range. Speaking on condition of strict anonymity, the source did admit, however,
that some bodies may have been moved and that one may have been decapitated and another
had an extra gunshot wound inflicted after death.
"I think we can say this was a very nasty massacre," said
the source, who dismissed Serb claims that the bodies had been stripped of KLA uniforms.
"There was complete agreement between the holes in the clothes and the bodies."
Le Figaro had suggested that the KLA tried to transform a military
defeat into a political victory.
US prepared to launch strikes as
frustration builds over Kosova
WASHINGTON, Jan 20 (AFP) - The United States said Wednesday it is
prepared to launch air strikes against Serbian forces if they are approved by NATO as
frustration over Kosova built in Washington.
"NATO has the ability not only to threaten air strikes but to
carry them out," Defense Secretary William Cohen said.
"The Act Order remains in effect, and we are prepared to
execute that if that is the will of the NATO membership."
Shortly after those comments, the State Department announced that
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright would add two stops -- London and Paris -- to her
upcoming trip to Russia to discuss Kosova.
In both capitals, Albright is to meet her counterparts to discuss
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's defiance of Western warnings to enforce a Kosova
cease-fire he agreed to in October.
"This is a very serious situation," State Department
spokesman James Rubin said, alluding to a Tuesday meeting between Milosevic and two top
NATO officials that he described as "unsatisfactory."
"The fact that President Milosevic has failed to cooperate and
provided unsatisfactory responses across the board is deeply troubling to us given the
seriousness of the situation," Rubin said.
"The response of President Milosevic is unacceptable."
Generals Wesley Clark, NATO's supreme commander for Europe, and
Klaus Naumann, head of NATO's military committee, met for seven hours with Milosevic on
Tuesday delivering demands from the alliance.
"He was stubborn. He was persistent. He was determined to go
his own way," Clark said in an interview in Brussels with CNN television.
The demands included reversing the decision to expel William Walker,
chief inspector of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and
allowing UN war crimes investigators to probe Friday's massacre of ethnic Albanians in the
town of Racak.
That massacre of 45 people, which the OSCE has blamed on Serb
security forces, led to the current crisis between NATO and Milosevic.
The final two demands were for the killers to be identified and
brought to justice, and for a drawdown in troops and reduction in the number of ceasefire
violations.
Neither the State Department, the Defense Department or NATO would
comment on whether air strikes would be authorized or what the targets might be if they
were.
Last fall, NATO was prepared to launch a phased air campaign
"to reduce the ability of Milosevic's forces to threaten those in the region
itself," Cohen recalled at a Pentagon news conference.
"I wouldn't want to speculate on what targets might be involved
should any action be taken, but it obviously would have to be a NATO decision to reduce
his ability to pose that kind of a threat to the region," he said.
At the same time, Cohen acknowledged that there have been ceasefire
violations of the Kosova Liberation Army, or UCK by its Albanian acronym, and stressed
that Washington did not support independence for the province.
"This is something that we also have to make clear to the UCK
as well, that we don't intend to be an air force for the UCK," he said.
On the diplomatic front, Rubin said Albright would be travelling to
London on January 28 and Paris on January 29 after her January 25 to 27 visit in Russia.
U.S. to Push NATO to Issue Ultimatum to
Milosevic (NY Times)
By JANE PERLEZ
WASHINGTON -- The Clinton administration is planning to push U.S.
allies for a NATO ultimatum telling President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia that he
must back down in Kosova or face air strikes within days, officials said Wednesday.
The administration was feeling an urgency to "do
something," several officials said, to save NATO from appearing irresolute over
Kosova as the alliance's 50th anniversary approaches.
Milosevic, who rebuffed two top NATO military officials during a
tendentious encounter in Belgrade on Tuesday, was cornering the alliance into proving its
worth, the officials said.
Of uppermost concern as it addressed the Kosova crisis, the
officials said, was the ability of Milosevic to belittle the celebration marking the
West's triumph over Communism planned for April in Washington and turn it into a
"Kosova summit," one Pentagon official said.
NATO's supreme commander, Gen. Wesley K. Clark, an American, said in
a telephone interview from Brussels Wednesday that he had come away from his seven hours
spent with Milosevic on Tuesday convinced that the Yugoslav leader was totally
non-cooperative because he did not yet feel any realistic military threat.
"The international community has learned through long years of
dealing with Milosevic that he is the most compliant when threatened directly with heavy
military pressure," Clark said. "Since that seems what he primarily responds to,
the international community has learned that it must produce it." Clark was referring
to the air strikes that finally brought the Bosnia war to an end in 1995.
The timing of the ultimatum and when it would be issued was not yet
clear, but it appeared that if Milosevic did not move to comply with a cease-fire that the
ultimatum would be issued in the coming days. If Milosevic ignored the ultimatum and did
not come into compliance with the cease-fire terms that he agreed to with NATO last fall,
the 16 NATO countries would then vote to reauthorize air strikes.
After hearing the negative report Wednesday from Clark and his
colleague, Gen. Klaus Neumann of Germany about their standoff with Milosevic, NATO started
to prepare for possible military action by sending warships to the Adriatic Sea and
cutting to 48 hours from 96 hours its preparation time for air strikes.
Britain increased its contingent of Harrier ground attack aircraft
at the NATO airbase in Italy from four to eight.
The hostile meeting in Belgrade between Milosevic and the two
generals deepened anger in Washington where officials have been denouncing the Yugoslav
leader for allowing his forces to massacre more than 40 ethnic Albanians last Friday.
Because the credibility of the NATO alliance appeared at stake over
this latest crisis, the Pentagon was not as resistant to the idea of military intervention
in Kosova as it was last year, officials said. Last October, NATO voted to authorize air
strikes against Milosevic's military installations in Kosova, which is a province of
Serbia, and in Serbia itself.
The authorization was suspended after Milosevic agreed to the
cease-fire brokered by the U.S. envoy, Richard C. Holbrooke.
Although the Clinton administration was working on the ultimatum
that could lead to possible NATO air strikes, officials indicated that there was little
appetite in the administration for NATO sending ground troops.
The disinclination for involving U.S. troops -- which are part of
the peacekeeping force in Bosnia -- was clearly shown when a NATO "extraction"
force was sent to Macedonia last fall.
The force is made up entirely of French soldiers. If air strikes
were to proceed, the "extraction" force would be involved in getting the 700
unarmed international monitors out of Kosova before the strikes occurred. A major concern
of the allies is that the civilian monitors, about 170 of whom are American, could be
taken hostage.
An unanswered part of a strategy of NATO air power against Milosevic
is what would happen after air strikes.
Among the questions that Western diplomats said would have to be
addressed were how the resulting military and political vacuum in Kosova might be filled.
There was no resolution on that question in either Washington or among the other allies, a
Western diplomat said.
In their meeting with Milosevic, the two generals met resistance at
every turn, NATO officials said.
On the question of the massacre, they said Milosevic insisted that
the agreement he signed last fall with NATO allowed him to defend the sovereignty of his
country.
The agreement specified that in this defense that he could use
"adequate and proportionate" responses, NATO officials said. When challenged
that the massacre last Friday involved "disproportionate and overwhelming"
force, Milosevic insisted that it was proportional to what the "terrorists" in
Kosova had done against his Serb forces.
Milosevic's regime refers to the ethnic Albanian Kosova Liberation
Army, who are seeking independence, as "terrorists."
The two generals outlined to Milosevic how he had breached the
agreement by increasing the number of Serb forces in Kosova beyond the agreed level. He
had promised that there would be no more than three groups of 10 to 12 vehicles with Serb
forces but there were now 10-13 such convoys, the generals told him.
On the question of allowing Louise Arbour, the chief prosecutor of
the international war crimes tribunal into Kosova to examine the massacre site and the
bodies, Milosevic said he would only countenance her presence as a "guest" of
the Serbian government. This meant his government officials would dictate where she could
go.
Ms. Arbour, who attempted to get into Kosova at the border with
Macedonia on Monday but was turned back by border guards, flew back to the Hague
Wednesday.
NYTIMES January 21, 1999
Western Diplomats Seek Concessions From
Milosevic
By STEVEN ERLANGER
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- While NATO tried to persuade Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic that the alliance is serious about using force against him,
Western diplomats continued to flock here Wednesday to urge him to defuse a crisis he
himself created.
Milosevic is back in the headlines after what the Clinton
administration is calling a mass killing of ethnic Albanian civilians on Friday in the
Serbian province of Kosova.
In some ways, it is a delicious moment for the Yugoslav leader, some
senior Western diplomats here concede. He has thrown down the gauntlet to the West and is
orchestrating anti-Western diatribes in the Serbian press, accusing Western officials of
being unfair and too quick to believe propaganda from Kosova's ethnic Albanians.
At the same time, the United States and its allies are sending him
envoys, pressing him to make relatively easy concessions that will allow them to avoid
using force, which Milosevic doubts they are willing to do in any event. Even American
officials say they have real doubts, as was the case with Iraq, of what policy would
follow any air strikes.
Milosevic sent away NATO's top military commanders with very little
after a seven-hour meeting on Tuesday. After the generals, Wesley Clark, the NATO
commander, and Klaus Naumann of Germany, left on Tuesday, more envoys followed. Aleksandr
Avdeyev, Russia's first deputy foreign minister, has been here, as has a senior State
Department official, James Pardew. The American negotiator, Christopher Hill, who is also
the ambassador to Macedonia, is about to arrive, and he will be followed by Knut
Vollebaek, the Norwegian foreign minister who is the current chairman of the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Milosevic is also leaving himself room to maneuver and back down,
the diplomats noted. The case of William Walker, the American head of the group's
monitoring mission in Kosova, is one example.
He accused Serbian forces of the killing of at least 45 ethnic
Albanians in the village of Racak, and in turn was accused by the Serbian propaganda
machine of partiality. On Tuesday he was ordered to leave within 48 hours. That order was
extended by another 24 hours after the organization, whose members include Russia,
demanded that Milosevic allow Walker to remain on the job.
It appeared Wednesday night that Milosevic would let Walker stay, a
senior Western diplomat said, at least as long as negotiations with the West continued.
"As usual, if Milosevic concedes, it will be on an issue that he created," the
diplomat said.
Vollebaek on Wednesday ordered Walker to keep working despite the
deportation order. Walker returned to Pristina, the capital of Kosova, Wednesday.
In Vienna, Austria, on Wednesday, Vollebaek said: "I am
convinced that Milosevic will allow him to stay. It would be an outrageous provocation,
which I do not expect from him, if he threw him out forcefully."
But Serbian officials here echoed accusations made in the
government-controlled press that the West had rushed to judgment on the issue of the 45
victims in Racak, arguing that they had been killed in fighting, not in cold blood, and
that ethnic Albanians of the Kosova Liberation Army later mutilated the bodies, changed
their clothing and dumped them in one spot to be discovered.
While such charges have been dismissed out of hand by American
officials, French officials say they are taking them more seriously, while urging the kind
of international forensic investigation Washington also wants. The Serbs have agreed to
allow some Finnish forensic scientists to see at least some of the bodies found in the
village last week.
Dr. Helena Ranta, head of the Finnish team, told Reuters Wednesday
that she had urged Serbian authorities to halt autopsies on the victims until vital X-ray
equipment could be brought in.
"Particularly for bodies of people killed by gunshots, the very
first thing to be done, according to internationally recognized procedures, is to X-ray
them," she said after meeting here with the Serbian justice minister, Dragoljub
Jankovic.
In this matter, too, Milosevic has shown signs of cooperation, the
Western diplomats noted Wednesday night.
Washington and the West are also insisting that Milosevic resume
full cooperation with international agencies in Kosova, by living up to the cease-fire
agreement he signed with the American envoy, Richard Holbrooke, last October, and by
allowing the tribunal investigating war crimes access to Kosova.
The chief prosecutor of the tribunal, Louise Arbour, arrived at the
Kosova border without a visa, and was not allowed in. On Wednesday she returned to The
Hague, Netherlands. The refusal to admit her is consistent with the general Serbian
position that there are no war crimes in Kosova because there has been no war there, the
diplomats said. But the diplomats also noted that the tribunal has been allowed to open an
office in Pristina, and that Ms. Arbour has previously visited Belgrade.
The October agreement was negotiated under the pressure of imminent
NATO bombing, and even then was full of holes, American officials have conceded. The deal
saved many Kosova refugees from dying of the cold and had restrained the warfare, at least
until last week. But once the threat of bombing was withdrawn in October, there was little
leverage on Milosevic to give Kosova the enhanced political autonomy that now seems
insufficient to satisfy the ethnic Albanians, let alone the Kosova Liberation Army.
"Enhanced autonomy within Serbia, which Milosevic doesn't want
to concede, is a nonstarter now," said a senior Western official. "Enhanced
autonomy within Yugoslavia, on a similar basis with Serbia itself and Montenegro, is
probably the minimum. Albanian national consciousness has changed a lot." Milosevic
agreed in October to seriously negotiate a political settlement with the ethnic Albanian
majority, which is seeking independence from Serbia.
It may be that the renewed threat of NATO bombing will give
Milosevic more room to make necessary concessions to the ethnic Albanians of Kosova, short
of the independence that the Serbs -- and the rest of the world -- do not want Kosova to
have. But, a senior Western diplomat said, a threat by NATO to bomb Serbia is a
"blunt instrument for a delicate problem."
U.S., NATO Again Ponder Striking Serbs
By Dana Priest and Charles Trueheart Washington Post Staff
Writers Wednesday, January 20, 1999; Page A19
For the second time in three months, the United States and its NATO
allies grappled with the possible consequences of punitive airstrikes against Yugoslavia
as Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic hardened his defiance of Western demands aimed at
restoring peace in the separatist province of Kosova.
Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen, comparing the standoff to a
similar crisis last fall, told reporters yesterday, "I believe NATO's credibility
remains on the line." He warned that if Milosevic continues to violate agreements
over Kosova, "It is quite clear NATO has the ability not just to threaten airstrikes
but to carry them out."
But as deliberations continued at NATO headquarters in Brussels and
within President Clinton's national security team in Washington, officials said they were
concerned about the possible outcome of a bombing campaign. Said a senior Pentagon
official: "We're left with some bad options. That doesn't mean we wouldn't deploy
them."
Administration officials acknowledge that, unlike last fall, there
is little hope now that a limited air campaign will lead to negotiations between the Serbs
and separatist rebels of the Kosova Liberation Army. "We haven't convinced either
side that a political solution is the best option," one senior U.S. official said.
At the same time, officials are wary that airstrikes might tip the
military balance in favor of the rebels, who are considered a more formidable force than
they were several months ago. "We don't intend to become an Air Force for the"
rebels, Cohen said yesterday.
Other options under consideration by the administration include
further economic sanctions against Serbia and the possibility of dispatching a
multinational peacekeeping force to the region to separate combatants, following the model
of the NATO troops enforcing a peace agreement in Bosnia.
Among those calling for an international military force is Sen. John
W. Warner (R-Va.), chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. "Either we get in
there with a NATO force or get the hell out," said Warner, who said prolonged
fighting in Kosova could rattle the still-fragile peace processes in neighboring Bosnia
and Albania.
In November, with 400 allied warplanes on standby, the United States
and its allies secured a promise from Milosevic to withdraw forces from Kosova. The
agreement, brokered by U.S. envoy Richard C. Holbrooke, created an uncertain and often
dishonored cease-fire between combatants and sent hundreds of unarmed civilian peace
monitors into the province under the aegis of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
The diplomatic situation has deteriorated since the massacre of 45
Kosovar civilians Friday, an explosive event Western officials have blamed on Yugoslav
forces fighting the ethnic Albanian rebels. Milosevic has since ordered the expulsion of
the leader of the OSCE contingent, U.S. Ambassador William Walker, and turned away a team
of United Nations war crimes investigators led by chief tribunal prosecutor Louise Arbour.
NATO's two top generals said yesterday in Brussels that Milosevic
displayed a "bunker mentality" during their marathon meeting in Belgrade Tuesday
and responded to warnings about the renewed fighting in Kosova province with
"repeated denial of the facts, denial of the obvious."
U.S. Army Gen. Wesley Clark, the supreme commander of NATO, said he
and Gen. Klaus Naumann of Germany, chairman of the alliance's military committee, had
repeated to Milosevic three-month-old international demands that he withdraw security
forces from Kosova and live up to his agreements to allow outside "verifiers" to
monitor the situation in Kosova.
With diplomatic solutions still being explored, the generals backed
up their verbal pressure today by putting NATO forces on 48-hour alert and by ordering two
naval groups, including the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise, into position to carry out
any military action that may emerge from the next key meeting on Kosova. The six-nation
Kosova "contact group" is to gather Friday in London.
NATO ambassadors to whom the generals reported in Brussels this
morning, an alliance source said, continued to insist that any NATO military action
"be part of an overall political strategy. ... It can't be a stand-alone event."
They also expressed their determination to work with other organizations ,the OSCE, the
European Union, in formulating a strategy for returning peace and stability to Kosovo.
The tightening of NATO's military readiness window
from 96 to 48 hours and the deployment of the Mediterranean naval forces to Brindisi,
Italy, and to the Aegean Sea near Kosovo, a NATO source said, were "precautionary,
prudential; they are not signs of inevitability" regarding military strikes in
Yugoslavia.
Priest reported from Washington and Trueheart from Brussels.
Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company
The Kosova Test
Wednesday, January 20, 1999; Page A26
THE U.S.-led military alliance that faced down the Soviet Union, is
planning a big celebration of its 50th birthday this spring. But in a small province of
Yugoslavia, the alliance's credibility is being tested right now. If NATO and President
Clinton cannot stand up to Serb dictator Slobodan Milosevic in Kosovo, they might as well
cancel the anniversary party right now. NATO will have shown itself to be useless.
Mr. Milosevic has been waging war against the civilian population of
Kosovo for most of the past year. Ninety percent of Kosovo's 2 million people are ethnic
Albanian, while only 10 percent are (like Mr. Milosevic) Serb. Especially after his brutal
campaign of ethnic cleansing, most of the ethnic Albanians want independence for Kosovo.
Mr. Milosevic continues to act as though he can thwart them through military subjugation.
Last October he reached an agreement, negotiated by U.S. Ambassador
Richard Holbrooke, that was meant to pave the way toward a political solution. The
agreement was unsatisfactory from the start; Mr. Milosevic is now violating every
provision. He promised access to Kosovo for international war crimes investigators; he
hasn't let them in. He promised to withdraw some of his troops; instead, he's been beefing
up his forces. He said he would allow 2,000 unarmed "verifiers" to monitor the
cease-fire, but he's interfered with their work. And, most important, there is no
cease-fire; Serb shelling of Kosovo villages in the past few days has left another 5,000
homeless, adding to the hundreds of thousands burned and bombed out of their homes
already.
Mr. Milosevic's contempt for NATO became totally clear this week, in
the wake of a Serb massacre of 47 civilians in the village of Racak. He barred chief war
crimes investigator Louise Arbour from entering Kosovo to investigate the massacre. His
apparatchiks then removed the bodies so there could be no evidence of Serb crimes. He
ordered the expulsion of U.S. diplomat William Walker, chief of the 800 or so verifiers
who had deployed so far. He escalated the fighting.
The Serb dictator understands well that NATO has little appetite for
involvement in another Balkan conflict. But NATO and the United States are involved and
will remain so as long as Kosovo's instability threatens the entire region. Each time the
alliance caves in to Mr. Milosevic, hoping to avoid taking the tough decisions, it only
guarantees that the next crisis will be more difficult. Now it is time to take a stand.
NATO must prepare to use force, ground troops as well as air power, to enforce a
cease-fire and an interim political settlement. As a first step, it should order the
immediate withdrawal of the unarmed verifiers, so that they do not become Serb hostages if
NATO uses force.
Forensic team probes Kosova massacre (BBC)
A Finnish team of forensic experts is in Kosovo to investigate the
killing of ethnic Albanians last week.
Members of the team are reported to have begun taking x-rays of some
of the more than 40 dead bodies - found in the village of Racak in southern Kosovo - to
determine whether they were killed in a gun battle, or murdered in cold blood.
The head of the team asked a Serbian forensic team, which began work
on the bodies on Tuesday, to wait for her team's x-ray unit, saying that under
internationally-recognised procedures, x-rays should be first step of any autopsy.
Dr Helena Ranta said: "It should of course have been done
before, and that was one of the reasons I suggested they should stop.
"But for some reason or other they didn't, so we have to live
with that."
Speaking to the BBC, Dr Ranta said that if there had been
"manipulation" of evidence on the bodies, her team would be able to identify
traces of interference.
She warned that Serb insistence that the bodies displayed no signs
of torture or summary execution was premature. Her team would report within 10 days, she
said.
"The world has a right to know what happened there," she
said.
Walker to stay?
There are also reports that Belgrade might be prepared to back down
over its decision to expel the head of the international verification mission in Kosovo,
William Walker.
Mr Walker had been ordered to leave by Thursday evening after
blaming Serbian security forces for the killings in Racak.
But the BBC correspondent in Pristina, Jacky Rowland, says that a
senior Serbian official, who met a Russian envoy on Wednesday, said that the issue would
be solved through compromise and to the satisfaction of both sides.
Mr Walker himself has no intention of leaving Kosovo, his spokesman
says.
Jorgen Grunnet told the BBC: "There is no intention of leaving.
He will stay here as long as the mission is here."
Nato bombers on heightened alert
Meanwhile, Nato has put fighter-bomber aircraft on a 48-hour alert,
and ordered more warships to the Adriatic Sea, in readiness for possible air strikes
against Yugoslav forces.
Nato officials have stressed that they want to see a political
solution to ethnic Albanian demands for independence from Serbia.
Speaking to the BBC, Nato Secretary General Javier Solana said they
were backing the international ceasefire monitors already in the province.
But he warned: "If the OSCE has to be withdrawn, there is no
question that the only solution is a military type of solution".
The United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan has urged the
authorities in Belgrade to defuse the present crisis.
However, Mr Annan said he did not detect any change in their
position when he called on them to withdraw their expulsion order against Mr Walker and
allow in the chief prosecutor for the International War Crimes Tribunal for Former
Yugoslavia, Louise Arbour.
Firing in northern Kosovo
Sporadic fighting is reported to be continuing in northern Kosovo as
refugee agencies deliver food to villagers too terrified to return to their homes.
Serb security forces fired an anti-aircraft gun over the village of
Shipolje while police took away seven men to a nearby town.
Serb police had earlier taken up positions in the village, a few
kilometres from Vaganica, where international monitors said police killed two people on
Wednesday.
Albright says Milosevic
understands only force by Associated Press
Thursday, January 21, 1999
WASHINGTON - Secretary of State Madeleine Albright is enlisting U.S.
allies to push on Yugoslavia a series of demands about Kosovo that could result in attacks
by NATO if President Slobodan Milosevic rejects them.
``Force is the only language he appears to understand,'' she said
today. ``The world is confronted by new and unacceptable violence in Kosovo.''
A massacre last Friday of 45 ethnic Albanian civilians ``has brought
tensions to a razor's edge,'' Albright said as she prepared for a trip that is to involve
consultations with British, French and other allies on the crisis in the Serbian province.
As Albright took verbal aim at Milosevic, it was clear that the
Clinton administration and much of Europe still look to the Serbian leader for a solution
to the conflict between Serbs and ethnic Albanians, many of whom want independence from
Yugoslavia.
President Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair confirmed
growing concern in a 30-minute telephone conversation.
``They agreed that Slobodan Milosevic must be brought back into
line,'' a government spokesman said in London. ``They reviewed the preparations on the
military side, should the military option prove necessary.
The spokesman, anonymous under normal British practice, said
``equally, they agreed it was vital to inject new life into the political process aimed at
bringing both sides to the table.''
Some members of Congress and analysts suggested other approaches,
including the stationing of NATO forces in Kosovo.
Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind., and a handful of other senators have
written President Clinton requesting an explicit U.S. statement that Milosevic must be
replaced with a democratic government.
``No American policy to promote a stable and peaceful Balkan region
can succeed if Serbia remains, as it has since the breakup of Yugoslavia, under the grip
of a regime that depends on crisis for its continued hold on power,'' the letter said.
Morton Abramowitz, a former U.S. ambassador and ex-director of the
State Department's intelligence office, has suggested the administration pursue
independence for the ethnic Albanians, who comprise about 90 percent of the province.
This would require stationing NATO troops in Kosovo. Also,
Abramowitz said, the administration should try to undermine Milosevic politically and
punish him as a war criminal.
Milosevic has been a central figure in U.S. diplomacy in the Balkans
for years. He was courted for negotiations that produced an agreement in November 1995 to
end an ethnic war in Bosnia.
So far, the crisis in Kosovo, and the stern U.S. approach to the
Serbian leader typified by Albright in a speech Thursday to the Center for National
Policy, has not spilled over to Bosnia.
But James Hooper, executive director of the Balkan Action Council, a
group that follows developments in the troubled region, said an impact on Bosnia is
inevitable. ``He is the one that is going to decide when,'' Hooper said.
The Dayton agreements, which ended the Bosnia war, gave Milosevic a
prominent role in peacemaking in the republic ``and enabled him to transform his
reputation from Balkan troublemaker to Balkans peacemaker,'' Hooper said.
Hooper proposed working with Milosevic ``to some extent'' but
working also with the democratic opposition. ``We would create new and more effective
leaders,'' he said. ``This could result in a process gradually leading to democracy.''
The Bosnia agreement is holding, and the likelihood of a resumption
of fighting is minimal, said George Biddle, vice president of the International Crisis
Group, a private think tank.
But the conflict could spread to Macedonia, Albania and elsewhere,
Biddle said in an interview.
``Must we deal with Milosevic? He obviously is the president of
Serbia, and he is the man you have to deal with,'' Biddle said.
But Milosevic is not listening to the United States and the allies
on Kosovo, Biddle said. So, he said, the best approach is to issue an ultimatum and not
talk to him.
Gary Dempsey, an analyst with the Cato Institute, takes a far
different view. He says NATO airstrikes could further entrench Milosevic by unifying Serbs
behind him while giving the Kosovo Liberation Army an incentive to provoke Serb forces
even more.
And, Dempsey says, airstrikes could cause the Dayton agreement to
unravel.
In her speech, Albright said there is no simple answer to the Kosovo
problems. She said the Kosovo Liberation Army has been deliberately provocative, and the
outlook for a negotiated solution is cloudy.
She set three demands for Milosevic:
-Reduce the Serb troop and police presence in Kosovo.
-Cooperate with the war crimes tribunal.
-Permit the verification mission, headed by American diplomat
William Walker, back into Kosovo to operate unhindered.
Albright flies to Moscow on Sunday and will meet there with Russian
leaders about Kosovo and other matters. At the end of the week she will confer in London
with Robin Cook, the British foreign secretary, and in Paris with Hubert Vedrine, the
French foreign minister.
The next step could be a meeting of the six-nation ``Contact Group''
that oversees the Balkans: the United States, Russia, Britain, France, Germany and Italy.