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LETTERS OF
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SERBIAN
MASSACRES |
Updated at 4:20 PM
on June 16, 1999
The KLA Appeals to Doctors
Prishtinė, June 16, (Kosovapress)
Despite the lack of medical assistance from the many trained medical professionals in the
Kosovar community, with the help of the KLA and the brave and professional work done by
the few who volunteered, a major disaster was averted during the war.
We have reached another stage which can be considered the opening of Kosova including its
hospitals. In order to avoid a general humanitarian catastrophe which is still threatening
our people, we appeal to all medical personnel to return to the country and their place of
work. Although medical facilities have been destroyed by Serb criminals, with the help of
the international humanitarian associations they will be completely replaced with modern
equipment.
By not showing up now will forever brandish who failed their people in need.
We take this opportunity also to inform the expelled population to only return to areas
that are firmly under the control of KFOR or the KLA for there remains a great risk of
land mines and booby traps in Kosova. The Secretary of Health of the KLA pleads that only
after the KLA has cleared an area of its mines should people return to their homes.
News Briefs, June 16 (KosovaPress)
June 16, (Kosovapress)
Podjevė: Attempting to return to their homes, Ekrem Bajram Gjata (b. 1969), from Bajēina
and Brahim Mehmet Hoti (b. 1953), from Bradashi, died after stepping on Serb mines.
Podjevė: Yesterday as Serb forces were leaving their positions in Besiana they gravely
injured Vehbi Hashim Ahmeti (b 1962) and Murat Rrahim Fazliu (b. 1949). Their lives are
not in danger. These same troops gravely injured Idriz, Nebih and Vehbi Behluli from
Podjeva. Meanwhile Ismail Shaban Statofci (aged 75) from Batllava was killed.
Prizren: 250 Kosovars held by Serbs in Prizren have been transported secretly to the
Prokuples Prison in Serbia.
Malishevė: In the village of Llazicė, in the district of Foniqėve, 82 year old Ramadan
Rexhė Foniqi, from Llazica was killed in his home. The victim of Serb torture was half
buried on the front step of his home.
Prishtinė: In an area close to Prishtina, according to a CNN crew, 100 Kosovars have been
discovered killed and thrown into four wells. The killed were murdered just before the
arrival of KFOR troops to the town, highlighting the tragic shortcoming of the agreement
which allows mass murderers and rapists to leave without fear their criminal acts
unpunished.
Yesterday in Gjilan, at 17:00, 16 children were injured by a hand grenade thrown by Serb
Dragan Sopic in front of the village's mosque.
The bodies of Rexhep Rexhep, from Tankosiq and Saqip Hoxhės, from Sllatinė e Epėrme
were found today. They were killed two months earlier by Serb police but the location of
their bodies could not be confirmed until today. French troops have left Gjilan to
incoming American troops.
Komoran: In the village of Sankoc yesterday, three bodies were discovered. They were
buried yesterday.
Lipjan: Yesterday, Ibush Hasani, from the village of Gadime, killed close to the village
was buried.
Magurė: In Zborc close to Blinaja, Xhavit Kozhani from Ribari i Madh was killed.
Lipjan: In Bregut tė Zi and Kraishtės, in a place called "Livadhe" an
unidentified body has been found.
Lipjan: Today the first food aid arrived in Shalė tė Drenicės. A contingent of a
convoy, comprising of three trucks filled with flour, sugar, cooking oil and salt made its
entrance into this ravaged region. The food was dedicated for those civilians living in
the open in the mountains of Berisha for the last two months. In the village today, a Los
Angeles based humanitarian organization, AMS and the French Doctors without Borders
arrived to set up permanent offices.
Komoran: Civilians who have been hiding in the mountains and gorges of Berisha have begun
to return to their homes. A large group of them on foot or in tractors lived under plastic
covering because their homes have been burned down by Serb forces.
Gjilan: Ten people, 8 of whom were children were injured today on a road in Gjilan when a
Serb soldier threw a grenade into a crowd watching the withdrawal of Serb troops.
Prizren: Three people have been injured in Zhur, a neighboring village of Prizren by a
booby trap set by Serb forces.
Kukės: After the departure of Serb forces and the entry of KFOR troops in Kosova, many
deportees have ignored pleads by the international community and have begun to return to
their homes which are not yet cleared of dangerous mines set by Serb forces specifically
set to injure Kosovar civilians.
Bllacė: Two Kosovar refugees, as they were trying to enter their village in Kosova died
after stepping on mines close to the Kosova-Macedonia border.
Krushė e Madhe: Dutch soldiers have discovered 20 burned bodies in Krushė tė Madhe,
reported the Dutch news agency, ANP. Dutch troops have learned about the site from KLA
troops and they have begun to guard the house. Investigators are expected to reach the
site in the coming hours to begin to collect evidence for the War Crimes Tribunal.
Gjakovė: Mass graves have been discovered throughout Gjakova. KFOR troops coming from
Prizren were informed of the location of a large grave in the Maja quarter of the city.
Witnesses have also reported finding three bodies in the same neighborhood, adding there
were many more in a large number of sites in the city, buried in shallow graves. Many of
the inhabitants of this district have said they witnessed a number of new graves beginning
to appear at the end of April.
Shefki Hamėz Krasniqi (aged 32) from Gllavica of Shtime, fell last night into a mine
field laid near his village. His tragic death is a grime testimate of the dangers that
exist in Kosova, especially in territory formally under the control of Serb forces. Once
again, the KLA, NATO and the UNHCR pleads with civilians to not rush home and wait for
security forces to clear their villages of the many dangerous explosives littering Kosova.
Italians discover two mass graves
(KIC)
Prizren, 16 June (KIC) - Italian soldiers, serving under KFOR found
yesterday in the village of Korenica near Prizren, discovered two mass
graves. One of them contained 120 bodies of Albanians massacred by
Serb troops.
Kosova and Macedonia agree to open
political offices in Shkup and Prishtina (Radio21)
Kosova and Macedonia agreed today to open political offices in Shkup and Prishtina, the
prime minister of Kosova Interim Government, Hashim Thaēi confirmed today in a press
conference in Shkup after his meeting with the prime minister of Macedonia, Ljubēo
Georgievski.
Mr. Thaēi considered the meeting as especially important for the future of Kosova,
Macedonia and the Balkans. He confirmed talking with Mr. Georgievski about the situation
in Kosova, Macedonia and the Balkans, about the new ideas for a new life, a new political
phylosophy of coexistence and cooperation with each other, "saying no to the
phylosophy of conflict which depends to the past".
The prime minister of Kosova also confirmed that he talked with his Macedonian counterpart
a little bit for the past and much more for the actual situation in Kosova and the Balkans
and about the future.
"We agreed to built the relations between Kosova-Macedonia on the basis of the mutual
interests. We fully agree on the concept of a new life and a new society in the Balkans,
on the democratization of the Balkan society, out of militarizion. We talked about the
democratization of the borders and we agreed to open political offices in Shkup and
Prishtina", Mr. Thaēi said.
Kosova prime minister declared that a new phase will begin in Kosova after the war.
Macedonian prime minister Ljubēo Georgievski confirmed in the same press conference that
he talked to his Kosova counterpart about the situation in Kosova, "the past and the
future and the duties we have ahead like the deployment of NATO troops in Kosova, the
return of the refugees".
"It is very important the settlement of the new administration in Kosova", Mr.
Georgievski declared.
Macedonian prime minister talked to Kosova prime minister about the general life in the
future, the economical and the general prospects of the Balkans.
He said that more intensive contacts will be held between the government of Macedonia and
the Interim Government of Kosova on the basis of pact for stability in the region.
Not Even Hope Flowers in a Village
of the Dead (NY Times)
By IAN FISHER
KRUSHA E MADHE, Kosova -- Ajrulah Ramadani woke up early Tuesday in Albania, packed a
small plastic bag of clothes and came back to Kosova. He is a relatively prosperous man
who lived here on a farm with his three brothers and their families -- 43 people in all --
and he wanted to see if anything was left.
The first person he met was Hamit Hoti, 85. Hoti's hands held a cane, his feet rested on
the fallen gutter of his house. The house had no roof. The dried-up body of a dog, a
bullet hole in his side, lay a few feet away.
"Are you safe?" Ramadani, 39, asked the old man. "Do you recognize me? I am
Shaban's son."
Hoti looked confused.
"I don't recognize the young people anymore," he said. "I am blind. I am an
old man. Are you safe?"
"Yes, thank you," Ramadani said. He offered a cigarette. The two men smoked.
"I was hiding like a dog," Hoti said. "I was running. For two days I was
hiding anywhere I could in the fields and other houses -- without food, without water.
"I don't know where my family is," he told Ramadani. "Have you seen any of
my family?"
"I just came from Albania," Ramadani said. "Lots of your family is
there."
Hoti wavered somewhere between tears and a smile.
"It's enough for me to know they are safe," he said. "Thank you very
much."
Ramadani said: "We won. We won. We won."
Then he met Xhelal Duraku, 35, who had been hiding in a nearby village until Tuesday. They
walked up a grassy hill, thick with wildflowers, then down a small slope. They smelled
rotting flesh.
Duraku climbed down the slope, which abutted the top of another roofless house, and pulled
two charred watches from a cinder block. The watches belonged to the two men in the mounds
of dirt at his feet. A shoulder bone poked from a mound.
Duraku said two of his relatives -- Isa Duraku, a teacher, and Nuhi Duraku, the director
of a cooperative farm -- were buried there by other villagers, who told him where the
watches were hidden.
He said his relatives were killed by Serbs in a massacre in this village -- where as many
as 150 people died, human rights officials say -- and their bodies partly burned. In the
house below lay an ash pit of bones, which a German soldier who walked by later said
seemed to belong to a goat. Down the hill, near the main road, is a graveyard with
recently plowed dirt, some 10 by 20 yards in size.
"I don't know how it all happened," Duraku said. Like Ramadani and his family,
he fled while the killings were going on.
Ramadani went down the gravel road toward his house. A rotting body of a cow lay crumpled
next to a destroyed car. A frightened Rottweiler poked his head out of a school, the
windows smashed, the filing cabinets ransacked, and then went back inside.
Ramadani walked up a slope and peered around a wall to see his house.
"My bulldozer is here," he said. "I had three trucks." He looked
again. "Ah, the trucks are gone. Also the tractors aren't here. Only this bulldozer
-- no -- one tractor is here.
"I bought this piece of land from a Serb 10 years ago. I paid 800,000 German marks.
Now they have come back and look what they did."
He spat. The two houses where he and his brothers and their families lived were barely
standing. Both roofs were gone, the windows were smashed out and carbon licked the paint
around the frames. The ground was spattered with red roof tiles.
A skinny dog jumped from the basement. Ramadani looked happy.
"Meca, come here!" he said, and the dog came and he scratched her head.
"Meca!"
He lit another cigarette. He started to go up his front porch, spilling over with burned
shoes, but thought better of it. It might be booby trapped. Tears filled his eyes. His
brothers' laundry was still on the line. A sock hung on a tree.
He wiped his face and said his next step was to let his family, living in someone else's
apartment in Albania, know that nothing is left.
"What can I do?" he asked. "I will tell them the truth. I will tell them
everything I saw."
Jubilant Kosovar Refugees Begin a
Trek Toward Home (NY Times)
By ELISABETH BUMILLER
MORINI, Albania -- More than 5,000 Kosovar Albanian refugees began a jubilant exodus back
home on Tuesday through this mountain border crossing controlled jointly by the Kosova
Liberation Army, the rebel group that fought Serbian forces in Kosova, and NATO
peacekeepers.
"Never in my life have I been so happy," said Opoja Piraj, 36, who had come
through the same crossing on April 2 devastated and terrified after Serbian police
expelled him from his house in northern Kosova at gunpoint.
Wildly honking cars, trucks and tractors filled with exuberant adults and children waving
two-fingered victory signs -- a stunning contrast to the tears and shock of the refugees'
arrival here three months ago -- snaked up a crumbling mountain road to a re-entry that
was, at least on Tuesday, remarkably speedy because of the participation of the rebel
forces.
Although the guerrillas' central role at the border was awkward for the German NATO
troops, who are supposed to be protecting both Kosovar Albanians and Serbs, the Germans
acknowledged that the rebels made the re-entry of the refugees, most of whom were stripped
of all identity papers by the Serbs, efficient and trouble-free, for now.
On Tuesday afternoon, as armed German soldiers stood by, a 23-year-old member of the rebel
group, dressed in blue trousers, a blue sweater and Nikes, stopped each car at the border,
asked not for identity papers, but quickly took down in a spiral notebook the Albanian
names, dates of birth and places of residence of the people inside -- essential
information for NATO, refugee agencies and future aid to Kosova.
"He can do it faster than we can do it," said a Lieutenant Colonel Eder, who was
in command of the German forces at the border crossing, and said that rebel leaders were
at that moment meeting with German authorities in the nearby Kosovar town of Prizren to
determine how to divide up authority at the border. On Tuesday evening, the colonel said
that the arrangement reached at the meeting was that "NATO takes over the border, but
we will use the rebels for administrative things, like writing down the names. It's very
hard for us to write down the names."
In essence, this was exactly the same operation that had gone on all day, although NATO
was to raise its flag over the post on Tuesday night. "Perhaps they saw if they
cooperated with us it will be easier," said Bujar Bajraktari, who described himself
as the rebel commander in charge of the border post and who kept a close watch on the
proceedings here on Tuesday.
The NATO-rebel cooperation was evident in a conversation in German that Bajraktari had on
Tuesday afternoon with Eder, who told Bajraktari that NATO wanted the rebel lists of the
returning Kosovar Albanians so that NATO could give them to the office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The border opened in chaos to the news media on
Sunday, was closed to the media and refugees for part of Monday because of the presence of
armed Serbian troops just a few miles up the road in Kosova, but opened again at 6 p.m.
Monday.
Although there were some Albanian policemen at the border crossing, their role was to open
the first gate and let every car up to the rebel-NATO checkpoint without asking questions.
It fell to the rebels to separate out the Kosovar Albanians from the local Albanians in
this anarchic border region, where recreational gunfire from nearby Albanian villages
rings out all day.
Many local Albanians have slipped through the border since Sunday to loot homes in Kosova
before the refugees themselves return. On Tuesday, the rebels were preventing the local
Albanians from crossing into Kosova, on the orders, they said, of the Albanian police. The
rebels were also checking the cars of local Albanians crossing back from Kosova into
Albania, and roughly questioning those whose cars contained large boxes and packages.
They were able to distinguish one kind of Albanian from the other by dialect, license
plates, or both. There was not a single Serbian authority at the Morini crossing, even
though the NATO peace agreement calls for a "Serbian presence" at the borders as
refugees re-enter. "We don't mind a Serbian presence as long as they have no say in
who gets in," said Kris Janowski, a spokesman for the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees.
Janowski said that the refugee agency, which has repeatedly warned returning Kosovars
about rushing back too soon before land mines and Serbian troops are cleared, said that he
would prefer the return to be "a bit slower," but that it was going smoothly for
now.
Aid workers said on Tuesday morning that they wanted to wait three weeks before starting
to move the nearly half million refugees out of Albania. But refugees, reacting to the
news of people dancing in the streets of Prizren, NATO's growing presence in Kosova, and
the cars leaving Kukes on Tuesday, were packing up in the camps near here on Tuesday
night.
"We saw that a lot of people are going," said Nazlije Gashi, 59, who was riding
with her family in the back of truck toward the border and home. "So we decided to go
with them."
NATO Must Stop Russia's Power Play
(Wall Street Journal)
By Zbigniew Brzezinski
Slobodan Milosevic's somewhat conditional but hardly face-saving surrender is undeniably a
success for NATO and for the U.S. Failure to prevail would have been a disaster,
disrupting the alliance and globally discrediting America. But victory has already had an
unwelcome complication: Russian troops occupying the airport in the Kosovar capital of
Prishtina. What's more, the way NATO conducted this war raises serious concerns about
future conflicts.
The Clinton administration deserves credit for having done several things right. It
recognized that force had to be used to compel Mr. Milosevic to terms. It persevered in
the effort, and was very successful in keeping the NATO coalition together. It did not
succumb to Russian entreaties to stop the bombing.
Writing on this page on May 24, I argued that the two issues defining either success or
failure were whether all armed Serbs would have to leave Kosova, and whether all of Kosova
would be placed under de facto NATO control. That now seems likely, unless the
administration caves in to Russian-Serbian collusion in establishing a separate zone for
the Russians.
It is also important to note that there are strong hints in the United Nations mandate
that Serbia's sovereignty over Kosova may be not only nominal but eventually terminal. The
document refers more than once not only to "autonomy" but also to
"self-government" for the Kosovars, noting that KFOR (the U.N.'s name for the
predominantly NATO force) would be responsible for "facilitating a political process
designed to determine Kosova's future status, taking into account the Rambouillet
accords."
At the same time, the militarily indecisive and morally compromising manner in which the
80-day bombing campaign was conducted leaves a residue of longer-term concerns, beyond
Kosova itself, that will have to be seriously addressed. Foremost among them are Russia's
role in the crisis, the world's perception of the American way of war, and NATO's combat
command procedures. The Kosova crisis raises concerns regarding each.
Russia's conduct does not deserve the high praise that the Clinton administration has
showered on the Yeltsin leadership. Perhaps some of the praise was tactical, designed to
isolate Mr. Milosevic. The fact remains, however, that Russia's conduct was malicious and
much of it involved deliberate collusion with the Belgrade sponsor of ethnic cleansing.
The sudden deployment of Russian troops into Serbia had to be coordinated by Moscow and
Belgrade, and its obvious aim was to force a partition of Kosova, on Mr. Milosevic's
behalf. That means that Russia's role in the Group of Eight discussions regarding Kosova
has been duplicitous. To obscure all of that and to reward Russia with a major role in
Kosova is to fuel further Russian ambitions. The bottom line is that Russia's good
behavior should be rewarded; its hostile conduct should neither be propitiated nor be
cost-free.
Boris Yeltsin's power play in Prishtina, therefore, must not be allowed to stand. There
are many nonviolent ways of isolating the Russian troop contingent at the airport and of
preventing their resupply by air--such as simply floating balloons around the airport so
that no unilaterally arriving Russian air transports can land. Failure to apply pressure
decisively will mean that Mr. Milosevic and Mr. Yeltsin will have succeeded in de facto
partition.
The second major issue growing out of Kosova is that the American way of war smacks to
much of the world as a new technological racism. The high-tech standoff war was waged as
if its underlying premise was that the life of even one American serviceman was not worth
risking in order to save the lives of thousands of Kosovars. Just consider how the public
would feel if some policemen, reacting to thugs throwing children into a swift river,
confined themselves to merely arresting the thugs, on the grounds that any attempt at
rescue might risk a policeman's life. Gloating over the ultimate "score" of
5,000 Serbs killed to zero Americans simply reinforces the global perception of a
troubling moral standard.
This new way of war may also set a dubious and even dangerous standard for the future. The
definition of success in warfare should not be determined by the avoidance of any
casualties. If the stakes, both political and moral, are imperative enough to warrant the
use of force, then necessary force should be used to achieve the ends. A war fought at no
political risk and at no human cost may prove to have set a paralyzing precedent for any
future American president.
Finally, some serious thought will have to be given to whether NATO's governing
mechanisms, which require political unanimity in setting war aims, are conducive to a
truly effective war-fighting command. The awkward experience of the unnecessarily
prolonged bombing campaign underlines the urgent need to review and revise NATO's
decision-making procedures. A clearer distinction will have to be drawn between the
requirements for basic unanimity in committing NATO to action, and the need for a military
command authority endowed with the discretion to execute that commitment by military
means. The Normandy landings never could have been carried out under the procedures NATO
followed in Kosova.
The outcome of the conflict demonstrates that NATO is Europe's only effective security
system and that the American-European connection remains central to Europe's stability.
That makes it all the more important that the Kosova experience be assessed in a
constructively critical fashion.
"NO BOUNDARIES" ALBUM, TO
BENEFIT THE REFUGEES OF KOSOVO RELEASED (Epic Records)
On June 15, 1999, Epic Records released No Boundariesa unique compilation created
for the benefit of the refugees of Kosova.
The 16-track album will feature rare, live and previously unreleased special versions of
songs by some of the most popular and acclaimed artists on the international music scene.
The artists confirmed to appear on No Boundaries are Pearl Jam, Rage Against The Machine,
Alanis Morissette, Neil Young, Oasis, KoRn, Black Sabbath, Indigo Girls, Ben Folds Five,
Peter Gabriel, The Wallflowers, Sarah McLachlan, Bush, Tori Amos, and Jamiroquai.
Pearl Jam's version of "Last Kiss," the 1964 hit by J. Frank Wilson & the
Cavaliers, will be the first single from No Boundaries. The single arrives in stores June
8 and includes the B-side "Soldier Of Love," a live version of the song first
recorded by Arthur Alexander. "Last Kiss" and "Soldier Of Love" were
released initially as the 1998 Pearl Jam Fan Club Christmas single and distributed free to
fan club members only. Both tracks are included on No Boundaries.
Pearl Jam manager Kelly Curtis says: "Pearl Jam is proud to offer this small
contribution to help improve the appalling conditions of the refugees suffering from this
human rights tragedy in Kosova."
In advance of the album release date and based on projected sales of No Boundaries, Epic
Records will make an initial donation of $1,000,000 to be distributed among three
international aid organizationsCARE, OXFAM, and Doctors Without Bordersall of
which are working now to provide food, shelter, medical care and other basic needs to the
Kosova refugees. Further donations derived from worldwide sales of No Boundaries will be
made to these organizations.
"This album is the first collective response by the international music community to
the crisis in Kosova," says David Glew, Chairman of the Epic Records Group. "No
Boundaries is an outstanding collection of music, created in support of a vital
cause." |