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LETTERS OF SUPPORT

SERBIAN MASSACRES

Updated at 3:40 PM on May 4, 1999

Mental trauma of Kosova rape victims difficult to treat (CNN)

From Correspondent Eileen O'Connor

TIRANA, Albania (CNN) -- She is a Kosovar medical student who can only be identified by a nickname -- Mer. Her family remains behind as she goes from refugee to refugee, undertaking one of the most difficult missions of war.

Mer is gathering evidence of war crimes committed against the people of Kosova -- particularly rape.

"I take their names and their ages and the dates," she explained.

The stories she hears are horrifying.

Vassar, for example, was not a victim of rape, but an eyewitness. Told by Serb police to leave her home, she gathered her young boys and left the small town of Drina on the family tractor. They joined a column of other families that was approached by Serb militiamen outside of Djakovica.

Soldiers in uniforms, with red and gray kerchiefs on their heads, rounded up the young women, Vasser said. Later, Vasser and the others left the column to try to find the young women. She said she saw the girls lying in a field where the soldiers were raping them.

Vassar and her neighbors were forced to return to the line. The girls came back later, she said, with their clothes in shreds.

Shame keeps victims silent

These kinds of accounts from witnesses, Mer said, are too common to ignore. But accounts from actual victims are nearly impossible to find. The shame that keeps rape victims silent even in the West is especially acute among these Muslim families. Often victims who do come forward will describe incidents stopping just short of rape.

Vilora Gegar said she was taken at gunpoint by Serb police several weeks ago, before fleeing her country.

"They told me to take my clothes off," she said. "I refused."

The Serb police held her by her hair and beat her, Gegar said, taunting her by saying she should get the Americans to protect her. She said she still has back pain from the blows of rifle butts.

Gegar's cousin said she witnessed four young girls taken away by Serb militiamen wearing masks.

"They were sisters between 19 and 25 years old," she said. "Only their father was left. We came here and I never saw them again."

Survival comes first

International doctors seeing refugees at makeshift clinics or hospitals in the Albanian border town of Kukes said they have seen girls so traumatized that the doctors suspect they were raped -- but they cannot ask.

As Dr. Jeff Colyer explained, it is simply not appropriate for a Western male to bring up the subject with the ethnic Albanian women.

"The additional problem is that people are more concerned about food and shelter and just living," Colyer said. ( 148 K/12 sec. AIFF or WAV sound)

Many refugees who make it across the border enter the hospital suffering from severe dehydration and exposure. Their psychological needs become secondary.

But international investigators and doctors in the Kosova refugee camps said it is difficult to have any doubt that the violation and rape of women has become a weapon of choice in Kosova, as it was during the Bosnian conflict.

The list of the identified victims in the massacre of Studime (KP)

Vushtrri, May 4th (Kosovapress) The list of the identified persons in the massacre that was executed by serbian terrorists in the village Studime e Poshtme, commune of Vushtrri on May 2nd of this year: Veli Rashica, Istref Rashica, Ali Rashica, Abdyl Ibrahim Gėrgjaliu, Shaban Hazir Gėrgjaliu, Bajram Hazir Gėrgjaliu, Imer Islam Gėrgjaliu, Skėnder Gėrgjaliu, Abdyl Fetah Gėrgjaliu, Fatmir Fetah Gėrgjaliu, Zejnullah Hetem Gėrgjaliu, Mahmut Rashica, Sherif Sfarqa, Skėnder Sfarqa, Hazir Nezir Muli, Asllan Nezir Muli Nuhi Gėrgjaliu, Haki Gėrgjaliu, all from Studime Poshtme. Gjavit Mulaku-Vushtrri, Ekrem Mulaku-Vushtrri, Xhevdet Nysret Gėrgjaliu –Studime e Poshtme, Fatmir Ejup Gėrgjaliu –Studime e Poshtme, Sejdi Hasan Gėrgjaliu –Studime e Poshtme, Ismail Popova, Namon Gėrguri, Enver Gėrguri, Skėnder Gėrguri, Musli Gėrguri, Agim Gėrguri, Ramush Gėrguri, Adnan Bunjaku, Eshref Rashica-Studime e Poshtme, Ali Beqir Hyseni-Vushtrri, Basri Beqir Hyseni, Rrahmon Hyseni-Kaēanoll, Podujevė, Ramadan Hyseni-Kaēanoll, Podujevė, Veli Xhafa, Zymer Pronaj –Stanovc, Kadrush Musa –Bajgorė, Ilaz Musa –Bajgorė, Hysen Bunjaku –Pestovė, Musa Abazi–Vushtrri, Remzi Morina –Okrashticė, Mehdi Avdyl Musliu –Vushtrri, Bajram Isė Muliqi Sfaraēak i Epėrm, Sabri Maxhuni –Novosellė e Maxhunit, Sahit Diku – Samadrexhė-Sfaraēak Driton Maxhuni –Novosellė e Maxhunit, Hysen Qazim Hyseni – Dumnicė e Poshtme, Rrahmon Ademi Novosellė e Begut, Avdi Rrahmon Shala –Okrashticė Visar Xhafa –Sfaraēak, Nazif Xhafa –Bare, Nezir Halim Beqiri –Kaēanoll, Podujevė, Shaban Krasniqi –Sfaraēak i Poshtėm, Gani Muli –Vushtrri, Sylė Ferizi –Ferizaj, Sali hysen Muzaēi – Ferizaj, Enver Sheremet Pronaj –Stanovc, Ferid Kolla -Kollė.

Strong resistance of the freedom fighters in Drenicė (KP)

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Drenicė, May 4th (Kosovapress) During the past week, serbian terrorist forces burnt the village of Kotor, Tėrnavc, Kuqicė and all the house that have not been yet burnt in Prekaz tė Epėrme, Polac and in the villages around Qirez. There was a strong resistance of KLA soldiers in all these villages. We have to stress the strong resistance of the KLA soldiers of the III Battalion of the114 Brigade "Fehmi Lladrovci" in Tėrnavc, Prekaz and in Galice. Here, 17 serbian police soldiers have been killed and many others were wounded.In order to take their cadavers, serbian military executed heavy bombardments. Indignated by this strong resistance, serbian terrorist forces took revenge over the albanian civil population, including women, children and old age people. Only in Prekaz tė Epėrm they`ve killed 14 civilians from the age of 9-83. These are: Arif Latifi (83), Sherif Lata (65), Hajdin Ukshini (63), Ejup Ukshini(45), Qerime Selim Dauti (40), Rifadije Ferat Ferati (25), Sinan Fadil Dauti (9), Eset Maliqi (58), Vesel Maliqi (52), Ferat Latif Maliqi (47), Kajtaz Maliqi (60), Vesel Ferati (62), Hida Kamberi (50) from Galica (mentally sick), Muhamet Shaqir Fazliu (30), Musli Zeqė Fazliu (26). In Klinė tė Mesme, four brothers Hetemi have been killed: Muharremi (75), Hetemi (70), Haliti (68), Sadiku (65),then Vesel Muaharrem Hetemi (50), and Isuf Duraku (20). Another victim in the commune of Skėnderaj joined to this victims, Ferat Hamit Dajaku (55) from Rakinica. The hostages from Kuēica have not been released yet and they are mainly old age people over the age of 60th: Bajram Bajraktari (73), Shaqir Selimi (81), Bajram Selimi (75), Sabri Beka (80), Bajram Beka (62), Elez Beka (60), Rizah Selimi (60), Musah Selimi (75), and a guest from Kopiliq. The bandit game of serbian terrorist approved even in the case when the started to move civil population towards the cross-border with Albanian and they sent them back again in Skenderaj and in Mitrovicė. The confessions of these people are terrible. The young people were hold and beaten during this long journey. Now the civil population is facing with the serious lack of food and medicines and its survival is questioned.

For 12 albanian hostages, serbian policemen are asking 12 000 DM (KP)

Pejė, May 4th (Kosovapress) In the villages of Lugu tė Drinit(Trough of Drini); Ozdrim, Kashicė, Staradran, Prekallė, Trubuhoc, Trestenik, Lutogllavė, Rakosh, Llabjan and Zabllaq, the conditions of the displaced population is very alarming because of the lack of food and medicines. There over than 50.000 inhabitants being concentrated in these regions. After the serbian terrorist burnings and lootings in Nabėrgjan, the population was forced to leave. Serbian police and serbian para militaries are continuing to provoke the inhabitants of these dwellings. The number of the kidnapped people has reached the cipher of 12th. To set them free, serbian terrorist police is asking for 12 000 DM.

Two successful actions, executed by the KLA units of the OZ of Llapi (KP)

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Podjevė, May 4th (Kosovapress) Today, KLA units of the OZ of Llapi have undertaken a counter-attack against serbian criminal forces. Within 24 hours, KLA units of the OZ of Llapi have executed two successful actions. The first one was executed in the road axes Prishtinė-Medvegjė and the other Prishtinė-Podjevė. KLA units of the 151 Brigade of the OZ of Llapi, in their action along the road Prishtinė –Medvegjė, destroyed three serbian military truck full of armament and they`ve killed 6 serbian soldiers.Another truck with ammunition has been confiscated by our soldiers. The serbian cadavers are still in the place where the action took place. The other action was executed by the 151 Brigade unit „Zahir Pajaziti", in the road Prishtinė –Podjevė. KLA unit during this action has killed two serbian soldiers and destroyed a military picgauer.

KLA-opened popular kitchens

Podjevė, May 4th (Kosovapress) The Command of the OZ of Llap, seeing the grave situation of the civil population, has released an order for Units and Brigades of KLA in this zone, to open popular kitchens for civil population. In the territory under control of the 151 Brigade, a such kitchen has already started to work since today. OZ of Llapi is doing everything and is using all their means to help the civil population. But also we must mention here the material and moral support the civil population is giving for the freedom soldiers.

ALBANIAN DOCTOR AND STUDENT ACTIVIST REPORTEDLY DISAPPEARS IN PRISTINA

According to Kosovapress, which is linked to the KLA, Dr. Flora Brovina, a well-known doctor and civil society leader in Kosova, was kidnapped on April 22 in the ward known as Aktash, Pristina. Dr. Brovina was renowned for her humanitarian efforts on behalf of civilians. No further details are available, and the report has not been independently confirmed.

The Humanitarian Law Center in Belgrade issued the following report of Albin Kurti's arrest.

On 28 April 1999, Albin Kurti, the former leader of the Albanian Students Union and spokesman to the former political representative of the KLA, was arrested in Pristina. Adem Demaqi. Albin's father and an official with the Kosova Parliamentary Party, was also arrested at this time, as well as Albin's two brothers, Nazmi Zeka, the owner of the house where the Kurtis were temporarily residing, and Nazmis son. Witnesses claim that the arrest was conducted in an extremely brutal manner. Twenty-four hours later, Albin's fifteen-year old brother and Nazmi Zeka were released; they both had visible signs of beating.

The day before Albin Kurti was arrested, on 27 April 1999, the brother of a prominent soccer player Fadil Vokrri, Adil, was arrested. No information has been available about the destiny of the arrested persons.

On 25 April 1999, Adem Demaqi was taken in for questioning. According to his account, he had been interrogated for two hours in relation to his attitudes towards the solution to the Kosova issue.

There are other developments in Pristina, which cause a feeling of insecurity among the remaining Albanians. The police make rounds visiting homes and compiling lists of Albanians with permanent residence in Pristina and refugees staying with them. A number of Serb shopkeepers refuse to sell their goods to Albanians. There are only a few Albanians in Pristina whose telephone lines have not been cut off.

Report of the Council for the Defense of Human Right and Freedoms- from Mitrovica

Mitrovicė, May 4th (Kosovapress) The humanitarian situation of the 60.000 displaced albanians from Mitrovica is very catastrophic because except the lack of food and water, they are threaten from diseases and there no medicines. On April 26 in the mountain called Shirin near the village of Tėrnavc of Skėnderaj,serbian ēetniks uniformed in military uniforms, with long bears and hairs, have executed 24 young persons who were taken from the column with displaced people on April 25 in Skenderaj. On April 19th, about 16°°o`clock, near the bridge of the river Ibėr, in Koshtovė of Mitrovicės, two serbian ēetniks inhabitant of the village Zubē of Zubinpotokut, took the 80 years old man, Rrustem Hasanin, from Koshtova and they threw him from the bride in the rocks, and they killed him. Among the many executed persons from Mitrovicė are also Sami Sahiti (31), Mehdi Tahiri (19), Fatmir Avdyli (15) and many others. Fadil Avdyl Neziri (25), was badly wounded and he reached to escape even though his hands were tied ed with barbed wire. Together with him was Bedri Muja (40). Among numerous arrested persons are Shaban Gashi, Muhamet Maloku, Nazmi Bunjaku, Xhymjet Bunjaku, Bahri Neziri, Naim Zeqiri, Fatmir Zeqiri, Hazir Myftari, Bajrush Rrahmani, Lulzim Dajaku, Naim Dajaku, Blerim Zejnullahu, Skėnder Muja, Rexhep Sejdiu, Ismet Sejdiu, Mustafė Sejdiu, Fehmi Haziri, Muhamet Haziri, Shefqet Aliu, Nazmi Aliu, Naim Syla, Shesivar Tahiri, Avni Xhafa and many others who are arrested on April 25 in Skenderaj and Shipol. There are no informations about their fate. Whereas in Polac of Skėnderaj, uniformed serbian ēetniks executed: Feriz Ukėn (70), Idriz Ukėn (60), Enver Uka (30), Mursel Uka (18), Xhavit Kabashi (30), two sons of Emin Kabashit, Qerim Kerolli (60) the son of Mursel Ukės 14 years old and Hazir Hoti (50), together with 10 others bur we could not learn their names. Serbian ēetniks, wearing soldiers uniforms and masked, have executed many albanians in the villages of Drenica,without taking in consideration their gender or their age. Only in the village of Kllodernicė, respectively in the so called place "Te ara e Latifit"(Field of Latif), these persons were executed: Rrahim Mulaj (55), Rifat Mulaj (50), Rrustem Mulaj (67), Islam Mulaj (53), Mexhit Mulaj (27), his brother Mustafa (15), Idriz Sejdiu (55), Zeqir Mulaj (55), Murat Topalli (70), Ahmet Dervishi (56), Emine Latifi (70), she was sick; they have burnt her with lights in a tractor trailer. They executed the daughter of Zeqir Mulaj (16), and another 17 years girl and they burnt the old age man Mahmut Mulaj (74), and the 17 years old girl of, Hashim Latifit. From this execution have reached to escape but are badly wounded Ahmet Miftari (60), Ibrahim Miftari (58), Isa Miftari (32), Valon Miftari (16), Ardian Abazi (15), who were in the same executed line with the other persons. We have to mention that these are only a small part of the massacred and killed persons by serbian criminals in the villages of Drenica because it is impossibile to learn all the names of the massacred people. In Mitrovicė, respectively in the ward Bair, Ibėr, Ura e Gjakut, 2 Korriku, Kodra e Minatorėve, Kroi i Vitakut and villages of Suhadoll, Vinalc i Epėrm e i Poshtėm, Gushavc, Koshtovė, Zhabar tė Epėrm, serbian ēetnik and serbian civilians together with gypsies have burnt over than 950 albanian houses. The burnings of albanian houses and albanian villages by serbian bar bars, are still going on.In the streets of Mitrovica serbian police leaded by the ēetnik Ratko Antonijeviq, are executing, beating, arresting many innocent albanians. There also some unconscious albanians who are collaborators with serbian criminals and they are identified and their names are in the office of the CDHRF in Mitrovica. We have to mention that the above mentioned executed persons, have been displaced in the village Kllodernicė, and they`ve been executed on March 27 of this year. The arrested persons in Skėnderaj are also: Xhevat Tahiri (47), Lulzim Magjuni (23), Driton Rushitaj and Kajtaz Sylė Rushiti (45), inhabitants of Mitrovicė .

Argentine Woman Donates $500K to Kosovars (AP)

ROME (AP) -- An Argentine businesswoman has made the largest ever private donation to the World Food Program -- $500, 000 for Kosova refugees, the U.N. agency announced today.

Amalia Lacroze De Fortabat, president of the Loma Negra cement company, said she was moved to make the donation after seeing reports on the hundreds of thousands of ethnic Albanians driven out of their homes in Kosova.

" They arrived in a foreign country with nothing to eat, and it seemed to me that this is what had to be looked after first, especially for the children, " De Fortabat, 72, was quoted as saying by the Rome-based U.N. agency.

More than 675, 000 ethnic-Albanians have fled Kosova since NATO began its air campaign March 24 in a bid to force Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic to accept a peace proposal for the Yugoslav province.

Blair Vows To Defeat Milosevic 'Genocide' (Reuters)

BRUSSELS, Belgium (Reuters) - Britain's prime minister vowed Tuesday that NATO would defeat the ``hideous racial genocide'' of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic as U.S.-Russian talks made no breakthrough and alliance bombers launched more strikes.

Tony Blair, who has emerged as the most hawkish leader in the alliance, said NATO's prolonged air campaign would triumph over Milosevic and that a new Serbia rid of his ``corrupt dictatorship'' could then rejoin the international community.

``I pledge to you now: Milosevic and his hideous racial genocide will be defeated. NATO will prevail,'' Blair said in a speech to the Romanian parliament in Bucharest as alliance warplanes launched a 42nd day of strikes on Serbia.

President Clinton said after talks with Russia's Balkans envoy Monday there could be a pause in the bombing campaign, but only if Milosevic submitted to NATO terms in the Kosova crisis. U.S. officials gave no hint of a breakthrough.

Meanwhile the bombing went on. NATO planes fired at least two missiles Tuesday at a previously hit industrial plant in the western Serbian town of Valjevo, the independent Beta news agency said in Belgrade.

Monday night alliance warplanes hit a television building in northern Serbia and a military airport near Belgrade.

In Brussels, NATO military spokesman Gen. Walter Jertz told a news briefing that operations in the past 24 hours ``have gone extremely well ... it was our most successful military operation against fielded forces in Kosova.''

Belgrade said Tuesday that 1,200 Yugoslavs had been killed so far by NATO bombing and 5,000 seriously injured.

Russian envoy Viktor Chernomyrdin, whose country opposes NATO's strikes, said after meeting Clinton at the White House that a diplomatic solution to the conflict was now closer.

But U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who was due to meet Chernomyrdin later Tuesday, cautioned against expecting any quick diplomatic fix to the crisis.

Diplomatic efforts plodded on, however. Germany announced that foreign ministers of the Group of Seven major industrial powers plus Russia would meet in Bonn Thursday to discuss solutions to the conflict.

Blair's hard-hitting speech in Romania insisted there would be no compromise on NATO's demand, which Milosevic has so far rejected, for an armed international force to go to Serbia's Kosova province to protect returning ethnic Albanian refugees.

Those demands ``must be met,'' he said.

There was similar rhetoric from Gen. Wesley Clark, NATO's Supreme Allied Commander for Europe, who said in Albania that the air campaign ``is proving every day that we are winning and Milosevic is losing.''

NATO spokesman Jamie Shea said in Brussels that the weather over the Balkans had been favorable Monday, allowing NATO planes to carry out several strikes against Yugoslav tanks, artillery and military equipment.

``We also struck 40 fixed targets elsewhere in Yugoslavia. No part of the Yugoslav army was spared,'' Shea said.

In Washington, defense officials said a U.S. Air Force F-16 fighter shot down a Yugoslav MiG-29 jet Monday night after the MiG rose to challenge the American warplane.

NATO also received a boost from Bulgaria, where after a heated debate against a background of pro- and anti-NATO demonstrations, parliament voted Tuesday to let alliance aircraft use Bulgarian airspace to strike at Yugoslavia.

Despite the confident talk from NATO, the allies' reliance on air strikes alone, without use of ground forces, was panned Tuesday by the respected International Institute for Strategic Studies, which said the policy would not work.

``While the operation against Serbia could clearly damage Serbian military power, the value of air power as an instrument to force diplomatic compliance was shown to be limited,'' the think tank said in an annual survey.

The Kosova refugee crisis worsened with thousands more uprooted ethnic Albanians swamping the border crossing to Macedonia, many of them dumped by trains.

``Our intelligence reports say yesterday was one of the worst days for refugees,'' a NATO official said in Brussels. Some new arrivals showed signs of starvation, he added.

The U.N. refugee agency UNHCR said in Geneva it would begin transferring thousands of Kosova refugees from Macedonia to Albania in the next few days as a ``last resort'' to ease overcrowded camps in Macedonia.

In the ongoing air campaign, Serb state television said, two rockets struck the television station in Novi Sad, causing extensive damage but no injuries as the building was empty.

Belgrade residents reported attacks Monday evening to the west of the city around Batajnica, site of a military airport hit repeatedly by NATO since raids began on March 24.

NATO denied that its planes had attacked a bus in western Kosova Monday, killing 17 civilians, as reported by Serb media. Officials in Brussels hinted that ethnic Albanian guerrillas in Kosova might have carried out the attack.

Serbia's electricity authority said power supplies were again disrupted across the country Tuesday, apparently caused by problems at a huge power plant on the Danube river.

Supplies had been returning to normal after 70 percent of the country was blacked out Sunday night by what NATO called special bombs that short-circuited electrical equipment.

Treating the Thousands With Sympathy and Aspirin (NY Times)

By ANTHONY DePALMA

KUKES, Albania -- The butt end of a Serbian rifle left the refugee's eyes swollen shut. In a crowded storage closet that is now his examining room, Dr. James Desmoore found that the man was bleeding from the gash on the bridge of his nose, and that his cheek, his forehead and perhaps the back of his skull had probably been fractured by the beating.

Above the noise and confusion caused by the 10 refugees who had helped the man walk the last five miles to the border, and who had then brought him to the examining room, Desmoore knew he needed X-rays, some tranquilizers and a hospital bed.

All he could do, however, was clean the wounds and give the man aspirin.

"It's frustrating," Desmoore said as the man lay on the examining table, "because we can't do what we know we should do."

Lack of medicine, scarcity of equipment, resistance from local doctors and an unending stream of needy refugees combine to make this refugee frontier a test of humanitarian resolve and medical ingenuity.

With perhaps 100,000 desperate refugees in and around this crumbling city, just 10 miles from the Yugoslav border in Albania's remote north, providing even the most basic medical attention has become a pressing and almost unmeetable need.

Desmoore and about 30 other doctors from half a dozen relief organizations here know they are tiptoeing around the edge of a catastrophe as they try to treat the worst cases with the bare minimum of supplies that have arrived here so far.

They are thankful for small blessings, like the continued cold temperatures that have suppressed the breeding of flies and mosquitoes and thus prevented epidemics that are spread by insects. But the chilly dampness has also led to an outbreak of respiratory infections that can easily turn into pneumonia.

The doctors see scabies, and broken bones, and shrapnel wounds. But worst of all, they say, are the lingering effects of the violence and hatred of this particular war.

"The kids won't talk, the old people can't sleep, nobody can eat," said Desmoore, who previously volunteered to work in other refugee crises, including Rwanda. "I've never seen people this traumatized by war."

The local people call Desmoore, who is originally from Decatur, Ala., Dr. Jim, and while language is something of a barrier in his examining room, they entrust themselves to the hulking American, who does not wear a traditional white coat because there is none here to fit him.

Skender Vehapi brought his 6-year-old son, Mentor, to Desmoore because he was listless and weak, coughing so hard that his face turned red and he refused to eat. They had spent nearly a week on the road after being driven from their homes in Zatric, in southwest Kosova.

After examining the boy, Desmoore said that he had a fever and the flu, but that what was really causing his condition was the trauma of what he had been through. This suppressed his appetite, making him weak and susceptible to infection.

But Desmoore has no sedatives or tranquilizers to calm these terrorized people so they can sleep, or eat without vomiting.

After his son was examined, Vehapi reluctantly asked the doctor to check him, too. He was also run down, and had tonsillitis and other infections. Desmoore prescribed antibiotics, which were supplied by a pharmacy in the clinic, and told the man to take tea with lemon.

Vehapi thanked the doctor and left. Outside, he said he did not have money to buy tea.

Nearly 400,000 refugees have entered Albania from Kosova, most of them passing through or settling temporarily in this city. Slowly, a medical infrastructure has emerged. Organizations like Doctors Without Borders, Doctors of the World, the Red Cross, the United Nations and the International Medical Corps are here, and Unicef is to bring in about 70 doctors and medical assistants.

The teams have been helping refugees in camps and the unofficial refugee centers established by the refugees themselves in whatever flat, open area they could find.

"The situation is quite stable now," said Francis Tyler, program coordinator for the International Medical Corps, an organization of doctors that has its headquarters in Los Angeles. "But there still are a lot of special cases."

In particular, he said, it has been difficult to provide specialized medicine for those with chronic diseases. One family came to Desmoore in search of medicine for an inhaler used by a woman with asthma. It was not available, but Desmoore and the Kosovar pharmacist working at the Kukes clinic devised a substitute using three medicines.

Another problem is that the rebel Kosova Liberation Army, which has a recruitment and training camp here, sometimes comes in and demands medical supplies. "They have guns," Desmoore said, "so we give them what they want."

Some medical supplies sent to Albania have been held up or confiscated by customs officers. In some instances, relief organizations have had to pay outlandish sums to rescue the supplies. In other cases, the medicine just disappears, probably to resurface on the black market.

Even a big step forward does not always bring the clinic any closer to easing the problems. A British charity recently delivered a complete mobile surgical unit with sophisticated examining equipment. But it sits unused because it is powered by a portable generator that runs on unleaded gasoline, which is not sold in Albania.

Desmoore has spent his entire career working with underprivileged people, first with the Peace Corps and later with other organizations. Part Scot and part Cherokee, Desmoore is a Vietnam veteran who admits he just does not fit into the American medical establishment. He keeps his long hair in a tight pony tail and carries around a bag of colored candy that he uses to calm the children he treats.

Desmoore, 47, showed up in Albania last month from Egypt, where he now lives and works with an organization called Sinai Support Systems. The group provides medical care for desert Bedouins, and veterinary care for their camels.

When they arrived in Albania, Desmoore and two medical assistants, Lars Anderson and Chris Donovan, were carrying about 240 pounds of medical supplies in their backpacks, which they had decided to deliver themselves.

Desmoore volunteered to work and was immediately assigned to examine and treat people as soon as they crossed the border. He saw thousands of refugees, including the survivors of a family whose car ran over an anti-tank mine at the border.

When the flow slowed this week, Desmoore was asked by the International Medical Corps to set up an examining room in an Albanian clinic that could serve all the refugees.

"When we got here, this place was just filled with junk that we had to shovel out," he said. An examining table and a desk were brought in, and a sparsely filled medicine cabinet.

On a recent day, he arrived shortly after 8 a.m. to find the hallway dark because light bulbs had been stolen. The sink was overflowing.

During the course of 10 hours, during which the rain and the clamor never stopped, 163 refugees came to Desmoore's tiny office. By the end of the day, one bulb had been replaced,

"All in all, a light day," he said, "comparatively speaking."

Albanian Civil Society Survives Amidst the Carnage

By Teresa Crawford

In March of 1998, six Americans traveled to Pristina, Kosova at the invitation of the Independent Student Union of the University of Prishtina (USUP). I was part of that group. Our mission was to work with the students in their efforts to expand and extend their active nonviolent campaign. In the course of our stay, we met with ethnic Albanians and Serbs of Kosova, and began to develop a picture of their life in the province. After almost two weeks, we were arrested by Serbian authorities for failing to register with the police. We were tried, and then sentenced to ten days in prison. We were pardoned by President Milan Milutinovic after serving three days and were deported to Skopje, Macedonia.

For me, the worst part of the experience was not being able to say goodbye. Upon our release, I was picked up from my prison in Lipjan, about 13 km outside Pristina. Lipjan is on the way to the Macedonian border. The men had already been collected from their prison in Pristina. We were driven to the border, given back our passports, with stamps inside forbidding re-entry for three years, and told to walk across no man's land to the Macedonian side. The people we met and the family we stayed with had opened their hearts and their homes to us. I did not get to say goodbye.

I have strong memories of our all-too-brief stay. I have never had that much Turkish tea or coffee to drink in my entire life. We went from house to house, hearing story after story of the parallel society that had been created by ethnic Albanians. This involved ingenuity and creativity. The methods they used to survive did not happen in a vacuum. Kosovar Serbs employed many methods to survive in Kosova also. I remember a Kosovar Serb restaurant owner -- a former Communist party official who had been fired from his job for speaking out when Belgrade revoked KosovaÕs authority in 1989. He opened a restaurant and employed people from all ethnic groups and used this as a legitimate front to smuggle gasoline, which he sold on the black market. Or the Kosovar Albanian professor in the technical faculty at the "parallel university," who devised a double-booking system of accounting which allowed Albanian businesses to hide their true assets from the Belgrade authorities, and so avoid taxation. Belgrade had levied steep taxes and fines on the Albanians when they declared an "independent" government in Kosova, and the businesses were also paying taxes to the LDK (Democratic League of Kosova) to sustain the parallel institutions. So anything that kept their real assets hidden helped to support their parallel state.

What they were able to accomplish individually was matched by what they were able to achieve collectively. The parallel political, medical and education systems were supposed to be temporary: an interim step to a political solution. But for ten years they served the needs of approximately 2 million people. This figure does not include those Kosovar Serb and Roma who received help from some of these parallel organizations. (for an expanded article on some of these structures, see Prof. Julie Mertus, Remembering Kosova, http://www.law.onu.edu/organizations/international/Kosovo.htm)

These autonomous structures were developed by ordinary people, even if they were funded, in large part, by the Diaspora community. It meant that Kosovars began to see themselves in a democratic political environment. This helped to change the demands for a restoration of autonomy into one of independence. It was a crucial shift, although Ibrahim RugovaÕs passive non-violence was receiving much more attention -- and praise -- internationally. The crackdown against the Kosova Liberation Army (KLA) in Drenica in early March was another catalyst. It served up images of dead women and children, and prompted many in the cities to affirm that they, too. were KLA.

The province of Kosova has always been a contentious space within the Yugoslav federation. Kosova was an autonomous province under the Yugoslav Constitution of 1974, and it differed from the other provinces of Yugoslavia in that it could not secede from the state. During the late 1970Õs, demographic changes continued a trend that began in the decade following World War II. The ratio of Albanians to Serbs in Kosova has gone from approximately 6 to 4 following World War II, to todayÕs ratio of 9 to 1. During the 1970Õs and 80Õs, Serbs submitted many concerns to the federal government about their safety amidst a growing Albanian population. In 1981, a series of large Albanian demonstrations against the Yugoslav government encompassed the entire Albanian community and made demands such as greater autonomy and better living conditions for Kosova. The Yugoslav government reacted to these demonstrations with violence and heightened security measures. Meanwhile, Serb grievances to the federal government continued in the 1980Õs, until present-day Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic finally embraced their concerns in 1987. Milosevic was the first politician from Belgrade to acknowledge Serb grievances since the 1960Õs. He addressed their concerns by revoking the autonomy of Kosova, a move met by support from most politicians in Belgrade. During and after the war in Bosnia he began to move in Serbian refugees from the Krajina, many against their will, to Kosova in an attempt to reverse the ethnic make-up of the region.

Of the six of us arrested last year in Kosova all have continued our work on behalf of the Kosovars and somehow stayed connected to the region. Peter Lippman is writing for The Advocacy Project in Bosnia. His series of profiles on returning refugees will start going out to subscribers within the next few days.

As for me, I have been moderating the Kosova Action Network distribution list, KAN-L on the <www.alb-net.com> server. This has meant that I get to see many emails about Kosova, and people have been sending me fascinating notes about work they are doing or questions they need help answering. Whether it is "Shani" in San Francisco telling me about a Roma group in Skopje, or "Tova" telling me about a trip for Crabgrass, these messages display a deep commitment to a free Kosova and an understanding of what it will take to achieve that. They also demonstrate that the spirit and courage which created that parallel society in Kosova is still alive and well in the new Albanian Diaspora, and even the refugee camps. It has not been destroyed, in spite of the brutal events of the last month.

We are learning of women helping other women. There is the woman who was blocked at the border for 24 hours before being able to leave Kosova. Once in Macedonia, she contacted the local Macedonian Albanian Women's Organization. Within days, they had a clinic open. There are the two women from the United States, who rescued another woman's 84-year-old mother-in-law from the camps and paid for the rent of a clinic with money collected in the United States. There is the group of former women journalists who are organizing to go out and interview refugees in private homes in the south of Macedonia, and sell their stories to news services to avoid becoming dependent.

There is the man in Tirana who is helping women organize within the National Albanian Farmers Union. There is the 24-year-old Albanian-American woman who (with her father) has started the "Kosova Humanitarian Aid Organization" and is sending two teams to Macedonia and Albania to distribute aid and register the names of refugees a database. Then there is "Women 4 Women," an organization that originally started working with women in Bosnia, and is now opening an office in Tirana.

The Advocacy Project has decided to start issuing excerpts of this email traffic to our subscribers in the form of our Electronic newsletter (E-letter), On the Record. The Advocacy Project was established last year to help civil society with information. This, combined with the personal involvement of two of our members in Kosova, makes this entirely consistent with our work. We hope you agree. This first issue starts with the disturbing news that Dr. Flora Brovina, a well known female activist in Kosova, has been kidnapped from the apartment where she lived in Pristina and Albin Kurti, former leader of UPSUP and former secretary of Adem Demaci, was arrested in Pristina along with his father and two younger brothers -- proof of the terror that has been wrought against civil society in Kosova. But it also illustrates the dynamism and determination of Albanian Kosova. One can only be both inspired and appalled by what is taking place in the Balkans.

The first issues will focus on civil society in the regions most affected by the influx of large numbers of refugees. The coverage will gradually be extended to areas, which have received less coverage in the mainstream media, such as Montenegro, Bosnia, Turkey, and other countries that have accepted refugees over the last year. We have also received reports of the work of civil society within Serbia and Montenegro itself. To the extent possible, we will also feature their reports, although there is a risk that too much publicity could make them more vulnerable to repression. They could be in acute danger if Milosevic is still in power once this conflict ends.

Among the subjects to be covered: Albanian Civil Society; Macedonian Civil Society; Kosovar Civil Society reconstructed; Refugee centers in Montenegro, Bosnia, and Turkey; Serbian Civil Society; the response of international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) (this will include supporters like the Platform for Kosova, KHAO, Balkan Sunflowers, and the nongovernmental aid agencies that are members of the International Council of Voluntary Agencies (ICVA), a partner of The Advocacy Project); the international community (UNHCR, other UN agencies, NATO, and the OSCE); Women and children; the plight of the Roma; and possibilities for using the new information Technology.

Teresa Crawford is a founding member of The Advocacy Project. She was among a group of peaceworkers arrested in Kosova, by the Serbian authorities in the spring of 1998. To subscribe send an email to: majordomo@lists.advocacynet.org with the words (in the message body):
subscribe kosovo